The Logic of Clientelism in Argentina: An Ethnographic Account Author(s): Javier Auyero Source: Latin American Research Review, Vol.

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THE LOGIC OF CLIENTELISM IN ARGENTINA: An Ethnographic Account*

Javier Auyero
StateUniversity ofNew York, Stony Brook

in a shantytown in the Based onethnographic outskirts of Abstract: fieldwork studies the Peronist clientelism" Buenos this article Aires, workings of "political the urban Itanalyzes the web that some slum-dwellers among poor. ofrelations toobtain to with localpolitical brokers andsolutions establish medicine, food, themain Thearticle also explores ofthe other everyday concerns. functions which areresource control andinformation hoard"problem-solving networks," andpays toan underexplored ofthe operaing, particular attention dimension tion ofclientelism: clients' own views onthe network.

ofCospito, in Thirty-four-year old Norma livesina sluminthecity theConurbano Bonaerense.1 Shehasno stable hasrejob,andherhusband losthisas a construction worker. havea handicapped babygirl cently They and a teenageboy who droppedout of the neighborhood publichigh In September in thefront of school. store part 1996, they openeda grocery things werenot their house.Normatoldme in ourinterview, "Youknow, basica office working very well,so I decidedtoopenan unidad (a grassroots of thePeronist and see whathappens!"Theirdecisioncoincided party) theascending with career ofGustavo a Peronist councilman trying Pedele, Pedele tomakeinroads into theslumtolaunch his1998 mayoral campaign.
*This research was funded by a grant from theJoint Committee on LatinAmerican and Councilof Caribbean Studiesof theSocial ScienceResearch Counciland theAmerican Learned Societies with funds provided bythe Ford Foundation. I wouldliketothank Charles Tilly, Deborah Poole,Robert Gay, and SteveLevitsky for their critical comments on earlier versions. Drafts werepresented attheColloquium onArgentine Political Culture attheUniversity ofIllinois, Urbana, and theSeminario General at theCasa de AltosEstudios and the inArgentina. Fundaci6n BancoPatricios I wouldliketothank TulioHalperin, Jose Nun,and theparticipants in those forums for their criticisms and encouragement. Parts of insightful 1.TheConurbano is theareacomprising the inthe Bonaerense nineteen districts Argentine industrial heartland surrounding theFederal Capital ofthecountry. Namesoflocations and havebeenchanged toensure persons anonymity.
Latin American Research Review volume35 number 3 ? 2000 Networks and Culthisessay were adapted from myforthcoming book, ThePolitics ofSurvival: ture amongtheArgentine UrbanPoor(to be published by Duke University Press).

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nowpaysNorma's utility billsandprovides herfamily with small amounts ofcash.Normais nowPedele'sbroker and Pedeleis Norma's (hispuntera) political patron (herreferente). Everyweek,Norma'sunidad basica (UB) distributes powdered milk from thePrograma Materno-Infantil (a nutritional funded program by thenational welfare andfoodfrom thelocalmunicipality tomore ministry) thanfifty slum-dwellers. Normaexplained, "Every at theparty month, meetings, themayor us [the informs brokers ofthe140UBswhousually attendthemeeting] ofthedatewhenthey aregoingto giveoutfoodat the BecauseNormais "juststarting municipality...We telltheneighbors." withthisparty heraccessto stateresources is forthetimebeing thing," restricted. ButNormaadmitted that she "compensates" for this limited access suchas organizing short fortheslum-dwellers "withother things," trips and other activities. recreational Councilman Pedeleprovides herwitha bus ortwoandwith breadandmeatsausages. Oncea month, shetakes apchildren from theslumto a nearby proximately thirty beachresort or a arereally shetoldme.I replied, park."They happy," "They surely are,but to getthebusesand thefoodand to takecareofthe isn'tita lotofwork, kids?"Normaresponded confidently, "It'snotso difficult toobtain goods. Youhavetoknowhowtopulltheright knock attheright door. strings, The is toknowtheright most important thing Forthepresent, Norma person." knows theright inthelocalpoandifCouncilman Pedeleadvances person, litical shewillsurely obtain field, accesstomore resources. Ifsheis ableto "mobilize people"forherpolitical patron meansattending (mobilization Peronist ininternal rallies and voting shewillhavemore elections), goods andmore information. What toherawhile backwouldnotoccur happened thePlanVida [food again:"Youknow.. ., I missed distribution program], butI havethePrograma Materno."2
2. ThePlanVida (LifePlan)was inspired bytheChilean Plan de Alimentaci6n Complementaria and thefunctioning oftheCubanComites de Defensa de la Revoluci6n. ThePlan Vidais thelargest food-distribution program ofthe currently operated bythegovernment As a petproject Provincia de Buenos Aires. ofthegovernor's itwas wife ("Chiche" Duhalde), inoneofthe launched first oftheConurbano inNovember poorest districts Bonaerense 1994. According to official figures released in November 1996, thePlanVidareaches thirty-eight in BuenosAiresthat districts contain 644poorneighborhoods and slums.The program is funded resources from theConsejoProvincial de la Familia bystate y Desarrollo Humano, is presided which over by"Chiche" Duhalde.Sheis alsothepresident oftheRamaFeminina (Women's Branch) ofthePeronist and eggsto party. ThePlanVidadistributes milk, cereal, almost half a million preschool children andtopregnant women. liveinneighborhoods They theofficial that "Mapa de la Pobreza" defined as areaswith "unmet basicneeds."Thedaily distribution ofmilk andtheweekly distribution ofcereal and eggsarecarried outby"block manzaneras receive no monetary remuneration their for work except a half-liter ofmilk per dayandtheweekly allowance ofeggsandcereals allotted toallbeneficiaries oftheprogram.
delegates,"who are known as manzaneras (blocks in Buenos Aires are called manzanas).The

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ofPresthelaunching Normaattended thesummer of1989, During themainbeach inMardel Plata, campaign electoral CarlosMenem's ident that Normasaw theocean: time in BuenosAires. Thatwas thefirst resort herbus paid for party) (thePeronist Justicialista "It'sso nice."ThePartido Normarelated, where, Union'shotel at theTransport and shestayed fare, "Jwe evenhad hotwater." poofPeronist oftheworkings is a typical example Norma'sstory mateofextreme In contexts Argentina. incontemporary clientelism litical as a operates peronista destitution, la red and sociocultural rialdeprivation reand symbolic institutes a webofmaterial that network problem-solving a safety ofgoodsand services, distribution. Itfunctions as a source source life, one ofthefewremaining ofeveryday against therisks netprotecting in oppothat stands and a solidaristic community pathsofsocialmobility, inpooranddesvisited onthose living sition tothehardship andexclusion and depends information (monopolizes) areas.Thisnetconcentrates titute an is toprovide My goal in thisarticle resources. on state toa great extent netofthePeronist problem-solving oftherelevance description empirical in BuenosAiresand to analyzeits ofurbanpoverty enclaves workwithin tensions, and resources. functions, forms, ofreas 'the distribution clientelism" has been defined "Political in candidates holders orpolitical office sources of)bypolitical (orpromise not exclusively-in support, primarily-although forpolitical exchange hasbeena recurrent ofthevote"(Gay1990, 648).Suchclientelism theform in elites thepoormassesand political instudying thelinks between theme 1986)and Carrion 1992;Stein1980;Menendez America (De la Torre Latin institutions (O'Donnell1996a; ofdemocratic inanalyzing theshortcomings has been and Puhle1996).Clientelism Diamandouros, Fox 1994;Gunther, and parties between political relationships examined as oneofthepossible orwith on theefforts madebypopular a focus groups, popular organized ofpolitical mechanisms co-optation" to"bypass traditional groups ganized 1983).Political (Cardoso1992,292; see also Escobar1994;Velez-Ibafiez ofatomization and fragmenas a form clientelism has also beenexamined or "thepopularsector"(Rock 1975;O'Donnell tationof the electorate 1992).3 in ofpolitical and students processes on LatinAmerica Specialists clientelist ofa "captive images with thestereotypical arefamiliar Argentina has beendeelectorate" conveyed bythemassmedia.Thisphenomenon Guido'swell-known as in Beatriz by novelists, withmoresubtlety picted ofthe1930sinFindefiesta boss in theArgentina ofa political description ofthelifeofa Mexicancacique in or themorerecent obliqueportrayal
ina squatter settlement networks ofclientelist analysis ethnographic 3. Gerrit Burgwald's in result do notinevitably and atomization fragmentation showedthat in Quito,Ecuador, 1996). clientelism" (Burgwald casesof"collective

