Bomhard - The Placing of The Anatolian Languages

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Bulletin international de Documentation linguistique
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Tome XXV, N 2, 1976
EXTRAIT
The Placing of the Anatolian Languages.
PAR
Allan R. BoMHARD.
LOUVAIN
CENTRE INTERNATIONAL DE DIALECTOLOGIE GENERALE
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Blijde lnkomststraat 21.
:i
The Placing of the Anatolian Languages.
Abstract. -The exact relationship of the Anatolian languages to the
other Indo-European daughter languages is clarified. Phonological evi-
dence is presented to show that Proto-Anatolian can only be derived from
an earlier form of the parent language, " Pitch Indo-European ". The
entire phonemic jinventory of the various Anatolian languages is con-
sidered. Morphological issues are generally not discussed.
I. Introduction.
I.I. The Anatolian languages differ so much in their general structure
from the other Indo-European languages such as Sanskrit, Greek, and
Latin, for example, that they cannot possibly be derived from the same
form of Indo-European as the other daughter languages. This fact has
long been recognized and has generated a great deal of controversy as
an ever-expanding number of scholars have tried to determine the exact
relationship of the Anatolian languages to the Non-Anatolian Indo-
European languages. The following is a summary of the thoughts of
several leading scholars on this subject:
A. STURTEVANT (1942: 23f.), developing an idea of Emil FoRRER,
held that Proto-Anatolian and Proto-Indo-European were
sister languages, whose common ancestor he called " Indo-
Hittite ". In the second edition of his Comparative Grammar
Jj the Hittite Language, STURTEVANT details the evidence
upon which the " Indo-Hittite Theory " is based. This theory
has now been mostly abandoned (cf. PUHVEL 1966: 235f.),
though recently Warren CoWGILL (1972 and 1974) has ad-
vanced new evidence in its favor.
B. BuRROW (1973: 17f.) has proposed that two separate stages
of Indo-European be recognized: I) Early Indo-European
200 A. R. BOMHARD
and 2) Late Indo-European. He would derive the Anatolian
languages from Early Indo-European and the other daughter
languages from Late Indo-European.
C. GEORGIEV (1966: 347. and 382f.) maintains that the Anato-
lian languages belonged to one of many Indo-European
dialect groups situated in Eastern Europe and Western
Turkey in the 6th-4th millennia B.C. As a result of their
isolated geographical location in Western Turkey, the Ana-
tolian languages had undergone a long period of relatively
independent development by the time they entered into
recorded history in the 2oth century B.C. According to GEOR-
GIEV, it is this period of isolation that accounts both for the
preservation of archaisms and for the many innovations
found in the Anatolian languages.
1.2. In my article entitled " An Outline of the Historical Phonology
of Indo-European ", I established that the Indo-European parent
language passed through four distinct periods of development: 1) the
phonemic stress stage, 2) the phonemic pitch stage, 3) Late Indo-
European, and 4) Disintegrating Indo-European. I mentioned in 45
of that article that the Anatolian languages probably became separated
from the main speech community at the end of the phonemic pitch
stage of Indo-European. I based this statement on phonological con-
siderations, which I simply stated without elaboration.
In the present article, I will substantiate my derivation of Proto-
Anatolian from Pitch Indo-European. In so doing, I will also provide
support for many of the assertions about the development of the Indo-
European phonemic system that I made in my previous article.
In order to gain a better understanding of the Anatolian developments,
it is necessary to begin by reviewing the Indo-European developments.
2. Pitch Indo-European.
2.1. The Pitch Indo-European phonemic system may be reconstructed
as follows (cf. BoMHARD 1975: 4.1):
A. Consonants :
b p d t
s
B. Vowels:
g k
IJ
y X
a i u
a z u
G q
q
h
THE PLACING OF THE ANATOLIAN LANGUAGES 201
c. Resonants:
ywmnlr
2.2. Notes:
A. p, t, k, and q can have non-phonemic aspirated allophones
(cf. BOMHARD 1975: 3.9).
B. G, q, and q are pronounced with lip-rounding (cf. BOMHARD
1975: 39).
C. f, k, and q are glottalized stops ft', k', q'f (cf. BoMHARD
19J5: 3.9).
D. During the phonemic pitch stage of Indo-European, stress
was phonemically non-distinctive. High pitch had replaced
stress as the suprasegmental marker of morphologically
important syllables. There was a contrast between morpho-
logically distinctive syllables with full-grade vowel and high
pitch and morphologically non-distinctive syllables with
full-grade vowel and low pitch. Cf. BoMHARD 1975 : 34
35 3.6, 37 44 55 and 5.6 for details about the
development of vowel gradation. See also BURROW 1973:
108f. ; HIRT 1921 : 172f. ; LEHMANN 1952: 109f. ; ScHMITT-
BRANDT 1967: 124f.
E. The vowels a and a had front allophones under high pitch
and back allophones under low pitch (cf. BoMHARD 1975:
44).
3 Late Indo-European.
3.1. Pitch Indo-European was followed by Late Indo-European. Late
Indo-European had the following phonemes (cf. BOMHARD 1975: 5.1):
A. Consonants:
b p d t g k G q ~
! ~
q
s
')'
X h
B. Vowels:
e 0 a i u
e.
o a
., .
u
c. Resonants:
l
[ ~
u
1ft
?;t
l
~ ]
y w m n r
l w m n
202
A. R. BOMBARD
3.2. Notes:
A. Vowel quality replaced accentuation as the primary internal
grammatical morpheme as the front and back allophones
of a and a became phonemic (cf. BoMBARD 1975: 5.4).
B. g, k, and ~ developed palatalized allophones when they were
contiguous with front vowels and with apophonic o (cf. BoM-
BARD 1975: 57; GEORGIEV 1966: 21f.; MEILLET 1964:
gif.).
4 Proto-Anatolian.
4.1. Proto-Anatolian phonemic system:
A. Vowels: e a i u
e. a. ~ .
u
B. Semi vowels: y w
c. Nasals and Liquids: m n l 1'
D. Stops:
p k
E. Sibilant:
s
F. Laryngeal:
X
4.2. Notes:
A. Pitch IE d ) PAn. e, and Pitch IE d ) PAn. e except
when contiguous with the laryngeals h and x (cf. 6.1 and
6.3 for examples. See also 7.2).
B. The back allophone of a remained sub-phonemic in Anatolian.
There is no evidence that Pitch IE a) PAn. o (cf. 6.2 and
6.4 for examples. See also 7.3).
C. The voiced stops are devoiced, and the glottalized stops are
deglottalized (cf. 11.1):
b p d t I g k ~
G q q
v/ "'V
"'V "'V
p k kwfu
D. The syllabic resonants 1p, v. ~ r become am, an, al, ar respec-
tively (cf. 8.3, 8.6, 8.8, and 8.10 for examples. See
also g).
E. Final m) n (cf. 8.5).
F. Pitch IE ai) PAn. i, and Pitch IE au) PAn. u (cf. 6.g,
6.10, 6.II).
G. The laryngeals ;J and h are lost in Anatolian (cf. 12.10).
H. x and 'Y merge into x (cf. 12.1).
I,
I
I
I
I
f
THE PLACING OF THE ANATOLIAN LANGUAGES
203
5. Development of the Proto-Anatolian phonemes.
PAn. Hittite Written Form Palaic Luwian Lycian
e e; i e; i a a e
a a a a a a; e; e; a
8.
e; i e; i i i ?
a a a a a ?
i i i, e i i i
u u U, U u u u
i .
i i ? ? ?
u u U, U ? ? ?
y y i, y, iy, yy y y y
w w U,U, W,UW,UW w w w; b
--
m m m(m) m m m
n n n(n) n n n; -a; -e; -ii
l l l(l) l l l
r 1' r(r) r r r
p p p(p), b(b) p p p; b
t t; ts t(t), d(d); z(z) t t t; d
k k k(k), g(g), q(q) k;x k; x; 0- k; g; 0-
kwfu kwfu k(k)u kwfu kwfu t; k
s s; ts sm; z(z) s s; ts s; h
X X
!J(!J)
X X x;g;q
s.I. Notes on Hittite (cf. KRONASSER 1956: 3Sf.; STURTEVANT 1951:
2gf.):
A. Originally, PAn. e) Hitt. e. However, in the form of Hittite
spoken about 1300 B.C., e seems to have become i.
B. The cuneiform syllabary does not indicate vowel length.
C. x is lost when final (cf. 12.6) and initially before w when
another x follows in the word (cf. 12.5).
D. The clusters mn and nm) m(m).
E. The cluster tn) n(n).
F. t) ts (written z[z]) before i or e except after s (cf. 6.3A
and 6.3C).
G. s) ts (written z) after n (cf. 8.6).
H. IE !y- ) s- (written s-) initially (cf. BENVENISTE 1962: 8f.
and 1o.sC).
5.2. Notes on Palaic (cf. CARRUBA 1970: 39f.):
A. Pal. a corresponds to Hitt. efi as well as to Hitt. a.
B. Medial k) x (written !J) in a number of words.
C. The cluster tn) n(n).
204
A. R. BOMHARD
53 Notes on Luwian (cf. LAROCHE 1959: 132f.):
A. Luw. a corresponds to Hitt. efi as well as to Hitt. a. Palaic
(cf. 5.2A) and Hier. Luwian also have a where Hittite has
efi. However, see 7.2.
B. A Luwian word can only end in one of the following: -a, -i,
-u, -s, -n, -l, -r.
C. n is often dropped before t and ts (written z).
D. s ) ts (written z) after l and n.
E. Hitt. initial kefki- corresponds to Luw. i- in several words
(cf. 10.7B).
F. Medial k) x (written !J) in a number of words. This change
is also found in Palaic (cf. 5.2B).
G. There are several examples of the loss of x (written !J) before
-u- and -w-.
5+ Notes on Lycian (cf. BENVENISTE 1952: 206; GEORGIEV 1966:
229f.; NEUMANN 1969: 373f.):
A. Lycian had the following sounds: a, e, i, u; a, e (nasalized
vowels); y, w; m, n, l, r; p, b; t, d, 8; k, g, q; s, z; h; x ({1, 'T, K).
B. b, d, g were probably the fricatives [ ~ ] , [a], [y] respectively.
C. m, n, and r could be used both as syllabics and non-syllabics.
When m and n were syllabic, they were written m and it
respectively.
D. Luw. a) Lye. e (cf. 7.2).
E. p, t, k, and x sometimes have voiced fricative allophones (cf.
11.1).
F. Labiovelars are delabialized.
6. Examples of the vowels.
6.1. Pitch IE a) PAn. e) Hitt. efi, Pal. Luw. Hier. a:
A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. eszi " is " festsif; Pal. 3 sg. pret. e-es-ta
" was" (probably a Hittitism, cf. CARRUBA 1970: 52}, 3 sg.
impv. a-as-du (= Hitt. eSdu festuf); Luw. 3 sg. pret. a-as-ta
" was " ( = Hitt. esta festaf) ; Hier. 3 sg. pres. asti " is "
(= Hitt. eszi festsif, OHitt. esti festif); Lye. 3 sg. pres.
essti "is", 3 sg. pret. esste "was" <PAn. 3 sg. pres. *esti
" is " < Pitch IE *':Jasti > Late IE * ':Jesti > Common Dis-
integrating IE *esti ) Skt. asti " is " ; Gk. efi'Tl; Lat. est;
OLith. esti. Cf. CARRUBA 1970: 52 ; FRIEDRICH 1952 : 42 ;
GEORG lEV 1966: 231; KRONASSER 1956: 24; LAROCHE
1959 : 32f. ; MERIGGI 1962 : 34. ; POKORNY 1959 : 340. *es-
" to be"; STURTEVANT 1951: 56 IH *'esty.
B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. weriyazi " calls, names " fweryatsi/; Pal.
3 sg. pres. u-e-er-ti "says, calls" < PAn. *wer- <Pitch IE
*war- ) Late IE *wb- ) Common Disintegrating IE *wer-
> Gk. e'lpw " I say, speak ". Cf. BoMHARD 1973: 3; CAR-
RUBA 1970 : 76; FRIEDRICH 1952 : 252 ; PoKORNY 1959 :
n62f. *1Jer- "to say, speak".
C. Hitt. I sg. pres. edmi "I eat" fetmif <PAn. *etmi "I eat"
< Pitch IE * ;Jr#mi ) Late IE * ';Je!mi ) Disintegrating IE
*e!mi ) Skt. admi " I eat ". Cf. also Gk. l8w " I eat " ; Lat.
edo; OE. etan " to eat ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952 : 44; PoKORNY
1959 : 287f. *ed- " to eat " ; STURTEVANT 1951 : 56 IH *' ed-.
D. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. db-ar, isb-ar " blood " fesxarf; Pal. nom.-
acc. sg. (-)es-ou-ur, (-)e-es-b-a(r?) " blood"?; Luw. pte. nom.
pl. " covered with blood " ( : Hitt.
3 sg. pres. isbarnumaizzi "makes bloody" fisxarnumaitsi/);
Hier. asharmis "bloody"; Lye. esede- (( *a5bata[r]) <PAn.
