International Journal of Rural Management

http://irm.sagepub.com Dalits Access to Water: Patterns of Deprivation and Discrimination

Rakesh Tiwary and Sanjiv J. Phansalkar International Journal of Rural Management 2007; 3; 43 DOI: 10.1177/097300520700300103 The online version of this article can be found at: http://irm.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/3/1/43

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International Journal of Rural Management, 3(1), 2007: 4367 SAGE Publications Los Angeles/London/New Delhi/Singapore DOI: 10.1177/097300520700300103

DALITS ACCESS TO WATER: PATTERNS OF DEPRIVATION AND DISCRIMINATION

Rakesh Tiwary Sanjiv J. Phansalkar

Dalits or Scheduled Castes (SCs) of India still face multiple deprivation and discrimination with regard to access to natural resources. These disabilities are most pronounced with regard to access to water. In rural India, access to an imperative resource like water shows differential pattern across regions, where poverty, physical separation of hamlets, ideas of purity and pollution, poor access to government welfare programmes, discrimination in access to public water bodies and structures and so on play a critical role. The article focuses on probing current status of deprivation and discrimination of dalits access to water for domestic use across various states with the help of selected indicators, which can reveal this complex phenomenon. As the study covered different ecological zones, it also explores a relatively less studied domainlinkages of water scarcity and dalits discrimination and deprivation. The findings from the survey show variable expressions of these features in different regions and specific socio-cultural contexts, revealing sociological nature of water in rural India.

INTRODUCTION
Dalit is a term of Hindi language, which has multiple connotations. A close English word can be the oppressed. However, in the Indian context this word has social, economic, cultural as well as political facets. The term forms a part of

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the social organization prevalent in India since ages. It refers to a group of communities, members of which traditionally have been socially backward, economically poor and politically weak. They belong to caste groups who live in caste villages in different demographic compositions across the country. They are also referred to as Harijans. In post-independence period, a separate constitutional category of various caste groups was created which were considered dalits in different parts of India. They are called Scheduled Castes (SCs). Dalits or SCs face multiple deprivation and discrimination, particularly with regard to access to natural resources. The disabilities are most pronounced in the domain of access to water, particularly domestic use of water.

DALITS AND ACCESS TO DOMESTIC WATER

Domestic water refers to water required mainly for drinking and bathing purposes. Clean and adequate drinking water availability is essential for physical wellbeing. Though domestic water use does not have a direct economic role, it is critical for health and well-being. In rural India, access to water for such uses also shows differential pattern across different social groups where poverty, physical separation of hamlets, poor access to government welfare programmes, discrimination in access to public water bodies and structures play a critical role. At many places socio-cultural rules play a much greater role than natural availability of water. Caste identities strongly affect daily interactions in India, as they have significant impact on how socially marginalized groups such as dalits (SCs) access basic necessities. Issue of dalits access to water for domestic use represents a bundle of discreet yet interrelated sub-issues, which need to be understood. Some are discussed hereafter.

Nature of source
Dalits water sources for domestic use show two major trends. First, there is large dependence on common source, and, second, it is outside the premises. The compulsions of poverty do not allow them to own a source of drinking water. Dalit families cannot solely depend on one principal source for drinking and other domestic purposes. They use various common sources to fulfil their needs. They depend on multiple sources in different parts of the year, which increases their vulnerability to discrimination. Village water sources are, in many cases, forbidden to dalits for domestic purposes. Priority of use by upper caste groups over village water resources is an undeclared rule in Indian villages.

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Principal and supplementary sources are largely away from main premises.1 Dalits usually live in segregated dwelling units in Indian villages and often have separate wells from which they access water. Many dalit households have to depend on unclean sources like ponds and rivers, even for drinking water.

Distance from the water source

Distance from the water source is one of the most important characteristics of access to water as well as quality of water supply. Water needs to be available as and when required, and those who have to travel a few 100 metres are likely to get less of it; which in turn influences consumption pattern and hygiene practices. Various arms of the government consider that at least 40 litres per capita per day (lpcd) of water should be available at less than 1.6 km of every household. This roughly translates into maximum 30 minutes of walking time carrying three buckets one way. Of course, most households have to travel much less. But even those households who have access to water source at less than 500 metres have to spend time collecting it, which many can ill afford. Though the principal source may be close by, the supplementary sources (usually in summer time) are dispersed. Sometimes family members have to travel far to fetch water.

