Você está na página 1de 31

Islam and Christian Muslim Relations, Vol. 18, No.

4, 509 538, October 2007

Mary between Bible and Quran: Soundings into the Transmission and Reception History of the Protoevangelium of James on the Basis of Selected Literary Sources in Coptic and Copto-Arabic and of Art-Historical Evidence Pertaining to Egypt
CORNELIA B. HORN
Department of Theological Studies, St Louis University, St Louis, Missouri, USA

ABSTRACT Taking up the question of the permeability of boundaries between early Eastern Christian and Islamic communities and their literatures, this article studies the Coptic and Copto-Arabic trajectory of the transmission and reception history of the Protoevangelium of James, a text which offers remarkable parallels to presentations of Mary and Jesus in the Quran. Being a second-century Christian apocryphal work, the Protoevangelium tells of Marys infancy mile de and youth and ends shortly after the birth of Christ. The article proceeds from E Stryckers claim of the Protoevangeliums Egyptian provenance through an examination of Egyptian Christian traditions concerning it, covering Coptic and Copto-Arabic literature up to and including the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria. Ongoing research on Christian women in Copto-Arabic sources points to traces of the usage of the Protoevangelium of James in the early stages of redaction of the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria. Coptic and Copto-Arabic art also provides a number of pictorial representations of passages in the Protoevangelium. Finally, the transmission history of the Coptic and Arabic versions of the Protoevangelium rounds out the picture of the reception history of this text in Christian Egypt into later medieval times. The article contributes towards a systematic study of the spread of the Protoevangelium of James tradition in the late antique and Byzantine Christian East and also towards a better understanding of the oral, written, and visual milieu in which the Quran and early Islamic exegetical traditions encountered apocryphal motifs derived from the Protoevangelium of James.

It is not a novel insight to comment on the reality of contacts, interactions, and exchanges between early Eastern Christian and early Islamic communities, or even of their mutual
Correspondence Address: Cornelia B. Horn, Department of Theological Studies, St Louis University, Humanities Building #124, 3800 Lindell Blvd., St Louis, MO 63108 USA; Email: horncb@slu.edu 0959-6410 Print/1469-9311 Online/07/04050930 # 2007 CSIC and CMCU DOI: 10.1080/09596410701577332

510

C. B. Horn

inuences upon one another.1 Boundaries existed between these two groups, yet the denition of these boundaries was exible. Moreover, the permeability of these boundaries varied, at times allowing for signicant exchanges of ideas and technological and scientic achievements, as well as the transfer of literary expressions from one to the other.2 Such permeability carried a positive valuation, since it contributed to the development of both sides. In the course of time, one Christian character in particular, that of Mary the mother of Jesus, was given an exceptionally favorable reception in both communities.3 Examining the literary representation of Mary in both traditions, separately as well as with a view towards possible inuences of one traditions heritage upon that of the other, ultimately provides a valuable test-case for elucidating the relative density or openness of said boundaries between the Muslim and Christian communities. While this study cannot accomplish a full discussion of all the components and perspectives, or even all the details, of a given aspect that would contribute to such an undertaking, it attempts to make some headway into this process of study by focusing on how one particular literary tradition concerning Mary, that of the Protoevangelium of James, was received in one of the religious traditions in question, namely Coptic and Copto-Arabic Christianity. With this main task in view, this article will present a few initial indications of selected specic points at which, in the process of the reception of the Protoevangelium of James in this Christian tradition in Egypt, contacts with the emerging and eventually established religious tradition of Islam provided contexts for an encounter with, and a reception of, the Protoevangelium of James tradition in the Islamic community. The article approaches the question of the permeability of boundaries between Eastern Christianity and Islam from the perspective of a limited number of examples taken from Christian literary and visual artistic traditions, in order to demonstrate that the reception of specic Marian traditions within Christianity in Egypt was sufciently dense, continuous, and prominent for their presence not to escape the notice of a Muslim audience, which in turn would have been inspired to actively receive and reshape this tradition. It is possible to establish a line of pre-quranic interpretation of Mary that unquestionably goes back to extra-biblical traditions that were established in Egypt in late antiquity. That same line of interpretation also extends subsequently into the Quran, thus leaving not much doubt that an active exchange between the two traditions offers the best model of explanation for that close relationship. The present discussion sets aside another important factor in the development of written and, especially, pictorial images of Mary in Egypt, which is the inuence of Greco-Roman and Egyptian religions in the rst century CE. One well-known example of such inuence is the image of Mary as the Nursing Mother (Greek Galaktrophousa, Latin Maria lactans), which is depicted in Coptic art from early on. The Protoevangelium of James mentions that Mary gave Jesus her breast,4 but the popularity of this image in early Christian art may be due to the widespread cult of Isis. Isis is often depicted feeding her little son Horus at her breast. This is an example of a simple correspondence of one pictorial representation to another (IsisGalaktrophousa) and of an image with a text (Isis Protoevangelium of James). In both instances, there is little or no difference of interpretation of the image itself. In this case, the permeability of boundaries between Christianity and the Isis cult in Greco-Roman Egypt manifests itself in the context of Marian devotion in Egypt. A further example of the susceptibility of Marian devotion to Greco-Roman practices is the prevalence of Mary in Christian magic (see, for example, Beltz, 1998; Meyer, 1996). Here, Mary is appropriated into a new system, in which there are different

Mary between Bible and Quran

511

relationships between the believer and Mary, and between Mary and Jesus. In Christian magic, the Mary of the tradition tied to the Gospels of Matthew and Luke and to apocryphal Christian sources has been interpreted, not merely transferred. Long before Islam, the representation of the gure of Mary, independent of the medium chosen, was a nexus of syncretism, in which apocryphal Marian traditions were of central importance. The correspondences between the Protoevangelium of James, as well as pictorial depictions of Mary in Egyptian Christianity, and characterizations of the gure of Mary in the formative period of the Quran may also be described in terms of how the rst Muslims did not merely take a syncretistic approach to Mary, by tting her into their own system of religious symbols, but also interpreted what they found written about her, or the way she was depicted in Christian iconography. Hence, this investigation is a modest attempt to shed light on one aspect of the proto-quranic interpretation of apocryphal Christian texts. Furthermore, it is hoped that an understanding of the nature of the interpretations that have been transmitted in the Quran will shed light on the interpreters: their social and cultural milieu, and their possible geographical, religious, and temporal contexts. This methodology attempts to build, through sound historical-critical philology, what emerges as the human face of Muhammads immediate milieu and that of other early contributors and redactors of the textual basis of the growing Islamic tradition. Far from being comprehensive and complete, the present study offers one step towards achieving this goal. Along with the infancy narratives found in the canonical Gospels of Matthew and Luke, the apocryphal Protoevangelium of James exerted far-reaching inuence on shaping perceptions of Marys character within the Christian community.5 Given the relative dearth of information regarding Mary that can be derived from the Gospels, a growing popular curiosity about details of Marys life furthered the wide reception and thorough familiarity of people with such a text, which lled precisely that lacuna. As a late-second-century Christian apocryphal work that tells of Marys infancy and youth and ends shortly after the birth of Christ, already before the rise of Islam the Protoevangelium of James had experienced more than 400 years of a lively reception history within early and late ancient Christianity. Early Islamic traditions enshrined in the Quran and Islamic exegetical treatises upon the Quran, as well as Egyptian Christian traditions from the early Islamic centuries, witness to the familiarity of members of their respective communities with the traditions contained in the Protoevangelium of James. Recent research into the Marian traditions featured in the Quran has demonstrated the great density of potential, possible, and probable parallels between representations of Mary in the Quran and in Christian literature (see Mourad, 1999; Horn, 2007).6 The clearest and perhaps best-known parallels of Marian material are l cImra those between su rat Maryam and su rat A n, and the Protoevangelium of James. A sine qua non for the effective examination of the realm of possibilities for interaction, as well as the direct lines of exchange between these two traditions, is the need to study the transmission and reception history of the Protoevangelium of James carefully. In doing so, it is understood that the evidence for the popularity of the Protoevangelium of James in Christian circles in Egypt is only fragmentary and does not permit the reconstruction of the full extent of where and when Christians in Egypt heard of, saw, or otherwise encountered traditions about Mary based on the narrative of the Protoevangelium of James. This also means that opportunities for Muslims to encounter such traditions were more frequent than the data available for this study can document or even suggest. An approach to MuslimChristian relations that is grounded, not in the realm of speculative dogmatic and theological claims as to the divine inspiration of a given text, but rather in the realm of

512

C. B. Horn

investigating both religious traditions as part of a larger framework of the history of relations between religions in the Middle East in medieval times cannot proceed without tracing in detail ideally all the possible contributions to the mapping out of encounters between representatives of both faiths. When attempting to reconstruct how widely and how well the Protoevanglium of James and its traditions were known in Egypt, consideration must be given to several components that contribute to the picture of the transmission and reception history of that apocryphal text and that have to be identied and distinguished.7 What have to be collected and analyzed are data on: 1. the history of the translation of the Protoevangelium of James into the various Eastern Christian languages;8 2. aspects of the transmission history of the manuscripts of the text, such as the number of extant copies, the extent of its distribution, the range of ages of the manuscripts, and the locations and number of languages into which it has been translated, to the extent that this information allows for insights into the geographical spread of the text; 3. direct citations of the text of the Protoevangelium of James in other early and late ancient Christian literature; 4. allusions to distinct themes known only from the Protoevangelium of James in early and late ancient Christian literature; 5. the usage of the Protoevangelium of James in liturgical contexts throughout the late ancient Christian Near East; 6. representations of scenes from the Protoevangelium of James in artwork and as decorations on other material objects, including architecture, discovered in or related to the Christian East; 7. literary descriptions of such artwork and material objects that have perished since late antiquity; and 8. representations and/or literary descriptions of such works in art preserved in the West, particularly in places where connections to the Christian East as the place of origin of the work or the artist can be established. An additional factor (9) that may aid in measuring the spread of acquaintance either with this text or with its motives is the extent to which they were known outside Christian circles in the centuries prior to the rise of Islam. The level of familiarity with issues raised in the text that one encounters in Judaism, for example, could offer further insights, given that knowledge of this text and its traditions among Jews can account at least potentially for a passing on of familiarity with it into the realm of Islam.9 The inuential role of Jews in offering Muhammad orientation concerning traditions of the Bible has already been noted in Muslim sources of antiquity.10 Ordering the data gained by addressing such matters chronologically and geographically constitutes an acceptable methodology towards nding out about the relative frequency of interaction with, and reference to, the Protoevangelium of James in a given area, language tradition, and time period, both within Christianity and within the realm of the interactions of Christianity, Judaism, and Islam with one another. This examination provides the researcher with some measure of the relative density of the spread of the story in the Christian milieu. It also offers the methodological framework for the present article, which pursues the study of the Egyptian milieu in the rst and early second millennia.

Mary between Bible and Quran

513

Literary evidence establishes Egypt as a geographical area in which the Protoevangelium mile de Strycker, of James was well known for most of the rst millennium CE and beyond. E who critically edited the Greek text of the Protoevangelium of James in 1961, rejected the idea of a SyrianPalestinian provenance and favored late-second-century Egypt (de Strycker, 1961, p. 423). The earliest witness for a tradition found in the Protoevangelium of James is the declaration in Clement of Alexandrias Stromateis, book 7, that Mary remained a virgin after parturition. In the Protoevangelium of James, a Jewish midwife named Salome examined Mary and (the reader may safely infer) found that her hymen was undamaged.11 Origen of Alexandria referred to the Protoevangelium of James as the Book of James in his Commentary on Matthew (Matthew 13:5556).12 Possible parallels between the Protoevangelium of James and Justin Martyrs works, and thus for the regions of Palestine and Rome, have been judged to be signicantly more vague and tentative than the evidence from early Egypt (de Strycker, 1961, pp. 414417). Ongoing research on the representation of Christian women in Copto-Arabic sources by the present author points to traces of the usage of the Protoevangelium of James in literary sources in Egypt at least up until the eleventh-century layer of redaction of the Copto-Arabic History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria.13 Evidence from iconography shows that the Protoevangelium of James continues to be received in Egypt itself, as well as in Coptic communities across the globe, well into modern times.14 In the light of such parameters, which highlight the importance of Egypt for the transmission and reception history of the Protoevangelium of James in Eastern Christianity and well beyond the earliest Islamic period, the rest of this article will study aspects of the Coptic and Copto-Arabic trajectory of this history, specically with a view to examining the extent to which the reception history of this text, and traditions associated with it, could have provided a meeting ground for a cross-fertilization of the Christian and Islamic traditions with regard to their perceptions of Mary. The following discussion rst examines aspects of the transmission history of the Coptic, Ethiopic, and Arabic versions of the Protoevangelium of James. It then traces important steps in the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James in Coptic and Copto-Arabic literature up to and including the redaction of the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church by Mawhu b ibn Mansu r Mufarrij. In this context, a consideration of some aspects of the intersection of the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James with Greek sources from Egypt is appropriate. This article investigates the reception history of this apocryphal text in a selection of examples of early Christian art in Egypt, which have been preserved as witnesses to early illustrations of scenes featured in the text of the Protoevangelium of James, and offers preliminary suggestions about how the earliest contributors and redactors of the Quran might have encountered and subsequently incorporated aspects of the traditions concerning Mary to which the Protoevangelium of James traditions in Egypt are an ample witness. Aspects of the Transmission History of the Protoevangelium of James in Coptic, with Some Consideration of the Versions of the Protoevangelium of James in Ethiopic and Arabic mile de Strycker assumed the existence of a Sahidic version of the Protoevangelium of E James, which he considered to be among the earliest witnesses, dating to before 450 (1961, p. 49). Fragments of the Sahidic version of the Protoevangelium of James have been