*esxar " blood " < Pitch IE * ;Jasxr ) Late IE * ;Jesxr )
Common Disintegrating IE *eshr ) Skt. asrk " blood " ;
Arm. ariwn; Gk. lap; Lat. assyr; Toch. A ysar. Cf. CARRUBA
1970 : 53 ; FRIEDRICH 1952 : 43 ; LAROCHE 1959 : 33 and 1960 :
350; MERIGGI 1962: 35; POKORNY 1959: 343 *es-r( g)
"blood"; STURTEVANT 1951: 56; VAN WINDEKENS 1976:
607 *esor; WINTER 1965b: 202 *EesAr and 1966: 202.
6.2. Pitch IE a) PAn. a) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. a:
A. Hitt. nom. sg. buboas " grandfather " fxuxasf; Haya.Sa
bugga- " grandfather " ; Hier. huhas " grandfather "; Lye.
x:uga- " grandfather " < PAn. *xuxas " grandfather " < Pitch
IE *xauxas ) Late IE *xauxos ) Common Disintegrating IE
*hauhos) Arm. hav "grandfather"; Lat. avus. Cf. FRIEDRICH
1952: 71; GEORGIEV 1966: 230, jAHUKYAN 1961: 400;
LAROCHE 1960 : 331 ; MERIGGI 1962 : 6o; PoKORNY 1959:
89 *a1fos "grandfather"; STURTEVANT 1951: 74 IH *xewxos.
B. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. yugan, yukan "yoke" fyukan/ <PAn.
*yukan " yoke " < Pitch IE *yuflam ) Late IE *yufl6m )
Skt. yugam " yoke " ; Gk. {vy&v; Lat. iugum; Goth. juk. Cf.
FRIEDRICH 1952 : 93 ; POKORNY 1959 : 508. *fu-go-m "yoke" ;
STURTEVANT 1951: 58.
C. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. sipanti " pours a libation " fspanti/ ( PAn.
*spante "pours a libation"< Pitch IE *sPan!a) Late IE
206 A. R. BOMHARD
*sponte ) Lat. spondeo " to promise solemnly ". C. also Gk.
cndvSw " to pour out a drink-offering ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952:
193f. ; POKORNY 1959: 989 *spend- " to pour out a drink-
offering"; STURTEVANT 1951: 58.
D. Hitt. gen. sg. !Jannas " grandmother " fxanas/; Lye. xnna-
" grandmother " < PAn. *xanas " grandmother " < Pitch IE
*xanas) Late IE *xanos) Common Disintegrating IE *hanos)
Arm. han " grandmother " ; Lat. anus " old woman ". C.
FRIEDRICH 1952: so; GEORGIEV 1966: 230; PoKORNY 1959:
36. *an- "old woman, ancestor"; STURTEVANT 1951: 66
IH *xenos; WINTER 1965a: 102.
E. Hitt. ta " then, next " ftaf; Hier. tas " this, that " < PAn.
*ta- <Pitch IE *ta-) Late IE *t6- ) Skt. tad "that " ; Gk. ro;
Goth. pata; Lith. tas. Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 201; MERIGGI
1962: 125; POKORNY 1959: 1086f. *to- " this, that "; STUR-
TEVANT 1951 : 187.
6.3. Pitch IE a ) PAn. e ) Hitt. eji, Pal. Luw. Hier. i:
A. Hitt. nom. sg. zik " you " jtsik/; Pal. nom. sg. ti-i " you " ;
Hier. nom. sg. ti "you" <PAn. *te "you" <Pitch IE
*ta ) Late IE *te ) Lat. ace. sg. te " you " ; Umbr. ace.
sg. tiu. Cf. 5.1F; CARRUBA 1970: 74; FRIEDRICH 1952:
260; HAWKINS-DAVIES-NEUMANN 1974: 46; KRONASSER
1956: 46; STURTEVANT 1951: 170h IH *te.
B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. eszi " sits " festsi/; Hier. i-sa-nu-wafi- " to
seat, cause to sit " < PAn. *e s- < Pitch IE *:>a s- ) Late
IE * :>e s- ) Common Disintegrating IE *e s- ) Skt. tiste
" sits "; Gk. 'ljarat. Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 42; HAWKINS-
DAVIES-NEUMANN 1974: 45f.; KRONASSER 1956: 32; Po-
KORNY 1959: 342f. *es- "to sit"; STURTEVANT 1951: 77;
WINTER 196Sb: 202.
C. Suffix *-te l- in Hitt. tayazzil " theft " jtayatsil/ : Lat. tu-tel-a
" protection, guard ". Cf. BENVENISTE 1935 : 42f. ; FRIEDRICH
1952: 203; PUHVEL 1966: 240; STURTEVANT 1951: 57 and
108.
6.4. Pitch IE a) PAn. a) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. a:
Hitt. dat. sg. ending -a in laiJ!Ja "to the campaign" flaxaf;
Pal. dat. sg. ending -ai in ta-ba-ar-na-i "to the sovereign";
Hier. dat. sg. ending -a in huha "to the grandfather" <PAn.
dat. sg. ending *-a (i) <Pitch IE *-a (i)) Late IE *-o (i))
Av. dat. sg. ending -iii; Gk. -<p; Lat. -6. C. BRUGMANN 1904:
I.
I
207
383; CARRUBA I970: 73; KRONASSER I956: II]; MEILLET
I964: 323 dat. sg. ending *-oi; MERIGGI I962: 60; STUR-
TEVANT I95I: I33a.
6.5. Pitch IE i) PAn. i) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. i:
Hitt. kui "who? " fkwisf, kuit "what? " fkwitf; Pal.
kuis; Luw. ku-is; Lye. ti-; Lyd. qis, qid <PAn. *kwis,
*kwit < Pitch IE *qis, *qi!) Late IE *qis, *qi! ) Skt. ki-s
" who? "; Gk. -rls, -rl; Lat. quis, quid; Osc. pis, pid. Cf.
CARRUBA I9JO: 6o; FRIEDRICH I952: II4; GEORGIEV Ig66:
23I and 236; GusMAN! I964: I85f. ; LAROCHE I959: 55;
POKORNY I959: 646. *kYis, *kYid; STURTEVANT I95I: 79
6.6. Pitch IE u ) PAn. u ) Hitt. u:
Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. genu, ginu "knee" fkenuf <PAn. *kenu,
"knee" <Pitch IE *lpinu ) Late IE */jenu ) Lat. genu
" knee " and (with o-grade in the first syllable) Skt. jiinu,
Gk. y6vv. Goth. has kniu " knee ". Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: I07;
PoKORNY I959: 38of. *genu" knee" ; STURTEVANT I95I : 62b.
6.7. Pitch IE i )PAn. i ) Hitt. i:
Hitt. lfissa- " shaft " fxisa-/ < PAn. *xi s- < Pitch IE *yi s-
> Late IE *yi s- ) Skt. i$ii " pole, shaft of a carriage or
plow". Cf. BENVENISTE I962: I3f.; FRIEDRICH I952: 70;
MAYRHOFER I956: l.g].
6.8. Pitch IE u )PAn. u ) Hitt. u:
Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. kussan " pay, fee, wages, price " fkusanf,
3 sg. pres. kussaniyazi "hires" fkusanyatsi/, I sg. pret.
kus!Jalfat" I paid, repaid" fkusxatj <PAn. *ku s- <Pitch IE
*ku s-) Late IE *ku s- ) Gmc. *xuzya- ) OE. kyrian "to
hire ", kyr " hire, payment ". Cf. BoMHARD I973: g,
FRIEDRICH I952: I20.
6.g. Pitch IE di) PAn. i) Hitt. efi, Pal. Luw. Hier. i:
A. Hitt. 2 sg. impv. e!Ju " come! " fexuf; Pal. 2 sg. impv. i-u
"come here!"; Luw. 3 sg. pret. i-i-ta "went" <PAn. *i-
< Pitch IE * ;Jai- ) Late IE * ;Jei- ) Common Disintegrat-
ing IE *ei- ) Skt. eti "goes "; Dor. eln; OLith. eiti. Cf.
CARRUBA I970: 58; FRIEDRICH I952: 39f. ; LAROCHE I959:
50; POKORNY I959: 293. *ei- "to go"; STURTEVANT I95I:
6Ib IH *'ey.
208 A. R. BOMHARD
B. Hitt. dat. sg. ending -i in kardi " to the heart " Jkartij; Pal.
dat. sg. ending -i in ka-a-ar-ti " to the heart " ; Luw. dat. sg.
ending -i in par-ni " to the house " ; Lye. dat. sg. ending -i
< PAn. dat. sg. ending *-i < Pitch IE *-ai ) Late IE *-ei
) Skt. dat. sg. pitre " to the father " ; Osc. dat. sg. paterei.
ct. BuRRow 1
97
3: 232f. ; CARRUBA 1
97
o:
5
8; FRIEDRicH
1952: 103; GEORGIEV 1966: 232; LAROCHE 1959: 79; MEIL-
LET 1964: 294 dat. sg. ending *-ei; STURTEVANT 1951:
133a.
6.10. Pitch IE ai ) PAn. i ) Hitt. eji:
Hitt. pron. nom. pl. ending -e in ke " those " Jkef < PAn.
nom. pl. ending *-i < Pitch IE *-ai ) Late IE *-oi ) Skt.
nom. pl. m. te " those " ; Gk. Tol; Goth. pai. Cf. BuRROW
1973: 271 ; FRIEDRICH 1952: 107; MEILLET 1964: 331 nom.
pl. m. ending *-oi; STURTEVANT 1951: 203a.
6.1r. Pitch IE au) PAn. u) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. u:
A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. lukzi " kindles " Jluktsi/; Luw. nom. sg.
lu-u-!Ja-as "light" (cf. 5.3F) <PAn. *luk- <Pitch IE
*lauk- ) Late IE *leuk- ) Gk. AwK6s " white ". Cf. FRIED-
RICH 1952: 130; LAROCHE 1959: 63; POKORNY 1959: 687f.
*leuk- "to shine"; STURTEVANT 1951: 62b.
B. Hitt. nom. sg. yugas " yoked, one year old " Jyukasj < PAn.
*yukas " yoked " < Pitch IE ) Late IE
) Gk. " yoke, team ". Cf. KRONASSER 1956: 41 ;
POKORNY 1959: 509 *jeu-gos-; STURTEVANT 1951: 62b.
7 Notes on the vowels.
7.1. In all of the older Anatolian languages except Hittite, the earlier
patterns of vowel gradation have been completely eliminated by the
leveling out of the vocalism in favor of a. The distinction between PAn.
e and a is preserved only in Hittite with any regularity. However, the
distribution of these vowels does not always agree with what one would
expect when compared with the Non-Anatolian Indo-European daughter
languages (d. CowGILL 1965: 169; KERNs-SCHWARTZ 1968: 718). This
is as it should be.
First of all, the Anatolian languages and the Non-Anatolian daughter
languages had different starting points: Proto-Anatolian became sepa-
rated from the main speech community at a very early date, while the
Non-Anatolian languages developed from a much later form of Indo-
European. After separation, the Anatolian branch continued to develop,
209
slowly becoming more and more different from the rest of the Indo-
European speech community (cf. GEORGIEV 1966: 347f.; STURTEVANT
1942: 23f.). In like manner, the Non-Anatolian dialects developed their
own peculiarities. Moreover, since they remained in close geographical
proximity, a certain amount of parallel development must have taken
place in them even after they had begun to be mutually unintelligible
(cf. MEILLET 1964: 423f.). Therefore, though individual differences exist,
the Non-Anatolian daughter languages share many similarities as a
group.
None of the known daughter languages preserves the original system
of vowel gradation without modification. Fortunately, however, enough
of the old patterns remain so that that system can be reconstructed with
a reasonable amount of certainty.
7.2. Even though Palaic, Luwian, and Hieroglyphic Luwian a cor-
responds to Hittite efi in the vast majority of cases, there are several
examples where these languages have efi as in Hittite: r) Luw. dat.
sg. 1i-i-ti " to the water " : Hitt. dat.-loc. sg. weteni " in the water " <
PAn. *wet-; 2) Pal. 3 sg. pret. e-es-ta" was": Hitt. 3 sg. pret. esta" was"
<PAn. *es-, but Luw. 3 sg. pret. a-as-ta "was" and Hier. 3 sg. pret.
asta " was "; 3) Pal. nom. sg. ti-i " you " and Hier. nom. sg. ti " you " :
Hitt. nom. sg. zik "you" <PAn. *te ; 4) Luw. 3 sg. pres. es-ti, 3 pl.
pres. es-sa-an-ti (cf. LAROCHE 1959: 37): ? Hitt. 3 sg. pres. eszi "sits",
3 pl. pres. esanzi, asanzi " they sit " < PAn. *e s-, but Hier. 3 sg. pret.
asta "sat"; 5) Luw. nom. sg. (i-)is-sa-ri-is "hand", Hier. dat. sg.
istri " hand ", and Lye. izri- " hand " : Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. kessar " hand "
<PAn. *kesar; 6) Pal. nom.-acc. sg. (-)es-lj,u-ur "blood": Hitt. nom.-
acc. sg. esljar, isljar "blood" <PAn. *esxar, but Luw. pte. nom. pl.
a-as-ljar-nu-um-ma-in-z[i] "covered with blood" and Hier. asharmis
" bloody "; and 7) Pal. 3 sg. pres. 1i-e-er-ti " says, calls " : Hitt. 3 sg.
pres. weriyazi " calls, names " < PAn. *wer-. Some of these forms have
been explained as Hittitisms; however, some must be original. No doubt
these are archaisms, pointing to a time when Proto-Anatolian e was still
preserved. The almost universal appearance of a in Palaic, Luwian, and
Hieroglyphic Luwian would then be an innovation in which alternating
forms with a replaced those with e (cf. PUHVEL 1966: 239f.).