WATER AND UNTOUCHABILITY

Access to water for domestic use is one critical sector where dalits face multiple discrimination and deprivation. Besides the problem of availability of an assured source of water for domestic purposes, there is the specific issue of untouchability involved with majority of caste groups among dalits. This second issue is about access to sources of water by right, without being subjected to insult or humiliation. Many caste groups among dalits are considered untouchables, that is, their physical proximity or touch can defile the natural resource, thus it becomes unfit for consumption by upper castes. The source of water may be a well, pond, river, stream or a water stand connected to the water works. This cultural rule was practiced strictly in various parts of the country. Though the intensity and occurrence of untouchability has declined, it is still practiced. (Article 17 of the Indian Constitution prohibits untouchability as illegal and a crime, subject to punishment.) Drinking water has been the most critical domain of the practice of untouchability.2 In villages that had a common source, priority was given to upper castes. Untouchability is also practiced at the common sources. In several instances, Dalits were prohibited from having direct access to community sources, an upper

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caste person would collect water from the source and fill the dalits utensil without touching him/her (Indian Council for Social Science Research [ICSSR] 1973). In fact, upper caste people practice two possible ways of protecting their water sources. First, they would not allow the untouchables to touch their water sources. They would draw water and pour it into the pots of the untouchables, which would be kept away from the water source. The other possible arrangement could be separate queue for dalits and upper castes, special time allocated and so on. Dalits would not be allowed to take as much water as they wanted. Many of the restrictions would be followed by fear of an unwritten rule that violation might bring disapproval of varying degree. Various studies done in recent past show prevalence of caste-based discrimination over access to water. One study has been conducted about caste, occupation and labour market discrimination (an International Labour Organization Project) in Orissa, Maharashtra and Gujarat (Thorat et al. 2005). This study was conducted in three villagesone village from each stateand purposive sampling was done. Only dalit households were selected and asked questions related to discriminations. Since the SC households live in a separate locality, they often have their own public common well or tap. In such cases, since the SC members do not use the high caste well or tap, the issue of discriminatory treatment does not arise. It is only in situations where either the village has a common well for the combined use of both, high and low caste. Alternately, the low castes occasionally are required to use well or tap belonging to high castes, for example, at times when their wells or taps ran out of water supply during some period (the latter would often happen during dry or rainy season) that high caste would behave in a discriminatory manner. In all the three villages, there is a common village well or tap and this is mainly used by high-caste households. The SCs have a separate source in their locality and it is only in certain situations that they would like to make use of the common well or tap in the village. The question was asked whether in such eventuality the SCs face discrimination or not? If yes, what type of behaviour did they face? About 67 per cent respondents mentioned that in such eventuality the SCs did not face any discrimination. But remaining 33 per cent said that the high caste did not allow the low caste to share the common water facility. The percentage of those reporting denial by high caste is high in Gujarat (68 per cent) and in Orissa (66 per cent). It is however absent in the Maharashtra village. A study was conducted in 1971 based on a survey of 69 villages. A repeat survey of these villages was done in 1996 to see changes in the practice of untouchability. In 1971, 44 villages had separate water facility for the SCs near their localities. In the remaining 25 villages in which the untouchables took water from

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the common source, untouchability was practiced in 61 per cent of the villages (Shah 1998). Parvathamma did a study in Karnataka in 197374, as quoted by Thorat (2002). The study, based on a fairly large sample of 76 villages, showed that of the total households, 73 per cent were untouchables. Little more than half of the untouchable respondents were not allowed to draw water from the public well in the village.

DALIT WOMEN AND WATER

Unfortunately, dalit women as a sub category face cumulative discrimination and deprivation in Indian caste villages. In dalit households, women are entrusted with the job of collecting water for domestic consumption. Due to lack of assured potable sources of water, they have to collect water from distant places. Sometimes it requires four to five hours in a day, consuming major part of their productive hours. Even though they are allowed to use the common source of drinking water, they may be asked to make separate queues or wait till upper caste women collect their share of water. They are subjected to various forms of discrimination and hardships like cleaning the source after use, waiting for others to draw water and so on. Gujarats case discussed earlier (Shah 1998) reports that in most villages where dalits do not have their own source, SC women take water after the upper caste women, or their tap or position at the common well is separately marked. In seven villages (11 per cent of the sample villages), the SC women are not allowed to fetch water from the well. They have to wait till the upper caste women pour water into their pots. The upper caste women shout at them and constantly humiliate them by saying: Keep your distance, do not pollute (Thorat 2002).