514

C. B. Horn

identied, but there is no complete Coptic witness.15 Fortunately there are complete Geez and Arabic versions that may reect a Coptic Vorlage. The following paragraphs rst consider the evidence for Ethiopic and Arabic translations of the Protoevangelium of James before the discussion then focuses on the Coptic material. While it might be reasonable to postulate a relationship between the Coptic and Ethiopic traditions of the Protoevangelium of James from early on, the edited Ethiopic version, which belongs to a group of witnesses from after 1100 CE, is about 600 years younger than the extant Coptic fragmentary material (de Strycker, 1961, p. 50).16 Among the oriental Christian versions, the Ethiopic text is judged to be the least faithful rendition of the text (ibid., p. 38). Whereas apocryphal texts reached Ethiopia via direct translations from Greek or through the intermediary of Syriac between the fth and seventh centuries, a signicant period of the renaissance of Ethiopic literature occurred in the thirteenth century, when new apocryphal texts were translated into Geez from Arabic versions (ibid., pp. 362 363).17 Thus, it is quite likely that the Ethiopic version of the Protoevangelium of James derived from the Arabic version. In his standard reference work on the manuscript tradition and literary history of Arabic-speaking Christianity, Georg Graf (1944) provided an overview of manuscripts written in Arabic or Karshuni (i.e. Arabic written in Syriac script) that contain the Protoevangelium of James. There are several types of Arabic witnesses. Some consist of a complete translation, corresponding to the contents in the Greek manuscripts, others witness an expanded version and still others are a new retelling of the material (Graf, 1944, pp. 224 225). In addition, some Arabic texts preserve excerpts or short summaries of the text or parts of the text of the Protoevangelium of James,18 and new compositions were created around the general story line of the Protoevangelium of James which were presented not in narrative form but rather as sermons or homilies (maymar) (Graf, 1944, p. 225). Such homilies are evidenced in manuscripts from the fteenth century onwards.19 If one excludes the evidence for the Protoevangelium of James that is preserved in the palimpsest Sinaiticus arab. 588,1 from any of the statistical calculations, since it has yet to be determined whether the text there is written in Arabic or Greek, more than onethird, or ve out of the 12 manuscripts in Arabic20 for which Graf was able to collect references, were written in Karshuni.21 The oldest witness Graf managed to adduce dates to the fteenth century. About 30 years later, however, a tenth-century manuscript of the Protoevangelium of James became available, MS Sin. arab. 436, fols. 112r 121v, which is likely to be a direct translation from a Greek Vorlage (Garitte, 1973).22 Thus far, it seems that no further attempts have been made to establish a critical edition of the Arabic version of the Protoevangelium of James. Accomplishing this task is rard Garittes edition of the tenth-century clearly a scholarly desideratum. With Ge witness, we have a possible candidate for the text upon which at least part of the Ethiopic version may have been dependent, but Garittes manuscript is quite faithful to the Greek, and moreover is fragmentary.23 From these considerations, it is clear that the question of the precise dependence of the Ethiopic material cannot be resolved until the text of the Arabic version of the Protoevangelium of James has been critically edited.24 The nal resolution to questions of the inuence of the available fragmentary Coptic text upon the Arabic material also has to await the publication of such a critical edition. This inevitable delay, however, does not preclude one from studying other relevant aspects of this Coptic material.

Mary between Bible and Quran

515

The evidence for sections of the text of the Protoevangelium of James that are preserved in Coptic is fragmentary and does not allow one to conclude with certainty that there ever existed a complete version of the Protoevangelium of James in Coptic in antiquity. Several fragments in Sahidic have emerged and have been published, among them two that were edited with German translations in 1905 and 1958, and a third edited and translated into French in 1905 (Revillout, 1905b). In 1905, Johannes Leipoldt identied and published folio 89 of MS BN Paris Coptic 1305 as containing two fragments of the Protoevangelium of James (Leipoldt, 1905).25 The folio page, on the front and back of which these two text fragments are found, is both relatively recent, being medieval, dating to the eleventh century, and badly damaged. Originally, the text of the folio containing the Protoevangelium of James was written in two columns per page, but half of the page has been lost so that the recto only retains the left column, while the verso of the page only preserves the right column of text. On the recto, one may nd a section of chapters 46 to 47 of the Protoevangelium of James, an episode dealing with the murder of Zachariah.26 The column on the verso contains a section of chapter 49, which constitutes a part of the authors concluding comments (de Strycker, 1961, p. 39; Leipoldt, 1905, pp. 106 [Coptic], 107 [German]). An additional ` ne Revillout, fragment from MS BN Paris Coptic 12917, rst published in 1905 by Euge preserves a complementary section of the text. While more is to be said below with regard to the witness of MS BN Paris Coptic 12917 to a Sahidic Apocryphon with Infancy Gospel material, one may take note here that the fragment on Zachariah which it contains bears the title Martyrdom of Zachariah, the priest, on the 8th of the month of Thot, in the peace of the Lord (see Revillout, 1905b, p. 456; cf. Peeters, 1910a, p. 271, n. 1248; Emmel, 2004, vol. 1, p. 378). The text itself is quite fragmentary, but one can determine with sufcient clarity that it recounts scenes pertaining to the visit of the Magi and the massacre of the Holy Innocents. Both in the case of the Sahidic fragments of MS BN Paris Coptic 1305 fol. 89, and also here, one might perhaps suspect that a possible context for the usage of this fragment of a Martyrdom of Zachariah taken from the Protoevangelium of James may have been the liturgical celebrations with readings for the feast of Zachariah (de Strycker, 1961, p. 45, n. 2), the father of John the Baptist. Given the extent of the fragment, perhaps one could alternatively assume that someone had selected readings for the feast of the Holy Innocents, or one might also think of a feast related to John the Baptist.27 Be that as it may, clearly a considerable portion of the text preserved in both of these Coptic fragments witnesses to material contained in the Protoevangelium of James that features the martyrdom of Zachariah, a section of the narrative which scholarship in earlier years considered to possibly constitute the third part of a total of three originally independent sources that had become integrated with one another to form the text of the Protoevangelium of James, as it is now known.28 About 50 years after Leipoldts publication, Walter Till published another Sahidic fragment (Till, 1958). This evidence for a Coptic version of the Protoevangelium of James was taken from an earlier witness, a tenth-century parchment kept in the papyrus collection in Vienna.29 In this case too, each page was written in double columns, but of the original 24 lines per column, between two and ve lines of text were missing or corrupted at the bottom of any given column (Till, 1958, pp. 320 321; de Strycker, 1961, p. 39). The text of the Protoevangelium of James represented in this older witness, namely portions of the text taken from chapters 43 through 46, likewise derives from the concluding part of the Protoevangelium of James that treats the martyrdom of Zachariah. Yet another Coptic fragment of roughly the same section

516

C. B. Horn

from the Protoevangelium of James is to be found in MS BN Paris Coptic 12918, published by Enzo Lucchesi in 1988 (see Lucchesi, 1988, pp. 69 72). Given the lack of a larger context, scholars, including de Strycker, were not certain whether one could assume that the Sahidic fragments did indeed witness to a complete Sahidic version of the Protoevangelium of James, or whether the material that has been preserved merely represents selections translated specically for, and used as, liturgical reading on a given feast day, of either Zachariah, John the Baptist, the Holy Innocents, or some other event. In fact, for the date of Zachariahs feast day on the 8 Toth/5 September (in the Julian calendar), the Greek Menologion also required the reading of a segment of the text of the Protoevangelium of James that is very similar in content to the passage in the Sahidic fragmentary evidence (see also Halkin, 1957, vol. 2, p. 318, n. 1881).30 The Sahidic fragment taken from the Vienna parchment is similar in extent to an extract witnessed to in a sixteenth (to seventeenth)-century manuscript from St Marks in Venice that served as a eulogy for the Holy Innocents on the occasion of their feast day (see also Halkin, 1957, vol. 1, p. 264, n. 823z). In support of this tradition, there is pictographic evidence from Coptic monasteries that reects a connection between the depiction of the Slaughter of the Innocents and the narrative of the martyrdom of Zachariah, for which the Protoevangelium of James seems to offer the earliest stages of development. In the fourth- or fth-century illustration of the scene of the Slaughter of the Innocents, as found in the Monastery of Abu Hinnis, a soldier threatens John the Baptists mother, Elizabeth, who is holding her little son on her knees, while another soldier moves as if to attack Johns father Zachariah, who kneels down and whose gesture of turning his back to the gate of the Temple might suggest that he intended to defend the holy place.31 From this review of the data concerning the transmission history of the Protoevangelium of James in the main languages relevant for the study of the history of Christian literature in Egypt, several conclusions may be drawn. In all of the three language traditions relevant here, evidence for the complete text, or for substantial sections of the text, of the Protoevangelium of James comes from relatively late witnesses. The Coptic fragments reect a transmission history of the Protoevangelium of James that is rather close to the Greek text and that quite markedly seems to be limited to material concerning Zachariah, or at least to material from the latter portion of the Protoevangelium of James. The Greek trajectory also seems to extend into the transmission history of the Arabic version, at least as far as it is currently accessible. Since there is evidence that greater freedom was exercised in some homiletic material that is preserved in Arabic and builds upon the Protoevangelium of James, the need for work on the critical edition of the Arabic version, as well as on texts witnessing to the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James in Arabic, emerges very clearly. Given the ample evidence of manuscripts in Karshuni, the extent to which some of the paraphrases and allusions recognizable in parts of the Arabic tradition may depend, for example, on the Syriac tradition is another important area of inquiry, even if it is one that does not fall within the orbit of what this article can consider. Aspects of the Reception History of the Protoevangelium of James in Coptic Literature A full examination of the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James in Coptic literature is a task this study can only begin to address. The following discussion

Mary between Bible and Quran

517

cannot, therefore, do more than attempt to highlight a few aspects of the issues and observations that have emerged from ongoing research. Coptic literature preserves several texts that witness to their respective authors familiarity with the Protoevangelium of James, which was established either through direct access to the text in Coptic or through these authors familiarity with details of the story through other sources. It is worth noting individual texts in which traces of this tradition are reected. The following examination considers material contained in a so-called Sahidic Apocryphon, which retells and expands upon individual aspects of the Protoevangelium of James and aspects of the intersection of this text with a Coptic Life of the Virgin. Next, it studies elements of: the integration of material derived from the Protoevangelium of James with the liturgical tradition of the Coptic Church as reected in lectionaries; the reuse of such material in the homiletic tradition; and the acquaintance with the Protoevangelium of James that is reected in selected narratives of an apocryphal nature, here one dealing with Joseph and one with John the Baptist. ` ne Revillout provided access to a Sahidic apocryphal text32 but did not In 1905, Euge offer information concerning his manuscript witness(es). P. Peeters was able to identify MS BN Paris Coptic 12917 as containing at least some of the fragments that Revillout had published (Peeters, 1910b, 16A, number 45), but that Paris manuscript does not seem to have been the sole source for Revillouts edition and translation. More recently, Simon Mimouni saw in MS BN Paris Coptic 12918 an additional source for Revillouts mile de Strycker followed Revillouts publiedition (see Mimouni, 1994, p. 213, n. 5). E cation and spoke of the material as a Sahidic Apocryphon that details much of the storyline covered in the Protoevangelium of James. Mimouni reconstructed some of the fragments as parts of a larger Coptic Life of the Virgin, to which also belong four other fragments, which ` ne Revillout in 1876, and then republished and supplemented were rst published by Euge with readings from additional manuscripts and translated into English by Forbes Robinson in 1896.33 The rst two of these fragments of a Life of the Virgin show close parallels to traditions featured in the Protoevangelium of James (Robinson, 1896, pp. 2 21). Until a critical edition of the fragments presented by Revillout becomes available, not much can be said denitively about their setting, provenance, afterlife, and inuence on other accounts. The comments here must restrict themselves to a description. Half of the fragments consist of scenes that clearly develop material found in the Protoevangelium of James, namely the Presentation of Mary in the Temple and her Betrothal to Joseph,34 the Annunciation and Visitation, Joseph and Salome at the grotto of the Nativity, and nally the Martyrdom of Zachariah. Interspersed are fragments that feature other aspects of female gures named Salome, one being Salome the prostitute, who came to repent of her former way of life and converted through the mediation of her brother Symeon the priest, and a second Salome, the daughter of Herodias, who danced at King Herods banquet.35 The remainder of the fragments focus on scenes featuring Herod, Philip the Tetrarch, and John the Baptist, particularly with regard to Johns preaching and decapitation. Examining the fragments of the Sahidic Apocryphon on textual grounds, de Strycker thought of the rst and the last of them as being close enough to the Protoevangelium of James to allow for some conclusions regarding their dependence on a Greek Vorlage of it (de Strycker, 1961, p. 45). While there are clear connections to the subject matter of the Protoevangelium of James, all in all, given the fragmentary nature of the pieces of the Sahidic Apocryphon, establishing direct parallels to the text of the Protoevangelium