Lycian has mostly e where Luwian has a. It appears, thus, that Lycian
has undergone a further modification of the vowel system by substituting
e for earlier a. Cf. PUHVEL 1966: 240.
7-3 It is clear from the examples cited that none of the Anatolian
languages had the vowel o. In every instance where the evidence of the
Non-Anatolian languages points to an o in the parent language, Hittite,
Palaic, Luwian, and Hieroglyphic Luwian have a. According to current
theory, IE o and a are thought to have merged into a in the Anatolian
210 A. R. BOMHARD
languages (cf. KRONASSER 1956: 26; STURTEVANT 1951: 58). However,
I think that another explanation is possible.
Now, since the Anatolian languages had only a, we may assume that
their Indo-European antecedent also had only a. We would then have
to derive the a and o of later Indo-European from earlier a since the
evidence of the Non-Anatolian daughter languages points to the exis-
tence of both a and o in their immediate Indo-European antecedent (cf.
BRUGMANN 1904: 74f., MEILLET 1964: g8f., and SzEMERENYI 1970: 31f.
for examples).
In Late Indo-European, there was a qualitative gradation in which
e contrasted with o. It is usual to derive the o from earlier e (cf. HIRT 1921:
174; LEHMANN 1952: 15.3a). However, instead of deriving o from e,
let us suppose that, in an earlier period of development, there existed a
single vowel phoneme which later split into two allophones. These allo-
phones became thee and o of Late Indo-European. In the previous para-
graph, it was assumed that both the o and a of Late Indo-European were
descended from earlier a. Now, since o is so closely related to e in the
system of vowel gradation and since a appears to be mostly a positional
variant of e (cf. LEHMANN 1952: IOgf.), we are left with no choice but to
assume that e must also be derived from earlier a.
If we posit an original vowel a, which developed two allophones accord-
ing to whether it was used in conjunction with high pitch or low pitch
(cf. BoMHARD 1975: 4.4), it is possible to account for all of the develop-
ments in the Anatolian languages on the one hand and the remaining
daughter languages on the other. As in the Saigon dialect of Vietnamese
(cf. THOMPSON 1965: go), the vowel a had a front allophone under high
pitch and a back allophone under low pitch. In Proto-Anatolian, a with
high pitch became e (except when contiguous with the laryngeals h and
X, cf. BoMHARD 1975: s.s). while a with low pitch remained a. In Non-
Anatolian Indo-European, a with high pitch became e exactly as in Proto-
Anatolian, while a with low pitch became o. Since Proto-Anatolian and
later Indo-European differ in the treatment of a and a, Proto-Anatolian
must be derived from an earlier form of Indo-European in which the
front and back allophones of a had not yet gained phonemic value. This
explanation is much more in line with the facts than the theory that
earlier a and o have merged into Anatolian a, for nothing in any of the
Anatolian languages gives any indication that such a merger has taken
place.
74 The vowel a must be reconstructed as an independent phoneme
in Late Indo-European. Not to do so would be a disservice to the Compa-
rative Method. It is impossible simply to ignore or explain away forms
such as the following merely because they may conflict with one's pre-
conceived ideas :
I
i
I.
THE PLACING OF THE ANATOLIAN LANGUAGES 2II
A. *bardaA ) Lat. barba " beard "; OHG. bart " beard "; OCS.
brada " beard " (cf. PoKORNY 1959: no) *bhardhii" beard");
B. *bar(e)s-) Lat. jar "spelt, grain"; Olce. barr "barley";
OCS. bras?>no " food, nourishment " (cf. PoKORNY 1959:
III *bhares- " barley ") ;
C. *"faiwer-) Skt. devcir- "husband's brother"; Gk. S a ~ p "broth-
er-in-law"; OCS. dever1> " brother-in-law " (cf. WALDE-
PoKORNY 1973: 1.767 *dai1:fer- " brother-in-law");
D. *"fakru) Gk. Sd.Kpv "tear"; OLat. dacruma "tear"; Goth.
tagr " tear" (cf. PoKORNY 1959: 179 *dakru " tear");
E. *gans- ) Skt. hamsci-s " goose " ; Gk. x ~ v , Dor. xiiv " goose "
( < *xavs); Lat. anser "goose " ( < *hanser); OHG. gans
"goose " (cf. PoKORNY 1959: 412 *ghans- " goose ");
F. *gau- ) Skt. hcivate " to call"; Gk. Kavxaop.at " to boast ";
Lith. zav6ti " to charm " (cf. PoKORNY 1959: 4I3f. *ghau-
" to call, invoke ");
G. *kaiko-) Skt. keka-ra-s "squint-eyed"; Lat. caecus "blind";
Olr. ciiech "one-eyed"; Goth. haihs "one-eyed" (cf. PoKOR-
NY 1959: 519f. *kai-ko- " one-eyed");
H. *kan-) Lat. can6 "to sing"; Oir. canim "to sing"; Goth.
hana "cock"; Toch. A katJt "melody, rhythm" (cf. PoKOR-
NY 1959: 525f. *kan- " to sing");
I. *kapro-) Gk. Ka7Tpos "wild boar"; Lat. caper "he-goat";
Oice. hajr " buck " (cf. PoKORNY 1959: 529 *kapro- " he-
goat, buck ") ;
J. *kaput-) Skt. kapzicchala-m" tuft of hair on the back of the
head "; Lat. caput" head "; OE. hajud" head " (cf. PoKORNY
1959: 529f. *kap-ut " head");
K. *kar- ) Skt. karkara-s " hard "; Gk. KapKlvos " crab "; Lat.
cancer "crab" (<*karkro-); Goth. hardus "hard" (cf.
POKORNY 1959: 53 If. *kar- " hard ");
L. *kas- ) Skt. sasci-s " hare, rabbit "; Lat. ciinus "gray"
(< *kas-no-s); OE. hasu "gray", hara" hare" (cf. PoKORNY
1959: 533 *kas- " gray ");
M. *laku- ) Gk. >.riKKos " pond, tank " ( < *lakwo-s); Lat. lacus
" basin, tank, lake " ; Oir. loch " lake, pool " ; OE. lagu " sea,
water"; OCS. laky " pool, marshland " (cf. PoKORNY 1959:
653 *laku- " lake, pool ") ;
N. *laiwo-) Gk. Aat6s "left"; Lat. laevus "left"; OCS. lev'O
" left " (cf. POKORNY 1959: 652 *lai1:fO- " left ");
212 A. R. BOMHARD
0. *ma#-) Skt. madati " to rejoice, be drunk"; Gk. t-taMw
"to be moist"; Lat. made6" to be wet, moist" (cf. PoKORNY
1959: 694f. *mad- " to be wet, moist ") ;
P. *nas-) Skt. nasd "nose"; Lat. naris "nostril"; OE. nosu
" nose "; Lith. n6sis " nose " (cf. PoKORNY 1959: 755 *nas-
" nose");
Q. *sal- ) Gk. liAs " salt " ; Lat. sal salis " salt " ; Goth. salt
" salt "; OCS. soh " salt "; Toch. A sale " salt " (cf. BucK
1949: 5.81; POKORNY 1959: 878f. *sal- "salt"; VAN WIN-
DEKENS 1976: 417 *sal( i )ie) ;
R. *sauso-) Skt. SO$a-s "dry"; Gk. avos "dry"; OE. sear
"dry"; Lith. saiisas " dry"; OCS. such'O "dry" (cf. PoKOR-
NY 1959: 88of. *saus- " dry ") ;
S. *skaiwo- ) Gk. aKat6s " left "; Lat. scaevus " left " (cf.
WALDE-POKORNY 1973: 2.537 *skai'!fOS "left ").
No system that excludes sounds from the parent language where the
evidence of the daughter languages unequivocally points to their
existence or that totally ignores typological implications can be correct.
Since all of the examples from the daughter languages cited above point
to a in the Indo-European proto-forms, Late Indo-European must have
had such a sound (cf. SZEMERENYI 1964a: 2f. and 1967: 67f.).
Late Indo-European a had three sources: 1) it was derived from an
earlier a that was prevented from becoming e when next to certain laryn-
geals, 2) it was retained in a small number of relic forms that somehow
escaped conversion to the usual e o gradation pattern, and 3) it was
retained in loanwords from other languages. The examples cited above
fall into the last two categories.
75 The system is now complete. By assuming an original a, we have
been able to explain 1) the origin of the e o ablaut, 2) the various
sources of Late Indo-European a, and 3) the apparent discrepancies
between the Proto-Anatolian vowel system and the vowel systems of
the Non-Anatolian daughter languages. We may summarize the develop-
ments thus:
A. a ) 1) Proto-Anatolian e and Late Indo-European e;
2) Proto-Anatolian a and Late Indo-European a when
next to the laryngeals h and x;
3) Late Indo-European a in a small number of relic
forms.
B. a ) Proto-Anatolian a and Late Indo-European o.
C. a) 1) Proto-Anatolian e and Late Indo-European e ;
2) Proto-Anatolian a and Late Indo-European a
when next to the laryngeals h and x;
3) Late Indo-European a in forms such as *ma ter-
" mother" (cf. BoMHARD 1975: 54; SzEMERENYI
1967: 92, fn. 85).
D. a> Proto-Anatolian a and Late Indo-European o .
8. Examples of the resonants.
8.r. Pitch IE y > PAn. y > Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. y:
Hitt. 3 sg. mid. iyattari "goes" jyata[ri]/ <PAn. *ya- <
Pitch IE * ;Jyah- > Late IE * ;Jyah- > Common Disintegrat-
ing IE *hya- > Skt. ytiti " goes " ; Toch. A ya " went ".
Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: So; PoKoRNY 1959: 296 *ia-; STURTE-
VANT 1942: 74 and 1951: 61a IH *'yehty; VAN WINDE-
KENS 1976: 589 *ia-. Note: I assume that Pitch IE -a;JC- >
PAn. -e C- and Pitch IE -ahC- >PAn. -a C-.
8.2. Pitch IE w > PAn. w > Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. w:
Hitt. 2 pl. impv. westin "clothe yourself! " jwestinj; Luw.
3 pl. pres. wa-as-sa-an-ti " they clothe " < PAn. *wes- <
Pitch IE *')was- > Late IE * ')wes- > Common Disintegrat-
ing IE *hwes- > Skt. vaste "puts on, wears"; Lat. vestis
" garment " ; Toch. B wastsi ( = inf.) " garment ". Cf. FRIED-
RICH 1952 : 248; LAROCHE 1959: 108; POKORNY 1959:
II72f. *'!feS- "to clothe, dress"; STURTEVANT 1942: 74 and
1951 : 62a; VAN WINDEKENS 1976: 564 *'!feS-.
8.3. Pitch IE 1ft > PAn. am > Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. am:
Hitt. dat. sg. siptamiya "seventh" jsiptamyaf < PAn.
*septam- <Pitch IE *sapt1'[t) Late IE *septtft (cf. BURROW
1973: 260) > Common Disintegrating IE *sept1jt > Skt. sapta
" seven " ; Gk. J7TTd.; Lat. septem. Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 194;
POKORNY 1959:909 *sept1'[t" seven"; STURTEVANT 1951: 56.
8-4- Pitch IE m ) PAn. m ) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. m:
Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. milit " honey " fmilitf; Pal. ma-li-ta-an-
na-as" containing honey"; Luw. nom. sg. ma-al-li "honey"
< PAn. *melit " honey " < Pitch IE *malit ) Late IE *melit >
Gk. f:LtAt " honey " ; Lat. mel; Goth. milij;. Cf. CARRUBA
1970: 63; FRIEDRICH 1952: 143; LAROCHE 1959: 66; POKORNY
1959: 723f. *meli-t "honey"; STURTEVANT 1951: 68.
214
A. R. BOMHARD
8.5. Final m) PAn. n) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. n:
A. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. pedan "place" fpetan/ (PAn. *petan
" place " ( Pitch IE *Pt#am ) Late IE *Pe#om ) Skt. padam
" step "; Gk. 7T8ov " ground ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: r68;
PoKORNY 1959: 791f. *pedo-m; STURTEVANT 1951: 70.
B. Hitt. ace. sg. ending -n in attan " father " fatanf; Pal. ace.
sg. ending -n in t]a-ba-ar-na-an "sovereign"; Luw. ace. sg.
ending -n in ta-a-ti-in "father"; Hier. ace. sg. ending -n
in hawin " sheep "; Lye. ace. sg. ending -a ( = Luw. -an) ;
Lyd. ace. sg. ending -v (PAn. ace. sg. ending *-n (Pitch
IE *-m ) Late IE *-m ) Skt. ace. sg. vfkam " wolf " ; Gk.
ace. sg. AVKov; Lat. ace. sg. lupum. Cf. BRUGMANN 1904:
378 ace. sg. ending *-m; CARRUBA 1970: 73; GEORGIEV 1966:
232 and 235 ; LAROCHE 1959 : 95 ; MERIGGI 1962 : 58 ; STURTE-
VANT 1951 : 130.