57

Review Research Latin American have also been politics la vida.4 Clientelist Arrancame Mastretta's Angeles butoutGrecainthelittle-known likeAlcides byquasiinsiders, portrayed delComite'. Cuentos standing at the of clientelism theactualoperation Despitesuch attention, To date,underinArgentina. unexplored largely levelsremains grassroots subordibased on political ofthis"relationship oftheworkings standing 153)hasbeenderived (Fox1994, rewards" material for inexchange nation eviNo strong seriousresearch. thanfrom popularimagery morefrom todetect empirically Is itpossible ofa quidproquo exchange. denceexists on clientelism oftheliterature much that votos" por of"favores theexchange come votesand loyalty knowthat How do researchers granted? takesfor a sois Peronism, here Thecaseanalyzed ofgoodsand services? as a result the powerfor hasbeeninand outofstate that movement cialand political and has geninArgentina, actor political has beena major years, lastfifty case, In this groups. popular among identities resilient sociopolitical erated outan occasion single Can analysts still. is more problematic thequestion performed becauseofthefavors a given patron clients votedfor on which to oridentification loyalty general and notbecauseoftheir byhimorher, with Peronism? of socialand political a form is undoubtedly Political clientelism Guasti1977)as wellas a 1988; Mouzelis1985; (Fox1994;Bodeman control 1992;see also Scott1977). domination (Scheper-Hughes ofcultural form overtime, and reproduces takesform how clientelism Butto understand mechanisms. logicand itsintricate itssociocultural must examine analysts reis to resist ofclientelism sociology stepin a rigorous A necessary first of the of exchange images and to the stigmatizing prefabricated sorting itsleastknown through must be approached favors. Clientelism votesfor the brokers, ofpolitical dealings side:theeveryday and leastspectacular the problem-solving and clients, of so-called and perspectives practices patrons. and political brokers, that links "clients," network body tothegrowing article aretocontribute aimsofthis Thelarger 1994,1995; clientelism (Gay forms of political on contemporary ofresearch 1997;Fox 1994;Velez-Ibanfez 1997;Shefner 1996;Escobar1994, Burgwald poland clientelist of on theconvergence Peronism 1983)and toshedlight its in providing of this convergence Theunidades basicasarethesites itics. institutions these enough, Curiously support. organizational mostcrucial Peronstudies ofcontemporary inmost life havebeenneglected ofpopular much ofthe that permeates view ofpolitical action ism.The constricting unthis overlooked inArgentina hasconsistently ofpolitics understanding of most cited studies None the hidden of realm. and somehow spectacular refield haveconducted primary Peronism (ormenemismo) contemporary
manifestations andother caciques, ofbrokers, representations oftheliterary 4.Fora review see Nason(1973). literature, inLatin American ofbossism

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for theplaceswhere intheareasofhighest Peronism, poor search support As a result, arestill dominated bythetoppeoplelive.5 most ofthestudies on the transitions to down view thatpermeated muchof the research orientation ofcurrent political studdemocracy.6 Giventhestate-centered itis no surprise that everyday forms of iesbeing doneon andinArgentina, are habitually overlooked. Thisarticle consticlientelist problem solving perspective. tutes a first attempt toredress this one-sided thisarticle centers on therelaBased on ethnographic fieldwork, in Villa party and slum-dwellers tionship between brokers ofthePeronist in thesouthern Paraiso.The slumis locatedin thecity ofCospito, partof the Conurbano Bonaerense bordering theFederalCapitalof Argentina. VillaParaisois one oftheoldestand largest slumsin BuenosAires, with tothelastpopulation somefifteen thousand inhabitants according census drawson materials gathered during a yearof (INDEC 1993a).The article in theslum, in theunidadesbasicasthere, and in theSecretaria fieldwork thefocus ofCospito. Although centers de Accion Socialofthemunicipality I am confident that thevalidity ofthe inoneslum, on five brokers political themonograph. Recent research undertaken extends by analyses beyond thefindings here. other scholars reported (Levitsky 1996, 1997)confirms 1996 December 1995to February Fieldwork was carried out from Itwas basedonparticipant observation andfrom 1996 toJanuary 1997. July inVillaParaiso. inmany rallies ofthe Peronist attended party, I participated localbrokers, and interviewed party activists, publicoffiparty meetings, I conducted activists. more than socialworkers, andcommunity forty cials, from residents of Villa lifestories in-depth interviews, collected fifteen random sampleofthree Paraiso, and tooka survey based on a stratified hundred stories focused on various cases.Thesurvey, interviews, and life I interviewed and collective ofindividual solving. Finally, aspects problem food-distribution all theblockdelegates of thelargest state-funded proin VillaParaiso, also drawson thePlanVida.Thisarticle gramoperating Naresources suchas statistical data provided bytheInstituto secondary cionalde Estadisticas a year'sissues(for y Censo(INDEC) andmyreading ofthesouth oftheConurbano themainlocalnewspaper 1996)ofLa Union, Bonaerense.
and and Novaro(1996),and Sidicaro Bor6net al. (1995),Palermo 5. See, forexample, see Martuccelli see Munck(1997).Foran exception, view, Mayer(1995).Fora sympathetic according hasincreased during the1990s, "electoral volatility" andSvampa(1997). Although on theanti-Peronist sideof has occurred almost exclusively to Levitsky, "such'de-freezing' Peronist electorate, both interms ofitssizeand cleavage.... [T]he thePeronist-anti-Peronist oftheArgenstable" (Levitsky 1997, 4). A majority relatively itscomposition, has remained tine poorcontinue tovotePeronist. have givenlittle ofdemocratization noted, manyofthetheories 6. As Tilly perceptively maneuvers instead"instrumental action and have accentuated place to popularcollective andbargains elites" (1994, 4). among