WATER SCARCITY AND DALITS

The SC groups are found across the country; they inhabit different ecological zones having distinct patterns of rainfall and temperature conditions. In India, both regional and seasonal water scarcity is experienced. Some regions fall in low rainfall zones (Rajasthan, Telangana, Vidarbha and Rayalseema) where water scarcity conditions are acute. Tropical monsoon climate prevalent in India creates long hot dry spells when there is no or meagre rainfall. In such conditions, not only surface water bodies dry up, even groundwater levels decline. This has direct impact on availability of water for domestic use. Dalits, as a social and economic category, are much more vulnerable to water scarcity conditions. Their sources of water are more unreliable and subject to INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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unavailability during dry periods. Their difficulties get compounded because they have lesser abilities to adapt to water scarcity conditions. The deprivation of access to water is intensified in water scarce situations (regional or seasonal). Due to lesser abilities to adapt to scarcity, the impacts of ecological stress are larger and more diversified among dalits. In villages where caste discriminations are acute, dalits cannot depend on common sources during water scarcity conditions. In many water scarce regions, government makes provisions for tanker water for drinking purposes. It needs to be investigated how many of these benefits reach dalits. In Indian villages, access to scarce natural resource is not only unequal, they are also subjected to socio-political dynamics of the village.

INTERNATIONAL WATER MANAGEMENT INSTITUTE (IWMI)-TATA WATER POLICY PROGRAM MULTI-LOCATION STUDY
This study, which is part of innovative research tool multi-location study aims to assess the discrimination and deprivation of dalits vis--vis a critical natural resource, that is, water for domestic purposes across the country. Various indicators have been attempted to show the discrimination and deprivation of dalits regarding water. The study covered different ecological zones; thus, it was able to capture a relatively less studied domain, that is, linkages of water scarcity and dalits discrimination and deprivation. Besides, the study explores specific disabilities like hardships faced by dalit women, discrimination at public places and so on.

Objectives
The multi-location study aims to find out the current situation of dalits regarding water access. It studies what kind of water scarcity conditions are faced by them regarding access to water for domestic as well productive uses? What are their coping mechanisms? What deprivations and discriminations are faced by dalits in this process? And, most importantly, what are different expressions of these features in different natural regions and specific socio-cultural contexts?

Data gathering instrument and sample

This research is amenable to multi-location investigation, essentially in caste villages in different parts of the country. The data was gathered by local partners (site custodians). These sites fall in different ecological zones to capture water

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access situation of dalits in different climate conditions. Currently, micro-level studies regarding dalits discrimination over access of water is available. A multilocation study covering different ecological zones will provide a regional assessment at national level of a critical social phenomenon. This research has followed essentially a questionnaire-based survey method. A common questionnaire has been administered across 10 sites of India. The Gujarat site survey was administered by IWMI Tata Water Policy Program, Anand, Gujarat. The questionnaire has two parts: household part and common village part. Household part has been administered to 50 or more households in each site. The second part, that is village part has been administered for different villages covered where information regarding discrimination was gathered. The households chosen are of SC persons of respective sites.3 The study was undertaken across eight sites in seven states (Table1). The data was largely collected from one district of respective sites, thus they are representative in nature. The authors fully acknowledge the fact that situation might vary within states. Here, the article presents findings from primary survey-based data for eight sites, namely sites from Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh (UP), Madhya Pradesh (MP), Rajasthan (Dausa and Bhilwara Districts), Gujarat and Karnataka for domestic water-related issues. Besides quantitative data, location-specific rich qualitative information was collected.

Nature of principal source

Dalit households depend largely on common sources. The multi-location study reveals that the site in Bengal has highest dependence on common source (100 per cent). Figure 1 shows that MP and Rajasthan (Dausa) sites also have almost complete dependence on common sources. These sites have much higher incidence than national average. NSSO 58th Round shows that on average 75 per cent SC households depend on common sources. UP and Bihar sites show better condition where about 50 per cent households have to depend on common source.4 Dependence on common source reflects widespread deprivation and hardships. The principal sources are many times outside the premises, which further increases hardships of dalits. Each time they have to travel some distance to fetch water. Water sources inside the premises show higher reliability. In Bihar, Bengal and MP sites, the principal source is mostly outside the premises, as shown in Figure 2. Many times it is also due to cultural preferences. Households in some sites also preferred their hand pumps to be located outside the premises.

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Table 1 Dalits and Water : IWMI-Tata Multi-location Study Sites

RAKESH TIWARY

States

Sites

Village No.