8.6. Pitch IE tt) PAn. an) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. an:
Hitt. dat. ace. pl. anzas "us" fantsasf (cf. s.rG) ( PAn.
*ans- ( Pitch IE * )tts- ) Late IE * )tts- ) Common Dis-
integrating IE *tts- ) Goth. uns " us ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952 :
24; POKORNY 1959: 758 *tts " US "; STURTEVANT 1951 :
170g.
8.7. Pitch IE n) PAn. n) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. n:
Hitt. nom. sg. nekuz "evening" fnekuts/ <PAn. *nekuts
" night " ( Pitch IE *naqt- ) Late IE *neqt- ; *n6qt- ) Skt.
nak " night " ; Gk. -vOg; Lat. nox noctis; Goth. nahts ; Lith.
naktis; OCS. nost'b. Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 150; POKORNY 1959:
762 *nek!J-(t-), *nok!J-t-s "night"; STURTEVANT 1951: 66.
8.8. Pitch IE I) PAn. al) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. al:
Hitt. nom. sg. pal!Jis " broad " fpalxisf ( PAn. *palxis
"broad" (Pitch IE Related to Skt. Prthu-s
" wide , ; Gk. 'ITAaros. Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: rs6; PoKORNY
1959: 833f. *Pltu- "broad"; STURTEVANT 1951: 65.
8.9. Pitch IE l) PAn. l) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. l:
Hitt. 3 pl. pres. lippanzi " they smear " flipantsi/ ( PAn.
*lip- ( Pitch IE *lip-) Late IE *lip-) Skt.lipta-s" smeared,
anointed " ; Gk. ..\,7Tap6s " greasy ", ..\l7Tos " fat, oil ". Cf.
FRIEDRICH 1952: 129; POKORNY 1959: 670f. *leip- " to smear,
anoint"; STURTEVANT 1951: 73
8.ro. Pitch IE r) PAn. ar ) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. ar:
Hitt. 3 sg. pres. araskizzi "is arriving" farskitsif <PAn.
*arsketi " is arriving " < Pitch IE * ;;rskati ) Late IE
* ;Jrsketi ) Skt. rcchdti " goes, reaches ". Cf. ANTTILA rg6g:
71 ; FRIEDRICH 1952: 27; PoKORNY 1959: 326f. *r-sko-; STUR-
TEVANT rg
5
r; 65.
8.11. Pitch IE r ) PAn. r ) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. r:
Hitt. 3 sg. pres. mirzi "dies" fmirtsif <PAn. *mer-<
Pitch IE *mar- ) Late IE *mer- ) Skt. mar ate " dies ". Cf.
FRIEDRICH 1952 : 141 ; POKORNY 1959: 735 *mer- " to die ";
STURTEVANT 1951: 68.
g. Notes on the resonants.
In the Indo-European parent language, the resonants had two allo-
phones: r) syllabic when between consonants and 2) non-syllabic
when contiguous with vowels (cf. BoMHARD 1975: 3.8). The non-sylla-
bic allophones remained unchanged in the Anatolian languages except
that final m became n. This is a common development and is also found
in Greek, Celtic, Germanic, and Balto-Slavic (cf. BRUGMANN 1904: rogf.).
The syllabic resonants 1ft, tt. {, r develop into the sequences am, an, al, ar
respectively (cf. KRONASSER 1956; 52f.).
10. Examples of the consonants.
10.1. Pitch IE b) PAn. p ) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. p:
A. Hitt. nom. sg. parkus " high " fparkusf < PAn. *parkus
"high" <Pitch IE *brgu-s) Late IE *brg1i-s) Arm. barjr
"high". Cf. also Skt. brhdnt- "great"; OHG. berg "moun-
tain". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 161; PoKORNY 1959: 140f.
*bhrghu-s "high"; STURTEVANT 1951: 86.
B. Hitt. nom. sg. parkuis " pure, clean " fparkwis/; Pal. 3 sg.
pres. pa-ar-ku-i-ti " cleans, purifies "; Luw. pte. nom. pl.
par-ku-wa-i-mi-in-zi " cleaned " < PAn. nom. sg. *parkwis
"pure, clean" <Pitch IE *br!Jwi-s. Related to Goth.
bairhts "shining"; Wel. berth "beautiful". Cf. CARRUBA
1970: 62; FRIEDRICH 1952: 161; POKORNY 1959: 139f. and
141f. *bhereg- "to shine, be bright"; STURTEVANT 1951;
86.
216
A. R. BOMHARD
10.2. Pitch IE p) PAn. p) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. p:
A. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. pa!J!Jur " fire " fpax.urf; Luw. nom. sg.
pa-a-!Ju-u-ur " fire " < PAn. *paxur " fire " < Pitch IE *pa-
xur ) Late IE *paxur ) Toch. A por " fire " and (with meta-
thesis of x and u: *puxr ) *pu r) Gk. 7Tfip " fire ", Arm. hur,
Umbr. pir, Oice. furr, Toch. B puwar. Cf. BOMHARD 1975:
5.8 ; COWGILL 1g65 : 15g ; FRIEDRICH 1g52 : 154; LAROCHE
1959 : 77 ; POKORNY 1959 : 828 *pe'I}Or, *par " fire " ; STURTE-
VANT 1942: 36f. and 1951: 74 IH *pexwr; VAN WINDE-
KENS 1976: 382f. *peurfpour, *pe'l}or; WINTER 1965b: 192f.
*peXwr.
B. Hitt .. gen. pl. patan " feet " fpatanf; Luw. nom. ( ?) sg.
pa-ta-a-as "foot"; Hier. dat. sg. pati "foot"; Lye. pede-<
PAn. *pat- < Pitch IE *PC4- ) Late IE *Po!- ) Skt. gen.
sg. padas " foot " ; Gk. gen. sg. 7To86s. Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952:
165 ; LAROCHE 1959 : 81 and 1960 : 90 ; MERIGGI 1962 : 96 ;
PoKORNY 1959: 790. *ped-, *pod- " foot ".
10.3. Pitch IE d) PAn. t) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. t:
A. Hitt. 1 sg. pres. te!J!Ji" I place " ftex.if, 3 sg. pres. dai" places "
ftai/; Lye. 3 pl. pres. tfiti, tiidi " they put, place " < PAn.
*te - < Pitch IE *da::J-) Late IE *de::J- ) Common Dis-
integrating IE *de-) Skt. da-dhii-ti "puts, places"; Gk.
,.{ihJfL'; Lith. diti " to put, lay " ; OCS. deti; OE. died" deed ";
Toch. B tii- " to put, place ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 202f. ;
GEORGIEV 1966: 231; POKORNY 1959: 235f. *dhe- " to put,
place"; STURTEVANT 1951: 84 IH *d'e'-; VAN WINDEKENS
1976: 494f. *dhe-.
B. Luw. titai- "to suckle, nurse", nom. sg. ti-ta-i-(im-)me-is
"nursling, infant"; Lye. tideimi "son" (PAn. redup.
verbal stem *ti-tai- "to suckle, nurse" <Pitch IE *da;:Ji-
> Late IE *de::Ji-) Common Disintegrating IE *de (i)-,
*de y-, *di - ) Skt. dhayati " to suck ", pp. dhita-s; OCS.
dojiti " to suckle ", det'b " children ". Cf. GEORGIEV 1966:
230; LAROCHE 1959: 98; POKORNY 1959: 241f. *dhe(i)- "to
suck, suckle ".
10-4- Pitch IE t) PAn. t) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. t:
A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. tara!Jzi "is powerful, controls" ftarxtsi/;
Luw. nom.-voc. sg. Tar-!Ju-un-za name of the storm-god;
Hier. Tarhunt-; Lye. nom. sg. trqqas <PAn. *tarx- <
Pitch IE *tarx- ) Late IE *terx- ) Common Disintegrating
THE PLACING OF THE ANATOLIAN LANGUAGES 2I7
IE *terh- ) Skt. tdrati " crosses, overcomes ", tirdti " cross-
es, overcomes" ( < *trHeti, cf. BuRROW I973: 87). Cf. FRIED-
RICH I952: 2I3; LAROCHE I959: I27 and Ig6o: I99 and
389; MERIGGI I962: I22; PoKORNY I959: I074f. *ter-,
*tera- "to cross over, pass through, overcome"; PUHVEL
I965: 85; STuRTEVANT I95I: 74 IH *terx-.
B. Hitt. dat. sg. witi "year" fwiti/ <PAn. *wet-< Pitch IE
*wdt- ) Late IE *wet- ) Gk. lToS' " year " ; Lat. vetus
" old ". Cf. FRIEDRICH I952 : 255; PoKORNY I959: II75
*1;fet- "year"; STURTEVANT I95I: 82.
I0.5. Pitch IE t ) PAn. t ) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. t:
A. Hitt. I sg. pres. da!J!Ji" I take" /taxi/, 3 sg. pres. dai" takes"
ftai/, 3 pl. pres. danzi "they take" ftantsi/; Hier. I sg. pret.
taka "I took", 3 sg. conj. tai "takes" <PAn. *ta -<Pitch
IE *tdh- ) Late IE *!ah-; *toh- ) Common Disintegrating
IE *to- ) Skt. dd-dii-ti " gives "; Gk. Sl-Sw-p.t; Lat. do
dare; Lith. dzlomi. Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: 20if.; HAWKINs-
DAVIEs-NEUMANN I974: 38; LAROCHE Ig6o: 4I; MERIGGI
I962: II4f. ; POKORNY I959: 223f. *do- " to give " ; STURTE-
VANT I95I : 83 IH *deh-.
B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. damaszi, tamaszi " oppresses " jtamastsif;
Hayasa tama- "to domesticate"; Luw. 3 sg. pres. da-ma-
as-ti " oppresses " < PAn. 3 sg. pres. *tamasti " oppresses "
<Pitch IE *tam-) Late IE *tom-) Skt. dtimyati "con-
trols " ; Lat. domo " to tame " ; Goth. ga-tamjan " to tame ".
Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: 207; jAHUKYAN Ig6I: 40I; LAROCHE
I959: go; PoKORNY I959: Iggf. *doma- " to tame " ; STURTE-
VANT I95I; 83.
C. Hitt. dat.-loc. sg. siwatti " day" fsiwatif, gen. sg. siunas
"god " fsiunas/ (cf. 5.IH) ; Pal. nom. sg. Ti-ya-az(-) name
of the sun-god; Luw. nom. sg. Ti-wa-az; Hier. Tiwat- <
PAn. *tye wat- "sky, day" <Pitch IE *tyd u-) Late IE
*!ye u-) Skt. dydus "heaven, sky, day"; Gk. ZEtJS'. Cf.
BENVENISTE I962 : 8f. ; CARRUBA I970: 75; FRIEDRICH
I952: I94f. and I95 ; LAROCHE I959: I28 and Ig6o: I9I ;
MERIGGI I962: I3I; POKORNY I959: I83f. *dieus " heaven,
sky, day".
Io.6. Pitch IE s ) PAn. s ) Hitt. Pal. Luw. Hier. s:
Hitt. 3 sg. pres. seszi " sleeps" fsestsif; Luw. 2 sg. impv. sa-
as-sa " sleep! " < PAn. 3 sg. pres. *sesti " sleeps " < Pitch
218
A. R. BOMHARD
IE *sdsti ) Late IE *sesti ) Skt. sdsti " sleeps ". Cf. FRIED-
RICH 1952: I9I; LAROCHE I959: 87; STURTEVANT I95I: 87.
10.7. Pitch IE g) PAn. k:
A. Hitt. nom. sg. gimmanza " winter" /kimantsf, dat.-loc. sg.
gimmi, gemi "in winter" fkimif <PAn. nom. sg. *kimants
" winter " < Pitch IE *gdim- ) Late IE *geim- ) Skt. he-
manta-s " winter " ; Gk. X'ifLa " winter, frost, cold " ; Lith.
ziema; ocs. zima. Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: I09; KRONASSER
1956: I49; POKORNY I959: 425f. *ghei-men-, *ghei-mn-
" winter, snow"; STURTEVANT I95I: 8I.
B. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. kessar " hand" fkesarf; Luw. nom. sg.
(i-)is-sa-ri-is "hand" (cf. 5.3E); Hier. dat. sg. istri; Lye.
izri- < PAn. *kesar "hand" <Pitch IE *gdsr) Late IE
*gesr > Gk. xlp "hand " ( < *xap-); Arm. jein. Cf. FRIED-
RICH 1952: I08; GEORGIEV 1966: 223; LAROCHE I959: 52f.;
PoKORNY I959: 447 *ghesor-, *ghesr- "hand"; STURTEVANT
I95I: 8I. The Hieroglyphic Luwian form contains an epen-
thetic t (cf. HAWKINS-DAVIES-NEUMANN 1974: 46). Toch A
tsar, B $ar "hand" are not related to the above (cf. VAN
WINDEKENS 1976: 521).