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Review Research LatinAmerican

toassesstheexclusion indicators empirical a few First, I willprovide the of VillaParaisoand describe facedby theinhabitants and hardship andpolitical ofsurvival networks ofinformal overlap ofincreasing process netproblem-solving thePeronist I willanalyze Then intheslum. networks with establish someneighbors that theweb ofrelations workin theslum, to other and solutions brokers to obtainfood,medicine, local political concerns. everyday of thetwomainfunctions illustrates The secondpartofthearticle and inforcontrol in VillaParaiso:resource network theproblem-solving a network havehelpedmakethePeronist practices Both hoarding. mation perontheclients' focuses ofthearticle part Thethird network. domination in elements future research central for and outlines ofthenetwork ceptions ofclientelism. ofthelegitimacy construction theeveryday willpresent thereader ofthesociallogicofclientelism Thisanalysis by neois dominated At a timewhenpublicdiscourse witha paradox.7 markets, retreat ofthestatefrom thesalutary stresses that rhetoric liberal (and personal will illustrate one ofthewaysin whichpolitics myarticle a In fact, forgaining accessto resources. important ties)are increasingly clientelist canbe madeoutofthisparadox: functionalist argument strong the that thefunctions fulfill becausethey precisely networks areimportant state is abandoning.8
SURVIVING IN THE SLUM: HYPER-UNEMPLOYMENT

andmisery, joblessness persistent material deprivation, Widespread neighborhoods in the working-class economic pressure and unmerciful the offactors: havebeencausedbya combination and slumsofArgentina blue-collar of the casualization economy; of the wage-labor languishing Mur1996; 1996;CEB 1995;Lozanoand Feletti jobs (Cieza and Beyreuther comand Lopez 1996);and theparticular 1996;Beccaria misand Feldman structural adjustby state provoked neglect and bination ofmalign benign and 1993;Cetrangolo 1996;Lo Vuoloand Barbeito ment policies(Golbert unWidespread 1997). Lloyd-Sherlock 1996; Schapira Golbert Prevot 1995; of Villa Paraiso. characteristic defining is themost significant employment unemare currently activepopulation of its economically Sixty percent and basic needs, about 50percent haveunmet andunderemployed, ployed line.9 poverty belowtheofficial 70percent haveincomes

reviewer. LARR ofoneanonymous inthecomments was highlighted 7. Thisparadox ofU.S. political analysis in hispathbreaking madethesameargument Merton 8. Robert 1949). machines (Merton ranbasedona stratified mysurvey andfrom 1993b) INDEC (1993a, 9.Thedatacomefrom inVillaParaiso. and October outinSeptember (three hundred cases),carried domsample

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inlowmonetary andfor direct subsistence for undertaken tion ofactivities include raising these activities 87).In VillaParaiso, 1991, come"(Mingione andbuildings, self-help repairs foodstalls, undertaking animals, operating and neighchains. Family in subcontracting home-working and industrial activifor these various "havealwaysmadeitpossible borhood networks wayoflife"(Mingione protected intoa poorbutsocially tiesto coagulate shantytown ofa Mexican showedin herstudy 1991, 87).LarissaLomnitz function as a surrogate andkinship basedonresidence that socialnetworks theresidents individual survival (1975, for among ofsocialsecurity system ofrecinetworks called "proximate and Salguero 1988).WhatFriedman elements 11)arethuswell-studied and kin"(1988, withneighbors procity and thechallenge ofsurvival confront how individuals in understanding netin theprocess. Thoseinformal theyestablish thekindsof relations often in LatinAmerica, as the examined workshave been thoroughly developedby theurbanand ruralpoor strategies sourceofthesurvival havealso beenstudnetworks Political 1988; Hintze1989). 1975, (Lomnitz 1996; 1981; Burgwald and all overtheworld(Conniff America ied in Latin Butthere1981; Knoke1990). Katznelson 1987; Kornblum Guterbock 1974; nethelpandpolitical networks ofreciprocal between informal lationships works havebeenunderexplored. in theConurother poorneighborhoods In VillaParaisoand many innetworks and political networks ofsurvival informal banoBonaerense, and statebrokers, theunidades There basicas, political overlap. creasingly inthe that circulate thesources ofresources havebecome funded programs and inawayofpaid formal ofsurvival. Thewithering networks informal had losttheir jobsdurwork(most ofthose unemployed currently formal
acin 1995was 22.6oftheeconomically intheConurbano 10.Therateofunemployment amounted to33.8 andunderemployment Unemployment tivepopulation persons). (843,840 lost 5,508industrial Bonaerense theConurbano In the 1990s, of thepopulation. percent jobs(CEB 200,000 eliminated industry and1995, themanufacturing 1991 andbetween plants; and unemployment between correlation 1996).Due to thestrong 1995;Lozanoand Feletti growth this haveaccompanied andinequality poverty 1993), andFeldman (Murmis poverty line"in livedbelow'thepoverty ofthehouseholds In 1980, 11.5percent inunemployment. werebelowtheline,and in ofthehouseholds In 1994, 20.4percent Aires. Greater Buenos 1996). (Golbert this category 25.8fell into 1995,

by which he means "the combinaeconomy, gione coined the termpopular

howdo neighbors deproletarianization,10 ofoutright In this context toobtain manage orother benefits and no pension with little orno income or anyinstitutions Arethere foodand medicine? themeansofsubsistence: help?Whatconcanturn toobtain within theslumtowhomthey persons Whohas conthese meansofsubsistence? toobtain do they establish tacts whom? with tacts helpaboundin poor networks ofreciprocal It is hardly newsthat Enzo MinLatinAmerica. and throughout in Argentina neighborhoods

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ingtheprevious twoyearsand had notbeen able to findnew ones) has theslumeconomy, drained causing informal networks reciprocal tobleed to death.The formerly employed, once able to support their relatives, friends, orkinwhoweretemporarily jobless, arenowunemployed themtothelocalstate selves.Slum-dwellers resort orthenearest comPeronist mittee orbroker (which almost amounts to thesamething) toobtain food In other or medicine. VillaParaisosurvival are increaswords, strategies inpolitical ingly embedded networks.11 Theexpanding relevance ofpolitical networks does notmeanthat ofreciprocal networks helphave disappeared, however. In VillaParaiso, theseproximate in thesurvival networks remain central ofthe strategies in a survey slum-dwellers. ofthoseconsulted Twenty-three percent based on a stratified random hundred relcasesmentioned their sampleofthree ofhelpwhenthey needmedicine. atives as sources ofthose Thirty percent interviewed reliedon kinand friends whenever they ran short of food. Thusreciprocal favors aboundin theslumeconomy, muchas they do in Edinand Lein other acrosstheAmericas poorneighborhoods (Stack 1974; 1997; Lomnitz 1975). Butwith ofunemployment theescalation and underand thegeneralized reduction ofincome, these employment networks are being progressively oftheir resources. Theavenuesthat emptied formerly theslumeconomy linked tooutside arenowdisrupted, wagework andthe that used to comeintotheslumas thelifeblood ofthose money reciprocal When networks hasbecome a trickle. rejection from thelabor market ceases tobe temporary and income reduction affects theunskilled every job that residents ofVillaParaisocanobtain,12 thesocialeconomy oftheslumloses itstraditional function as a buffer thathelpscushion theimpacts ofeconomic hardship. oftheslumpopulation or Forty percent receive foodfor themselves their children from one ormore state-funded assistance programs serving VillaParaiso.Theseprograms distribute and cereals milk, eggs,noodles, from thePlanVida;powdered milkfrom thePrograma Materno-Infantil; cornoil,polenta, noodles, yerbamate, lentils, and thelikefrom thePlan and corn Asoma; and several cheese,vegetables, noodles, oil, polenta, other from thePlan Pro-Bienestar. In addition, someresidents products
11.My usage ofpolitical networks followsKnoke (1990) and Granovetter (1973): a set ofreg-

ularcontacts orsimilar socialconnections among individuals orgroups inwhich atleastone ofthose is a member ofa political party oran official ofthestate. Survival strategies arethus ina political embedded intheinteracproblem-solving network becausethey areexpressed tions between party agents orlocalofficials and slum-dwellers. 12.Jobs indomestic service andtheconstruction sector werethepredominant occupations women inthese among andmenintheslum. Workers sectors havebeenparticularly hurt by whatKessler (1996)called"theepidemic disease"ofhyper-unemployment. Thesetwocate13.9percent gories represent oftheemployed population inBuenos Aires and 19.8oftheunemployed (Murmis and Feldman 1996).