Village Name

No. of Households

AND

West Bengal Bihar Uttar Pradesh Madhya Pradesh Rajasthan Rajasthan 11

Bardhaman East Champaran Barabanki Shajapur Bhilwara Dausa

3 3 4 5 3 5

50 90 70 90 60 60

Gujarat

Kheda

SANJIV J. PHANSALKAR

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Ausgram, Karatia, Ban-Nabagram Govindapur, Salempur, Tikaita Milan ka purwa, Salpur, Pure Vilan, Gosiyamau Bhanpura, Dehridev, Salri, Jagatpura, Rojani Barundani, Semlat, Sanjadi ka badia Chainapura, Binawala, Bhampura, Hingotiya, Nangal govind Anklavadi, Akhlacha, Tadapura, Rajpura, Vadinath pura, Sorna, Raniya, Marghabi, Jorapura, Vadol, Khanpur Doni, Ranthur, Hirewadati, Kadkol 80 60 HHs-560

Karnataka States-7

Gadag Sites-8

4 Villages-38

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Figure 1 Nature of Principal Source of Domestic Water

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Figure 2 Nature of Principal Source-location

However, the feature is largely indicator of dependence of more than one household on one source. At the Bengal site, there is great dependence on common source in the dalit hamlets. There is lesser requirement for hand pumps here; on an average, one for every 2025 households.

Water storage
SC households largely depend on the common source. They store water on a daily basis, depending on the labour for fetching the water. The water is stored in buckets, large cans, pitchers, and so on. Across all sites, dalit households showed very small water storage per person. As shown in Figure 3, average water storage

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Figure 3 Household Average Water Storage

is largely less than 10 litres per person. The prescribed limit for adequate water requirement is about 40 litres per person per day. On one hand, it can be an indicator of less assured water availability, while on the other hand it shows higher vulnerability of the dalit households to water scarcity conditions. Since they largely depend on the common source, any disruption of availability from the principal source will immediately create problems of water availability for domestic use.

Water requirement and availability

In response to questions about the amount of water required for one person per day to meet the needs of drinking and bathing, and how much of it is available, some interesting facts came out. Almost all sites responded that they require about 36 litres per person per day for drinking purposes. They get the required amount of water for drinking. In fact, the adequacy of water hides the manner in which water is managed from various sources. The source can be common, distant, polluted, and so on. In UP and Bihar sites, where the proportion of own sources is higher, water can be managed adequately. But in other sites, dalits might have to face various hardships. Regarding water requirement for bathing, except for sites from Bengal and Gujarat, average figure per person is less than 30 litres per day. Even this amount is not adequately met in sites of MP, Rajasthan (Dausa) and North Karnataka (Figure 4). The site custodian from INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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Figure 4 Water Requirement and Availability-average per Person Daily (in litres)

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UP reported that there is a culture of not taking regular baths, or dalit households usually dry clean their utensils with ash. This trend has roots in lesser or unassured supply of water.

Distance of principal source

As mentioned earlier, most dalits depend on common sources. Their principal source is outside the premises. Dalit households compensate the lack of ownership of own reliable source through labour. Investing considerable time in collecting water from different sources is part of their daily life. To get an idea about the hardships they have to face, we need to know the average distance they have to cover to get water from the principal source (outside premises). About 80 per cent households from Bihar site get water within 20 metres distance. As shown in Figure 5, at Rajasthan (Bhilwara) and Bengal sites, about 60 per cent households get water from their principal source within 20 to 100 meters. At MP, Rajasthan (Dausa) and UP sites, about 30 per cent households get water from 100 to 500 meters. In MP site, 30 per cent households get water from the principal source (outside premises), which is more than 500 metres away. These situations clearly indicate input of labour and unassured supply conditions that dalit households experience. Table 2 shows data from the National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO). The drinking water source is considered within the premises, if it is located within the house or its premises. Only about 13 per cent of SC households have source of drinking water within their dwelling units. For non-SCs, this figure is double. This shows stark inequality in access to drinking water. There INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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Table 2 Percentage Distribution of Rural Households by Social Groups and Distance from Source of Drinking Water Outside Dwelling but within Premises 14.5 15.1 20.6 22.5 Distance in Metres Greater 200 to 500 to than 500 1000 1000 19.1 8.7 7.6 1.6 3.2 1.5 1.6 1.7 0.5 0.3 0.8 0.8

Social Group ST SC OBC Other Forward Castes All

Within Dwelling 6.1 13.9 18.5 25.3

Less than 200 56.5 60.4 50.4 41.7

Total 100 100 100 100

18.0

19.2

50.9

9.0

1.8

0.7

100

Source: NSSO 58th Round. Figure 5 Average Distance of Principal Source of Water for Domestic Use (Outside Premises)
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are 61 per cent of SC households that need to travel up to 200 metres to collect drinking water. Nine per cent of rural SC households need to travel up to 200 to 500 metres, while only 1 per cent of non-SC households have to face this hardship to collect drinking water.

