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Source: History Ireland, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Summer, 1993), pp. 51-54 Published by: Wordwell Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27724071 . Accessed: 16/06/2013 10:00
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Dancing, and
A protracted war of independence and a bitter civil war left the new Irish Free State with economic and social prob /m
lems of enormous were ravaged, proportions the economy ill-health and were infrastructure endemic and and
unemployment
the wounds of the civil war were far from healed. But the agenda of perhaps the most powerful organised force in the - the Catholic Church - ivas country noticeably different
In the Lenten pastorals of 1924 the their preoccupations bishops made clear: unmistakably
The in their Lenten Irish bishops pas torals refer to the existence of many Chief among women's dress, indecent these may fashions, dancing, cinema drink, be
adding mobility
of the
car
and
and girls can now bus, boys to dances, distances great in the the result that a dance country by parish may from now be
seen as an instrument of seduction in males. the hands of unscrupulous in his pastoral let Cardinal MacRory ter of 1931 stressed the danger of too much mobility:
Even make the present a difference. travelling By bicycle, facilities motor
attended tance.
unsuitables
a dis
and
The clergy were not against danc - as ing in principle long as the were of Irish (confined, dances to the modest ceili dances course, not and less and the wilder restrained set dances) and the
supervision was close.
A constant
Among
abuses,
obsession
one obsession
remained constant and central the dan for the next decade: to the morals gers attributed of the young posed by unli censed dance halls and unsu pervised dancing of any sort. This popular rural pastime
became a classic terrain of fan
chief merit.
not part of condemn
And while
business
it is
to
any decent are not Irish dances of the that place educational under not and be
and pseudo tasy projection knowledge, involving a potent brew of alleged sources of evil
and degradation: cars, dark
out due
in any
and the ness, jazz music of illicit and unsuper prospect the vised dalliance between sexes. Just as the advent of the railways was treated with hor ror by a section of Victorian England, and the bicycle was
f. If
should
Ireland. make
be
Irish
the
fashion
do
in
not
dances
degenerates.
The Carrigan
Report
During the latter half of the the demands of the twenties, for legislation on per bishops became more sonal morality HISTORY IRELAND Summer 1993 51
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that the vocal, an implicit admission church was unable to stem the rising which of tide they immorality the Free State claimed had engulfed after 1922. The focus of the campaign for legislative change was the amend ment of the Criminal Law Amendment Acts of 1880 and 1885 (Stead's Act) were to enacted which originally combat juvenile prostitution, protect minors and make brothel keeping an The fact that one in six hous offence. , es in London was a brothel during that period may have had something of this Act. to do with the passing was the The government response committee (called after its Carrigan in 1931, which reported chairman) having heard a large number of wit nesses in private. None of this evi in the press and dence was published the final report was never published. its brief The committee interpreted as nothing less than an inquiry into the moral state of the country:
Under had social of the the terms of our the which to conserve reference we
as one must be regarded Illegitimacy causes of the species of the principal and vice of which the state of crime takes penal which ine. in the cognisance and preventative we were appointed branch legislation to exam of
sion,
and
of
the
found in of
and
baneful
young in
of whom streets
found
The misuse
of motor
cars
the report did not spell it Although out, the implication was clear: young unmarried mothers were forced into
and other Liverpool in England. The dance and halls, the picture
luring causes for alleged girls, are the chief of morals. looseness the present
Social conditions
Social conditions were hardly con of morality to the standards ducive demanded by the clergy. The census of 1926 found that 800,000 people were condi living in overcrowded tions - defined as more than two to a room -more than 25% of the popula the tion. Infant mortality among Dublin working classes was 25.6 per to 7.7 per 1,000 births as compared 1,000 among the middle classes. The rate was 30.7 per 1,000 illegitimacy as a whole, for the country births consider this showed figure although able regional variations. The fact that the ages of 80% of all males between as were 25 and 30 were unmarried, in the same age 62% of all females some led have group, might to query why the illegiti observers macy figures were so low but this line of inquiry did not seem to occur to a link To postulate the commission. and social social conditions between not to mention personal problems, behaviour, would have been ideologi for a clergy and mid cally impossible infused with the ethos of dle class The lack of con Victorian morality. cern on the part of the hierarchy for in the plight of the poor is explicable
the context of a clerical near-monop
secular
guard
information
sources
as would whether
to determine of social
the
for the
of public and prevention vice, to check, and, should inadequate to inadequate, they be in our opinion how best consider they can be made
Eamonn de Valera -gave his blessing to the anti-jazz campaign. as a result of their fallen prostitution state, and, indeed, could constitute an occasion of sin for others during in Poor Law institutions: confinement fact that 'it is an objectionable unmarried mothers of first-born chil be maintained dren cannot apart from other inmates (the decent poor and sick)'. The report then moves on to the reasons for the alleged rise in illegitimacy and lays the blame clear ly at the door of the dance halls:
The testimony that of social in recent of all witnesses, cleri
effectual.