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theSecretaria de Accion twice a month where go tothemunicipal building, noodles, (sugar, rice, flour, items offoodperperson eight Socialdistributes of lentils, cornoil,and yerbamate).Nearlyhalfthepopulation polenta, carried outin knowaboutthisfooddistribution VillaParaiso(46 percent) of thosehave gone to obtainthe Thirty percent building. themunicipal almost a third Formedicine, thelastyear. kilos"at leastonceduring 11nine Thosewhoare ofVillaParaiso rely onrelatives (31percent). oftheresidents to obra social(socialsecurity related relyon their (30 percent) employed thelocalpublichealth resort to themunicipality, formal job).Others their or Peronist broker committee grassroots or a Peronist center (28 percent), (11percent). of the in livingconditions deterioration Evidence of thedramatic Church. ofa soup kitchen bytheCatholic slumpopulation is theopening lunch there weekand womennoweattheir every children ninety Nearly is funded thatthissoup kitchen to note,however, day.It is important wheremanylocal ofthemunicipality, department by thewelfare mostly organization of theCatholic the charity brokers work.Caritas, Peronist Caritasassists Everymonth, is also multiplying its activities.13 Church, withfoodand clothes, and italso sellsdonated abouta hundred families thelocal priest, and Nora,thewomanin at low prices. clothes Mariano, food theprevious demandfor ofCaritas, year, during agreedthat charge commented, "In Cariincreased. Mariano and medicine had substantially limited oftime, let'ssayfor for periods tas,we used tohelpsomefamilies inwhich situation until wereabletoresolve thedifficult months they three werelaid off. Butnowwe don'tstop found as whenthey themselves, they and we are overhelpingthem,and thereare morepeople coming, whelmed." intheir acknowledge Although Marianoand Nora did notfully on stateresources, admitted that their own rethey dependence creasing theCatholic Church is notkeepBoth conceded that sources aredecreasing. pointto thelocal demandforaid, and they ingpace withtheincreasing for ofpossible solutions (UBs)as thesource Peronist grassroots committees endured bytheslum-dwellers. scarcity theextreme in theConurbano In VillaParaiso, as in many poorneighborhoods thepoor'sbasic meansofsatisfying one ofthemostreliable Bonaerense, that has direct thepolitical party foodand health careis through needsfor As Levitsky observed, Peronist accessto thestate'sresources-the party. to is linked at thebase level.... Peronism this "is deeply entrenched party and soccer trade associations, unions, neighborhood itsmassbase through
tothediitsactivities According is alsoenlarging rapidly. level, Caritas 13.Atthenational has in itssoup kitchen fedbyCaritas ofchildren thenumber Rafael Rey, Monsenior rector, 19 See Clarin Digital, in 1996. thousand in 1993to four hundred thousand fifty soaredfrom Nov.1996.

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Review Research American Latin by society and lower-class clubs.The partyis also linkedto workingbosses,who serveas tiesto localand neighborhood meansofclientelistic and governments Peronist and provincial themunicipal between brokers 20). 1996, themassbase" (Levitsky andslums, squatter settlements, neighborhoods, Inpoverty-stricken basicneedscanbe met, a keyplacewhere basicasconstitute theunidades incredible TheseUBsprovide canbe solved. basicproblems which through 1998)and arethe for thePeronist party (Levitsky strength organizational Peronist brokers siteswhere operate.
BROKERS AND THEIR NETWORKS

brokers (knownas punteros): Villa Paraiso countsfivePeronist such do favors Brokers usually and Norma. Andrea, Cholo, Matilde, Juan, their voters and others.14 for potential foodand medicine as distributing becausetheyalmostalways however, work, Theyare notalone in their ofhis tothemembers A broker is related circle offollowers. havean inner parentage, tiesoflong-lasting friendship, circle strong through orherinner localleadandJuan twomost powerful Both Matilde (the orfictive kinship. with individuals them, kindofeffective network around this ers)maintain and intensely. regularly interact whomthey has a circle ofmenand womenwhovisitheron a weekly Matilde cleaning Luciaused tobe Matilde's forty-five-year-old basis.Forexample, de theSecretaria andMatilde (then Twoyears ago,Luciahada stroke, lady. for her. a month obtained a pension of110dollars Accion SocialofCospito), from forher highblood pressure Lucia now receivesdaily medicine Centro afternoon at theneighborhood's She spendsalmost every Matilde. in thefront Matilde'sson Paco servesas thepresident), Cultural (where makes the UB. There Lucia pupa half-block from of Matilde's house, part occasions on special away sells or gives that the Cultural Center pets husband andtheUnderAdolfo (Matilde's thechildren oftheslum. among at the municipality. husband a job Lucia's ofPublic Works) got Secretary with maa sewing fashion puppets Antonia Luciaand hercomadre statethis ten almost years ago, chine tothePlanPais.Launched belonging in organization" community is intended "to strengthen funded program of thesubsidizeddevelopment productive through poorneighborhoods ofthe partofthefunds In Cospito thebrokers captured micro-enterprises. obtheir inner circles. Matilde source for thusacquiring an extra program, work with ofwomen to a group and organized tained oneofthesubsidies of herself a friend Lucia considers Center. (and for)herat theCultural
articulating figas central on theroleofbrokers literature exists 14.An extensive classical Wolf analyses ofEric (1977), systems. See theseminal Sydel ofclientelist operation uresinthe andJohn DuncanPowell(1977). (1977), Silverman