Dependence upon supplementary sources

Higher dependence on the common and outside source has one another facet, which is multiplicity of water sources. Dalit households depend on more than INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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one source for water needs. This dependence can be due to occasional failure or malfunctioning of principal source as well seasonal scarcity, where households have to depend on different source(s) in the summer rather than their usual principal source. Dependence on multiple sources not only reflects hardships and vulnerability to water scarcity, but also higher chances of discrimination. The data gathered from the multi-location study reveal that on an average, dalit households depend on more than one supplementary source besides their principal source. Bengal, Bhilwara and Bihar sites show dependence on two or close to two supplementary (average number) sources for their domestic water needs (Figure 6). In dalit hamlets of Bengal, the gram Panchayat has installed hand pumps (on an average one hand pump for 20 households). So, when the nearby hand pump goes out of order, which happens frequently due to overuse, the dalits have to frequent the upper caste area to collect water for drinking and domestic purposes, but there they cannot wash their utensils or clothes, or brush their teeth, and have to carry water a long way for all these purposes. The households have to face more hardships to get water from the supplementary sources. In most of the sites, as shown in Figure 7, higher percentage of households have to travel more than 500 meters. At sites in Bengal, MP and Rajasthan (Dausa), about 70 per cent dalit households travel more than 500 meters to get water from supplementary sources. In Gujarat and Karnataka sites, about 40 per cent households have to bear this hardship. The site custodian from Dausa reported that for dalits, irrigation wells of upper castes are the supplementary sources. In periods of scarcity, they depend on river water as the first supplementary source for domestic use, including drinking.
Figure 6 Average Number of Supplementary Sources used by HHS for Domestic Uses

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Figure 7 Average Distance Covered to Reach Supplementary Sources (Metres)

Time spent by dalit women to collect water for domestic use

Usually, female members of the family undertake the task of managing water for domestic use. In response to a question that how much time a women invests in managing water for domestic use, the following information was gathered. About 75 per cent households from the MP site said that more than four hours are spent by one woman from a household to manage domestic water. At the Gujarat site, about 75 per cent households responded that they need to put in to two hours daily to manage water. And, in the Bengal and Bihar sites, about 45 per cent households fall under this category. As shown in Figure 8, about 80 per cent households from Bengal and Bihar site spend one hour on an average per day to manage water. Very few households responded across sites that they dont have to put in extra effort to manage water for domestic use. The time taken by women to gather water has multiple facets. It not only reflects the physical hardship that they have to bear, but also several other discriminations at the common source or otherwise. The Bengal site report says that dalit women have to fetch water from the common source where general caste people also get water. Dalit women have to wait till the upper caste person has finished. Second, they have to clean the hand pump after they have collected the water. Though male respondents underplayed the hardships and discrimination that dalit households have to undergo, the author was told by female members of the INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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Figure 8 Average Time Given per day by Woman from Households to Collect Water

dalit community at the Gujarat site that women are subjected to more domestic water-related discrimination, since it is largely they who have to manage water.

Discrimination at common source

The survey tried to assess current water-related discrimination at a common source. Large percentage of households across sites (except UP and Bihar site) said that they take water for domestic use from common sources. At UP and Bihar sites, about 50 per cent households take water from the common source. In Bengal, MP, Rajasthan (Dausa and Bhilwara Districts), Gujarat and Karnataka, almost 100 per cent households fall under this category (Figure 9) .The startling fact emerges that still widespread discriminations are followed at the common source. However, their expression varies over different sites. Lesser untouchability-related discrimination was reported from UP and Bihar sites. Site partners reported that political awareness in recent decades and proliferation of own source at household level, or larger number of hand pumps at hamlet level, has led to decline in untouchability. In MP, 100 per cent households said that they have to wait at the common source and priority is given to upper caste people. Similar discrimination was reported from Rajasthan (Dausa and Bhilwara), Gujarat and Karnataka, where about 30 per cent households reported such discrimination. Other major form of discrimination, which is related to untouchability, has been reported by 42 per cent households of Karnataka and 32 per cent of Gujarat site, where they reported that they are not supposed to directly take water from the common source and someone else fills their bucket.5 At the MP site, 98 per cent households reported that there are separate queues INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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Figure 9 Households Using Common Source for Domestic Use

for dalits. Rajasthan (Dausa) site and North Karnataka site also reported high incidence (about 30 per cent) of such discrimination. Separate time is allocated for dalits at common source at Dausa and Karnataka sites, where 33 per cent and 22 per cent households reported such discrimination, respectively. About 49 per cent dalit households said that they can collect as much water as they want from the common source; it reveals that there are restrictions over amount of water they can collect from the common source. As shown in Figure 10, about 40 per cent households from MP and Gujarat site reported that they are not allowed to collect as much as they want from the common source. The discrimination has also been reported from Rajasthan (Bhilwara) and Karnataka sites.
Figure 10 Discrimination at Common Source

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Site custodian from UP reported that even though dalits can collect as much water as they want for drinking purpose, however, there are restrictions over water use for bathing and cleaning clothes or utensils. Large percentage of households from Bengal, Bihar, Rajasthan (Dausa) and MP sites reported that they are allowed to take water during months of scarcity.