The
start
report makes
that its conclusions
it clear
were
from the
unani
even mous and that this unanimity to those giving evidence stretched before the committee:
No witness dissented appearing from the before view us has
every by nearly moral condition become abuses, in their be the gravely widespread
witness of the
menaced and
is striking in its
in the has It is taken to be
counteracted state
and
consistent them.
attributed
parental during which the
primarily
control
to the loss of
responsibility
ly enforced
to combat
The committee, having established the dreadful moral state of the coun to uncover the try, then proceeded
causes. The conclusion arrived at
revival
of settled
was
in large
which
Saorstat
being
in the
carried
absence
out
of
in the
supervi
such as they oly of welfare services, were, through the network of charita These ble organisations. organisa but tions were not only inadequate To and repressive. also punitive even or the allude to, stress, desper ate plight of the poor would not only expose the minimal nature of church of but raise the spectre provision This is a far cry state intervention. as church from current policy, sub in successive budget expressed for greater which missions, argues state intervention. The 1931 Carrigan that the Report was an admission were to control unable their clergy area of sex flock in the all-important ual morality and that the state would
IRELAND Summer
1993
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wmmmmm?
J?A
^ggj?Lito WV*t?
jut,
. *&-~t?W0&W^:'*%"f'f'.
have before
to
The problem
The duced
demand
of illegitimacy
evidence pro to support the
legisla
since the latter notion is of morality entirely subjective. What does stand out in the Irish case, however, is the clear relationship between the level of emigration and the figures on ille falls - as it gitimacy. As emigration did between 1926 and 1933 - the level of illegitimate births rises. The lowest level reached after independence was in the fifties when emigration was at its highest since the Famine.
The
civil servants were particularly to link of the attempt scathing immorality with the existence of unli censed dance halls:
This some ence. have section way The of from the the report terms might with wanders of refer
committee itself
concerned
repressive
tion related to the claim that the level risen of births had illegitimate since the foundation of the sharply Saorstat. Figures based upon total annual births showed a 29% increase between 1912 and 1927. But as total
annual births show considerable vari
of
the
memo
comes
out
sion
firmly against
as a means of
increased
enforcing
repres
morali
ation (emigration being an important factor in the Irish case) the figures were not comparable from year to that the most year. It is now accepted is to measure accurate method birth rate per 1,000 among single and wid
owed ulation women who are the This actual shows concerned. pop an
ty:
On taken the whole with are the reserve: report, their should recommen increase and for peo concern be
now
Unless
existing
their
to secure
convictions.
picture of a fluctuating ambiguous rate, only slightly higher in 1927 than in 1872. But figures on illegitimacy are notoriously difficult to interpret in terms of their sociological signifi cance. It is clear that in times of war figures tend to rise, but no conclu
sions can be drawn on the relation
Saorstat
wide
circulation.