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Matildesince Matilde:"Shealwayslendsyou a hand."Lucia has known Plan Vida. (blockdelegate)of thestate-funded 1984and is a manzanera herwith food. also provides Matilde lady. Sheis also cleaning Lucia'splaceas Matilde's hastaken Brigitte and themedicine shedistributes where Center, oftheCultural thesecretary is also a themunicipality. Brigitte that Matilde from brings foodpackages a heart suffered recently Her grandmother ofthePlanVida.15 manzanera but expensive herwith partoftheextremely and Matilde provides attack, would Matilde shehopedthat toldmethat mother Brigitte's medicine. vital Thehopeofa jobserves for herdaughter. soongeta jobatthemunicipality is emnoteveryone Although circle. theinner glue within as important contract getsa fixed-term someone thefact that atthemunicipality, ployed Iftheothers inthe effect. demonstration ora part-time jobhasan important to according esperar, and "knowhow to wait" (saber circleare diligent a withposts.Alfonsina, sooneror latertheywillbe rewarded Brigitte), womanat a public circle, gotherjob as a cleaning inner ofJuan's member there "When Shetoldmeinourinterview: hisintervention. through school in anywaypossible.... collaborate we (thepeopleoftheparty) is a rally, butyouhavetobe patient....Yes,I was So maybe youcangeta jobthere, I gotit...." and with patience patient, within it,like Cholo's network. Matilde'scirclehas othercircles whatI forMatilde.... She coordinates thathe "works Cholo explained foodpackages andmedCholo'sUB with provides havetodo...." Matilde Matilde areaoftheslum. among"hispeople"inanother todistribute icines a calla nioqui, Argentines Cholois what hispolitical patron. is hisreferente, at themunicias a ghost employee a paycheck whocollects activist party be renewed must contract job that ofCospito. He holdsa fixed-term pality him She also provided with of Matilde. months the approval every,three in "hisarea." with pipestobuildthesewagesystem I started with shetoldme Matilde, "When working Choloreported, Matilde gavehima key dayoftheyear." that theUB shouldbe openevery to shemanaged atthemunicipality, hercontacts Through resource tostart. go to thefirst publicpay phonein thearea in his UB. Residents install thePrograma Cholo'sUB to use thephone,to getpowderedmilkfrom orpainreliever. someantibiotic ortoaskfor Materno-Infantil, He is ofthegroup." terms "a keycomponent Cholois whatMatilde in thearea nearhisUB and has beenpraisedby someas theone known thePlan for toimprove theslum.Choloalso works whohasdonethemost thePlanVida's Choloaccompanies Sundays), morning (except Vida.Every
ofthe impartiality" "thepolitical emphasize constantly officials 15.See note2. Although twenty from thecommunity, "naturally" emerge that themanzaneras PlanVidaandthefact broker. party bya Peronist in VillaParaisowererecruited manzaneras outoftwenty-three UB. wereheldatMatilde's oftheprogram Mostmeetings

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Latin American Research Review truck on itsroute through theslumand other poorneighborhoods ofthe toVillaParaiso. areaadjacent He andtwoother mendistribute themilk, cereal,and eggsto theblockdelegates of thePlan Vida. He spreadsnews abouttheplan(suchas a forthcoming inwhich rally tolaunch theprogram thegovernor orthegovernor's wife willbe present). Choloalso distributes theprogram's newspaper and provides newsrelated tothePeronist party (the time ofthemeeting for a rally, an invitation toa barbecue, elasado peronista). Choloreports anyproblem a manzanera might have(a newmember oftheprogram, a dropout, a complaint abouta shortage offood)toMimi, Matilde's daughter-in-law, whois theareacoordinator oftheprogram. For doingthis job,he earns fifty pesosa week.16 In structural terms, Juan Pisutti'sinner circleis identicalto Matilde's. Yetthenumber of personswho have closerelationships with Juan is smaller, making hisinner circle smaller. His family does notparticipateinhisactivities as Matilde's family does inhers. Alfonsina gotherjob at a publicschoolthrough theintervention mediofPisutti, Rosa receives cine forher hemoplegy from him,and Carlitosgetspackagesof food As in Matilde's inner theseprobthrough Juan's timely mediation. circle, in lemholders with someservices provide problem solvers like Juan Pisutti return. Theinner of circle helpsthebroker tosolvetheeveryday problems unidadbasica slum-dwellers. at thebroker's Theyrunthesoup kitchens and arenormally in charge theloofopening, and maintaining cleaning, willbe cale.Members circle whenthebroker oftheinner usually announce availableat theUB to theoutercircle and spreadthenewswhenfoodis being distributed attheUB orthemunicipal Unlike building. Matilde, Juan Pisutti UB working him.His areaofinfluence does nothaveanother for is muchmorelimited than Matilde's, surcovering onlythefour blocks that round hisUB. Members oftheoutercircle beneficiaries ofthebro(thepotential kers' distributive capacities) arerelated tobrokers ties.17 conbyweak They tactthebroker whenproblems is ariseor whena specialfavor needed(a food a driver's a friend in somemedicine, thewater package, license, truck, intheouter circle orfictive do notdeveloptiesoffriendship jail).Butthose with somerallies orgatherings kinship brokers. Although they mayattend
inherpolitical Her 16.Matilde's nuclear andextended families participate fully activities. twodaughters-in-law aretheregional coordinators ofthelargest food-distribution program in thearea. Her husbandis theUnder-Secretary of PublicWorks in themunicipality of One ofhersonsis thepresident oftheneighborhood center effecC6spito. cultural (which as another as herhusband's tively operates UB),andherother sonserves private secretary at the InPeronist this isa common Further research municipality. politics, pattern phenomenon. is needed onthe overlap between family kinship andpolitical networks-and the prominent, within although subordinated, roleofwomen them. 17. On thedifference between strong and weakties(in terms ofthetime, intimacy, and intherelationships), emotional intensity involved see Granovetter (1973).

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himorherinan internal orevenvotefor organized bythebroker election, with thebroker. While they do nothavean everyday intimate relationship thebrokers' tiestotheir inner circles aredenseand intense, their tiestothe circles outer aremore sparseand intermittent. The bases forthisstrong relationship are multiple. Thosewho are inner fora longtime circle haveknown their brokers partofthebrokers' (usually morethanfour or fiveyears), and thebrokers have "lent them a I hand"in a timeof extreme In thelifestories hardship. and interviews recorded, most members ofan inner circle highlighted a foundational favor that inaugurated thislong-lasting and "very useful" relationship. Brokers them areportrayed as "coming to rescue" without ulterior motives. That foundational favor establishes a relationship ofmutual help.The foundational transactions cluster into ties, which inturn concatenate into networks. Resources andInformation Domination Networks: Controlling One standard defines network as red, English-Spanish dictionary is "net, reticulo. inturn, inEnglish. hasseveral Thefirst malla, Red, meanings and fowling," but anothermeaninggiven is for fishing particularly networks areneither frozen timeless structures nor Problem-solving theintended ofa politician's calculated orcynical action. reoutcome They sult from interactions long-term regular that, although usually inaugurated must and practiced. Much bya founding favor, be continuously cultivated likea university intheUnited Pisutti holdshisoffice professor States, Juan hours attheUB twice a week.He spendsmost afternoons and Wednesday thestream ofpersons whoshowup athisUB. Saturday mornings assisting His innercircle is usuallythere, preparing mate, distributing powdered milk, catching up on recent news.Juancito takestimeto listen to every whocomesto hisUB. Although dweller mostcometo ask himfor somethat is outofhisreach(likejobs),he givesthem thing somekindofuseful foodat themunicipality, information: a tipfor finding or theprecise date whenfoodwillbe distributed at themunicipal and how to probuilding ceedtoobtain the"ninekilosofmerchandise." also useshiscontacts Juan atthelocalpublic orhisownhealth insurance toobtain medicine hospital inan emergency. Within the Peronist Peronist brokers problem-solving network, function as gatekeepers, as go-betweens theflow ofgoods between acting andservices from ofthemunicipal theexecutive branch coming power(the mayor) and theflowofsupport and votescoming from theclients. As in historical and geographical is'themost manyother settings, gatekeeping function important ofPeronist brokers. As CarlosandAnderson observed,
18.See NewRevised andEnglish Veldzquez Spanish Dictionary.