Water scarcity and coping mechanisms

High dependence on common sources for domestic water can create water scarcity conditions, particularly in summer, due to lowering of groundwater and drying up of water bodies. In this study, water scarcity condition has been envisaged as a situation of lesser availability of water than required for domestic use for seven or more continuous days. The multi-location study gathered information on duration of water scarcity that dalit households have to face in summer and their coping mechanisms. Bihar site revealed that households do not face water scarcity in the summer; it may be due to large number of own or common sources (mostly hand pumps), which remain functional in summer months. At the UP site, about 80 per cent households said that they do not face water scarcity conditions. Rajasthan (Bhilwara) site (in arid region of India) showed similar result. However, in Bengal (hot and humid region) 62 per cent SC households face water scarcity for 1530 days. Very high percentage (72 per cent) of dalit households at Gujarat site responded that they face water scarcity for up to 15 days in summer (Figure 11). Situation at the MP site shows the worst condition among all the sites, where about 88 per cent households said that they face water scarcity conditions for domestic uses for 60120 days during summer season.
Figure 11 Water Scarcity for Domestic Use in Summer
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About 30 per cent households from Rajasthan (Dausa) and North Karnataka sites experience water scarcity conditions for 60120 days in summer. Regarding coping mechanisms in water scarcity conditions, different sites gave different responses. At the MP site, about 90 per cent households responded that local authority (Panchayat or other government authorities) make water arrangements during summer. From Rajasthan (Bhilwara) and North Karnataka sites, about 40 per cent and 60 per cent households, respectively, gave a similar reply. At Gujarat, UP and Bengal sites, less than 20 per cent households reported about government managed relief. The SC households manage water from within the village also. About 50 per cent households from MP and Gujarat sites responded that they have to depend on upper castes during water scarcity conditions in summer season (Figure 12). At Dausa, Bengal and North Karnataka sites, about 35 per cent, 26 per cent and 28 per cent households, respectively, reported such dependence. At MP and Rajasthan (Dausa) sites, about 35 per cent SC households reported that they manage water from the same caste people. UP, North Karnataka and Bhilwara sites also show that about 25 to 30 per cent households depend upon other families from same castes.
Figure 12 Coping Mechanisms during Water Scarcity

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Benefits of Panchayat-managed water during water scarcity

Out of all sites surveyed, four sites namely MP, Rajasthan (Bhilwara), Gujarat and North Karnataka reported that Panchayat manages water during periods of INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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scarcity (Figure 13). In response to the question of access to such water facility, about 80 per cent respondents from North Karnataka site and 70 per cent from Gujarat said that they easily get the water (Figure 14). In Gujarat, some dalit households reported that they do not know about the time of water supply and they get water after the upper caste people have received it. However, 33 per cent households from the MP site and 19 per cent households from Rajasthan (Bhilwara) site responded that they face discrimination while getting benefits of water facility during scarcity in summer.
Figure 13 Water Arrangement by Panchayat during Scarcity

Figure 14 Access to Panchayat Water Arrangement during Scarcity

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Regulation of common source

In response to the question who regulates the common sources of water for domestic use, most of the SCs (across all sites) replied that the Panchayat manages the water. At Bhilwara and Dausa sites, the response also came for whole village that the whole village participates in the decisions about regulation of the common source. This sense of participation can also be a perception, which needs to be looked into. Even the Panchayats role in fair distribution of resources can be studied in future, as many times dominant caste groups are de facto decision makers in Panchayat. However, 70 per cent households from Rajasthan (Dausa) said that the members of dominant caste regulate the common water sources (as shown in Figure 15). About 20 per cent households of UP and MP sites also gave a similar response.
Figure 15 Decision about Regulation of Common Source

Drinking water quality

The multi-location survey also gathered responses from dalit households about the quality of water that they use for drinking purposes. About 100 per cent households from Gujarat and Bhilwara said that they were satisfied with the quality of drinking water. About 80 per cent households from UP and MP were satisfied with the drinking water quality. Only 40 per cent households from Bengal and 60 per cent households from Bihar showed satisfaction over the source (Figure 16). About 25 per cent households from Rajasthan (Dausa) said that drinking water that they consume is polluted. From the same site, 36 per cent households said that drinking water contains excess iron. From Bengal, INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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Figure 16 Drinking Water Quality