10.8. Pitch IE k ) PAn. k :
A. Hitt. 3 sg. mid. kiUa(ri) "lies" fkita[ri]/; Pal. 3 sg. mid.
ki-i-ta-ar "lies" <PAn. 3 sg. mid. *kita(r) "lies" <Pitch
IE *kdita ) Late IE *keito ) Gk. 3 sg. impf. ;-Kmo ( = Skt.
a-seta), 3 sg. pres. K'i'Ta' "lies" (= Skt. sete, Av. saete). Cf.
CARRUBA 1970: 59; FRIEDRICH 1952: I09; POKORNY I959:
539f. *fiei- "to lie"; STURTEVANT I95I: 79
B. Hitt. nom. sg. kunnas " favorable, good, right " fkunasf,
kunna!J!J-" to make right" fkunax-/ <PAn. nom. sg. *kunas
"favorable, good, right " < Pitch IE *kun-. Related to Av.
spmta- " holy "' Lith. sveiitas " holy "' ocs. SV(Jt'l> " holy "
( < Late IE *kwento-) and Latv. svinet " to celebrate "
(<Late IE *kwen-). Cf. BOMHARD 1973: 8; FRIEDRICH
1952: n6; PoKORNY 1959: 630 *fit:ten- "to celebrate",
*fit:ten-to- "holy". For the semantic development, cf. Skt.
pu1Jya-s "fortunate, good, right, pure, holy, sacred".
Io.g. Pitch IE 1J) PAn. k:
A. Hitt. nom. sg. !Jarkis "white" fxarkis/ <PAn. *xarkis
" white " < Pitch IE *xr!Ji-s > Late IE * x r ~ - > Skt. rjrd-s
" radiant "; Gk. apy6s " bright, white " ( < *apyp6s). Full-
grade in Skt. arjuna-s " white " and Lat. argentum " silver ".
Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 57; PoKORNY 1959: 64f. *ar(e)g-
" shining, white"; STURTEVANT 1951: 8o IH *xergys.
B. Hitt. nom. sg. kutruwas "witness" fkutruwas/ <PAn.
*kutru- < Pitch IE * ~ u d r u - ) Late IE * ~ u d r u - ) Lith. gudrus
" clever ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: I2I ; KRONASSER 1956:
77; STURTEVANT 1951: 80.
ro.ro. Pitch IE G) PAn. kwfu:
Hitt. 3 sg. pres. kuenzi "strikes, kills" fkwentsi/, 3 pl. pres.
kunanzi "they strike" /kunantsi/ <PAn. 3 sg. pres. *kwenti
" strikes " < Pitch IE *Ganti ) Late IE *Genti ) Skt. hcinti
" strikes ". Cf. also Gk. {}Elvw " to beat, strike, hit " ; Lat.
de-fendo "to repel, defend"; Lith. genu "to drive (cattle to
pasture) ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: II2f.; KRONASSER 1956:
84; PoKORNY 1959: 49rf. *gYhen- " to strike " ; STURTEVANT
1951: 81.
IO.II. Pitch IE q) PAn. kwju:
A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. kuerzi "cuts" /kwertsif, 3 pl. pres. kuranzi
"they cut" fkurantsi/; Pal. ku-wa-ar[-; Luw. 3 sg. pres.
ku-wa-ar-ti " cuts " ? , dat. sg. ku-ra-a[ n ]-ni ( = Hitt. ace. sg.
kurannan "section, segment"?) <PAn. *kwer-, *kur- <
Pitch IE *qar-, *qr-) Late IE *qr-) Skt. -krt " ... time(s) "
in sa-kft " once " ; Osc. -pert " ... time(s) " in petiro-pert " four
times"; Wel. pryd" time" ( < *qrtu-). Cf. CARRUBA 1970: 61;
FRIEDRICH 1952: II3 and II7; KRONASSER 1956: 81 *kYer-;
STURTEVANT 1951: 79
B. Hitt. nom. pl. sakuwa " eyes " /sakwa/, 3 pl. pres. sakuwanzi
" they see " jsakwantsi/; Luw. ? sakuwa " eyes " < PAn.
nom. pl. *sakwax (cf. 12.6) < Pitch IE *saq-; *saq- )
Late IE *seq-) Gmc. *sexwan) Goth. saihwan "to see",
OS. OHG. sehan. Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 177; KRONASSER
1956: 8r; PoKORNY 1959: 897f. *sekY- "to perceive, notice,
see".
C. Hitt. r sg. pres. tekkussami " I show " jtekusami/ < PAn.
*tekus- <Pitch IE *taqs-) Late IE *teqs-) Av. daxs- " to
teach ", daxsta- " sign, characteristic ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952:
220; PUHVEL 1974: 292. I agree with PuHVEL that the tradi-
tional comparison of tekkussami with Skt. disati "shows",
Gk. llElKviJp,t, Lat. dic6 "to say", etc. should be abandoned.
220 A. R. BOMHARD
D. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. tarkuzi " dances " ftarkutsi/; Luw. tarwai-
" to dance" < PAn. *tarkwfu- <Pitch IE *trq- ) Late IE
*trq- ) Lat. torqueo " to twist " ; Toch. B *tiirk- " to tum "
in f. pl. pret. pte. tetarkuwa. Cf. BENVENISTE 1962 : 125 ;
FRIEDRICH 1952: 214; PuHVEL 1974: 292 *terkw-. The gut-
tural has been lost in Luwian.
10.12. Pitch IE q ) PAn. kwfu:
A. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. !Jekur, !Jegur " summit, Reak " fxekurf <
PAn. *xekur < Pitch IE *yaqr- ) Late IE *yeqr-o- ) Skt.
dgra-m " foremost point or part, tip, summit ". Cf. FRIED-
RICH 1952: 68; MAYRHOFER 1956: 1.18; POKORNY 1959: 8f.
*agro- (*egro- ?) "tip, beginning"; STURTEVANT 1951: 75
IH *yegr; WINTER 1965b: 197 *Oegwr. Not related to the
following:
B. Hitt. ace. sg. gurtan "citadel" fkurtanf < PAn. *kurta- <
Pitch IE *qar-, *qar-, *4r- ) Late IE *qer-, *qor-, *qr- )
Skt. giri-s " mountain, hill, elevation, rising-ground "
(( *qrHi-); Av. gairi-s "mountain"; Gk. 8,p&.s "ridge"
(( *qeryo-); OCS. gora "mountain" (( *qor-); Lith. giria
" forest ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: II9; PoKORNY 1959: 477f.
*g'ler-, *g'lor- "mountain"; STURTEVANT 1942: 47d.
C. Hitt. nom. sg. dankuis " black, dark " ftankwis/ < PAn.
*tankwis < Pitch IE *dw4i-s. Related to Welsh dew "fog,
gloom, dusk" (( *denrjo-s); Olce. dekkr "dark" (( Gmc.
*dankwia-z) ; OFris. diunk " dark " ( < Gmc. *denkwa-z) ;
Latv. danga "morass, mire" (( *donqaA). Cf. BENVENISTE
1962 : 70 *dhtJgw- ; FRIEDRICH 1952 : 210; KRONASSER 1956:
25.3; PoKORNY 1959: 248 *dheng'l}o-, *dheng'l}i- " foggy,
misty "; PUHVEL 1974: 294
D. Hitt. 3 pl. pres. arkuwanzi "they plead" farkwantsi/ <
PAn. *arkwfu- ( Pitch IE *htirq-) Late IE *htirq-) Lat.
arguo " to declare, prove, assert ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952 : 31 ;
PUHVEL 1974: 293 *argw-.
E. Hitt. nom. sg. nekumanza "naked" fnekumants/ <PAn.
*nekumants ( Pitch IE *naq- ) Late IE *neq- ; *noq- )
Skt. nagna-s "naked" (( *noq-n6-s); Lat. nudus "naked"
(( *noq-edo-s); Gmc. *nakwaoa-z) Goth. naqaps "naked",
OE. nacod, OHG. nackut; Lith. nuogas " naked" (( *no q-o-
s). Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 150; KRONASSER 1956: 25.6;
PoKORNY 1959: 769 *nog'l- "naked"; STURTEVANT 1951:
81.
THE PLACING OF THE ANATOLIAN LANGUAGES 22I
II. Notes on the consonants.
ILL As far as I can see, there is no evidence that any of the older Ana-
tolian languages had a contrast between voiced and voiceless stops. The
theory that the intervocalic double writing of stops in Hittite was used
as a means to indicate voicelessness (cf. STURTEVANT I95I: 53) is not
convincing for the following reasons :
r. There are several words that are written with double stops
whose Non-Anatolian cognates have a voiced stop rather than
a voiceless stop. Among these are: Hitt. ugga " I " : Lat. ego
" I ", Gk. yw " I " ; Hitt. 2 pl. pret. iyadduma " you went " :
Skt. 2 pl. mid. sec. ending -dhvam; and Hitt. acc.-dat. sg.
ammugga, ammuqqa (also ammuk, amuga) " to me ": Gk. ace.
sg. p.l-yE " me ". Cf. KRONASSER I966: II.
2. Not only were the stops written double, so were the vowels,
nasals, and liquids. Double writing of the latter three had no
phonemic significance (cf. STURTEVANT I95I: 29, 39, 47,
and 53). Hittite words often have several variant spellings,
some of which contain double writing of stops and some of
which do not. A good example is sa-a-ag-ga-a!J-!Ji beside
sa-ak-!Ji " I know ". Since the variant spellings cannot possibly
indicate any difference in pronunciation, we can only conclude
that the double writing of stops has no more significance than
the double writing of vowels, nasals, and liquids.
The independent evidence of Hieroglyphic Luwian fully supports the
contention that the older Anatolian languages lacked a contrast between
voiced and voiceless stops. In the first place, the hieroglyphic writing
avoids the double writing of intervocalic stops (cf. KAMMENHUBER I969:
I78). Next, the same sign is used indiscriminately in different words
whose Non-Anatolian cognates contain voiced stops on the one hand and
voiceless stops on the other.
Should one of the languages of the Minoan Linear A inscriptions in
fact turn out to belong to the Anatolian branch of Indo-European as
some have maintained (cf. GEORGIEV I966: 98f.), additional evidence
would be provided that the older Anatolian languages lacked a contrast
between voiced and voiceless stops since the Linear A syllabary does
not appear to mark such a contrast (cf. PACKARD I974: rr5f.). However,
until the affinity of the languages of these inscriptions is more definitely
established, it is better to leave the Linear A material out of con-
sideration.
Finally, there is the evidence of Lycian. This language is particularly
important because it is written in an alphabet of Greek origin (cf.
222 A. R. BOMHARD
BENVENISTE 1952: 206; NEUMANN 1969: 7). This alphabet contains
sounds that are traditionally transliterated as b, d, and g. That they
cannot have been stops is shown by the writing of iit for [ d] in iitariyeusehe
(gen.) " of Darius " (cf. Gk. LlapEios-, OPers. Darayavaus " Darius ").
According to BENVENISTE (1952: 206), these sounds were fricatives.
These sounds are always of secondary origin and are not inherited from
Indo-European, being derived from the corresponding voiceless stops.
This is clear from the variation in the 3 sg. pres. ending between -ti
and -di (<IE *-ti) in aiti, adi, edi" does", for example. Initially, Lycian
has voiceless stops where the Non-Anatolian cognates have voiced stops:
Lye. 3 sg. pres. tati "puts, places": Skt. dadhiiti "puts, places";
Lye. kbatra < *tbatra " daughter " : Skt. duhitli " daughter ", Goth.
dauhtar.
The cumulative evidence seems to indicate that the Indo-European
distinction between voiced, voiceless, and glottalized stops was lost in the
Anatolian languages.
11.2. It is probable that the older Anatolian languages replaced the
labialized post-velars of Indo-European with clusters of gutturals plus
wfu. This is the position taken by PEDERSEN (1938: 174) and STURTEVANT
(1942: 30 and 1951: 62a and 78). In the examples cited in 10.10,
1o.rr, and 10.12, the patterning of the labial element is clearly no
different after gutturals than in any other environment: w appears before
vowels but u before consonants. The conclusion that we are dealing with
clusters and not unit phonemes is confirmed by the fact that the guttural
part of the cluster is treated like any other guttural in Luwian (and
Palaic) and is subject both to weakening to x (written !J) and loss (as in
tarwai- "to dance": Hitt. tarkuzi "dances", cf. 1o.rrD).
Loss of the second labial element through dissimilation is found in
Hitt. !Juekzi " swears " fxwektsi/ ( : Skt. vakti " speaks ", vacas- " word " ;
Gk. f!rros- "word, speech, saying " < Late IE *yweq-, cf. ScHMITT-BRANDT
1967: 87) and kuiski, kuiska, kuisku " anyone " fkwis-k/ (: Lat. quisque
" everyone " < Late IE *qis-qe and Lyd. qis-k " anyone ", cf. KRONAS-
SER 1956: 48.1).
12. The laryngeals.
12.1. The Anatolian languages are characterized by the preservation
of two of the Indo-European laryngeals. Though there have been
attempts to discover possible evidence for the preservation of a third
laryngeal, none of the arguments advanced thus far has been convinc-
ing. In all of the Non-Anatolian daughter languages except Armenian,
the laryngeals have been lost as independent phonemes. Armenian has
traces of one of the laryngeals initially.