518

C. B. Horn

of James remains a tentative undertaking. Rather than assuming that the text of which they mile de Strycker argued for its were a part was translated directly from Greek or Syriac, E authentically Egyptian origin, as either having been composed in Sahidic or having been translated from Arabic (ibid., p. 373). Both these options are difcult to demonstrate or prove, since the fragments of the Sahidic Apocryphon nowhere overlap with the text of the Sahidic fragments of the Protoevangelium of James discussed above (ibid.). As in the case of determining the dependence of the Ethiopic version of the Protoevangelium of James, so also here the lack of a critical edition of the Arabic text prevents one from discerning both the possible dependence of the fragments of the Sahidic Apocryphon and the Arabic tradition itself.36 Of remarkable interest is the emphasis that the material pertaining to the Sahidic Apocryphon places on the various Salome gures. Several of the Coptic homilies that could be examined for this study also display a rather lively interest in gures named Salome, especially that Salome who is to be identied with Philip the Tetrarchs young daughter (Matthew 14:611 and Mark 6:2228). In the Coptic homiletic tradition, this young girl, who is portrayed as having danced lasciviously at Herods banquet and who then requested John the Baptists head on a platter, is readily characterized as the embodiment of female temptation and sinfulness.37 In the Coptic tradition, the interpretation of the gure of Salome, who is known from the Protoevangelium of James as the woman who doubted Marys virginity but converted from her disbelief, also became colored by the representation of Philips daughter Salome as a sinful young woman. Through this move, the name Salome could be seen as that not only of an unbeliever but also of a female sinner, who had to repent of a substantial sin and then converted.38 This emphasis on Salome is also found rather frequently in Coptic art, to which the discussion will return below. The reception of narrative elements of the Protoevangelium of James in Coptic literature is prominent in material that relates to, or is part of, the liturgical tradition of the Coptic Church. This article can highlight two areas that reect distinct realms of this reception, namely the integration of excerpts from the Protoevangelium of James into lectionaries, and the use of these traditions in homiletic literature. First, we shall consider evidence of the texts reception in collections designated for liturgical reading. Recent work in Coptic studies has been very successful in reconstructing the structure of the library containing the literary works of Abba Shenoute of Atripe, who from c. 385 until c. 465 served as the archimandrite of the White Monastery near Sohag, located close to Akhm m in Upper Egypt. In the course of reconstituting the lines of transmission of Shenoutes work, it became clear that in a few instances certain sections from Shenoutes corpus supplied readings that also were collected in lectionaries (see Emmel, 2004, vol. 1, pp. 361 379). If we refer again, for example, to MS BN Paris Coptic 1305 ff. 89 90, a section that, as seen above, witnesses to the transmission history of the Protoevangelium of James, we note that it provides precisely such an instance of texts collected and paired together as readings in a lectionary. Based on Enzo Lucchesis reconstruction of codex ZT of the White Monastery library, Stephen Emmel identied this manuscript fragment as part of a lectionary,39 possibly one prepared for celebrating feasts focusing on John the Baptist. After a reading from the Protoevangelium of James that selected at least some of the material dealing with the martyrdom of Zachariah, the lectionary offered an excerpt from Abba Shenoutes Discourse Now Many Words and Things I Said, a text that scholars previously approached as one dealing with ecclesiastical discipline.40 Perhaps it is to be regarded as one of the ironies of history that excerpts from the teachings

Mary between Bible and Quran

519

of an author such as Abba Shenoute, who had vehemently opposed the reading of certain apocryphal and Gnostic texts by the members of his monastery,41 should be found centuries after his death accompanying apocryphal readings in the guides the Church itself offered to its faithful, even if these particular apocryphal texts might perhaps not readily be judged to be Gnostic. While this detail is a colorful vignette that illustrates an important aspect of the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James in Coptic, one should also note that the acceptance of the Protoevangelium of James in the context of lectionaries is not a phenomenon unique to the Coptic tradition. As seen above, excerpts from the Protoevangelium of James also found their way into the Greek Menologion. A fuller study of lectionaries from the early and late ancient, as well as Byzantine, Christian period will have to examine how widespread this tradition was. For the question of the permeability of boundaries between Muslims and Christians in the early centuries of the rise of Islam this matter is of no small importance. Well-established work on the history of the Quran recognized as long as 100 years ago that the designation Qura n is not a native Arabic term, but was introduced into Arabic ldeke, 1909, pp. 33 34). A recent study of the origins and structure from Syriac (see No of the language of the Quran has argued that the very name Qura n points to the origins of the Islamic Holy Book in the context of the creation of an Arabic lectionary derived from a Syro-Aramaic lectionary (qerya na ) as model (Luxenberg, 2000, pp. 54 83). Independent of whether or not one adopts Luxenbergs proposition that the Quran represents an Islamic version of a Christian lectionary (ibid., pp. 79 83), the suggestion certainly raises the question of what the study of Christian lectionaries may contribute to the analysis of the relationship between Christians and Muslims at the time of Muhammad and his early followers. In recent scholarship of Christian Muslim relations, more suggestions have been made that not all, but certainly parts, of the Quran can be considered to be related to the presentation of texts in the form of a lectionary.42 Certainly, none of the examples of the use of the Protoevangelium of James in the Coptic and the Greek tradition proves that Muhammad or his early followers would have heard passages from it being read aloud if or when they were present at a Christian liturgical service. Nevertheless, this evidence does show that an encounter with traditions of the Protoevangelium of James was a possibility for anyone who witnessed relevant liturgical celebrations. It is known, for example, that some of the members of Muhammads own family, such as Waraqa ibn Nawfal, a cousin of his rst wife Khad ja, had been Christians (see Graf, 1944, vol. 1, p. 24). That being so, ibn Nawfal also would have had some form of Christian upbringing and education that included opportunities for becoming familiar with the narrative of the Protoevangelium of James simply by attending the Christian liturgy, a celebration that from early on was open to Christians of all ages, including young children.43 The acceptance of the Protoevangelium of James into the liturgy, therefore, and the subsequent acceptance of some of its traditions by participants at Christian worship services provide at least one of the concrete constellations of factors that illustrate the permeability of the boundaries between Christianity and Islam in the sense of traditions moving from the Christian realm into that of Islam. Another area in which the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James is closely connected with the Christian liturgy is the realm of homiletic literature. To the extent that Coptic literature selects from and reects the inuence of traditions derived from the Protoevangelium of James, it displays a distinct preference for featuring elements of the narrative of the Protoevangelium of James in homilies that were geared towards

520

C. B. Horn

promoting the ascetic life among believers. Two Coptic manuscripts in the Pierpont Morgan Library (MSS Morgan 596 and 597), as well as one manuscript in the library of the British Museum (MS Or. 7027), preserve slightly varying texts of a Coptic Homily on the Nativity and the Virgin Mary. This homily is ascribed to Demetrius of Antioch and is likely to have been composed in the second half of the seventh century. It features the three-year-old girl, Mary, functioning as a model of the consecrated ascetic life.44 When her mother, Anna, brought her to the priests at the Temple, the girl was said to have run on her own to the altar as the place of the sacrice of the Lord.45 Once she had entered the Temple, she never turned back,46 leaving behind any thoughts about her parents or the world.47 In her daily progress and with her pleasant temperament, she far surpassed the behavior displayed by any of the other virgins in the Temple,48 so that at the age of eight or ten she had even become a model for the priests, who were afraid to meet her.49 Her body was strengthened in the fear of the Lord, which MS Morgan 596 employs as the reason why the priests were afraid to meet the girl.50 MS Morgan 597 understands the fear of the Lord as a force that bound and immobilized the girls body,51 while MS BL 7027 avoids speaking of fear and says instead that the Lord strengthened the heart of the little girl, who kept her body chaste.52 All three textual variants emphasize the little virgins chastity, in body or in both soul and body.53 Between repetitions of the theme of chastity, the homily details what kind of behavior characterized a virgins chastity. Thus, little Mary did not poke her head outside the Temple gates seeking the sight of strangers,54 nor did she allow herself even to look at a young male servant,55 or to be looked at by anyone to avoid the arousal of desires.56 As the homilist emphasized, the young girl lived in chastity and great ascesis,57 or, as MS Morgan 597 expresses it, in chastity, in the adoration of God, and in [proper] order.58 To create a more explicit and detailed image of this young, ideal life of ascesis, meant to be understood as a model for all, the homilist elaborated on how the little girl wore her habit in an appropriate manner. Her mantle reached up to her eyes, thus presumably covering all her hair.59 Her tunic reached down to her heels.60 A belt tied her mantle to her tunic,61 which was neither dirty nor worn out.62 She did not treat her hair with a comb,63 did not place dark shadows (perhaps kohl) on her eyes, nor did she apply cosmetics made from the crocus plant to her eyebrows or cheeks.64 She did not wear sandals for seduction, nor did she adorn her arms with bracelets.65 Little Mary did not desire any extra food nor did she stroll across public places in the city, in order not to be tempted by what the world had to offer.66 She never undressed to wash or take a bath, nor did she look at her body.67 Instead, until she was 12, she lived in this ascetic manner, being in conscious awareness of God, with a sense of the fear of God, and being guarded by Christ, since she knew that she had been created to become his ark and the dwelling-place.68 Quite obviously inspired by the basic narrative of the Protoevangelium of James, the author of this homily freely developed and integrated his own ideas about the proper ascetic life into a basic framework provided for his purposes by the main details known about Marys early life from the Protoevangelium of James. It remains to be investigated to what extent such free development of an explicitly ascetic message is representative of a wider Eastern Christian reception of the Protoevangelium of James, or typical of and specic to the Coptic tradition. The existence of several of the Arabic homilies to which Georg Graf refers may help in examining this question further in a separate study. Other examples of Coptic literature that incorporate signicant portions of the Protoevangelium of James include the History of Joseph the Carpenter, a text that had

Mary between Bible and Quran

521

its origins of composition in Egypt sometime between the latter part of the sixth and the seventh century.69 Scholarship assumes that the original may have been composed in Greek, but the complete text of this work is preserved only in Bohairic, as well as subsequently in Latin and Arabic translations. In support of the apparently relatively widespread occurrence of this narrative, one can also point to the existence of a fragmentary version in Sahidic.70 The rst 11 chapters of the History of Joseph the Carpenter follow the text of the Protoevangelium of James in many details. Yet another signicant example of the reception of the Protoevangelium of James into Coptic literature consists of texts dealing with the gure of John the Baptist. British Museum MS Or. 3581 B, for example, contains a Sahidic fragment on the birth and earliest childhood of John the Baptist, followed immediately by a narration of the visit of the Magi to the child Jesus. Forbes Robinson seems to have been the rst to publish this fragment (Robinson, 1896, pp. 162165). He already observes that the life of John the Baptist and the Visit of the Magi were themes that were rather common in Coptic sermons (ibid., p. 235). Of particular interest also is a longer section found in Lord Crawfords Sahidic MS 36, which contains an account of Christs birth that closely resembles . . . that of the Protevangelium (cc. XVII XX) (ibid., p. 196), but that also features several differences. Three main points in which they differ from one another are that the Sahidic fragment leaves out Josephs rst-person account, that it has Jesus being born in a tomb and not in a cave,71 and that the Sahidic fragment from Lord Crawfords manuscript identies Salome not as the unbelieving woman whose hand withered when conducting the test of Marys virginity, but as the midwife (ibid., p. 197). After about two pages of this account of the birth of Christ provided in the Sahidic fragment of Lord Crawfords manuscript there also follow an account of the Magi, of Elisabeths ight with the child John and of the murder of Zachariah.72 The arrangement of this material, as well as many but not all of the details, agrees with the Protoevangelium of James. Although this article can only offer an abbreviated discussion of the available material, it may nevertheless already have become obvious that within the body of Coptic literature, knowledge of both key and subsidiary features of the Protoevangelium of James was widely present. Such features were willingly and readily employed and were developed further to serve the specic goals of a given preacher. They were also incorporated when creating new apocryphal traditions, thus highlighting parts of the life of other biblical gures, such as Joseph or John the Baptist, or even seemingly unrelated characters, such as Salome, that had previously remained unexplored. In the context of examining the Christian literary tradition in Egypt for traces of the inuence of the Protoevangelium of James, one further body of texts that is central to the self-identity of the Coptic Church cannot be ignored. In fact, the main churchhistorical narrative of Coptic Christianity, the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church, shows at least some acquaintance with traditions that ultimately are grounded in the Protoevangelium of James. The following section highlights this connection, which emerges via the intersection of Greek and Copto-Arabic literature. The Reception History of the Protoevangelium of James at the Intersection of Greek, Coptic, and Copto-Arabic Literature The History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church is certainly among the best-known and most widely received texts of Copto-Arabic literature in early Christian Egypt. In the

522

C. B. Horn

so-called Third Preface to the text, one of the compilers and/or redactors, identied as Severus ibn al-Muqaffa, spoke of those who assisted him in translating the histories that [they] found written in the Coptic and Greek languages into the Arabic tongue. These histories were current among the people of the present day in the region of Egypt, most of whom are ignorant of the Coptic and the Greek. It was the authors hope that these people might be satised with such translations when they read them (Evetts, 1907, p. 115). The precise role of Severus in the compilation and redaction of the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church, a question that has been much debated, is not vital to the argument here.73 Of interest rather is the comment that Greek and Coptic sources were incorporated into the work. The sources were gathered from the monastery of Saint Macarius and the monastery of Nahya and other monasteries . . . [as well as] from scattered fragments . . . found in the hands of the Christians (Evetts, 1907, p. 106).74 The Coptic fragments of church-historical material that have been identied thus far as having supplied some of this material do not contain any evidence for the presence among them of traces of a treatise, On the Priesthood of Christ, that precedes the rst chapter of the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church dealing with Mark the Evangelist.75 The Greek tradition, however, clearly witnesses to such a treatise,76 and thus it is to be assumed that this rst episode of the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church owes its origins to a Greek Vorlage. It is precisely in this treatise, On the Priesthood of Christ, that one can grasp yet another instance of the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James exercising its inuence in the Christian milieu in Egypt. The treatise is framed by a dialogue between a Christian moneychanger named Philip and a leader of the Jews by the name of Theodosius. Their conversation focuses on the question of Christs messiahship, which Theodosius, in principle, acknowledges, yet upon which, he insists, he does not need to act by accepting baptism. Theodosius provides evidence that he has proper knowledge of the true identity of Christ. He tells his Christian interlocutor of the existence of a document that was circulated among the Jews and witnessed to Christs true priesthood as acknowledged by the Jews themselves. This document relied very strongly on a narrative in which Jesus mother Mary played an important role in witnessing to her sons supernatural origins. It is of interest for this investigation that, in its account of Christs birth, this document, a Christian apocryphal legend, incorporated features that can be identied as related to an episode recounted in the Protoevangelium of James. When a deceased member of the college of 22 priests who served in the Temple of Jerusalem needed to be replaced, it was suggested that Jesus, the son of Joseph, ought to be selected for the position. But among the objections raised against Jesus candidacy was one based on the rumor that the identity of his father was uncertain. To clarify the issue, and given that Joseph had by then died, the priests interrogated Jesus mother Mary (Evetts, 1907, pp. 125 128). Initially, Mary was reluctant to answer any questions, assuming that no one would believe her. As the priests continued to exert pressure upon her, however, she spoke to them about her exceptional conception. Mary recounted the conversation that had taken place between her and Joseph, when Joseph asked her whom she had been with, and she swore to him that no man had ever touched her. The same exchange is found in the Protoevangelium of James 13 (de Strycker, 1961, pp. 124 127). As Mary rmly insisted both on her virginity, despite giving birth to Christ, and on the presence of the seal of her virginity as evidence of it (Evetts, 1907, p. 128), the priests hardened in their judgment against her and were unwilling to accept her word as proof, calling her story a tale of