ship between
these
Action on the report was slow. It in August had been submitted 1931 and the Departmental memorandum is dated October 1932, indicating that the Cosgrave government, which had in shown some courage previously was the face of episcopal pressure, not prepared to move swiftly on the HISTORY IRELAND Summer 1993 53
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matter,
particularly
as
a general
elec
tion was due the following year. The election was won by Fianna Fail and headed the new government, by
Eamonn de Valera, was soon to show
The anti-jazz
campaign
read out:
to of the the Co.
than pliant when itself to be more faced with the demands of the bish for Justice, ops. The new Minister however, agreed with his officials that the report should not be pub serious doubts lished and expressed >as to the picture of the country pre it to the sented when he submitted of Executive Council (the equivalent Instead of immediate the cabinet).
action, set up an all-party to make committee recommendations. was
for con the pressure Meanwhile on the dance halls was straints intense. The Gaelic League becoming
re-launched its anti-jazz campaign in
success
Gaelic
in 1934 with a statement very much tune with the sentiments of the bish ops:
It is this Gaelic crush...its ing the in music and verse determined is denationalis are to that the to
I that except they are suggestive all but and demoralising: jazz apart, on are dances objectionable night in country dis and many grounds understand tricts source and and of small scandal towns and are ruin, a fruitful
spiritual
references
To how many poor temporal. have innocent young they not girls an occasion dis of irreparable been sorrow? and grace lifelong
The secret;
was were tions.
in
never
The campaign was given in official state blessing a letter from Eamonn de
Valera: __ -ad . I sincerely the efforts Gaeilge to forms na hope in that
to
the great lengths when Criminal Law Amendment Bill was being debated some two years later to the avoid discussing report or the conclusions commit of the all-party tee. Indeed, when reading it is the senate record, often difficult to identify the subject so dense are the cir being discussed
cumlocutions.
of Conradh your
restore of danc
even
been
associ?t
Irish entertainment.
for In December 1932, the Minister Justice met with the bishops who put their case for legislation as proposed dis in the report. The problems the usual litany of cussed embraced dance halls, the clerical obsessions: motor of consent, age prostitution, on the cars and immoral behaviour The government public highway.
obviously took the 'motor car scan
blessing
approval
of
of the
the church
state.
and
the
The
League
was
who
quick
were seen
to condemn
as fashion. behav The
politicians ing in an
'anti-national'
dal' seriously but faced insurmount in drafting legislation. able difficulties a middle Not only was car ownership class privilege but it was impossible
to restrict the use of cars or even leg
Secretary of the League, attacking the Radio of jazz on broadcasting Eireann, had this to say about the minister responsible:
Our Minister of Finance is selling for has a soul
nation
islate for the behaviour of individuals within a vehicle. The ingenious solu
tion was to define a motor car as
sponsored He is jazzing
every
night
street in the paragraph dealing with in the bill: soliciting and importuning in this section street word The (shall) include a motor car, carriage or other vehicle'. the This allowed police to treat a car as a public place as to the and use their discretion nature of behaviour within. The Alice in-Wonderland nature of this logic led the irrepressible Dr Mahaffey, whose liberal speech witty and pertinently es enliven an otherwise dull senate that a wheelbar record, to suggest row was a street and therefore could be used for an immoral purpose! 54 HISTORY IRELAND Summer 1993
of County Councils number resolutions jazz condemning adopted and District and all-night dancing Justices took up the refrain talking of the dangers of 'nigger music' and the of unrestricted all-night 'orgy In January 1934 a large dances'. took place in Mohill, demonstration County Leitrim. Itwas made up most ly of young people and the press esti at 3,000, with the attendance mated inscribed five bands and banners A
to have been patchy and the overall effect is hard to assess. Jim Smyth is a lecturer in sociology Queen's University, Belfast. Further reading: the Catholic T. Inglis, Moral Monopoly: Church in modern Irish society (Dublin 1987). J.H.Whyte, Church and State in modern Ireland (Dublin 1984).
T. Brown, Ireland: a social and cultural
at
1985).
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