The two laryngeals preserved in the older Anatolian languages were
x andy. However, these laryngeals were not retained without modifica-
tion. In the first place, it is probable that there was no longer a voiced-
voiceless contrast and that these laryngeals had merged into a single
phoneme, the voiceless velar fricative x (cf. GAMKRELIDZE rg68: 92). As
with the stops, it is necessary to assume that intervocalic double writing
has no phonemic significance. Next, even these laryngeals were lost in
certain circumstances.
r2.2. Pitch IE x) PAn. x initially before vowels:
A. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. !Jurkel " horror, abomination, loathsome
act" fxurkel/; Luw. !Jurkil "crime", adj. ace. pl. !Jur-ki-la-
as-si-in-za " criminal, unlawful " ( PAn. nom.-acc. sg. *xur-
kel " crime " ( Pitch IE *xurg-. Related to Goth. ga-
wargjan " to condemn ", wargij;a " condemnation"; OHG.
warg " villain, criminal " ( Late IE *xwerg-. Cf. BoMHARD
I973: 3 *H
2
wergh-, *H
2
urgh-; FRIEDRICH I952: 76; LA-
ROCHE I959 : 48.
B. Luw. nom. sg. !Ja-a-u.-i-is " sheep"; Hier. nom. sg. hawis
"sheep" (PAn. nom. sg. *xawis "sheep" (Pitch IE
*xawis) Late IE *xowis) Common Disintegrating IE *h6-
wis) Arm. hoviw "shepherd" (( *howi-pa -); Skt. avi-s
"sheep"; Gk. oi:s-, ots- "sheep"; Lat. avis "sheep". Cf.
HAWKINS-DAVIES-NEUMANN I974: 26; LAROCHE I959: 44f.
and rg6o: III ; MERIGGI rg62: 58f.; POKORNY I959: 784
*61;tis " sheep "; WINTER rg65a: ro2.
C. Hitt. nom. sg. !Janza "front" fxantsf, !Janti "in front of,
before" fxanti/, nom. sg. !Jantezzis, !Jantezziyas "first"
fxantetsis, xantetsyasf; Pal. !Ja-an-ti-li[(-) " first "; Luw.
ace. sg. !Ja-an-da-wa-te-en " commanding", nom. sg. !Ja-an-
te-le-es" first"; Lye. xntawata "leader", 3 sg. pret. xntewete
" led " ( PAn. *xant- ( Pitch IE *xant- ) Late IE *xant-
> Common Disintegrating IE *hant- ) Skt. anta-s " end ",
anti " before " ; Gk. d.vTl " opposite, before " ; Lat. ante " be-
fore ". Cf. CARRUBA I970: 54; FRIEDRICH I952: 5I and 53;
GEORGIEV rg66: 23r ; LAROCHE I959: 40; PoKORNY I959:
48f. *ants" front", *anti" in front of, before"; STURTEVANT
rg5r: 74 IH *xents, *xenty.
D. Hitt. dat. sg. !Japa " river, stream " fxapaf; Pal. nom. sg.
!Ja-a-ap-na-as" river, stream" ( PAn. *xap- ( Pitch IE *xap-
) Late IE *xap-) Common Disintegrating IE *hap-) Skt.
tipas- " water "; Lat. amnis " river, stream " ( ( *abnis) ;
OPruss. ape " river, stream " ; Toch. B iip " water, river,
224
A. R. BOMHARD
stream". Cf. CARRUBA 1970: 54; MAYRHOFER 1956: 1.74f.;
POKORNY 1959: 5If. *tip- "water, river"; VAN WINDEKENS
1976: 166 *tfp-.
E. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. !Jaraszi "plows" fxarstsi/ <PAn. *xars- <
Pitch IE *xar- ) Late IE *xar- ) Common Disintegrating
IE *har-) Gk. dp6w "to plow, till"; Arm. arawr "plow"
(without initial h, but cf. haravunk" " arable land ", which has
h); Lat. ar6 "to plow, till"; Goth. arjan; Lith. ariu; Toch. B
are "plow". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 59; POKORNY 1959: 62f.
*ar(3)- "to plow"; STURTEVANT 1942: 37f. IH *xara:-;
VAN WINDEKENS 1976: 167.
F. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. !Jarzi " has " jxartsi/, 3 pl. pres. !Jarkanzi
" they have " fxarkantsif; Pal. 3 pl. impv. ]!Jar-kcin-du <
PAn. *xark- < Pitch IE *xark- ) Late IE *xark- ) Gk.
apKiw " to keep, ward off " ; Lat. arce6 " to shut in ". Cf.
CARRUBA 1970: 55 ; FRIEDRICH 1952: 56; POKORNY 1959:
65f. *areq-" to protect"; STURTEVANT 1942: 37d and 1951:
74 IH *xerk-.
G. Hitt. 3 pl. pres. !Jurniyanzi "they sprinkle" jxurniyantsi/ <
PAn. *xur-naxye- (cf. 12.6; Watkins 1975: 16f.) <Pitch
IE *xur-. Related to Skt. viir "water"; Av. var "rain";
Toch. B war " water" < Late IE *xwer-. Cf. FRIEDRICH;
1952: 76; PoKORNY 1959: 8of. *1fer-, *1fer- " water, rain,
river"; STURTEVANT 1942: 37h IH *xwer-, *xwir-; VAN
WINDEKENS 1976: 557f. I think it extremely unlikely that
Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. watar "water" and its cognates are related
to the above. Rather, two distinct Late Indo-European stems
should be recognized: I) *xwer- " to sprinkle, rain" and
2) *wet- "to be wet". Several of the derivatives of these two
overlap semantically. Cf. ANTTILA 1969: 104.
H. Hitt. dat. sg. !Jassi " hearth " jxasi/; Luw. nom. sg. !Ja-as-
sa-ni-it-ti-is " hearth " < PAn. *xa s- < Pitch IE *xa s- )
Late IE *xa s- ) Common Disintegrating IE *hd s- ) Skt.
iisa-s " ashes, dust " ; Lat. ara " altar " ; Osc. aasai " altar ".
Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952 : 62; LAROCHE 1959: 43; POKORNY 1959:
68f. *tfs- "to burn, glow"; STURTEVANT 1951: 75
I. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. !Jarakzi " is destroyed " fxarktsi/ < PAn.
*xark- < Pitch IE * x a r ~ - ) Late IE *xark- ) Arm. harka-
nem "to split, fell"; Oir. orgaim "to strike, destroy". Cf.
BOMHARD 1973: 3 *H
2
arg-; FRIEDRICH 1952: 57; STURTE-
VANT 1951: 8o IH *xorg-.
12.3. Pitch IE x ) PAn. x initially before w :
A. Hitt. nom. sg. !Juwanza "wind" fxwantsf <PAn. *xwant-
< Pitch IE *xwa;J?;tt-) Late IE *xwe;J?;tt-) Common Dis-
integrating IE *hwe nt- > Lat. ventus " wind "; Goth. winds;
Toch. A want. Late IE *xwe;J-) Common Disintegrating
IE *hwe - ) Skt. vtiti "to blow"; Gk. O:YJ/1-' "to blow,
breathe " ; Lith. vijas "wind"; Arm. hov " wind ", hovem " to
let air in", hogi "wind, spirit" (( *howyo-). Cf. FRIEDRICH
1952: 79; PoKORNY 1959: 81f. *a'!f-, *a1fe(i)-, *'!fe- "to
blow ", *'!fe-nto-s "wind" ; STURTEVANT 1942: 37j IH *xwe'-
ti, *xwe'?;ttOS and 1951: 74; VAN WINDEKENS 1976: 544
*1fento-s; WINTER 1965a: 102.
B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. !Juiszi "lives" fxwistsi/ <PAn. 3 sg. pres.
*xwesti " lives " < Pitch IE *xwas- ) Late IE *xwes- )
Common Disintegrating IE *hwes- ) Skt. vasati " to dwell " ;
Gk. aor. aaa " to rest at night " ; Goth. wisan " to be,
remain ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 71f. ; PoKORNY 1959: rr7of.
*1fes- "to stay, remain"; STURTEVANT 1942: 37k and 1951:
74 The following belong here too: Hitt. !Juitar "fauna"
fxwitarf; Luw. adj. nom. sg. !Ju-i-du-wa-li-is " alive" and
dat. sg. !Ju-(i-)it-wa-la-!Ji-ti "life". These forms indicate
that Proto-Anatolian must have had two separate stems:
*xwes- and *xwet-. However, PAn. *xwet- seems to have
no cognates in the Non-Anatolian daughter languages. Cf.
FRIEDRICH 1952: 72; LAROCHE 1959: 47; POLOME 1965: 20,
fn. 71.
12.4. Pitch IE x ) PAn. x medially:
A. Hitt. dat. sg. la!J!Ja " campaign, war " flaxaf < PAn. *lax- (
Pitch IE *lax- ) Late IE *lax-wo-s ) Pre-Gk. *la w6-s )
Att. AW> " people, army ", Hom. >..a:6,, Ion. A7]6>. Cf. FRIED-
RICH 1952: 124; STURTEVANT 1942: 36b and 1951: 74
IH *lex- and *lexwos.
B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. la!J!Juwai, la!Jui " pours " flaxwif; Luw. I sg.
pret. la-!Ju-ni-i-!Ja " I poured " ? < PAn. *laxu- < Pitch IE
*laxu- -+ (with metathesis of x and u, cf. CowGILL 1965:
158f.) *laux-) Late IE *leux-, *loux- ) Myc. adj. re-wo-
te-re-jo "for bathing" flewotreiosf (d. VILBORG 1960: 40),
Hom. AoTp6v " bath ", Att. >..oJw " to wash, bathe " ; Lat. lava
" to wash, bathe "; Arm. loganam " I wash " ( < *lowHyefo-,
cf. COWGILL 1965: 159) Cf. BEEKES 1969: 232; FRIEDRICH
1952 : 125 ; KElLER 1970: 20, fn. 54; LAROCHE 1959: 61;
226 A. R. BOMHARD
POKORNY 1959: 692 *lou-, *lo1f:J- "to wash"; STURTEVANT
1942: 36c and 1951 : 74 IH *lexwty; WINTER 1965a: 108.
BENVENISTE (1962: 14f.) has cleared up the semantics of the
various cognates by considering the Hittite meaning as orig-
inal and by regarding the meaning " to bathe " as a later
specialization.
C. Hitt. denominative 3 pl. pret. newa!J!Jir "they renewed"
fnewaxir/ <PAn. *newax- from *newas "new" (: Hitt.
inst. sg. newit " new ") < Pitch IE *nawax- ) Late IE
*newax- ) Gk. viiv " to plow up (fallow land) " from vl.os
" new " ; Lat. novo -are " to renew " from novus " new ".
Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 151 ; POKORNY 1959: 769 *ne1fOS, -ios
"new"; STURTEVANT 1942: 36m and 1951: 74 IH *newe-
x-ty " he renews ".
D. Hitt. I sg. pres. na!Jmi "I fear" fnaxmif, nom. sg. na!J!Jan
"fear" fnaxanf, 3 sg. pret. na!JSarnut "was frightened"
fnaxsarnut/ < PAn. *nax- < Pitch IE *nax- ) Late IE *nax- )
Common Disintegrating IE *na - ) Oir. nar " bashful "
( < *na sro-s). Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 146; POKORNY 1959:
754 *na- " to be afraid " ; STURTEVANT 1942 : 36d and
1951: 74 IH *nexty.
E. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. para!Jzi " drives " fparxtsi/ ( PAn. *parx-
< Pitch IE *parx- ) Late IE *perx- ) Common Disinte-
grating IE *perk- ) Gk. 7Tpaw " to carry across ". Cf. FRIED-
RICH 1952: 159; POKORNY 1959: 816f. *per-, *pera- " to
bring over"; STURTEVANT 1942: 36g and 1951: 74 IH
*perx-. In Luw. 3 sg. impv. pa-ra-ad-du " drive! " and Hier.
(arha) parnutu (: Hitt. ar!Ja par!Januzi), the laryngeal has
been lost. Cf. LAROCHE 1959 : 77 and 134 and 1960: 248 ;
MERIGGI 1962 : 95
F. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. sana!Jzi, san!Jazi "approaches, attacks, asks
for, tries" fsanxtsi/ <PAn. *sanx- <Pitch IE *sanx-)
Late IE *senx-) Common Disintegrating IE *senh-) Skt.
san6ti " to win "' pp. satd-s ( < *s-v-Ht6-s) ; Gk. avVW " to
achieve ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952 : 182 ; PoKORNY 1959 : 906
*sen-, *sena- "to gain, achieve"; STURTEVANT 1942: 36h
and 1951 : 74 IH *senx-.
G. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. tara!Jzi "is powerful, controls" ftarxtsi/ <
PAn. *tarx- < Pitch IE *tarx- ) Late IE *terx- ) Common
Disintegrating IE *terh- ) Skt. tarati " to cross, overcome ",
pp. tirttd-s (< *trHn6-s, cf. BuRROW 1973: 87). Late IE
*trax- ) Common Disintegrating IE *tra - ) Skt. trtiyate
" to protect, defend "; Lat. intr6 -are " to enter ". Cf. 10.4A.