Mary between Bible and Quran

523

wonder (ibid.). The reader of the Quran will not miss that those who saw Mary bringing her new-born baby to her people (Q 19:27) also spoke of what had happened as an amazing thing. In the following verse, the Quran likewise witnesses to concerns that arose as to whether Marys conception might have been illegitimate. The focus in the Quran is the same as it continued to be in the later Christian tradition that continued to accept the apocryphal text of the Protoevangelium of James or variations of it, as reworked in the treatise On the Priesthood of Christ. Since, in the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church, Mary did not resist the priests, they sent and summoned trustworthy women from among their midwives and charged them with clear[ing] up the matter with regard to her. As the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church expressed it in its reworking of the apocryphal account of On the Priesthood of Christ, the midwives examined her and they witnessed that Mary had spoken the truth and indeed was a virgin inviolate, as she [had] said (ibid, p. 129). This detail of the story, with its explicit reference to midwives, is clearly inspired by, and is in fact a reworking of, the theme of the disbelieving Salome testing Marys virginity that can be found in Protoevangelium of James 20. Whereas the Protoevangelium of James features Salome testing Mary, in On the Priesthood of Christ the task was left to the midwives, one of whom also features in the Protoevangelium of James itself. Scholarship on the treatise On the Priesthood of Christ has not yet denitively resolved the question of the origins of the text. The observation noted above that some texts in the Coptic tradition, for example, the Sahidic fragment from Lord Crawfords manuscript, identify the gure of Salome with the midwife may perhaps indicate that Coptic traditions of the Protoevangelium of James played a role in the development of this apocryphal work, of which, apart from the Greek and the Arabic preserved in the History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church, only additional recensions in Georgian and Slavonic have so far appeared.77 For the immediate purposes of the present article, it is to be noted that, through the incorporation of this apocryphal treatise On the Priesthood of Christ, Egyptian Christians who were encountering their tradition through the medium of Copto-Arabic literature were still in the eleventh century and beyond being presented, and becoming familiar, with key features of the literary traditions of the Protoevangelium of James. Just as the priests in the Jerusalem Temple were not satised with just the oral testimony of Mary to her virginity, so it is to be assumed, and can also be documented, that familiarity with the traditions of the Protoevangelium of James among Christians in Egypt was not limited to encounters with elements of the story in various literary forms, whether written or oral. In addition, features of the Protoevangelium of James appear with some regularity in Coptic artistic depictions. The concluding section of this article examines various aspects of the reception history of this text in Egypt in pictorial form. This creation of visual images of elements of the Protoevangelium of James is also to be regarded as a sphere in which the permeability of boundaries between Christianity and Islam is responsible for the reception of Christian ideas into the Islamic milieu. The Reception History of the Protoevangelium of James in Early Christian Art in Egypt When investigating the history of the reception in Egypt of the Protoevangelium of James, a component that must not be overlooked is the contribution of material evidence of an

524

C. B. Horn

artistic nature.78 One of the assumptions to be tested, at least in some important aspects, is that one might be able to discern the likelihood for relatively early contacts between the Christian and early Islamic traditions that were inspired by the Protoevangelium of James through visual representations of individual scenes featured in the text. To demonstrate the potential dimensions of contact through this inuence, the concluding part of this article directs its attention to several iconographic examples, each of which illustrates aspects of the early Islamic traditions possible relationship with material known from the Protoevangelium of James.79 Recent research has shown that when the Quran alludes to the scene that features Marys mother Anna, it emphasizes Annas receiving and responding to the angels annunciation of the birth of a child to her. I have demonstrated elsewhere that the Qurans characterization of Marys mothers behavior contains literary parallels with the description of Marys birth in the Protoevangelium of James (Horn, 2007). But literary parallels are not the only ones to be taken into account. Depictions of the birth of the Virgin Mary became popular after the Feast of her Nativity began to be celebrated in the late sixth century.80 It is noteworthy that the chronologically earlier event of the angels annunciation to Anna is represented in images that were already appearing prior to the late sixth century.81 Jacqueline Lafontaine-Dosogne was able to identify such scenes as the oldest preserved depictions of episodes related to Marys infancy. The annunciation of the birth of Mary is depicted on column A of the ciborium of Saint Marks in Venice (see Lafontaine-Dosogne, 1964, p. 35 with pl. 1), which was probably of Syrian or Egyptian provenance from the sixth century. The Crusaders looted this work from Constantinople in 1204 CE. On that ciborium, the scene showing Anna is one of a cycle of scenes that extends from the infancies of Mary and Jesus up to and including Christs passion. The angels annunciation of Marys birth to Anna is also depicted on one of two ivory plates that likewise date to the sixth century. These two plates are now preserved in the State Hermitage Museum in St Petersburg. They show scenes from the Protoevangelium of James focusing on Anna. One of the plates illustrates the moment of the angels annunciation of the birth of Mary to Anna (see ibid., with pl. 15, g. 40).82 Art historians identify either Syria or Egypt as the place of origin of these ivory plates (ibid., p. 35). Early Christian art from Egypt also preserves an illustration that points to the fulllment of Annas response to the angel, namely her promise that the child be dedicated to Gods service (Protoevangelium of James 8, de Strycker, 1961, pp. 80 81). A fresco preserved in the dome of the so-called Exodus Chapel (Chapel 30) in the Christian necropolis at the Kharga Oasis at El Bagawat in Egypt, which dates to the fth through seventh century, voi ) carrying lamps in their hands and processing shows a group of seven virgins ( paru1 towards the gate of the Temple.83 According to the Protoevangelium of James, the undeled daughters of the Hebrews accompanied little Mary when she began her life as a virgin in the Temple (Protoevangelium of James 8, de Strycker, 1961, pp. 98 99). The existence of this pre-Islamic art in Constantinople and either Syria or Egypt, that is, precisely and distinctly in the Christian East, constitutes evidence that points at least to the possibility of Muslims, during the time of the early Islamic conquest of the Christian East, encountering visually depictions of scenes unique to the Protoevangelium of Jameshere the scene of Anna telling the angel about her plans for the child she is to bear. One of the scenes of Marys life that occurred with great frequency in early Christian art is the Annunciation of Christs birth to Mary. It is remarkable that, rather than reecting

Mary between Bible and Quran

525

the narrative account offered in the canonical Gospel of Luke (or Matthew), this scene is quite often depicted in forms clearly inuenced by apocryphal traditions derived from the Protoevangelium of James. Much material from the wider realm of Byzantine art could be adduced to make this point, but this articles goal is not to rehearse all the available evidence. Sufcient insight for the immediate purposes of the present discussion can be gained by focusing on material derived from Egypt. rard Roquet has identied six examples of the depiction of the Annunciation in Ge Coptic art showing the inuence of apocryphal traditions. Of these six, three, that is 50%, come from the period between the fth and the seventh centuries (see Roquet, 1991, p. 204). Research for this study has added further examples to those he identied. The oldest example consists of fragments of a fth-century woodcut kept at the Louvre in Paris.84 The relief shows the Virgin seated with her feet lifted off the ground. On the edge of her lap over her knees is a basket. Her left hand holds something, probably wool or thread, extending out of the basket, while her right hand is pointing upward, possibly greeting her angelic visitor. Of the angels gure, only the lower portion of his right leg and his right foot is preserved. Marys face is turned straight towards the observer, a feature that has been described as typical of Coptic gures (Badawy, 1978, p. 160). The expression captured in Marys eyes conveys a sense of great surprise, but this startled look is not that of the Virgin in Lukes Gospel, as Pierre Du Bourguet has interpreted the scene (du Bourguet, c. 1968, p. 39). It is rather the look of the Virgin in the Protoevangelium of James, which refers twice to her fear, rst when she is said to have heard the voice at the well, and second when the angel directly addressed her fear (Protoevangelium of James 22 23, de Strycker, 1961, pp. 112 115). Whoever saw the fth-century woodcut is likely to have wondered what message that young woman had heard from the mouth of her visitor. The depiction of that moment of encounter would have been unforgettable to any onlooker. The composition displayed in this fth-century woodcut occurred repeatedly in Coptic le ` ne Rutschowscaya provides the example of a art from the early centuries on. Marie-He printed fabric from the region of Ahkm m, now preserved in the Victoria & Albert Museum in London. The piece, dated to the fth or sixth century, shows Mary, still spinning thread, while the angel Gabriel executes a graceful backward movement (Rutschowscaya, 1991, p. 528). Of special interest for the topic under discussion is a further item that demonstrates the same composition. The collections of the State Museum of Berlin, Germany, preserve a golden medallion, or encolpion, that could be worn as a decoration around the neck. On display in Berlins Altes Museum,85 it depicts on one side Mary seated on a throne with a thread running from her left hand down to a basket, while the angel is shown standing in front of her.86 The inspiration for this scene clearly derives from the Protoevangelium of James 11 (de Strycker, 1961, pp. 112117; Stolz, 2004, pp. 8587). The medallion dates from the fth century, while the necklace or pectoral on which it hangs comes from the sixth or seventh century.87 On the reverse of the central coin that decorates the necklace is a depiction of the city of Constantinople personied and an inscription stating, Lord, help roysa, fem.) (Platz-Horster, c. 2004, p. 289), the grammatical feminine the wearer (f1 form indicating that this medallion was intended to be worn by a woman (ibid., p. 288). or Assiut in Both medallion and necklace belong to the treasury associated with Antionoe Egypt (Volbach, n.d., p. 361; Platz-Horster, c. 2004, p. 288). This treasury preserves an almost identical necklace, identiable as a piece of jewelry worn by a male person (for a

526

C. B. Horn

depiction and description, see Zahlhaas, c. 2004). The medallion that was the pendant on this second necklace is no longer extant. Art historians understand the two corresponding necklaces as once having been in the possession of a married couple (ibid., p. 290). It is noteworthy that scholars have also concluded that a function of such pendants was to provide a sign of distinction for army personnel in the higher ranks of the military (Volbach, n.d., p. 361). Indeed, this is seen as one of their primary purposes. The piece of textile depicting the scene of the Annunciation, and the gold medallion bearing the same scene may have functioned in quite a similar manner to convey motifs associated with the Protoevangelium of James to onlookers whose tradition was open to adopting narrative elements into their own discourse. One can easily imagine, for example, how a general in the Christian army of Egypt might have worn around his neck a medallion with some depiction of a Christian scene, perhaps even when ghting against Muslim invaders early in the seventh century. If the generals medallion did not depict a comparable scene from the Protoevangelium of James, then the new Muslim rulers rst sighting of this type of Christian art might have occurred when they saw the members of the generals family, including his wife, whose medallion displayed the scene of the Annunciation. The mistress of the house might also have worn or had on display in her house some garment or cloth printed with that same scene of the Annunciation. Both these material objects, clearly being pieces of art with practical applications insofar as they were intended to be worn or displayed, depicted an identiable scene from the repertoire of images associated with, and even derived from, the Protoevangelium of James, and there is some probability that they would have been seen by Muslims in Egypt during the early Islamic period. Coptic art, and Christian art in and from Egypt more generally, preserves many more depictions of scenes that show details of the story told in the Protoevangelium of James. Wall paintings in Chapel 51 at the Monastery of Baw t feature not only an additional example of the depiction of the Annunciation,88 but also one of the birth of dat, 1999, pp. 113 114, 127 [pl. Christ modeled on the Protoevangelium of James (Cle 109], 129 [pl. 113]). These wall paintings have been dated to anywhere between the sixth and the ninth centuries CE (ibid., p. 110 with n. 63). Following the work of Jean dat, Euge ` ne Revillout noticed the congruence between the prominence given to Cle Salome, the midwife, featured in the Sahidic Apocryphon and the same gure of o (Salome, the midwife) in the Nativity scene at Baw calome tme c t.89 The prominent presence of a midwife, or Salome, or both, at the birth of Christ as noted above not only characterizes literary accounts of the Nativity found in Egypt, but is a feature of scenes showing the birth of Christ, or Mary with the Child Jesus, in Coptic and Copto-Arabic art. Examples can also be found in manuscript illuminations90 and ivory carvings.91 As a supplementary scene, one also nds depictions of the bathing of the newborn Jesus, with two midwives assisting.92 The bathing of the child Jesus cannot be traced back to the Protoevangelium of James, but the later apocryphal Arabic Infancy Gospel, also known as the Arabic Life of Jesus, that became joined with other texts, including the Protoevangelium of James, to form a fuller account of Marys life features the motif of miracles of the Christ Child taking place through contact with his bathwater.93 Scenes of the birth of Christ, of the Presentation of the Child Jesus in the Temple, and of the Testing with the Water of the Curse, all three of which can be shown to have their resonance in su ra 19 of the Quran, occur relatively frequently in early Christian art. In fact, the scene of the Testing with the Water of the Curse appears in cycles of

