SOME ABSOLUTIVE FORMS IN ARDHA-M~GADHT by

K. R. NORMAN

Cambridge
I. VIJJA .M; BUJJH.~

I n a survey o f absolutive forms in M i d d l e I n d o - A r y a n , 1 Miss L. A. Schwarzschild 2 raised once again the question o f the s u p p o s e d p a l a t a l isation o f the conjuncts tv a n d dv in M I A , 3 a n d d i d m u c h to s h o w t h a t it is very d o u b t f u l whether such a p h o n e t i c change d i d occur. A l t h o u g h u n a b l e to give a n y certain e x p l a n a t i o n for vijjam, a n d bujjhd, 4 she ind i c a t e d a t h a t in all p r o b a b i l i t y these were n o t examples o f this type o f change. I t n o w seems likely t h a t a m o r e detailed e x a m i n a t i o n o f these forms m a y p r o v i d e an answer to this p r o b l e m . T h e f o r m e r w o r d occurs in A M g in the following passages (all f r o m Stayag.): i) ihalogaduhdvaham, via, paraloge ya duham, duhdvaham. / viddham, san.adhammam eva tam., ii vijjam, ko 'gdrarn dvase]/ (I. 2.2.10) I n his cty A b h a y a d e v a explains "ity evam. vidvdn = jdnan". ii) se savvadam.sf abhibh@and.nf, nirdmagandhe dhiimam. !hiyappd[ an.uttare savvajagam.si vijjam., ganthd ale abhae an.aft/~ (I. 6.5) Here vijjam, is glossed "vidvdn iti sakalapaddrthdndm, karataldmalakan-

ydyena vettd". iii) aparikkha dit.tham, na hu eva siddh~, ehinti te ghayam abujjhaman, a/ bhaehij&nam, pa.dileha saya.m, vijjam, gah~yam, tasathdvarehim. // (I. 7.19)
z Some abbreviations: MIA = Middle Indo-Aryan; AMg = Ardha-M~gadhi; Pkt = Prakrit; Skt = Sanskrit; Cty = commentary; BHS = Buddhist Hybrid Skt; Pischel = R. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-spracben (cited by paragraphs); SBE = Sacred Books of the East; Edgerton = F. Edgerton, BHS Grammar (cited by paragraphs); RV = ggveda; Burrow, Skt Lang. = T. Burrow, Skt Language; Sfiyag. = S~yagad.a?pga-sutta; /~y~r. = .~yara.mga-sutta (ed. Jacobi); Ova. = Ovavaiya-sutta (ed. Leumann); Utt. = Uttarajjhaya.na-sutta(ed. Charpentier); Isibh. = Isibhasiyai~ (ed. Schubring). 2 "Some forms of the Absolutive in MIA", JAOS, 76, pp. 111-15. 8 Pisehel, 299; cf. L. H. Gray, BSOS, VIII, 574-5, and Edgerton, 35.39. Hemacandra Gr. 2.15, and Kumarapalacarita 2.88; the only example of the second word in canonical literature seems to be abujjha (Sfiyag. I. 13.20) which is glossed

"abuddhva". s Loc. cir., p. 113.

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K.R. NORMAN The cty glosses vijjam, in two w a y s : 1) " vidvtin = sadasadvivekf" or 2) " vidydm. = jgana~ grhftva".

iv) eehim, chahim, kaehi.m tam. vijjam, parija.niyd/

man.ast~ kayavakken, am. ndrambhf na pariggah~// (I. 9.9) The refrain "tam. vijjam, parijdn, iyd" occurs again in vv. 10-18, 20-23. Here vijjam, is glossed "sagrutiko". v) kammam, ca chandam, ca vigim.ca dh?re, vin.aijja fi savvau dyabhava.m[ rftvehi luppanti bhayavahehim., vijjam, g ahdyd tasathdvarehim./ / (I. 13.21) Despite the similarity of pada (d) to iii (d) above, vijjam, is here glossed only "vidvan = pan..dito". The problem of vijjam, has been connected by Jacobi s with vijjd which occurs twice in Utt. XVIII: n~n. druim, ca chandam, ca parivajjejja sam.jae/ a.nattha je ya savvattha iya vijjam a.nusam.care//30// Here Devendra glosses "'iti --- ityevam.r@dm, vidydm. = samyagj~anatmikam". pa.dikkamdmi pasi.ndnam, paramantehim, vd pun.o~ aho ut.t.hie ahorayam, ii vijj~ tavam, care//31// The gloss here is "vidv~n = janan".
Although Jacobi translates v. 30 in accordance with the cty, he is certainly correct in saying that vijjd in both verses must be the same. It seems unlikely that vijj~m should be object of an.usam.care as Devendra thinks, for while examples of the change -a.m < -am in A M g can be quoted, ~ they seem to occur almost exclusively before the particles eva and avi. In this instance m is a sandhi consonant, as often, s Jacobi's explanation is accepted by Charpentier. 9 They both overlook, however, the fact that vijjd occurs also in Utt. IX. 49, where pada (d) is identical with XVIII. 31 (d).