"snare./18

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Review Research LatinAmerican theflowof demands, faor facilitate "a politicalbrokercan eitherobstruct (1981,172-73).Yet some constituency" vors,goods and servicesto or from stemfrom These differences emergeamong brokers. differences significant theircontrolof resourcesfromabove (goods and services),which in turn below (human beings) theycan the amount of resourcesfrom determines "control." to the Resources (food and medicine) move fromthe municipality power to do what unidades basicas, wherethebrokershave discretionary food distribuconcerning theywant with the resources.The information the UBs, as thebrothrough tion at the municipalbuilding also circulates in and membership at themunicipality kerNorma explained.Employment the Peronistpartyprovidebrokerswiththe access to knowledgeabout reAlthoughneighborsknow in general about the food source distribution. they do not know the precise date on distribution at the municipality, will be carried out. Nor do they know the everwhich the distribution knowthedates and proceduresto obtainthe"ninekilos."Brokers changing have the speciallydesigned cards requiredto obtainthefood. These cards are small ticketswith a number on them,indicatingthe date when the thegeneralpopulation's holdercan go to themunicipalbuilding.Whether created"or "justhappens" (Erickson1996)I canignoranceis "deliberately illusjournalentries one of my first episode from not know.The following confuse individuals to set tratesthat on occasion, brokersintentionally between the slum and themselvesup as the only channelsof information themunicipality. of with thecoordinator Pisutti Atthebeginning ofAugust gotintouch 1996, Juan inthelocalCatholic Nora.He a women named Church, thesoupkitchen operating dairy products who "is able to obtain official himself as a municipal introduced TheSecretary ofSofor ofthesoupkitchen." functioning andvegetables thebetter withmilk, or vegetables. thesoup kitchen cheese, cial Welfare does notprovide ofSosheusually asksGraciela attheSecretary Noratoldhimthat (a socialworker Forwhatever ifand whenthesoupkitchen problems needsanything. cialWelfare) with Graciela." NoratellsPisutti, "we getin touch haveat thesoup kitchen, they me or Graciela." The You can contact Pisutti "it'sexactly thesamething. replies, there is a lotof that aboutthisepisode.Shebelieves socialworker was indignant shouldoccupy. the"place"eachone (sheand Pisutti) "confusion" concerning This episode depictsthe typicalmovementof Peronistpunterosor referentes pursuing the core of brokerage:settingthemselvesup as the or resourceflows (Gould and transactions (only) channels that facilitate obstacles thattheyhave to conthe 1989,91).19It also illustrates Fernaindez
andthe between thecommunity most links and control toacquire 19.Thisconstant effort deAs Cornelius brokers. typesofpolitical of other is a majorcharacteristic government thecommuall links between he "seekstomonopolize urban scribed theMexican cacique, environment" intheexternal structures andbureaucratic andpolitical hiscontrol nity under 1977, 347). (Cornelius

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agents, organization nongovernmental in thistask.Social workers, front opponents themostoutspoken activists areusually community and other brokers.20 ofPeronist itis orjusthappens, created is deliberately Whether theignorance devoidofsocialorganowalmost In neighborhoods induced. structurally indieach other, from isolated are increasingly dwellers where nizations, and their Brokers information. forobtaining vidualshave fewnetworks evenvitalinformation. haveaccesstohelpful, incontrast, circles, inner infor dependon thebroker slum-dwellers many To theextent that itcanbe asserted elsewhere, resources notavailable andmaterial formation power" and thus "positional centrality" enjoy"positional thatbrokers banktoa large similar location a structural 10).Theyoccupy (Knoke1990, can imposeits position itsmonopolistic that from institution ingor credit exerIn thisway, brokers credit. initsowninterest for granting ownterms ofmonopofa position byvirtue wouldcall"domination cisewhat Weber as toaccumulate careers and try their ownpolitical Brokers pursue oly."'21 andhoard resources gather can.Todo so,they as they power political much solvers." theybecome"problem vitalto solvingproblems: information ofpoorpeoplewhomustsolve theactions directly Theydo notcommand of byvirtue wouldcall "domination needs(whatWeber survival pressing Yetonly an approach toobey"). andduty i.e.,powertocommand authority, thestrucfails to perceive rather thanrelations on individuals that focuses Inpursuing their brokers. intheposition ofPeronist effects tural domination in thelocal political field), to higher positions own interests (ascending inIn so doing, insolving they problems. somebecomequasi monopolists holders. ofproblem thepossibilities toconstrain crease their capacity inner withtheir respective brokers establish The relationships that domination ofthewayinwhich an intriguing qualification circles compose and goods thatappeal to their information is carried out. By supplying is secured at low cost. compliance voluntary self-interest, closefollowers' ofa larger Yettheexpectation poweris economical. brokers' In thissense, ofauthority. in thisrelationship benefit (likea publicpost)is also present
and local politics clientelist between thissame tension 20. Cardoso(1992)documented see in thecase ofGuadalajara, argument in Sao Paulo.Fora similar groups neighborhood (1997). Shefner exderived is "baseduponinfluence ofdomination type this toMaxWeber, 21.According insomewayandactskills guaranteed thepossession ofgoodsormarketable clusively from andaremotifree formally however, whoremain, dominated, ofthose ingupontheconduct really ifthey debtors, owninterests....Thepotential oftheir bythepursuit vatedsimply evenguarand must conditions to these submit in their owninterest must needthecredit, pursue banks. . . simply Thecredit security. collateral bysupplying anteethissubmission withformal acting persons, them bestwhenthedominated and realize their own interests cirbyobjective uponthem areforced as they owninterests their pursue freedom, rationally 1968, 943). cumstances" (Weber

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In thelatter sense, Peronist problem-solving networks resemble theclassic machines inU.S. cities. on Both are "systems ofdomination, party relying and punishments in line"(Knoke bothrewards to keeptheir entourages Togettheir 1990,4). problems solved, problem holders become increasingly within ensnared thePeronist web.Thatis to say,brokers' powerderives from their position within thenetwork and from theposition ofthenetitself inthelarger work socialstructure oftheslum. ThePeronist problemsolving network keepsexpanding itsinfluence, spreading within theslum inthewater. likean oil slick that disperses gradually
THE CLIENTS' PERSPECTIVE

On delving into theintricacies ofgrassroots clientelism, onecandetectcertain regularities thatform a pyramidal structure of relations in which"clients," and patrons interact. Buttounderstand the brokers, fully logicofclientelist interactions (andtheconundrum oftheir resiliency), one mustfocuson theobjective meaning ofpractices butalso investigate the inthe oftheactions oftheactors involved subjective purposes ("ensnared") web.Oncetheempirical focus is notonlyrelations butexoftheanalysis it can be seen thatclientelist periences, problem solvinginvolvesconan imagined solidaristic and a prostructing personalized ties, community, tective and predictable buffers of network that theharsh everyday reality theslum.The lastsection ofthisarticle willoutline ofthis keyelements side ofclientelism on thebeliefs and evaluations "subjective" byfocusing ofthemembers ofbrokers' inner elements that further recircles, require search.
Niceand Helpful Friends

Relations ofclientelist exist in practice domination as relations that areuseful from theclients' for perspective solving problems, obtaining proofeveryday tection therisks andmaking friends with against life, someone Tothemembers inner are who"really cares." ofthe brokers' circles, brokers nottheunscrupulous and corrupt talk politicians whommostneighbors and "sacrificing" whom about. are"helpful" and "goodpeople"with They holdershave a personalrelationship described as sometimes problem butalwaysas worth "friendship" keeping. BothJuanPisutti and Matildeare viewedby manyneighbors as thepeople"andthus"bad and corrupt" who "playtheir "using politicians own game."Theyare sometimes blamedforthelimited amountof resources that socialassistance intheneighborhood bedistribute programs cause"they themselves." Brokers arealwaysacalwayskeepthegoodsfor cusedof"deceiving thepeople." 70