H. Hitt. nom. sg. paffJ,is " broad " fpalxisf < PAn. *palxis <
Pitch IE *Plxi-s. Related to Lat. planus" flat"; Lith. pl6nas
" thin " < Late IE *plax-no-s. Cf. 8.8.
I. Hitt. nom. sg. tu!J!Juis "smoke" jtuxwisf <PAn. *tuxwis <
Pitch IE *dux-) Late IE *dux-) Common Disintegrating
IE *du - ) Skt. dhuma-s " smoke " ; Gk. {};jp,6> " soul,
spirit", Tvif>o> "smoke"; Lat. fumus "smoke"; Lith.
damai; OCS. dym?J. Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: 227; PoKORNY
I959: 26If. *dhu-mo- "smoke"; STURTEVANT I942: 36j.
J. Hitt. I sg. pres. pa!JI:Jasmi " I protect" fpaxsmif; Haya.Sa
pab-JJ(u)- "to defend, protect" (PAn. *pax(s)- (Pitch IE
*pax- ) Late IE *pax- < Common Disintegrating IE *pa -
> Skt. ptiti "to protect"; Toch. B piisk- "to protect".
Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: I53; ]AHUKYAN I96I: 40I; POKORNY
I959 : 787 *pii- " to feed, protect " and 839 *po- " to graze
cattle, cover, protect"; STURTEVANT I942: 36e and I95I:
74 IH *pex-s-; VAN WINDEKENS I976: 353 *pii-sk-.
K. Hitt. mab-JJan " when, as, if " fmaxanf ( PAn. *maxan <
Pitch IE *max1ft) Late IE *max1ft) Pre-Gk. *ma m)
Dor. p,J.v " truly, surely ". Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: I32; STURTE-
VANT I942: 36n and I95I: 68.
L. Hitt. I sg. mid. ending -!Ja f-xaf in pa!JI:Jas!Ja " I protected "
fpaxsxaf; Pal. I sg. pret. ending -!Jain da-a!J-!Ja; Luw. I sg.
pret. ending -!Ja in a-!Ja " I made"; Hier. I sg. pret. ending
-ha; Lye. I sg. pret. endings -xa in prnnawaxa "I built"
and -ga in aga "I did"< PAn. I sg. pret. ending *-xa (
Pitch IE *-xa ) Late IE *-xa ) Common Disintegrating
IE I sg. perf. ending *-ha ) Skt. I sg. perf. ending -a in veda
" I know "; Gk. I sg. perf. ending -a in ot8a " I know ". Cf.
BucK I955: 402; CARRUBA I970: 45 and 72; LAROCHE
I959: 24 and 142; PISANI I96I : I97f. ; PUHVEL I965 : 84;
STURTEVANT I95I : 284.
12.5. Initial x is lost in Hittite before w through dissimilation when
another x follows in the word except when the second x is part of an
inflectional ending (cf. PoLOME I965: 26):
A. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. wala!Jzi "strikes, attacks" fwalxtsif beside
!Jullai " smites, destroys " jxulaif from Pitch IE *xwalx- and
*xul- respectively. Non-Anatolian cognates include the fol-
lowing: Lat. vella " to pluck, tear, pull ", vulnus " wound " ;
OE. wal " slaughter, carnage ". Cf. FRIEDRICH I952: 73
and 242f.; PoKORNY I959: II44f. *1fel- "to tear, rip, rend";
STURTEVANT I942: 361.
228 A. R. BOMHARD
B. Hitt. 3 sg. pres. we!Jzi "turns, falls" Jwextsi/ beside 3 sg.
pres. !Julaliyazzi " wraps, winds " Jxulalyatsij from Pitch IE
*xwdy- and *xul- respectively. Non-Anatolian cognates in-
clude Skt. inf. vtitave " to weave, braid, plait " and viina-m
"the act of weaving" (<Late IE *xwey-). Cf. FRIEDRICH
1952: 73f. and 2SOf.; PoKORNY 1959: 7Sf. *a'!,t-, *a'!,te- " to
weave, braid, plait"; STURTEVANT 1942: 46d and 1951:
75
12.6. WATKINS (1975) has recently shown in a brilliant paper that
final x was lost in the Anatolian languages in the neuter plural ending
though traces are still found in Palaic : PAn. *-ax ) Pal. -a ( ga), Hitt.
Luw. -a. In the same paper, WATKINS (1975: 16f.) also shows that the
laryngeal x has been lost from the Proto-Anatolian verbal suffix *-ax-ye-
in the daughter Anatolian languages except that traces are again found
in Palaic: PAn. *-ax-ye-) Pal. -a-(g)a-, Hitt. -a-i-.
12.7. Pitch IE y) PAn. x initially before vowels:
A. Hitt. nom.-acc. pl. !JaSduir "branches" Jxastwerj <PAn.
*xa-st-wer < Pitch IE *ya-s!- ) Late IE *yo-s!- ) Com-
mon Disintegrating IE *6-s!-o-s) Gk. otos "branch, twig";
Goth. asts " branch, bough, twig ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1959: 64.
STURTEVANT (1951: 75) posits an IH *yo-sd-wer. In the
preceding paragraph, he derives Hitt. !Ja- from the IH prefix
*yejo-. PoKORNY (1959: 785f.) supports STURTEVANT by set-
ting up a hypothetical *ozdo-s, which is then analyzed as
containing the prefix *ejo plus *sed- " to sit ".
B. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. !Jinkan, !Jenkan, !Jingan " fate, death,
pestilence, plague " Jxenkan/ < PAn. *xenkan < Pitch IE
*ydnk1J ) Late IE *yenk1J; *y'l}ken-) Pre-Celt. *1Jken- ) Oir.
ecen "necessity"; Welsh angen "necessity, fate, destiny";
Corn. anken " anguish, distress ". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952 : 68;
STURTEVANT 1942: 47e and 1951: 75 IH *yenk-, *ynken-.
Both BENVENISTE (1935: 155) and KElLER (1970: 24)
claim that at least some of the possible cognates point to an
initial a in the proto-form. PoKORNY (1959: 45) sets up *ank-
" necessity, fate" as the source of Gk. avayK7J "necessity",
Oir. ecen " necessity ", OE. oht " persecution, terror "
(< Gmc. *anxto), etc. However, PoKORNY's reconstruction
is by no means sure. CHANTRAINE (1968: r.83) points out
that none of the proposed etymologies of Gk. avayK7] accounts
for its other meanings " force, constraint " and " kindred ".
He follows ScHWYZER (1953: 1.734, fn. 8) in considering
avcfyK7] to be a back-formation from avayKcftw " tO force,
compel, constrain ". The latter is analyzed as containing the
prefiX av( a) plUS " tO embrace With the armS " >
"to constrain, etc.". If we follow CHANTRAINE and ScHWY-
ZER, we can join the Greek forms with the following: Skt.
aiicati " to bend, curve " ; Gk. ayKWJJ " curve, bend, elbow "'
ayKaA7] " bent arm "' " to embrace " ; Lat. ancus
" a person with a crook-elbow ". As for OE. oht, it might be
better to connect it with Skt. amhas- "anxiety, distress,
trouble" and its cognates. Thus, if we remove the Greek and
Germanic forms from consideration, we can easily link Oir.
ecen with Hitt. !Jenkan as STURTEVANT does.
C. Hitt. dat.-loc. sg. E !Jesti " bone's house, sepulchre " fxestif,
nom.-acc. sg. !Jastai " bone, skeleton " fxastaif; Luw. nom.
pl. !Ja-(a-)as-sa "bones"< PAn. *xest-, *xast- <Pitch IE
*yast-; *yast- > Late IE *yost- > Common Disintegrating
IE *ost- > Skt. asthi " bone " ; Gk. OUT,OJJ " bone " ; Arm.
oskr ( < *ost-wer); Lat. os. Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952: 63 and 68;
LAROCHE 1959: 43; LINDEMAN 1970: 27; MEILLET 1936:
190; POKORNY 1959: 783 *ost(h)-" bone"; SCHMITT-BRANDT
1967: 107; STURTEVANT 1942: 56d IH *yest'i-, *y6st'i-.
D. Hitt. gen. sg. !Jaranas" eagle" fxarnasf; Pal. nom. sg. !Ja-ra-
a-as " eagle " < PAn. *xarn- < Pitch IE *yarn- > Late IE
*yarn- > Pre-Gk. *6rn- ) Gk. opvts " bird ". Cf. also Goth.
ara " eagle " ; Lith. erelis " eagle ". Cf. CARRUBA 1970: 54;
FRIEDRICH 1952: 56; STURTEVANT 1942: 56b and 1951:
58 IH *yarn-. On the basis of the Lithuanian form, PoKORNY
(1959: 325f.) reconstructs *er- beside *or-, but CowGILL (1965:
q6, fn. 5) questions the validity of *er- since he interprets
erelis as being assimilated from the dialectal form arelis.
E. Hitt. nom. sg. !Jartaggas " bear " fxartkas/ < PAn. *xartkas
< Pitch IE *yftka-s > Late IE *yftko-s >
1. *fteo-s > *ftsa-s > *f!$a-s > Skt. 'k$a-s " bear ";
2. *ftko-s > (with metathesis of t and k) *fkto-s > Gk. apKros
"bear";
3 *ftko-s > *rtto-s > Lat. ursus " bear ".
Cf. BURROW 1973 : 82; FRIEDRICH 1952: 61; GEORG lEV 1966:
15; PoKORNY 1959: 875 *fkpo-s " bear ". RAMP (1965:
qof.) reconstructs *yftkos, *yftskos.
12.8. Pitch IE y > PAn. x initially before w :
Hitt. 3 sg. pres. !Juekzi " swears " fxwektsi/ < PAn. *xwek-
(wfu)- <Pitch IE *ywaq- >Late IE *yweq- ) Skt. vakti
230
A. R. BOMHARD
" to speak ", vacas- " word " ; Gk. /hros " word, speech,
saying " ; Lat. vox " voice " ; Toch. B wek " voice ". Cf.
FRIEDRICH 1952: 70; KRONASSER 1956: 82; POKORNY
1959: II35f. *'l,!ek!!- "to speak"; VAN WINDEKENS 1976: 541
*'l,!eq-s. The second labial element has been lost in Hittite
through dissimilation (cf. n.2; KRONASSER 1956: 82;
ScHMITT-BRANDT 1967: 87).
12.9. Pitch IE y ) PAn. x medially:
A. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. se!Jur "urine" jsexurf < PAn. *sexur <
Pitch IE *sciyur ) Late IE *seyur ) Alb. shur - shurr,
shurre "urine"; Oice. saurr "dirt, filth". Cf. FRIEDRICH
1952: 189; RAMP 1965: 139f.; KElLER 1970: 26; STURTEVANT
1942: 46c and 1951: 75 IH *seywr.
B. Hitt. nom.-acc. sg. me!Jur " time, point of time, occasion "
fmexurf <PAn. *mexur <Pitch IE *may-) Late IE *mey-
> Common Disintegrating IE *me - ) Skt. mtiti " to mea-
sure " ; Gk. fL7JTtaw " to meditate, consider " ; Lat. metior
"to measure"; Goth. mel "time". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952:
139 ; POKORNY 1959 : 703f. *me- " to measure " ; STURTEVANT
1942: 46b and 1951: 75 IH *mey- "measure". This
etymology is accepted by KElLER (1970: 26), who points
out that there has been semantic specialization in each lan-
guage.
12.10. The laryngeals ;:; and h were lost in the Anatolian languages.
The former presence of his discernible by its effects on the vowel system
(cf. 73 and 7.5). However, ;:; disappeared without a trace except
that it, along with h, may have caused compensatory lengthening of
vowels when lost between a preceding contiguous short vowel and a
following contiguous non-syllabic (cf. 8.1). For a fuller discussion of
the development of these laryngeals in Hittite, cf. STURTEVANT 1942:
39- 43 and 49- 52d and 1951: 76- 77
A. Hitt. nom. sg. es!Jas, is!Jas " master " jesxas/ < PAn. *esxas
< Pitch IE * ;:Jasxas) Late IE * ;:Jesxos ) Common Disinteg-
rating IE *eshos ) Lat. erus "master". Cf. FRIEDRICH 1952:
85; POKORNY 1959: 342; STURTEVANT 1942 : 56a IH
*'esiJos.
B. Hitt. appa " afterwards, back, again " fapaf; Luw. a-ap-pa;
Hier. apan; Lye. epn <PAn. *apa <Pitch IE *hcipa)
Late IE *hcipo ) Common Disintegrating IE *cipo ) Skt.
cipa "away, from"; Gk. a7To, d7T6 "off, away, back". Cf.