pud.hav~ stil~ java ceva hiran.n, a.m pasubhissaha/ pa.dipu~.m, am. nalam egassa ii vijjd tava.m care// Here the cry glosses "satratvad viditvd". The fact that the cty regards
6 SBE, XLV, p. 84, note 2. 7 E.g. kis~m avi (Sfiyag.I. 1.1.2), el. Pische168.jotis~m aya.na (Ova. 77) seems to be in imitation of the Skt. 8 Pischel, 353. 9 See his edition of Utt., p. 344. x0 This long-recognised characteristic of MIA is found also in BH$ (see Edgerton 35.1, 9, 39) and Epic Skt (see Whitney Skt Gr., para. 990a.) ix Pischel, 581. 12 Pischel,73. The question of whether this -ya is in fact a lengthening metri eausa, or a survival of the original length, will be discussed below in connection with the absolutives in -cca.

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vijjd as an absolutive f o r m provides the solution to the problem. It is then to be derived < *vidyd, and comparable forms, made on the nonPfi.ninian 1~ pattern of simple verb + -ya, ~1 lengthened > -yd, ~2 can be quoted. There is in fact no d o u b t that all three examples o f vijjd are absolutive forms. I f Jacobi and Charpentier are correct in connecting vijjam.13 and vijjd, although wrong in their derivation, then it is necessary to explain the ending o f vijjam. F o r m s ending in unoriginal -.m are n o t u n k n o w n in A M g , t h o u g h none o f Pischel's examples is an absolutive3 4 Absolutives ending in -m can be quoted, ~5 and although these m a y be instances o f sandhi m ~6 and not o f change -.m > -m before vowels as Pischel thought, 1~ nevertheless it is likely that he is correct. There does not, however, seem to be any reason for assuming that the -m is anything but unoriginal, presumably added to lengthen a short syllable3 s This alternation -am./-d has p r o b a b l y no connection with the similar alternation seen in man. am./ man. d, sakkha.m/sakkhd, 19 and the ablative forms in -a.m/-d. 2~ In these cases -an.~ and -d represent alternative developments in M I A o f - d - + final consonant. After this discussion it is clear that bujjhd and abujjha are also examples o f the non-Pg.ninian type o f absolutive, made f r o m the simple verb stem budh- + -yd. Attempts to see the phonetic change jjh < dhv here are certainly wrong.
II. ABSOLUTIVES IN-CCA It n o w seems worth while to turn again to the much-discussed question of the A M g absolutives in -ccd 21 in the hope o f throwing a little more la There seems to be no grammatical objection to translating v(/]a.mas an absolutive in quotations (i), (ii) and (iv) above; in (iii) and (v) it certainly stands for vidyam. 1~ Pischel, 181. Note, however, that quotations (iii) and (v) above afford a close parallel in gahaya.m/gah~y& This is not noted in Pischel, but appears in nearly every edition and MS accessible to me. 18 E.g. soecam ida.rn (,~yfir. II.16.1), dissam agayalp (Utt. XXII.16). 18 Cf. Pischel, 353. z7 Pischel, 114, 349. ~8 Pischel, 181. It is worthy of note that not all additions of-.m are m.c. It is found frequently in prose in the phrase te.nar~ kale.na.m te.na.m sarnaye.na.m. This form of the instrumental has in common with the absolutives in -n.~the fact that both ended originally in -a (<*-all according to Burrow, Skt Lang., pp. 269, 371). 19 Pischel, 114. 20 See L. Alsdorf, "A specimen of Archaic Jaina M~hftr~.st.ri", BSOS, VIII, 330. An example earlier than the Vasudevahi.nd.i can be seen in Utt. XXIII. 46 mukko mi visabhakkha.na~n glossed "vi~abhak~a.n~t". ~x For previous work on this problem see above, p. 1, notes 2 and 3.