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thatheldby thosewho solve mostof their Thisview contradicts out Rosa pointed intervention. a broker's through life problems everyday careofpeople, is: "the wayhetakes Pisutti person" Juan what an "excellent whogo there becausethose human being.... He suffers heis an exceptional He has a solutotheir problems. a solution leavewithout [totheUB] never Manypeopleaskhimfor adviseseveryone. He willingly for everyone. tion them that he doesn't He never tells money... ,and heuseshisownmoney. haveanymoney." himself forthepeopleof sacrifices to Carlos,"Juancito According appliedto arealso characterizations and self-sacrificing Helpful theslum." "Sheis so good." whensomething happens." "Sheis alwaysthere Matilde: detail." toevery single "Matilde paysattention about circles ofinner among members Themainpoint ofagreement thedistribufor responsible arepersonally thebrokers brokers is that their a job,orgives a pension, offers that grants tionofthings. Theorganization ornational is notthelocal,provincial, govora foodpackage outmedicine care,who feel butMatildeorJuan. Theyaretheoneswhoreally ernment of friends and are alwaysavailable.Hundreds forothers, who are their it fact: notes tooneessential testify and field transcripts pagesofinterview butMatilde or agency as thedistributing is perceived that is notthestate aretheoneswho distribute broker. Andbecausethey Juan or someother at all todo so. Theydo no obligation areviewedas having thegoods,they for "sacrifice care, becausethey want to,becausethey really itbecausethey summarized this belief: "Peocircle, part ofMatilde's thepeople."Roberto, She andit'snotan obligation. togiveoutthings, itsherobligation plethink Whois she?Is sheyour herobligation? to.What's doesitbecauseshewants and itseemslikeit a favor, a lot.Youdo them Peoplegetconfused mother? And becauseMatildeis theone who And it is a favor." is an obligation. whatsoever todo having anyobligation thegoodswithout darestodeliver to thething givenor thefavor invoke anyright cannot it,thebeneficiary inorder toenforce towhich onecanresort is no third party There granted. constitute a right 1994).Butin a per(see Tilly or whatmight one'sclaim, no problem can be obtained, outofwhich nothing sonalized relationship canbe solved.
Practical Activity as an Everyday Brokerage

in "a time whendemands ofelections" Someslum-dwellers believe becausepoliticians and goodsobtained can be satisfied promptly quickly Arthroughout settings are eagerto win their votes.As in manyother that is "the time for seen as and Latin something politics" America, gentina ofeveryday breaks that occurs oncein a while, up theroutine something intheslum(see Hirschman 1984and Heredia1996). life 71

Review Research LatinAmerican

told associations, ofoneofthefewneighborhood president Rogelio, areelecfor politics, whenthere showsup whenit'sthetime me:"Matilde ofone of president showup... ." Horacio, Thatis whenpoliticians tions. [like togetsomething "Ifwe want agreed: clubsinthearea, soccer themany time, we Atthat theelections. we willhaveto waitfor a sewagesystem], get that we might ... ; we provide so many[votes] something candemand to times arean opportunity that electoral in return." Thebelief something and HoRogelio Both experiences. inpersonal is anchored solveproblems thepasttwo before shortly organizations respective their raciogotaid for the we gota plotoflandfor politics, "Through elections. Horaciorelated, electhenext so I willhaveto waitfor club.... Now we needthebricks, rally tothemultiple orlimited times to electoral restricted Whether tion." arealso seen activity. Politics areviewedas a discontinuous days,politics to get "an opportunity business," "a lucrative as "dirty" and "corrupt": is "deceitful and manipulative." that ahead,"an activity neighnew.Butin thesamedestitute arehardly Suchobservations Almost coexist. of politics evaluations contradictory strikingly borhood, "I don'tdo"-by impliis something shares theidea that politics everyone constitute a unipolitics do." All agreethat "others something that cation, regardserve toimprove one'sownlot, with itsownrules and might verse certain aspects highlight good.Yetsomeslum-dwellers lessofthecommon exploring. ofpolitics as worth do andthemunicipality that brokers thework Someresidents praise of food,sheetsof withthedistribution fortheneighborhood, especially is a lotofhelp "There elaborated, As oneinterviewee andmattresses. metal, thefood.Ifyou notonlywith ..., themunicipality alwayshas an answer, usedtogivemilk they'll giveittoyou.... In a UB,they needa metal sheet, is whosaysthere is a lotofhelp,anyone there with a pieceofbread.Here, and wait. you haveto go there no helpis lying.... Whathappensis that has itsowntime." Everything ofthebrokers of accessibility with steady Consonant theperceived the aid coming not believe that do someslum-dwellers thePeronist party, is an "assistance" election rather, periods, increases during from politicians I of "Some yourneighbors issue.When inquired, everyday personalized time?" Victoria replied, election during theaid comesquicker toldmethat it'salways so." Adela added,"From mypointofview, "No,I don'tthink thesame." and partof the habitual Problem solvingbecomespersonalized Thosewhoreceive inner circles. things ofbrokers' ofmembers knowledge their brokers. and support Theyarepart knowthat haveto go rallies they as the return someexpected in which favors imply ofa universe everyday in practice" immanent as a "scheme ruleofthegame,a ruleunderstood Relations in a practical state. exists that 1977, 38),as a mandate (Bourdieu insofar as solvers are "practical" and problem between holders problem 72

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thedistribthrough kept up,and cultivated" "practised, they areroutinely 1977, 38).Attendance (Bourdieu offavors and thegranting ution ofthings knowledge. is part ofthestock ofpractical ata rally you need,does I askedCoca, "So whenMatildegetsthemedicine Coca exmetotherally'?" shecomeand tellyou,'Youhavetocomewith I haveto go withherinstead ofwithsomeone "No, I knowthat plained, or ora packet ofyerba orsomemilk, else.Becauseshegavememedicine, I havetogo toherrally in order tofulfill myobligation I knowthat sugar, then when BecauseifI do notgo toherrally, toher, toshowmygratitude. 'Go askthepershewon'tgiveittome.[Shewouldsay,] I needsomething with you."' sonwhowent totherally trust clientelism hasshown that on political Theextensive literature (Ayata1994),familistic "hopesforthefuture" 1990),solidarity, (Roniger 1977;Scott (Gouldner orientations (TellisNovak 1983),and reciprocity brokers, intherelationships established among patrons, 1977)indeedexist and feelings areverbalized bybothclients Theseexperiences and clients. areremarked ontime andagain whenaskedaboutthem. They andbrokers their gateparty present Brokers ofthePeronist inbrokers' speeches. public withthepoor,a relationship function as a specialrelationship keeping "thelove them, ofdebtand obligation, specialcarefor couchedin terms indifference is tobe elimthat bureaucratic them" tothepoint for they feel traPeronist a persistent and enacting 1999a).Embodying (Auyero inated Peronand Juan oflove"between as the"bridge ofEva Peron dition-that their work notas a job brokers political thepoormasses-Peronist present is "all sacrifice" tothepoint work butas "a passionfor thepeople."Their Some in thepost.Thebrokers "Wecareaboutthem." insist, ofexhaustion thenetworks careaboutus." Thoseoutside oftheclients say,"Thebrokers "Thebrokers careonlycareaboutthemselves." say, caring, and reciprocity, ontrust, solidarity, Thisdiscursive emphasis services, andprotection Insofar as thesolutions, effects. hopehasparticular in and symbolic exchanges, material (inseparable providedby brokers is communicated) and something is given, a favor granted, which a thing that is an unequalbala de facto stateofaffairs areinclined to legitimate as ideologicanbe described they anceofpower(a domination network), actions of Theactofgiving, thecaring cal machines Bourdieu). (following inner circles transform (or atoftheir and thetrusting response brokers, someone who (helping totransform) a contingent socialrelationship tempt We relationship: as lasting) (acknowledged is in need) intoa recognized as our Matildeor Juan solveourproblem, and by theway,we recognize through politThisrecognition underlies solving problem solver. problem companionIn an ideological ofcooperation, environment icalmediation. balanceof that freeze a particular tiesareconstructed ship,and solidarity, forces. on theworld circle confer Theacceptance that members oftheinner 73