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66 per cent households, and from Bihar 40 per cent households also reported excess iron. Only MP, Gujarat and Karnataka sites reported that corrective measures are taken to improve water quality. As many as 74 per cent households from Gujarat and 50 per cent households from Karnataka said that public authorities take steps to improve water quality, like chlorine for wells and tablets for water purification (Figure 17). From North Karnataka, 46 per cent households, and from MP , 23 per cent households reported taking own measures like boiling, sieving and so forth, to improve water quality. About 70 per cent dalit households from Gujarat, 50 per cent from Karnataka site and 25 per cent from MP site said that they are given tablets by the government to correct water quality. It definitely shows government intervention to help dalits in these sites.
Figure 17 Measures to Correct Drinking Water Quality

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Water-related discrimination at public places

Caste-based discrimination at public places has been reported by various surveys and studies. A survey done in Gujarat villages (Desai 1976) reported water-related discrimination in schools. Some villages reported that dalit children arent allowed to touch the water source directly. Savarna (higher caste) children provide them water from the pot. One village reported a case of discrimination by a Savarna school-teacher against a fellow dalit teacher. Untouchability was also reported at village tea and snack shops. Though tea and snacks are served to everyone, separate plates and cups are reserved for SC members and stored separately. The multi-location study gave the opportunity to enquire the current status of discrimination at public places in villages of different sites. Village-level questionnaires were administered across all sites, to the key informants of dalit community. The result from 39 villages from all sites show widespread prevalence of caste based discrimination at public places in rural India. About 10 per cent villages reported that dalit and general caste children use separate source of drinking water in schools. About 33 per cent villages reported that dalits use separate tumblers at village tea and snacks shops. About 67 per cent villages reported that there is provision of separate tumblers for dalit persons for drinking water at Panchayat or community centres (see Table 3 ). About 39 villages covered by the survey reported that they have water sources (rivers, ponds or tanks) that are used by all castes. Out of these, 18 per cent villages reported that dalits and upper castes use separate sites at the common water source (see Table 4). At Dausa site in Rajasthan, there is clear distinction of sites
Table 3 Discrimination at Public Places: 38 Villages across all Sites Children Using Separate Source of Water at School? 11% Dalits Using Separate Tumblers at Village Restaurants (Tea/Snacks)? 33% Table 4 Water Based Discrimination: 39 Villages across all Sites Whether Village has Pond Tank, River/Stream for Common Use? Yes: 79% (31 villages) Whether Dalits and Upper Caste have Separate Sites for Use? Yes: 18% (7 out of 31 villages) Whether Water-related Discrimination is Discussed in Your Village? Yes: 67% Separate Tumblers for Dalits at Panchayat or Community Centres? 67%

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Table 5 Access to Water: Percentage Distribution of Rural Households Caste Dalits [SCs] OBC Others [Forward Class] Missing All Exclusive Use 18 27 36 26 25 Community Use 75 64 54 57 66 Common Use of Household Buildings 7 10 10 17 9

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Total 100 100 100 100 100

Source: NSSO, 58th Round, 2002.

of upper castes and dalits for using river water. At MP, in Agar Malwa region, Diwali rituals are celebrated at the river-front; however, dalits are not able to use the site for rituals. At the Bengal site, dalits have to use separate sites in the pond. They are not allowed to wash their utensils and clothes anywhere near the water source. There is awareness about discrimination at public places as 67 per cent villages reported that these issues are discussed within the dalit community. Site custodian from North Karnataka reported that the older generation tends to accept untouchability as the age-old cultural rule. They dont want confrontation and they discourage the younger generation from speaking against the rule. However, those of the young generation who go to urban areas for jobs show anger against such practices.

CONCLUSION
Thus, we see that the dalit community is still facing multiple disabilities regarding water, particularly for domestic use of water. There is large dependence on common source. Not only do they have to bear hardship to collect water from multiple sources and travel great distances, they also have to face discrimination in the process. Though the phenomenon has declined at sites in UP and Bihar, other sites show that various forms of deprivation and discrimination has not declined. Despite protective measures and awareness campaigns, water based discrimination at public places is still prevalent in various parts of the country. Greater accessibility to own or hamlet source definitely decreases the chances of discrimination. The rise of dalit identity and assertion are also means of checking the menace of untouchability. It also helps in fetching greater benefits from government programmes. Measures need to be taken from supply as well as demand side. Not only sustained and well-targeted interventions are required on part of the government, but social mindsets also need to change. Higher level of education, awareness across social groups and committed dalit leadership can play a critical role in improving the situation. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367 Downloaded from http://irm.sagepub.com by RAVI BABU BUNGA on October 17, 2009