Mary between Bible and Quran

527

illustrations of the Protoevangelium of James, the origins of which have been discerned as clearly inuenced by Byzantine style and have sometimes been assigned to Egypt. In the Protoevangelium of James, the event of Mary having to drink from the water is preceded by an oath in which Mary swears with the formula As the Lord God lives that she is innocent of any intercourse with a man.94 This scene is to be compared with a passage in Q 19:26 34. Then eat and drink and refresh [your] eye, but if you see anyone from among [those of] esh, say, I have dedicated to the Merciful One a fast, so that I shall not converse [with] anyone(Q 19:26). As discussed elsewhere, the context of this passage is that Mary has been driven out into inhospitable places and there, having given birth, is offered nourishment (Horn, 2007, pp. 151 153). Marys vow to fast reects her attitude of readiness to entrust her actions to Gods judgment, as described in the Protoevangelium of James. The Quran presents the story in a somewhat different form. While Mary speaks in her own defense in the Protoevangelium of James, in the Quran she does not speak because she is under oath. Instead, her newborn child comes to her defense. In effect, the presentation of Q 19:26 34 may be the result of a harmonization of this account to uphold Marys vow. The rationale for this may have been to demonstrate that Marys defense of her sexual purity, which her pregnancy had called into question, came from God alone. Q 19:27 34 provides a lengthy tradition, which is not paralleled and transmitted in its entirety in any one extant apocryphal infancy text, and in which Mary avoids speaking to her family to explain what has happened. In fact, she has no need, as her child Jesus himself explains his mission rather eloquently in Q 19:30 33. The Quran stresses Marys purity through her vow of silence even more than the Protoevangelium of James. Yet the two texts share as a common element Marys obligation to God under a vow, a detail not found in other witnesses. While a reference to oral traditions concerning the Protoevangelium of James in the milieu that shaped early Islamic discourse may sufce as explanation for these shared elements, which nevertheless become incorporated into varying story lines, the medium of material culture and artistic depictions is at least an additional possibility to explain contact. An exquisite example from pre-Islamic times, which, like the Quran, avoids reference to Joseph in the scene depicting Mary as drinking water and being under a vow, is known from the ivory throne of Archbishop Maximianus of Ravenna (545 553 CE) (Volbach, n.d., pl. 226). The connections of this city to the East in the middle of the sixth century are well established.95 Moreover, the fact that artistic inuence from Egypt is seen as underlying the execution of the artwork on Maximianuss ivory throne at least makes it possible that similar artwork and scenes were also known in Egypt itself. When considering such evidence, some caveats are necessary. One cannot assume that the remaining evidence from the early and late ancient Christian world represents more than a smattering of the texts and material expressions of Christianity that existed in the ancient world. Suppression of Christian artistic expressions by rival Christian groups and destruction of artwork by non-Christian belligerents in Egypt have effaced textual, material, architectural, and pictorial evidence. Thus if one simply attempts to draw conclusions straight from the evidence, at times even the chance evidence that survives, one runs the risk of misrepresenting the overall picture too easily. There may once have existed considerably more material evidence that would have facilitated the contact of non-Christians with ideas and images reecting Christian apocryphal traditions. An additional difculty consists in the need to establish a method that allows one to move from the positive evidence for a written and materially manifested tradition to

528

C. B. Horn

justiable assumptions about an underlying or accompanying oral tradition that has to be reckoned with. After all, comments in the Quran and the traditions of the Hadith clearly point to oral contact between Christians and Muhammad and his early followers.96 As one considers the potential for material evidence to have acted as a bridge between Christian and Muslim conceptions of the narrative in question, it becomes clear that several of the objects or iconic representations that have come down to modern times may not have been readily accessible to the eyes of the new Muslim rulers or believers in ancient times, given that some of them were to be found in places not easily accessible to the wider public. One might argue, for example, that the wall paintings at Baw t were hidden away behind monastery walls. But it is not easy to determine exactly how restricted access to them was. In the case of the depictions of the scenes of the Annunciation and the birth of Christ that show inuences from the Protoevangelium of James, one might take into account not only that these two scenes framed two additional scenes (Marys visit to Elizabeth and the ight into Egypt), and together with them covered the whole northern wall of the room in which they were found, but that this series of illustrations decorated not dat, 1999, a simple, locked, monastic cell, but a sizable oratory in the monastery (Cle p. 109). To the extent that outsiders gained access to the monastery, the likelihood that they would have entered that oratory, being one of the larger buildings in the monastic complex, and noticed the wall paintings there, is somewhat greater than that such visitors or intruders, whatever the case may be, would have seen depictions of religious scenes in small monastic cells. The reception history of the Protoevangelium of James in Coptic art is not limited to motifs that in some shape or form came to be part of the realm of ideas that Christians and Muslims have in common. Certain motifs, such as Mary nursing the baby Jesus,97 are quite well represented in Coptic Christian art without having had any noticeable inuence on Muslim observers. While Coptic Christians shared their iconographical focus on the image of Mary breast-feeding her son with adherents of the Isis cult, in which the goddess is depicted nursing her offspring, the Christian depiction might in fact have had an additional or alternative source of inspiration. The text of the Protoevangelium of James speaks of the newborn child taking his mothers breast in order to nurse (Protoevangelium of James 39, de Strycker, 1961, pp. 156 157). Immediately following, the text also speaks of how the midwife cried out in admiration and joy for having been allowed to see such a miracle. The reference point of the midwifes attestation to the miracle is the wondrous birth of the child, but there is no reason why a Christian audience could not also have considered the sight of a child nursing on his mothers breast as a pars pro toto referencing the whole of the scene of the miraculous birth. For them, therefore, the image of Mary nursing her child could function as image par excellence of the Incarnation. That a mother would nurse her newborn child right after birth certainly is not a detail that would require any outside or additional explanation. In the ancient world, one might expect such a detail to be common knowledge. Mentioning it explicitly would therefore probably serve a more specic purpose. Perhaps one might argue for a dependence of text upon image here. In a setting in which the audience was familiar with the iconography of a female deity like Isis nursing her son, the author of the Protoevangelium of James may have been inspired by that religious iconography to refer to the child breastfeeding in the text he (or she) composed, as a response to, or in order consciously to relate and contrast the Christian event with, what was celebrated in the cult of Isis. Perhaps one might also conclude that the very presence of that literary detail in the description of the birth of

Mary between Bible and Quran

529

Christ in the Protoevangelium of James even functions to conrm the Egyptian provenance of that text. Nevertheless, despite the prominence of the motif in the text as well as in images, both Christian and non-Christian, in Egypt, Islam does not seem to have shared this tradition of describing or depicting Mary as nursing her child. Thus, the nursing-mother motif is clearly a feature that played a role in the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James in Egypt, but is one that did not become part of the Islamic discourse. The development of an Islamic reworking of notions and ideas that relate to the reception history of the apocryphal traditions of the Protoevangelium of James, and the Christian reception history of that same text, are not two congruous movements. The permeability of boundaries between Christianity and Islam was such that not all material came to be used or re-used on both sides. Some material either never passed through from one side to the other, or was perhaps consciously not selected for use. The examination of more specic criteria that guided this selection process probably went beyond matters of mere availability. It is the hope of this author that future research might contribute further towards clarifying not only which ideas and images may have been shared between Christians and Muslims in the early centuries of their common history, and howa matter treated in this articlebut also why certain elements were shared and why others were never selected. Notes
1. Recent studies include, for example, the articles published in Grypeou et al., 2006; Thomas, 2003; 2001. 2. For comments on the reception of the classical traditions, including science and philosophy, in the Syriac-speaking realm, which offered an important medium for transmission of this literature to Muslims, see also Phenix and Horn, forthcoming. 3. Here is not the place to offer comprehensive details regarding the literature on Christian Mariology. For a still helpful introduction to the development of Christian thought regarding Mary throughout history, see Graef, 1964. Given the relevance of Egypt for the present study, reference ought to be made here to a valuable work dedicated to the development of Mariology in Egypt. See Gabriele Giamberardini, Il culto mariano in Egitto, 3 vols., Pubblicazioni dello Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Analecta 6-8 (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1975, 1974, and 1978 respectively). For Islamic perspectives on Mary see, for example, Freyer Stowasser, 1994, pp. 6782, 155165; Smith & Haddad, 1989; McCarthy, 1982; and McAuliffe, 1981. Reading the Quran from a perspective strongly concerned with gender equity, the comments in Wadud, 1999, pp. 39 40, reveal how the text of the Quran on the event of Marys giving birth can be read as revealing Allahs empathy for the experience a woman undergoes when delivering a child. Comparative work has been provided in, for example, Ashkar, 1996. 4. For further discussion of the place of this image in the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James, see below. 5. The Protoevangelium of James continues to excite the imagination and curiosity of scholars. Of the sizeable body of secondary literature on this text one may here perhaps refer selectively only to Horner, 2004; Ehlen, 2004, pp. 16 179; Zervos, 2004; 2005. 6. For a discussion of the possibilities of the inuence of Greek mythology on birth narratives in apocryphal Christian texts and the Quran, see, for example, Mourad (2002), who argues for a considerable impact of the myth of the birth of Apollo on the formation of the story of Marys giving birth under a palm-tree that is presented in the Quran. He also assumes inuence of that myth on the account of the Holy Family resting under a palm-tree as presented in the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew. The argument of the article is considerably weakened by the authors failure to consider alternative early sources containing the palm-tree motif that may have offered inspiration to both the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew and the Quran, such as the narrative offered in the Ethiopic Liber Requiei. See also Horn, 2007. Klameth (1925, p. 137) locates the origins of the motif of the palm-tree in the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew in the ancient Egyptian notion of the descent of the soul into the netherworld, where it is strengthened

530

C. B. Horn
and nourished by a female deity (Hathor, Nut, or Mat) who dwells in a sycamore or palm-tree and offers the soul food and drink for the journey. This identication of a necessary program of study resumes and lightly expands upon one presented in Horn, 2007. See the material gathered and discussed in de Strycker (1961), pp. 353 373; and Amann (1910, pp. 109 137), who offers a discussion of the reception history of the text among Greek-speaking Christians. For a helpful discussion of the relationship of the Protoevangelium of James to a Jewish milieu, see for instance Horner, 2004. For some consideration of the matter of Jews and Christians among those who informed Muhammad, see for example Gilliot, 1996, pp. 1925; 1998. hlin et al., 1970, p. 66, ll. 20-22): All, 6 Wike n, Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 7.16.93.7 (Sta n dWkei paidi xri nu nnhsin, W k ` m lexv ` 1 nai dia ` th ` n tWu tW i 6 pWllWi 6 kai ` me Maria Wu ge  tekei nWn e reuh (kai ` r meta ` tW ` n maivuei n fasi nai.) W sa lexv ` ga n a th sa tine6 parue See also de Strycker, 1961, pp. 412 413; and the discussion in Peretto, 1957, pp. 6667. Origen of Alexandria, Commentary on Matthew 10.17 (Klostermann and Benz, 1935, p. 21, 11. 2629): ` 6 de ` 6 lhsWu fasi pigegramme ` delfWu  sev6 rmv nWu kata me nWi tWu ` tWu tine6 e nai, k paradW trWn e aggeli ra6 gunaikW 6 ` 6 lvsh 6 bi bWu, u Wu ` f k prWte Pe Wu th blWu lakv ` 6 Mari sun khkui a6 a t prW th a6. See also de Strycker, 1961, pp. 393395, 412; and Peretto, 1957, pp. 6970. For an alternative interpretation of the Book of James as a complete gospel, not only ` ne Revillout and his attempts at a text limited to Christs birth and early childhood, see the work by Euge ` ne Revillout, Un nouvel apocryphe reconstructing a Gospel of the Twelve Apostles. See also Euge Copte. Le Livre de Jacques, Journal Asiatique 10th series, vol. 5 (1905), 113120. For bibliographical details, see below. Some results of the study of Christian women in the Copto-Arabic History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria appear in Horn, forthcoming a. For a discussion of the relevance of the Protoevangelium of James for this text, see below. See for example an icon of the Presentation of Mary in the Temple by Youssef Guirguis Ayad or an icon of the Annunciation by Jacqueline Ascott. See Sadek & Sadek, 2000, p. 163, pl. 1 and p. 176. This author is not aware of a modern rendering of the Protoevangelium of James into Coptic, but if there is one she would be grateful to learn about its existence. For the edition of the Ethiopic text of the Protoevangelium of James, see Chaine, 1909. For a more detailed discussion and overview of apocryphal literature preserved in Ethiopic, see Piovanelli, 1993. A brief, rather liberal retelling is contained in Kita b maya mir wa-caja ib al-sayyida al-cadra (1902, pp. 28 38 [1927, pp. 3955]). Graf, 1944, p. 225, lists as the oldest ones a text contained in a manuscript from Paris (MS Par. arab. 262 [Arabic; Ancien fonds 154; 15th cent.], ff. 65v79v) and three examples preserved in manuscripts from Cairo dating from the late seventeenth to the middle of the eighteenth century (MS Cairo 445 [Arabic; 16911693 CE], ff. 2r25r; MS Cairo 471 [Arabic; 1741 CE], ff. 18r36v; and MS Cairo 564 [Arabic; 1717 CE], ff. 1r38r). The manuscripts written in Arabic script and ordered chronologically when dated in Graf (1944) are MS Sbath 125,15 (1440 CE); MS Par. Arab. 147 (Arabic; 15th cent.), ff. 232r260r (incomplete); MS Beirut 631 (Arabic; 19th cent.), ff. 1r75v; MS Sin. Arab. 441, 6 (also contains the Infancy Gospel of PseudoThomas and the Dormition of the Virgin); MS Sin. Arab. 556, 3; and MS Sin. Arab. 523, 2. With Graf one also observes that Assemani, 17191728, vol. 3 , 1, 287, mentions an additional manuscript once kept in the Maronite College in Rome. More recently, Troupeau (2005, p. 201) has added an additional reference to MS Par. Arab. 300, ff. 346v356r, which contains an incomplete extract of an infancy gospel, probably of the Protoevangelium of James. For further discussion of the relevance of the compilation of the material offered in MS Sin. Arab. 441, 6 as witness to the development of the apocryphal Life of Mary or Life of the Virgin tradition, which incorporated the Protoevangelium of James, see the comments in Horn, 2006. Ordered chronologically when dated in Graf (1944), the Karshuni manuscripts are MS Mingana Syr. 39 (Karshuni; 1462 CE), ff. 70v73r, beginning in Syriac; MS Vat. Syr. 199 (Karshuni; 1545 CE), ff. 305v325; MS Damascus, residence of the Catholic-Syrian archbishop, 59, c (Karshuni; 16th to 17th cent.); MS Par. Syr. 232 (Karshuni; Ancien fonds 113; 17th cent.), ff. 304r324r; and MS Diya rbakr 146, 30 (Karshuni).