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light u p o n their formation. Despite Pischel's objection to regarding -ccd as being derived < Vedic -tya, 2~ it nevertheless seems very likely that this is in fact the case. His refusal was based on two grounds: (a) -tyd occurs only metri causa in RV, whereas -ccd is n o r m a l in prose in A M g ; 2a (b) -tyd occurs in R V only after verbs ending in a short vowel or nasal. In A M g it is f o u n d after any vowel or consonant. He seems to have been mistaken on point (a). Absolutives in -(t)yd are more c o m m o n in RV than -(t)ya, ~ and it is likely that -d is the original length, ~ with shortening > -a metri causa or for some other reason, rather than -a o r i ~ n a l with lengthening > -& Similarly, the implication that -ya or its derivatives maintain their original length in M I A which is contained in his statement 26 that -yd is f o u n d only in verses is misleading. The existence o f such doublets as -tvd/-tvd.nan.7, -ccd/-ccd.nam., and -tvf/ -tvfn.am., make it very likely that the counterpart o f -ydn.a~.n is -yd, while -ya is a secondary shortened form, as in Skt. With regard to point (b), sufficient divergences can be shown between RV and M I A in the formation of absolutives, e.g. the extension of -ya to simple as well as c o m p o u n d verbs, to make it unnecessary to wonder that M I A has extended the use of-tyd. It is noteworthy that -tyd appears to be the instrumental o f a -ti 27 stem used indeclinably as an absolutive, just as the dative -taye is used as an infinitive, without any restriction to short vowel or nasal stems. 28 M I A has then extended the use o f -tyd, reserving as a general rule -tyd 82 Pischel, 587. as In RV -yd and -tyd are found only after compound verbs, whereas -ya and -ccd occur after both simple and compound verbs in AMg, where -ya is sometimes found in metrically uncertain places such as the end ofpadas and lines, e.g. bandhana.mparUd.niyd (S~yag. I.l.l.1) glossed "parij~dya". So also in BHS (see Edgerton 35.39). Occasionally -ya (or a derivative) is found in a metrically uncertain place, e.g. dissa (Sfiyag. 1.3.3.3), which seems to prove that dissa is < d.rdya (found in Epic Skt) not d.r~t.va. The parallel with P~tli disvd (Pischel 334) must therefore be abandoned. For simple verbs -ccd is normal in prose, though sometimes shortened in verse, e.g. abhocea (Ayar. 1.8.1.10) and hicca (Utt. XIV. 34). For compound verbs -eca is normal in prose and verse, though -cca is sometimes found in prose, e.g. pecca < *pretya (~.y~r. 1.1.1.3) and abhisameced (/~y~r. 1.3.4.3 etc.) Sometimes -cca is found in verse in a metrically uncertain place, e.g. raga-dose nirakieea (Isibh. 11.5). " Whitney, Skt Gr., pars. 993a. J5 See Burrow, Skt Lang, p. 371, and F. B. J. Kuiper, "Shortening of Final Vowels in the RV", Mededelingen Ken. Akad., 1955. 26 Pischel, 73, 590. Edgerton is misled (35.39) into interpreting "in verses" to mean "metri eausa". That this is not so is seen from note 23 above, since such lengthening often occurs in metrically uncertain places. 27 Whitney, Skt Gr., pars. 993a. a8 Ibid., 975a. See also Burrow, Skt Lang., p. 161.

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for simple, and -tya for compound verbs, appearing in AMg as -cca and -cca respectively. Forms like kiccd < *krtyd and soccd < *grutyd are the expected MIA non-Ph.ninian forms, made from the simple verb + -tya, akin to compound verb forms like nirdkicca. This ending was then extended to verbs ending in long vowels and consonants, using the grade of voweP 9 normally found in the simple verb before -tv~, 8~ e.g. thicca < *sthityd, hicc~ < *hityd, bhoccd < *bhulctyd, yucca < *uktyd. The Apabhra .m~a form rnutti ~1 shows an alternative development of this type of absolutive, with resolution, not palatalisation, of ty, i.e. *muktyd > *muktiya > *mukti > m u t t i . The way in which the supposed palatalisation -tvd > -ccd is thought to have occurred has never been satisfactorily explained, and in view of the fact that the alternative explanation of the development of-ccd < -tyd is so much more satisfactory and free from difficulties, it may be concluded that AMg has retained in this specialised field a characteristic of Vedic Skt.

2~ For the grade of vowel see Burrow, Skt Lang., p. 171. 8o The very fact that the change -cca > -cca does occur m.c. seems to indicate that -cca is not < -tva, for Pischel quotes no example of-tta < -tva being shortened in AMg. The only examples quoted for M I A as a whole are kadua and gadua in gauraseni (Pischel, 113). Tagare (Historical Grammar ofApabhrmpga, p. 324) quotes the Western grammarians for absolutives in -tta, but gives no examples. Edgerton (35.10) quotes some from BHS. 31 Pischel, 594. His explanation of *muktya avising from a confusion of -mucya and muktva is in direct contradiction to his explanation (587) of the change -cca < *-tya -tv(t.