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Rakesh Tiwary is a consultant at IWMI-Tata Water Policy Programme, Sojitra Road, Anand, Gujarat-388120. E-mail: r.tiwary@cgiar.org Sanjiv J. Phansalkar is a senior researcher and team leader at IWMI-Tata Water Policy Programme in Anand, Gujarat. E-mail: s.phansalkar@cgiar.org, sanjiv.phansalkar@ gmail.com

Notes
1. Principal and Supplementary Source: If a household obtained drinking water from the same source throughout the last 365 days, then that source was treated as the principal source and there was no concept of supplementary source. If a household, during the last 365 days, obtained drinking water from more than one source, then the one most commonly used was treated as the principal source and the next one (in terms of frequency of use) was treated as the supplementary source. Thus, if a household used source A for 5 months of the year, source B for 4 months, and source C for 3 months, then A and B were treated as the principal and the supplementary source, respectively. 2. J.H. Hutton, the 1931 Census Commissioner, proposed a series of eight tests to measure the disabilities of social groups, four of which revolved around the interaction over water: (1) Whether the caste or class in question can be served (food or water) by Brahmins or not; (2) Whether the caste or class in question can be served by the barbers, water carriers, tailors, etc., who serve the caste Hindus; (3) Whether the caste or class in question is one from whose hands a caste Hindu can take water; and, (4) Whether the caste or class in question is debarred from using public facilities, such as roads, ferries, wells or schools. 3. For example, dalit households selected to administer the questionnaire belong to Rohit, Bhangi Castes of Gujarat and Dusadh in Bihar. These belong to schedule caste categories of respective states. 4. This condition at surveyed sites is attributed to hand pump boom that has occurred through government welfare programmes as well as private initiatives. Samagra Gram Vikas Yojana in UP and Public Health Department Schemes in Bihar have improved the situation. There is proliferation of water source for domestic use. It has helped in reducing scarcity value of water. 5. Dalit respondents replied that they do not directly take water from common source, not just because of old tradition but also out of fear that breaking of rules can bring humiliation or disapproval. In Bengal, respondents said that they have to wash the common source after taking water from it. MP site reported that there are separate platforms at common water source. In one village of Gujarat, there were six public taps built by government. The dalit households revealed that there is undeclared practice of separation of sources, where upper castes and dalits are using three taps each.

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References
Desai, I.P. 1976. Untouchability in the Village Primary School and Outside it, in Untouchability in Rural Gujarat, pp. 22451. Bombay: Popular Prakshan. Indian Council For Social Science Research (ICSSR). 1973. Water Facilities for the Untouchables in Rural Gujarat. Occasional Monograph Number 8, ICSSR report, p. 3. National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO). 2002. 58th Round Survey. New Delhi: Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. Shah, Ghanshyam. 1998. Caste and Untouchability: Theory and Practice, paper presented at the Seminar Ambedkar in Retrospect, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi. Thorat, S.K. 2002. Hindu social order and the human rights of dalits. India Together, http://www.indiatogether.org/combatlaw/issue4/hinduorder.htm. Thorat, S.K., M. Mahamalik and A. Panth. 2005. (unpublished data) Labour Market and Occupational Discrimination in India, Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi (report submitted to ILO, 2005).

Additional Reading
Atal, Y. 1979. Changing Frontiers of Caste. New Delhi: National Publishing House. Bajpai, P., L. Bhandari and A. Sinha 2005. Social Economic Profile of India. New Delhi: Social Science Press. Baren, E. (ed.). 1996. Social Differentiation and Social Inequality. Colorado, Boulder: Westview Press. Bteille, A. 1972. Inequality and Social Change. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. . (ed.). 1983. Equality and Inequality: Theory and Practice. Bombay: Oxford Publication. Marriott, M. (ed.). 1955. Village India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Parvathamma, C. 1989 Schedule Castes at the Crossroads. New Delhi: Asish Publication. Sharma, K.L. (ed.). 1995. Social Inequality in Rural India. New Delhi: Rawat Publications. Srinivas, M.N. 1960. Indias Villages. New York: Asia Publishing House. . 1962. Caste in Modern India and Other Essays. Bombay: Asia Publishing House. Thorat, S.K. and R.S. Deshpande. 2001. Caste System and Economic Inequality: Economic Theory and Evidence, in Ghanshyam Shah (ed.), Dalit identity and Natural Politics, New Delhi: Sage Publications.

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