7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

12.

13.

14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

20.

21.

Mary between Bible and Quran

531

22. For an overview of the content of that manuscript, see also the comments provided in Swanson, 2004, pp. 99 100. On the Greek Vorlage of this text, see Cullmann, 1987, p. 335. 23. The Arabic text ends in the midst of Protoevangelium of James 15:4. See Garitte, 1973, p. 396. tude de la litte rature apocryphe chre tienne 24. A team of scholars associated with the Association pour le (AELAC) under the leadership of Albert Frey are working on a new critical edition of the Protoevangelium of James for the series Corpus Christianorum Series Apocryphorum. It is to be hoped that the Arabic version will be part of this publication as well. 25. See also Leipoldts comments two years prior to the publication in Leipoldt, 1903, p. 8. See further Peeters, 1910a, p. 138, n. 615. 26. See also the discussion in Lucchesi, 1988. 27. While John the Baptist was a favorite saint of Coptic Christians, there is evidence that the commemoration of the death of the young children slaughtered at Herods command (cf. Matthew 2:1618) also received attention from homilists and rhetoricians. See, for example, de Vis, 1990b. 28. The rst to raise the question of sources for the Protoevanglium of James was Adolf Hilgenfeld (1850, pp. 153161). For studies of the traditions surrounding Zachariah, see Berendts, 1895; and Blank, 19371938. See also Cothenet, 1988, pp. 42584259. 29. The parchment carries the identication notation P. Vindob. K 9517. See also Till, 1958, pp. 320 322. 30. The Menologion offers the collection of readings at least from the New Testament and/or New Testament Apocrypha for the xed, calendrical feast days of the year. 31. See the discussion in du Bourguet (1991), who opts for a fourth-century date for this depiction. See also dat (1902, p. 47), who dates the image to the fth century. For depictions see also Badawy, 1978, Cle p. 250, g. 4.20. Chapel 30 at the Monastery of Baw t also preserves fragments of the Slaughter of the Holy Innocents as well as of Elizabeth standing holding the baby John in her arms. For depictions dat, 1999, p. 26. see Cle 32. See Revillout, 1905b. French translations of passages from the fragment are presented with the Sahidic text presented in the footnotes to a given page. 33. In addition to the previous note, see also Robinson, 1896, pp. 241. The publication of the original edition is to be found in Revillout, 1876. See also Peeters, 1910a, p. 138, n. 618, 2d. Revillout had employed four manuscripts (117120) from the Borgia collection in Rome, while Robinson added an additional folio that had formerly belonged to MS Borgia 117, but in the meantime had become part of a collection at Oxford (MS Clarendon Coptic B, 3, 14). See also de Strycker (1961, p. 46), who sees clear connections between the Sahidic Apocryphon material and the Sahidic Life of the Virgin. For a study of ancient traditions witnessing to the development of a genre of Lives of the Virgin, see also Horn (2006). Neither Mimouni (1994) nor Horn (2006) offers a detailed study of the Coptic Life of the Virgin tradition. An examination of that material is a scholarly desideratum. 34. A French translation of this section is provided in Revillout, 1903, pp. 163 164. 35. For a more recent discussion of this material on the gure of Salome see Warns, 1982. 36. Given the limited manuscript basis for the Sahidic Apocryphon that has been identied thus far, it is difcult to advance any conclusions regarding the age of that apocryphal composition. See also de Strycker (1961, p. 373), who was only aware of one manuscript from which the fragments of the text derived. 37. See, for example, de Vis, 1990a, pp. 2830, 3846. For a colorful depiction of the head of a young woman dancing, see also du Bourguet, c. 1968, p. 97. For a relatively late depiction of Salome receiving the head of the Baptist on a platter, see the manuscript illumination in MS BN Paris Coptic 13, fol. 103 recto, dated to 11791180. See Leroy, 1974, pp. 113, 131 132, and pl. 59. 38. The Christian tradition sometimes also identied Josephs rst wife by the name Salome. See, for example, the comments preserved in question 153 in Collection a of the 154 Questions and Answers of (Pseudo-)Anastasius the Sinaite (PG 89.312824, here col. 812); the recent critical edition of the Quaestiones et responsiones of this seventh-century author (Richard & Munitiz, 2006) no longer includes this passage. See also Zahn, 1900, p. 341, n. 2; and Bauckham, 1990, p. 37, n. 119. 39. See Lucchesi, 1988; and Emmel, 2004, vol. 1, pp. 376378, especially the description of the contents on p. 378. 40. For an edition and French translation of this work see du Bourguet, 1958. 41. See Orlandi, 1982, for a description of the content of Shenoutes homily I Am Amazed. Three years later, Tito Orlandi published an edition of the text (1985), which, however, should only be used in light of the comments presented in Emmel, 1993, pp. 159 161, and 2004, vol. 2, pp. 646 648.

532

C. B. Horn

mare, 2004, pp. 4546. Work by Angelika Neuwirth on oral and performance 42. See for example de Pre qualities of the Quran could also offer insights for evaluating the potential of conceiving of parts of the Quran as lectionary, that is, as a guide for texts to be read out aloud. See for example Neuwirth, 1996. 43. For an illustration of the lasting effect that attendance at the Christian liturgy was already seen as exercising on young children, see the discussion of the example of Athanasius of Alexandria playing the liturgy with his playmates at the seashore in Horn, 2005, pp. 113114. When Christian historians had no doubt that specic words, phrases, and prayers from the liturgy were remembered by children, one ought not simply to dismiss this as wishful thinking but to compare it, for example, with cases of modern-day Coptic altar-boys, aged about ve to ten, who regularly participate in and sing the liturgy by heart (observed by the present author in a liturgical service held at Saint Marys Coptic Orthodox Church, St Paul, MN, in 2003). 44. Demetrius of Antioch, 1994, pp. 47 85, here 49 50 (MS M596); pp. 86131, here 8990 (MS M597); and pp. 132 177, here 135 136 (MS Or. 7027). Modras edited the text of three Coptic manuscripts, two from the Pierpont Morgan Library (MS M596 and MS M597) and one kept at the British Museum (MS Or. 7027), and provided Italian translations of the texts. MS Or. 7027 had previously been edited and translated into English in Budge, 1915, pp. 74119 (Coptic) and 652 698 (English). Modras suggests dating the work after 642 CE (Demetrius of Antioch, 1994, p. 27). References in the following section identify Demetriuss text via a paragraph reference and then offer references to the readings of the individual manuscripts via page references in Modras and identication of the manuscript. 45. Homily on the Nativity 55 (Demetrius of Antioch, 1994, pp. 49 [MS M596], 89 [MS M597], and 135 [MS Or. 7027]). 46. Ibid., 56 (pp. 49 [MS M596], 90 [MS M597], and 135 [MS Or. 7027]). 47. Ibid., 57 (pp. 49 [MS M596], 90 [MS M597], and 135 [MS Or. 7027]). 48. Ibid., 58 (pp. 49 [MS M596], 90 [MS M597], and 135 [MS Or. 7027]). 49. Ibid., 59 (pp. 49 [MS M596, does not comment on the fear of the priests here], 90 [MS M596], and 135 [MS Or. 7027]). 50. Ibid., 60 (p. 49 [MS M596]). 51. Ibid., 60 (p. 90 [MS M597). 52. Ibid., 60 (p. 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 53. Ibid., 61 (p. 50 [MS M596, body and soul], p. 90 [MS M597, body], and p. 136 [MS Or. 7027, body and soul]). 54. Ibid., 62 (p. 50 [MS M596], p. 90 [MS M597], and p. 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 55. Ibid., 63 (pp. 50 [MS M596] and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 56. Ibid., 63 (p. 90 [MS M597]). 57. Ibid., 64 (pp. 50 [MS M596] and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 58. Ibid., 64 (p. 90 [MS M597]). 59. Ibid., 65 (pp. 50 [MS M596], 90 [MS M597], and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 60. Ibid., 65 (pp. 90 [MS M597] and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 61. Ibid., 65 (pp. 50 [MS M596], 90 [MS M596, mentions the belt, and binding the mantle, but does not mention that it was tied to the tunic], and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 62. Ibid., 66 (pp. 50 [MS M596], 90 [MS M597], and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 63. Ibid., 67 (pp. 50 [MS M596, does not mention the comb] and 90 [MS M597]). 64. Ibid., 68 (pp. 50 [MS M596, eyebrows], 90 [MS M596, eyebrows], and 136 [MS Or. 7027, cheeks]). 65. Ibid., 69 (pp. 90 [MS M597, does not add the seductive intention] and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 66. Ibid., 70 71 (pp. 50 [MS M596], 90 [MS M597], and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 67. Ibid., 72 73 (pp. 50 [MS M596], 90 [MS M597], and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 68. Ibid., 7477 (pp. 50 [MS M596, speaks also of Christ dwelling with her, but does not mention the ark], 90 [MS M597], and 136 [MS Or. 7027]). 69. See Nagel, 1998, pp. 758759; Engberding, 1953, p. 68; and Boudhors, 2004. Gustav Klameth (1928) dates it to around 400. For an edition, German translation, and study see Morenz, 1951. For an English translation see Robinson, 1896, pp. xxviixxix, 130 159, 220235. For a recent French translation see Boudhors, 2005. For an edition, Italian translation, and discussion of the Arabic witness see Battista and Bagatti, 1978. See also Bienert, 1987, p. 384. 70. The editio princeps of the Sahidic fragments was published in Revillout, 1876. See also de Lagarde, 1883, pp. 1 37; and Lefort, 1953.

Mary between Bible and Quran

533

71. Robinson (1896, p. 197) notes that the tomb is clearly meant to function like a cave, yet he also hints at the detail that the words for tomb and cave are not identical in Coptic. Thus, the reference to a tomb does constitute a clear difference between this fragment and the storyline known from the Protoevangelium of James. 72. In his commentary on the fragments of the Sahidic Life of the Virgin, Robinson provides an English translation for both of these sections (1896, pp. 196 197, 235 236). 73. For some discussion see Johnson, 1973; 1977; Farag, 1973; den Heijer, 1989; 1991; Atiya, 1991; and ller, 1995 (with helpful bibliography). See also the comments in Horn (forthcoming a). Flavio Mu Nuvolone accepts Severuss authorship somewhat uncritically (2005, p. 80). 74. For a survey of the landscape of monasteries and churches in Egypt, see also Evetts, 1895. 75. For a study of the Coptic material, see especially Johnson, 1973. 76. One long and two short recensions are preserved in Greek. An edition of the long recension and of the older of the two short ones, accompanied by an Italian translation, has been prepared by Giorgio Ziffer (1985). For the publication of the edition of the text of the long version accompanied by an Italian translation, see also Ziffer, 1986. For a French translation of the long version see Nuvolone, 2005, pp. 8399. 77. Scholarship on the treatise On the Priesthood of Christ or De sacerdotio Christi has been dened by the work of Giorgio Ziffer, Gilbert Dagron, and Flavio G. Nuvolone. In addition to the editions and translations already cited above, see also Ziffer, 1988a; 1988b; Dagron, 1996; and Nuvolone, 2000. 78. For a helpful broader study that investigates the representation of Christian apocrypha in art throughout the centuries and across various geographical regions, see also Cartlidge and Elliott, 2001; and, more recently and in the form of a brief introduction to the questions, Elliott, 2006. 79. The following discussion resumes and expands upon material considered also in Horn, 2007. Here, the emphasis is more strongly and more fully on art-historical evidence from Egypt. 80. For discussion, see Lafontaine-Dosogne, 1964, pp. 2528. 81. For the description of that scene, see Protoevangelium of James 4 (de Strycker, 1961, pp. 7885). 82. For a depiction of both ivory plates, see also Piatnitsky et al., 2000, p. 62, g. B25. 83. Cartlidge and Elliott (2001, pp. 36 37, g. 2.8); and Wessel (1965, p. 147, pl. 6, bottom), who, however, identies the row of virgins as the Wise Virgins. 84. Louvre, Inventory No. X 5243; for depictions see Badawy, 1978, p. 162, g. 3.85, and p. 160 (for discussion); du Bourguet, c. 1968, pp. 3739 (depiction on p. 38); du Bourguet, c. 1971, pp. 40 (description) and 42 (depiction). 85. Veried by the author of this article during a visit in July 2006. 86. For depictions see Volbach and Lafontaine-Dosogne, 1968, pl. 74; and Volbach, n.d., pl. 255. 87. The latest of the coins incorporated into the necklace comes from the time of Emperor Maurice (582 602). See Platz-Horster, c. 2004, p. 288. 88. From manuscript illuminations, one could also refer to the depiction of the Annunciation shown on folio 3 verso of MS Coptic Pierpont Morgan Library 597. Showing Mary seated and her visitor standing next to her, the illumination highlights Marys gure by showing her covered with a purple mantle. While not holding a basket with thread or wool, Mary does carry tools used for spinning and wool-work in both hands. This Coptic manuscript dates to 913 914 CE. See Leroy, 1974, pp. 55, 103104, pl. B and 35. See also MS BN Paris Coptic 13, fol. 136 recto, dated to 11791180 CE, showing the same scene (ibid., pl. 61 and pp. 113, 133 134); and MS Paris Institute Catholique Coptic 1, fol. 106 recto, dated to 12491250, illustrating the scene of the Annunciation known from the Protoevangelium of James, with the angel on the left and Mary half seated, half kneeling on the right, holding a long thread of yarn in both hands, possibly holding a spindle on her left knee (ibid., pp. 157, 167 [contra Leroy, this author cannot see the scepter Mary supposedly is holding in her right hand] and pl. 86). dat (1999, p. 113 with comments referring to photo 113), 89. Revillout, 1905b, pp. 409411, 428442. Cle o is (or at least was) explicitly spelled out reports that the identication of the gure as calome tme c beneath the depiction. This female gure also has a square-shaped halo, in contrast to the circular ones that surround Marys head and the head of the angel to Marys left. 90. See, for example, MS Paris BN Institut Catholique Coptic 1, fol. 2r and fol. 109v. Both folio pages show scenes of the birth of Christ. See Leroy, 1974 pl. 76, 87. Fol. 109v, left column, picture at the top, clearly presents two women in attendance at the Nativity. Each has a circular halo, a detail that makes it rather unlikely that they merely represent the patrons of the manuscript. For comments on how Salome came to be seen as a saint see Cartlidge and Elliott, 2001, p. 90.