Review Research LatinAmerican

constitutes mediation undoubtedly political through solving of problem oftheir itis theexpression Ultimately, position. ofthebrokers' thestrength weaka major represents suchacceptance Yetatthesametime, legitimacy. probbondbetween bya closeeveryday is produced ness.Thislegitimacy upheld, be constantly must that a relation solver, and problem lemholder Keepingup therelationship exercised. and directly practiced, personally ofthistie, thestrength to maintain ofthebroker dependson thecapacity As itturns to deliver. on hisor hercapacity contingent largely something A broker canget factors. on other and dependent is finite capacity out,this as ifhe or someone favors, and assist do "essential" medicine, jobs,deliver of number butonlyfor a restricted family, shewerepartoftherecipient's than has no more intheslum, Matilde, broker Themost powerful persons. strong ties,out ofa voting boundto herthrough individuals a hundred tomaintain capacity Thebroker's seventhousand. than ofmore population relationship becauseitdependson thebroker's eachtieis also contingent thebrowhoprovides ofCospito), case,themayor (inthis party toa third thegoodstobe distributed. kerwith beliethepresumably capacities ofthebrokers' Thescopeand limits The image of an extended politics. character of clientelist all-powerful and bythemedia, portrayed (stereotypically electorate clientelist "captive" is in thissenseempirically byscholars) adoptedunreflectively sometimes can scarcely significant, inner although circles, The size ofbrokers' shaky. conofelectoral ofthevote"and the"building the"conquest for account doesnotmean conclusion Yetthis toclientelism. attributed usually sensus" Thistypeofnetclientelism. political shouldstopstudying thatscholars a somewhat and guarantees and inequality domination workreproduces provedecisivein internal who might voters of hard-core stablenumber elections.
CONCLUDING REMARKS

is variedand extenclientelism on political theliterature Although atthe networks of clientelist the actual workings about little is known sive, nothIn almost America. Argentina Latin in level contemporary grassroots The of poverty.22 in areas high networks Peronist ing is knownabout Peronism between contemporary thesites ofconvergence unidades basicas, studied.23 By focusing have neverbeen seriously and clientelist politics,
22. Levitsky'srecentresearch(1996, 1998) may be the only exceptionto thislack of firsthand knowledge. partyis, to my 23. Bianchiand Sanchis's (1988) studyofthewomen's branchofthePeronist to the unidades basicas knowledge, the only serious researchthatincludes some reference (1946-1955). and second Peronistgovernments duringthe first

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problemofthePeronist resources, and dynamics functions, on theform, ofthepractices analysis an initial toprovide I havesought network, solving partof Thefirst clients. ofreal-life brokers and theexperiences ofreal-life as two control and resource hoarding information examined thearticle networks. ofclientelist inthefunctioning practices important equally of Peronist dimension" also exploredthe "subjective The article element ofclientelism provedtobe a decisive Theexperience clientelism. relations Clientelist socialarrangement. hierarchical ofthis intheworkings and takenforgranted by a small habitual, as legitimate, are experienced ties withstrong and everyday thoseclients ofbrokers' followers, portion thescopeof has shownthat Thusthestudy localpoliticians. Peronist with kinds other itappearsthat Consequently, is limited. network theclientelist intheconwith"clientelist politics" inconjunction ofpolitics areoperating vote. questofthePeronist reinnetworks in Peronist problem-solving Engagedparticipation The as itprovides identities as much goodsandfavors. forces sociopolitical officials inner andstate circles, brokers, clients, among structure ofrelations arethebasesfor inthenetwork ofindividual actors as wellas thelocation netProblem-solving and attitudes. perceptions, behaviors, their exploring culpolitical oftheheterogeneous supports areoneoftherelational works issues:theperis neededon three Further research poor. tures oftheurban ceptual and behavioralconsequencesthat the locationwithinthese foragentsinengenders positions) between (and therelations networks and reconfigtoreproduce networks ofthese thecapacity volvedin them; ofthis "Peronist identity"; and theeffectiveness urean alwaysambiguous mobilization. ofelectoral as a mechanism arrangement ofclientelist type
REFERENCES
ACUNA, CARLOS

1995

"Politicsand Economics in the Argentinaof the Nineties (or,Why the FutureNo inLatin Reform andStructural Markets, LongerIs WhatItUsed to Be)." In Democracy, edited by Carlos Acufia,EdandMexico, Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Argentina, America: N.J.:Transaction. 31-74. New Brunswick, uardo Gamarra,and WilliamSmith, Buenos Aires:Nueva Vision. argentina. La nueva matriz politica

ACUNA, CARLOS, ED.

1995

AUYERO, JAVIER

8:31-56. politico."Sociedad 1996 "La doble vida del clientelismo of Contemporary 1999a "Performing Evita: A Tale of Two Peronist Women." Journal 27, no. 4:461-93. Ethnography in an Ar1999b "'This Is a Lot Like the Bronx,Isn't It?' Lived Experiencesof Marginality Research 23, no. 1:45-69. andRegional ofUrban Journal gentineSlum." International 1994 1996 "Clientelism:Premodern,Modern, Postmodern."In RONIGER 1994,19-28.
AND AYATA-GUNES

AYATA-GUNES, AYSE

BECCARIA, LUIS, AND NESTOR LOPEZ AND LOPEZ, EDS.,

del mercado de trabajo urbano." In "Notas sobre el comportamiento 1996,17-46.

BECCARIA

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BECCARIA, LUIS, AND NESTOR LOPEZ, EDS.

argentina. en la sociedad y sus efectos deldesempleo Las caracteristicas 1996 Sin trabajo:
Buenos Aires:Losada. Buenos Aires:CentroEditorde AmericaLatina. femenino. El partido peronista (1936-1940).Buenos Aires:CentroEditorde AmericaLatina.
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BIANCHI, SUSANA, AND NORMA SANCHIS

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BITRAN, R., AND A. SCHNEIDER

de BuenosAires de ManuelA. Frescoen la provincia conservador 1991 El gobierno

1988 "Relationsof Productionand Class Rule: The Hidden Basis of Patron-Clientage." edited by BarryWellmanand StephenD. Approach, A Network In Social Structures: Press. 198-220.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Berkowitz, Buenos Aires:El Cielo por Asalto. y menemismo. Peronismo
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BODEMAN,

BORON, ATILIO, ET AL.

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