FRIEDRICH 1952: 25 ; GEORG lEV 1966: 231 ; LAROCHE 1959:
29 and 1950: 34 ; MERIGGI 1962 : 28f. ; POKORNY 1959 : 53
*apo "away, back"; STURTEVANT 1942: 42b and 1951:
76 IH *hep-.
12.II. Armenian:
Armenian is unique among the Non-Anatolian daughter languages in
that it has a clear reflex of x initially before full-grade vowels (cf. AusTIN
1942: 22f.; STURTEVANT 1942: 22a; WINTER 1965a: 102). The follow-
ing examples have Anatolian cognates :
A. Arm. hav " grandfather " ( < *hauhos) : Hitt. !Jub-!fas " grand-
father" (cf. 6.2A);
B. Arm. hov-iw "shepherd" (< *howi-pa -): Luw.
" sheep" (cf. 12.2B);
C. Arm. haravunk" " arable land " ( < *har- " to plow ") : Hitt.
!Jaraszi "plows" (cf. 12.2E);
D. Arm. hogi "wind, spirit" (< *howyo-), hov "wind", hovem
" to let air in ": Hitt. !Juwanza "wind" (cf. 12.3A);
E. Arm. han" grandmother" (< *hanos): Hitt. !Jannas "grand-
mother" (d. 6.2D);
F. Arm. harkanem " to split, fell" ( < Hitt. !Jarakzi
"is destroyed " (cf. 12.2I);
G. Arm. hanem " to draw" ( < *han-): Hitt. !Jani " draws
(water) " (cf. STURTEVANT 1942: 22a);
H. Arm. Hay "Armenian": Hitt. ffayasa name of a region (cf.
MEILLET 1936: 9). No doubt this term has been borrowed by
Armenian.
The following have no known Anatolian cognates :
A. Arm. hav "bird" (< *hawis): Lat. avis" bird" (cf. PoKORNY
1959: 86 *a'jfei- "bird"; WINTER 1965a: 102);
B. Arm. hot "smell" (< *ho!os-): Lat. odor "smell" (cf. Po-
KORNY 1959: 772f. *od- "to smell"; STURTEVANT 1942:
22a; WINTER 1965a: 102);
C. Arm. hum "raw" (< *ho mos): Skt. iima-s "raw", Gk.
Wt-t6s (cf. POKORNY 1959: 777f. *omo-s " raw, bitter"; STUR-
TEVANT 1942 : 22a; WINTER 1965a: 102) ;
D. Arm. "ash-tree" (< *hascyo-): Olce. askr "ash-tree",
OHG. ask ( < Gmc. *aski-z) (cf. PoKORNY 1959: 782 *os-k-
" ash-tree").
The Armenian material is not without problems, however. Both MEIL-
LET (1936: 38) and WINTER (1965a: 102) point out that initial h is un-
stable. The same word sometimes has two alternates, one with h and
232
A. R. BOMHARD
one without - MEILLET's example is hogi beside ogi. Furthermore, an h-
is sometimes missing where the Hittite form unequivocally points to
original X- such as in Arm. arcath " silver " beside Hitt. aarkis " white "
(cf. 10.9A). Therefore, the Armenian data, though extremely valuable,
must be used with caution.
The Neogrammarians and their followers- with the exception of DE
SAUSSURE - did not reconstruct laryngeals as part of the Indo-European
sound system. However, they had all the tools at their disposal to do so.
First of all, as early as 1878, DE SAUSSURE had posited his now famous
" coefficients sonantiques " solely on the basis of an analysis of the pat-
terns of vowel gradation. Secondly, Armenian has clear reflexes of one of
DE SAUSSURE's "coefficients". Unfortunately, the Armenian evidence
escaped detection until after the discovery in 1927 by KuRYLOWICZ that
DE SAUSSURE's " coefficients " were preserved in part in Hittite. It was
only then that the Armenian material was re-examined by AusTIN
(1942: 22f.) and the laryngeal reflex found.
12.12. Even though the laryngeal x has been lost in all of the Non-
Anatolian daughter languages except Armenian, its former presence is
discernible by its effects on the vowel system. It was shown in 75 that
Pitch IE a normally became e in Late Indo-European but not when next
to the laryngeals h and x. However, x had no effect on the change of
Pitch IE a to Late IE o (cf. BOMHARD 1975: 5.5). The laryngeal y
appears to have had no effect on vowel quality (cf. STURTEVANT 1942:
45).
When x and y were lost between preceding contiguous short vowels and
following contiguous non-syllabics in Disintegrating Indo-European,
these vowels were lengthened (cf. BoMHARD 1975: 6-4). This develop-
ment is found in all of the Non-Anatolian daughter languages without
exception, clearly pointing to a common innovation in their Indo-
European antecedent that is not found in the Anatolian languages.
12.13. SZEMERENYI (r967: 89f.) assumes that Indo-European had only
one laryngeal, the glottal fricative h. This is also the position taken by
CoLLINGE (1970: 67f.) and VAILLANT (1950: 241f.). Furthermore, SzE-
MERENYI reconstructs a laryngeal in Indo-European only where there is
Anatolian evidence.
I agree with SzEMERENYI that Indo-European had only one laryngeal
in one stage of its development, namely in Disintegrating Indo-
European. However, the Armenian evidence indicates that only x was
retained initially before vowels and not y. Since the Armenian evidence
also indicates that the laryngeal was a glottal fricative, I agree further
with SzEMERENYI that the laryngeal of Disintegrating Indo-European
must have been the glottal fricative h. Therefore, I assume that the four
laryngeals of Late Indo-European merged into h in Disintegrating Indo-
European (cf. BoMHARD 1975: 6.7). I also assume that this single
laryngeal could have a vocalic allophone (cf. BOMHARD 1975: 6.7).
In Disintegrating Indo-European, laryngeals were lost at the begin-
ning of a word when before a vowel (except for x) and after vowels when a
non-syllabic followed. This latter change caused compensatory lengthen-
ing of short vowels. It is probable, however, that laryngeals remained
in all other positions (cf. BOMHARD 1975: 6.4) in the form of the glottal
fricative h. At least one laryngeal must have been preserved into the
earliest stages of the Non-Anatolian daughter languages (cf. LEHMANN
1952: 12.1). This is the only way to account for at least some of the
following developments :
r. The so-called "long syllabic resonants" (cf. BURROW 1973:
86f.; LEHMANN 1952: 12.3; STURTEVANT 1942: 20a);
2. The Indo-Iranian voiceless aspirates (cf. BuRROW 1973:
71f.; LEHMANN 1952: 8of.; STURTEVANT 1942: 78);
3 The Greek prothetic vowel (cf. BEEKES 1969: 18f.; CowGILL
1965: 151f.) ;
4 The Greek rough breathing, in part (cf. STURTEVANT 1942:
74);
5 Armenian initial h-, in part (cf. STURTEVANT 1942: 22a;
WINTER 1965a: 102);
6. The Balto-Slavic intonations (d. VAILLANT 1950: 98);
7 The Germanic Verscharfung (cf. LEHMANN 1952: 36f.;
LINDEMAN 1964).
12.14. Problems:
A. STURTEVANT (1942: 46a) connects Hitt. e!Juratius "(woo-
len) ear-stopper " ( < IH * Eeyur) with Gk. ovs " ear " ( < IH
*E6yus). This etymology is accepted by WINTER (1965b: 197),
who reconstructs * EeOw-. PoKORNY (1959: 785) reconstructs
*ous-, *3us-, *us- "ear". However, none of the preceding
reconstructions is satisfactory. Lac. avs "ear", Lat. auris,
Oir. iiu, 6, Goth. aus6, Lith. ausis, and OCS. ucho point to a
Common Disintegrating IE *aus- " ear ", and this is the
reconstruction given in WALDE-POKORNY (1973: 1.18). This
*ausis derived from *au- "to perceive" (cf. PoKORNY
1959: 78), and cognates include Skt. avi-s "openly, evident-
ly", Lat. audio " to hear ", Gk. dtw " to perceive, see, observe,
hear" (<*&.Flaw), and Hitt. I sg. pres. u!J!Ji "I see". Ob-
viously, Hitt. e!Juratius cannot be related since the Late
Indo-European word for "ear" must have had an initial
" a-coloring " laryngeal.
234 A. R. BOMHARD
B. It is customary to set up a hypothetical
or the like to
account for Hitt. 3 sg. pres. dai " takes ", Skt. da-dii-ti " to
give", Gk. 8l-8w-!J-t, Lat. do, Lith. d1iomi, etc. (cf. PoKORNY
1959: 223.). However, the Hittite form contains no trace of a
laryngeal where the theory demands it. STURTEVANT (1951:
76) sets up an IH *deh-. Whether or not we accept STURTE-
VANT's reconstruction, the Hittite form makes it clear that
we cannot set up an IE

C. Even more troublesome is the Indo-European verb " to
drink ", which is usually reconstructed as
on the basis
of Hitt. 3 sg. pres. paszi " drinks, swallows ", Skt. pliti, Lesb.
TTciJvw, etc. (d. PoKORNY 1959: 840). Derivation from MARTI-
NET's *peA w_ is out of the question (d. CowGILL 1965: 178).
Also out of the question is WINTER's suggestion (1965b: 197)
that the required laryngeal was lost in Hittite between a
preceding full-grade vowel and a following consonant, for no
such loss has taken place in either we!Jzi or me!Jueni. In Skt.
pibati, Lat. bibit, and Oir. ibid, from an alleged

the laryngeal is supposed to voice the contiguous p to b, but,
as BuRROW (1973: 72) mentions, there seem to be no other
examples. A reconstruction *po )- solves all problems asso-
ciated with this stem. In the first place, such a reconstruction
accounts for the absence of a laryngeal reflex in Hittite. Next,
the voicing of p to b is easily explained since glottalized stops
normally develop into voiced stops in Sanskrit, Latin, and
Old Irish (d. BoMHARD 1975: 7.4, 7.5, and 7.8).
12.15. MARTINET (1970: 212f.) sets up a labialized laryngeal, which he
writes A w, as the source of non-apophonic o in Indo-European. As far as
I can see, his theories receive no support from the Anatolian data.
Hitt. !Juiszi " lives " and !Juekzi " swears " show that -w- after laryn-
geals is always written in Hittite. Therefore, we would expect A w to be
written in Hittite as !Ju. but this is not the case. There is no trace of labia-
lization after the initial laryngeal in either Hitt. !Jastai " bone " or Luw.
!Ja-a-li-i-is" sheep", both of which PuHVEL (1965: 88) considers as good
evidence for *A we-.
It should be noted that examples such as Hitt. :E !Jesti " sepulchre ",
nekuz "evening", and nekumanza "naked" speak in favor of the second-
ary origin of non-apophonic o and against the theory that it arose from
earlier e when in contact with an " a-coloring " laryngeal.
Finally, there is no trace of a laryngeal in either dai "takes" or paszi
" drinks ", both of which would have to have A w according to MARTI-
NET's theories. If we follow PUHVEL (1965: 89) and posit two types of
labialized laryngeals, only one of which was retained in Hittite, we gain
nothing. True, I pl. pres. tummeni " we take " seems to point to some sort
of labialization, but there is absolutely nothing in the paradigm of paszi
to indicate that there ever was labialization of any kind.
rz.r6. According to WINTER (r965b: rgrf.), the sequences Hu and Hi
became uH and iH respectively when followed by a non-syllabic. This
metathesis accounts for the fact that the reduced-grades of eHu and eHi
are u and i respectively in Disintegrating Indo-European. Once the
metathesis had taken place in the reduced-grade forms, they served as
the basis for new full-grade forms. Thus, an original *CeHu- would have
a reduced-grade *CuHC- through metathesis from *CHuG-. A secondary
full-grade could then be created from *CuHC-: *CeuH- (also *CouH- in
accordance with the normal ablaut patterns).
Metathesized and unmetathesized forms are often found side by side
in the various daughter languages. A good example is the word for
"fire ", which has unmetathesized derivatives in Hittite, Tocharian A,
and Gothic but metathesized derivatives elsewhere (cf. ro.zA for
examples), except for OHG. jiur" fire", which points to a Disintegrating
IE *peuHri with secondary full-grade.
Since the Anatolian languages show no trace of either laryngeal meta-
thesis or the creation of secondary full-grade forms and since these chan-
ges had clearly taken place before the Disintegrating Indo-European
period, they must be assigned to Late Indo-European.
13. Conclusion.
Proto-Anatolian must be derived from Pitch Indo-European. It cannot
be derived from either Late Indo-European or Disintegrating Indo-
European because changes took place during these periods that are not
found in the Anatolian languages.
The following changes took place in Late Indo-European:
A. The phonemicization of a-grade vowels (cf. BoMHARD 1975:
5-4);
B. The palatalization of velars when next to front vowels and
apophonic 0 (cf. BOMHARD 1975: 5.7);
C. The metathesis of pre-consonantal Hu and Hi to uH and iH
respectively and the creation of secondary full-grade forms
from the metathesized reduced-grade forms (cf. rz.r6).
The following changes took place in Disintegrating Indo-European:
A. The loss of alllaryngeals except x initially before vowels (cf.
12.13);
236 A. R. BOMHARD
B. The loss of laryngeals between a preceding vowel and a fol-
lowing non-syllabic and the concomitant lengthening of
that vowel (cf. BoMHARD I975: 6.4);
C. The merger of the laryngeals into h in all positions where
they were not lost (cf. I2.I3; BoMHARD I975: 6.7);
D. The emergence of the historically attested Non-Anatolian
dialect groups and the development of characteristics specific
to each.
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Note: This article was published in 1976. I now (2013)
fully accept Sturtevant's Law. See my 2000 article:
"Sturtevant's Law in Hittite: A Reassessment". Studies
on the Pre-Greek Languages in Memory of Charles
Carter, ed. by Y oel L. Arbeitman, pp. 35-46. Leuven
and Paris: Peeters.

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