534

C. B. Horn

91. See, for example, an ivory carving of Mary holding Jesus on her lap, accompanied by angels and the repentant Salome. This ivory carving is now kept at Castello Sforzesco in Milan. See Wessel, 1965, pp. 35, 41 (pl. 35). 92. See, for example, a limestone relief depicted in Wessel, 1965, p. 126 and discussed on pp. 153 154. 93. See, for example, Arabic Infancy Gospel/Arabic Life of Jesus 1718, 21, 2527, and 2931 in Genequand, 1997, pp. 218 225. See also Cartlidge and Elliott, 2001, p. 90; Horn, 2006. 94. Protoevangelium of James 15 (de Strycker, 1961, p. 134, ll. 15 16, and p. 135, ll. 67; and Hock, 1995, pp. 5859, para. 15:13). 95. A simple reference to the famous mosaics of Justinian and Theodora in the Church of San Vitale in Ravenna sufces here. For depictions, see Volbach, n.d., pl. 164 167. 96. For a more detailed discussion of the relevance of this point, see Horn, 2007. 97. See, for example, the depiction of the full gure of a seated Mary nursing Jesus, incised on a fth-century stela from the Fayoum (see Badawy, 1978, p. 154) or on two murals at Saqqara (ibid., p. 263). For ongoing discussion of the proper interpretation of the Galaktrophousa in Egyptian Christianity, see for example Langener, 1996; 1999; Bolman, 1997; 2004; 2005; and the brief discussion in Sheridan, 2004, pp. 400 402. While Bolman interprets the Galaktrophousa as an image of the Eucharist, Sheridan situates it in the controversies concerning Nestorius and Chalcedon.

References
. (1910) Le Prote vangile de Jacques et ses remaniements latins. Introduction, textes, traduction et comAmann, E mentaire (Paris: Letouzey). Ashkar, D. F. (1996) Mary in the Syriac Christian tradition and Islam: comparative study, PhD thesis, Temple University, Philadelphia. Assemani, G. S. (17191728) Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticano (Rome: Typis Sacris Congregationis de Propaganda Fide). Atiya, A. S. (1991) Sa w rus ibn al-Muqaffa, in: The Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. 7 (New York: Macmillan), pp. 2100 2102. Badawy, A. (1978) Coptic Art and Archaeology: The Art of the Christian Egyptians from the Late Antique to the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA/London: MIT Press). Battista, A. & Bagatti, B. (1978) Edizione Critica del Testo Arabo della Historia Iosephi Fabri Lignarii e Ricerche sulla Sua Origine (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press). Bauckham, R. (1990) Jude and the Relatives of Jesus in the Early Church (Edinburgh: T&T Clark). Beltz, W. (1998) Maria in der koptischen Magie, in: W. Beltz & J. Tubach (Eds) Zeit und Geschichte in der mmigkeit bis zum 8. Jahrhundert. Beitra ge zur VIII. Internationalen Halleschen Koptologenkoptischen Fro t Halle r Orientalistik an der Martin-Luther-Universita tagung vom 15.18. Mai 1998 (Halle: Institut fu Wittenberg), pp. 27 31. ber Zacharias-Apokryphen und Zacharias-Legenden (Leipzig: A. Deichert). Berendts, A. (1895) Studien u Bienert, W. A. (1987) XI. Jesu Verwandtschaft, in: W. Schneemelcher (Ed.) Neutestamentliche Apokryphen in bersetzung, vol. I: Evangelien, 5th edn (Tu bingen, Germany: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck]), deutscher U pp. 373 386. Blank, S. H. (19371938) The death of Zechariah in rabbinic literature, Hebrew Union College Annual 1213, pp. 327 346. Bolman, E. S. (1997) The Coptic Galaktotrophousa as the medicine of immortality, PhD thesis, Bryn Mawr College. Bolman, E. S. (2004) The Coptic Galaktrophousa reconsidered, in: M. Immerzeel & J. Van der Vliet (Eds) Coptic Studies on the Threshold of a New Millennium (Leuven, Belgium: Peeters), pp. 11731184. Bolman, E. S. (2005) The enigmatic Coptic Galaktrophousa and the cult of the Virgin Mary in Egypt, in: M. Vassilaki (Ed.) Images of the Mother of God. Perceptions of the Theotokos in Byzantium (London: Ashgate), pp. 13 22. ` ne et porte e du recit apocryphe copte intitule Histoire de Joseph le Charpentier, in: Boudhors, A. (2004) Orige te franc tudes mariales), cits apocryphes chre tiens, vol. 1 (Paris: Bulletin de la Socie Marie dans les re aise de pp. 139 154. crits apocryphes Boudhors, A. (2005) Histoire de Joseph le Charpentier, in: P. Geoltrain & J. D. Kaestli (Eds) E tiens II (Paris: Gallimard, AELAC, and Brepols), pp. 2759. chre

Mary between Bible and Quran

535

Budge, E. A. W. (1915) Miscellaneous Coptic Texts in the Dialect of Upper Egypt, Edited with English Translations, vol. 5. Cartlidge D. R. & Elliott, J. K. (2001) Art and the Christian Apocrypha (London/New York: Routledge). Chaine, M. (1909) Apocrypha de B. Maria Virgine, 2 vols (Rome: Karolus de Luigi; Paris: Carolus Poussielgue Bibliopola; Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz), 319 (textus) and 316 (versio); reprinted CSCO, vols 39 40, Scriptores Aethiopici tt. 22 23 (Leuven, Belgium: Imprimerie Orientaliste L. Durbecq, 1955). dat, J. (1902) Notes arche ologiques et philologiques, Bulletin de lInstitut Franc ologie Orientale Cle ais dArche 2, pp. 470. dat, J. (1999) Le monaste ologie Orientale). ` re et la ne cropole de Baouit (Cairo: Institut Franc Cle ais dArche vangile de Jacques: origine, genre et signication dun premier midrash Chre tien sur Cothenet, E. (1988) Le Prote de Marie, in Aufstieg und Niedergang der ro mischen Welt 2.25.6 (Berlin/New York: Walter de la nativite Gruyter), pp. 4252 4269. Cullmann, (O.) (1987) X. Kindheitsevangelien, in: W. Schneemelcher (Ed.) Neutestamentliche Apokryphen in bersetzung, vol. I: Evangelien, 5th edn (Tu bingen, Germany: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck]), deutscher U pp. 330 372. sus pre tre du Juda ` s dune le gende, in: J. O. Rosenqvist (Ed.) LEIMVN, sme: le demi succe Dagron, G. (1996) Je n on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala University; Studies Presented to Lennart Ryde Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International), pp. 1124. ttingen: Prostant in aedibus Dieterechanis, Arnoldi Hoyer); reprinted De Lagarde, P. (1883) Aegyptiaca (Go ck: Otto Zeller, 1972. Osnabru mare, A.-L. (2004) Aux origines du Coran. Questions dhier, approches daujourdhui (Paris: De Pre rae ` dre). Te vangile de Jacques. Recherches sur le papyrus Bodmer De Strycker, E. (1961) La forme la plus ancienne du Prote te des Bollandistes). dition critique du texte grec et une traduction annote e (Brussels: Socie 5 avec une e gyrique de S. Jean Baptiste, in: idem, Home lies Coptes de la Vaticane De Vis (Ed. & trans.) (1990a [1922]) Pane ditions Peeters), pp. 152. I, vol. 1 (Leuven, Belgium/Paris: E gyrique des Sts. Innocents, in: H. de Vis, Home lies Coptes de la VatiDe Vis (Ed. & trans.) (1990b [1922]) Pane ditions Peeters), pp. 107126. cane I, vol. 1 (Leuven, Belgium/Paris: E Demetrius of Antioch (1994) Homily on the Nativity, in: K. Modras (Ed.) Omelia Copta attribuita a Demetrio di Antiochia sul Natale e Maria Vergine (Rome: Centro Italiano Microches). b ibn Mansu r ibn Mufarrig et lhistoriographie Copto-Arabe: e tude sur la Den Heijer, J. (1989) Mawhu composition de lHistoire des Patriarches dAlexandrie (Leuven, Belgium: E. Peeters). Den Heijer, J. (1991) History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, in: The Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. 4 (New York: Macmillan), pp. 12381242. sur des proble ` mes de discipline eccle siastique et de cosmoloDu Bourguet, P. M. (1958) Entretien de Chenoute ologie Orientale 57, pp. 99142. gie, Bulletin de lInstitut Franc ais dArche Du Bourguet, P. M. (c. 1968) LArt Copte. LArt dans le monde. Fondements historiques, sociologiques et reli ditions Albin Michel). gieux (Paris: E Du Bourguet, P. M. (c. 1971) The Art of the Copts, trans. C. Hay-Shaw (New York: Crown). Du Bourguet, P. (1991) Christian subjects in Coptic art: Massacre of the Innocents, in: The Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (New York: Macmillan), pp. 533 534. ge in apocryphen Evangelientexten. Untersuchungen zur Motivik Ehlen, O. (2004) Leitbilder und romanhafte Zu hlstruktur (anhand des Protevangelium Jacobi und der Acta Pilati Graec. B) (Stuttgart: Franz und Erza Steiner Verlag). Elliott, J. K. (2006) The Christian apocrypha and archaeology, in: J. H. Charlesworth (Ed.) Jesus and Archaeology (Grand Rapids/Cambridge, UK: Eerdmans), pp. 683691. Emmel, S. (1993) Shenoutes literary corpus: a codicological reconstruction, in: T. Orlandi & D. W. Johnson (Eds) Acts of the Fifth International Congress of Coptic Studies. Washington, 1215 August 1992, 2 vols. (Rome: Centro Italiano Microches), pp. 153 162. Emmel, S. (2004) Shenoutes Literary Corpus, vols 1 2 (Leuven, Belgium: In aedibus Peeters). mmigkeit des christlichen Ostens, Oriens Christianus 37, Engberding, H. (1953) Der Nil in der liturgischen Fro pp. 56 88. Evetts, B. T. A. (Ed. & trans.) (1895) The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt and Some Neighbouring Countries, Sa lih, the Armenian (Oxford: Clarendon Press). Attributed to Abu Evetts, B. T. A. (Ed. & trans.) (1907) History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria (S. Mark to diteurs). Benjamin I) (Paris: Firmin-Didot et Cie, Imprimeurs-E

536

C. B. Horn

Farag, F. R. (1973) The technique of research of a tenth-century Christian Arab writer: Severus ibn al-Muqaffa, on 86, pp. 37 66. Le Muse Freyer Stowasser, B. (1994) Women in the Quran, Traditions, and Interpretation (Oxford: Oxford University Press). on 86, pp. 377 396. Garitte, G. (1973) Protevangelii Jacobi versio arabica antiquior, Le Muse crits apocryphes sus en arabe, in: F. Bovon & P. Geoltrain (Eds) E Genequand, C. (Trans.) (1997) Vie de Je ditions Gallimard, AELAC, and Brepols), pp. 207 238. tiens, vol. 1 (Paris: E chre Giamberardini, G. Il culto mariano in Egitto. 3 vols., Pubblicazioni dello Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Analecta 6-8 (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1975, 1974, and 1978). Gilliot, C. (1996) Muhammad, le Coran et les contraintes de lhistoire, in: S. Wild (Ed.) The Quran as Text (Leiden, The Netherlands/New York/Cologne: Brill), pp. 3 26. tiens de Muhammad: reprise dun proble ` me traite par Aloys Gilliot, C. (1998) Les informateurs juifs et chre ldeke, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 22, pp. 84126. Sprenger et Theodor No Graef, H. (1964) Maria. Eine Geschichte der Lehre und Verehrung (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1964), trans. as Mary: A History of Doctrine and Devotion, 2 vols (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1994). bersetzungen (Vatican City: Graf, G. (1944) Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur. Vol. 1: Die U Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana). Grypeou, E., Swanson, M. & Thomas, D. (Eds) (2006) The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with Early Islam (Leiden, The Netherlands/Boston: Brill). te des Bollandistes). Halkin, F. (1957) Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca (Brussels: Socie ber die Evangelien Justins, der Clementinischen Homilien und Hilgenfeld, A. (1850) Kritische Untersuchungen u ltesten Evangelien-Literatur (Halle: C. A. Schwetschke). Marcions: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der a Hock, R. D. (Ed. & trans) (1995) The Infancy Gospels of James and Thomas, with Introduction, Notes, and Original Text featuring the New Scholars Version Translation (Santa Rosa, CA: Polebridge Press). Horn, C. B. (2005) Childrens play as social ritual, in: V. Burrus (Ed.) Late Ancient Christianity: A Peoples History of Christianity, vol. 2 (Minneapolis: Fortress Press), pp. 95116. Horn, C. B. (2006) From model virgin to maternal intercessor: Mary, children, and family problems in late antique infancy gospel traditions, paper presented at the International Workshop Christian Apocryphal Texts for the New Millennium. Achievements, Prospects, and Challenges, University of Ottawa, 29 September to 1 October. Horn, C. B. (2007) Intersections: the reception history of the Protoevangelium of James in sources from the Christian East and in the Qura n, Apocrypha 17, pp. 135 172. Horn, C. B. (forthcoming a) Reconstructing womens history from Christian-Arabic sources: the witness of the Arabic History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria regarding challenges and ecclesial opportunities family life provided for women, Parole de lOrient. Horner, T. (2004) Jewish aspects of the Protoevangelium of James, Journal of Early Christian Studies 12.3, pp. 313 335. Johnson, D. W. (1973) Coptic Sources of The History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, PhD thesis, Catholic University of America. Johnson, D. W. (1977) Further remarks on the Arabic History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Oriens Christianus 61, pp. 103116. Kita b maya mir wa-caja ib al-sayyida al-cadra (1902) (Cairo); 2nd edn, 1927. stinas, AGGELOS. Archiv fu r neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte Klameth, G. (1925) Zu den Marienquellen Pala und Kulturkunde 1, pp. 131140. ber die Herkunft der apokryphen Geschichte des Josephs des Zimmermanns, AGGELOS. Klameth, G. (1928) U r neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte und Kulturkunde 3, pp. 631. Archiv fu Lafontaine-Dosogne, J. (1964) Iconographie de lEnfance de la Vierge dans lEmpire Byzantin et en Occident, mies). vol. 1 (Brussels: Palais des Acade Langener, L. (1996) Isis lactansMaria lactans: Untersuchungen zur koptischen Ikonographie (Altenberge, Germany: Oros Verlag). Langener, L. (1999) Isis lactansMaria lactans: Untersuchungen zur koptischen Ikonographie, in: S. Emmel, gypten und Nubien in spa tantiker und christlicher Zeit. M. Krause, S. G. Richter & S. Schaten (Eds) A nster, 20.26. Juli 1996 (Wiesbaden: Reichert Akten des 6. Internationalen Koptologenkongresses Mu Verlag), pp. 223229. on 66, pp. 201223. Lefort, L. Th. (1953) A propos de LHistoire de Joseph le Charpentier, Le Muse gyptischen Christentums (Leipzig: Leipoldt, J. (1903) Schenute von Atripe und die Entstehung des national a J. C. Hinrichssche Buchhandlung).

Mary between Bible and Quran

537

disches ruchstu r die neutestamentliche ck des Jakobus-Protevangeliums, Zeitschrift fu Leipoldt, J. (1905) Ein sa Wissenschaft 6, pp. 106107. s (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner). Leroy, J. (1974) Les Manuscrits Coptes et Coptes-Arabes Illustre vangile de Jacques, Le Muse on 101, pp. 65 76. Lucchesi, E. (1988) Martyre de Zacharie et prote ische Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur Entschlu sselung der Koransprache Luxenberg, C. (2000) Die syro-arama (Berlin: Das Arabische Buch). McAuliffe, J. D. (1981) Chosen of all women: Mary and Fa tima in quranic exegesis, Islamochristiana 7, pp. 19 28. McCarthy, R. J. (1982) Mary in Islam, in: A. Stacpoole (Ed.) Marys Place in Christian Dialogue (Middlegreen, UK/Wilton, CT: St Paul Publications/Morehouse-Barlow), pp. 202213. Meyer, M. W. (1996) The Magical Book of Mary and the Angels (P. Heid. Inv. Kopt. 685): Text, Translation and tsverlag C. Winter). Commentary (Heidelberg: Universita tat de la Question, Apocrypha 5, pp. 211 248. Mimouni, S. C. (1994) Les Vies de la Vierge: E Morenz, S. (1951) Die Geschichte von Joseph, dem Zimmermann (Berlin/Leipzig: Akademie-Verlag). Mourad, S. A. (1999) On the quranic stories about Mary and Jesus, Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-faith Studies 1(2), pp. 13 24. Mourad, S. A. (2002) From Hellenism to Christianity and Islam: the origin of the palm tree story concerning Mary and Jesus in the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew and the Qura n, Oriens Christianus 86, pp. 206 216. ller, C. D. G. (1995) Severos ibn al-Muqaffa, Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon 9, pp. 15151523. Mu r Antike und Christentum, vol. 18 (Stuttgart: Anton Nagel, P. (1998) Josef II (Zimmermann), in: Reallexikon fu Hiersemann, 1998), pp. 749761. sung der ber die Liturgie zum Kanon. Zu Entstehung und Wiederauo Neuwirth, A. (1996) Vom Rezitationstext u Surenkomposition im Verlauf der Entwicklung eines islamischen Kultus, in: S. Wild (Ed.) The Quran as Text (Leiden, The Netherlands/New York/Cologne: Brill, 1996), pp. 69 105. ber den Ursprung des Qora ldeke, T. (1909) Geschichte des Qora No ns. Erster Teil: U ns, 2nd edn (Leipzig: Dieterichsche Verlagsbuchhandlung). gende du Christ, XXIIe et dernier pre tre du Temple de Je rusalem. Priorite du Texte Nuvolone, F. G. (2000) La le langes Alexandre Faivre kos. Me Long, in: M. A. Vannier, O. Wermelinger & G. Wurst (Eds) Anthropos La ditions Universitaires Fribourg Suisse), ` loccasion de ses 30 ans denseignement (Fribourg, Switzerland: E a pp. 203 225. odose, in: P. Geoltrain & J.-D. Kaestli Nuvolone, F. G. (2005) Sur le Sacerdoce du Christ ou Confession de The crits apocryphes chre ditions Gallimard, AELAC, and Brepols), pp. 7799. tiens II (Paris: E (Eds) E userkla rung. I. Die Griechisch Origen of Alexandria (1935) Origenes Werke. Zehnter Band. Origenes Mattha erhaltenen Tomoi, ed. E. Klostermann & E. Benz (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichssche Buchhandlung). Orlandi, T. (1982) A catechesis against apocryphal texts by Shenute and the Gnostic texts of Nag Hammadi, Harvard Theological Review 75, pp. 85 95. Orlandi, T. (Ed.) (1985) Shenute contra Origenistas: Testo con introduzione e traduzione (Rome: Centro Italiano Microches). Peeters, P. (1910a) Bibliotheca Hagiographica Orientalis (Brussels: Apud Editores). Peeters, P. (1910b) Acta Sanctorum Novembris III (Brussels). Peretto, L. M. (1957) Inusso del Protovangelo di Giacomo nei secoli II IV, Marianum 19, pp. 5987. Phenix, R. R. & Horn, C. B. (forthcoming) Syro-Aramean Christians: their origins and history to 1700 C.E., Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Interfaith Studies. Piatnitsky, Y., Baddeley, O., Brunner, E. & Mango, M. M. (Eds) (2000) Sinai, Byzantium, Russia: Orthodox Art from the Sixth to the Twentieth Century (London: Saint Catherine Foundation; St Petersburg: State Hermitage Museum). thiopie, Apocrypha 4, pp. 197 224. Piovanelli, P. (1993) Les aventures des apocryphes en E Platz-Horster, G. (c. 2004) 484 Hals- und Brustschmuck, in: L. Wamser (Ed.) Die Welt von ByzanzEuropas stliches Erbe. Glanz, Krisen und Fortleben einer tausendja hrigen Kultur (Munich: Theiss), pp. 288 289. o vangiles apocryphes relatifs ` M. le Re dacteur du Journal asiatique sur de nouveaux E Revillout, E. (1903) Lettre a ` la Vierge, Journal Asiatique, 10th series, 2, pp. 162 174. a Revillout, E. (1905a) Un nouvel apocryphe Copte. Le Livre de Jacques, Journal Asiatique, 10th series, 5, pp. 113 120. , dapre ` s un apocryphe copte compare aux fresques de Baouit, et la Revillout, E. (1905b) La sage-femme Salome , lle du te trarque Philippe, dapre ` s le me me document, Journal Asiatique, 10th series, 5, princesse Salome pp. 409 461.

538

C. B. Horn

Revillout, E. (1876) Apocryphes coptes du Nouveau Testament (Paris: F. Vieweg). Richard, M. & Munitiz, J. A. (Eds) (2006) Anastasii Sinaitae Quaestiones et responsiones (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols). Robinson, F. (1896) Coptic Apocryphal Gospels. Translations Together with the Texts of Some of Them (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press); reprinted Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1967. gypte et ception de limage et du texte a ` motifs dapocryphes dans les Chre tiente s dE Roquet, G. (1991) La Re de Nubie quelques apercus, Apocrypha 2, pp. 181215. Rutschowscaya, M.-H. (1991) Christian subjects in Coptic art: Annunciation, The Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (New York: Macmillan) pp. 528 529. ` re. Le renouveau iconographique copte a ` travers luvre Sadek, A. & Sadek, B. (2000) LIncarnation de la Lumie de Isaac Fanous (n.p.: Le Monde Copte). Sheridan, M. (2004) A homily on the death of the Virgin Mary attributed to Evodius of Rome, in: M. Immerzeel & J. Van der Vliet (Eds) Coptic Studies on the Threshold of a New Millennium (Leuven, Belgium: Peeters), pp. 393 405. Smith, J. I. & Haddad, Y. Y. (1989) The Virgin Mary in Islamic tradition and commentary, Muslim World 79, pp. 161 187. hlin, O., Fru chtel, L. & Treu, U. (Eds) (1970) Clemens Alexandrinus. Dritter Band. Stromata Buch VII und Sta VIII. Excerpta ex Theodoto, Eclogae Propheticae, Quis Dives Salvetur, Fragmente (Berlin: AkademieVerlag). t, MA thesis, Stolz, Y. (2004) Eine kaiserliche Insignie? Der Juwelenkragen aus dem sog. Schatzfund von Assiu Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz. Swanson, M. N. (2004) Solomon, Bishop of Mount Sinai (late tenth century AD), in: R. Ebied & H. Teule (Eds) Studies on the Christian Arabic Heritage in Honour of Fr. Prof. Dr. Samir Khalil Samir S. J. at the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Leuven, Belgium/Paris/Dudley, MA: Peeters), pp. 91111. Thomas, D. (Ed.) (2001) Syrian Christians under Islam: the First Thousand Years (Leiden, The Netherlands/ Boston: Brill). Thomas, D. (Ed.) (2003) Christians at the Heart of Islamic Rule: Church Life and Scholarship in Abbasid Iraq (Leiden, The Netherlands/Boston: Brill). ufer in der koptischen Literatur, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archa ologischen Till, W. (1958) Johannes der Ta Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 16, pp. 310332. s dans des manuscsrits Arabe de Paris, in: M. Debie , Troupeau, G. (2005) Notes sur quelques apocryphes conserve A. Desreumaux, C. Jullien & F. Jullien (Eds) Les apocryphes syriaques (Paris: Geuthner), pp. 197 204. Volbach, W. F. (n.d.) Early Christian Art (New York: Harry N. Abrams). en Verlag). Volbach, W. F. & Lafontaine-Dosogne, J. (1968) Byzanz und der Christliche Osten (Berlin: Propyla Wadud, A. (1999) Quran and Woman. Rereading the Sacred Text from a Womans Perspective (New York/ Oxford: Oxford University Press). hlung von der Hebamme Salome (vier Pariser koptische Fragmente), in: Warns, R. (1982) Apokryphe Erza tantiken und fru hchristlichen Kunst und Kultur des Orients (Wiesbaden: G. Koch (Ed.) Studien zur spa Otto Harrassowitz), pp. 5671. Wessel, K. (1965) Coptic Art, trans. J. Carroll & S. Hatton (London: Thames & Hudson). stliches Zahlhaas, G. (c2004) 485 Hals- und Brustschmuck, in: L. Wamser (Ed.) Die Welt von ByzanzEuropas o hrigen Kultur (Munich: Theiss), pp. 290291. Erbe. Glanz, Krisen und Fortleben einer tausendja der und Vettern Jesu, in: T. Zahn, Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Zahn, T. (1900) Bru ler in der Provinz Asien; II. Kanons und der altkirchlichen Literatur, VI. Teil: I. Apostel und Apostelschu der und Vettern Jesu (Leipzig: A. Deichert), pp. 225364. Bru Zervos, G. T. (2004) Caught in the act: Mary and the adulteress, Apocrypha 15, pp. 57 114. Zervos, G. T. (2005) Christmas with Salome, in: A.-J. Levine & M. M. Robbins (Eds) A Feminist Companion to Mariology (London/New York: T & T Clark), pp. 77 98. ` degli studi di Ziffer, G. (1985) La Confessione di Teodosio nella sua tradizione orientale, thesis, Universita RomaLa Sapienza, Rome. Ziffer, G. (1986) Una versione greca inedita del De Sacerdotio Christi, in: F. Piperno (Ed.) Studi per Riccardo Ribuoli, Scritti di lologia, musicologia, storia (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura), pp. 141 173. Ziffer, G. (1988a) Contributo allo studio della tradizione slava della Confessione di Teodosio, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 54, pp. 331 351. ve lation de The odose [in Russian], Enisa da Literaturis 1, pp. 97101. Ziffer, G. (1988b) Re

Você também pode gostar