ANTE PAVELIC: A BIOGRAPHY FROM: WIKIPEDIA

Ante Paveli (14 July 1889 28 December 1959) was a Croatian fascist leader and politician who led the Ustae movement and who during World War II ruled the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), a puppet state of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in part of the occupied Kingdom of Yugoslavia,[1] pursuing genocidal policies against ethnic and racial minorities.[2][3][4] Paveli was a lawyer and politician of the Croatian Party of Rights in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia known for his nationalist beliefs about an independent Croatia. By the end of the 1920s, his political activity became more radical as he called on Croats to revolt against Yugoslavia, and schemed an Italian protectorate of Croatia separate from Yugoslavia. After King Alexander I declared his 6 January Dictatorship in 1929 and banned all political parties, Paveli went abroad and plotted with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) to undermine the Yugoslav state, which prompted the Yugoslav authorities to try him in absentia and sentence him to death. In the meantime, Paveli had moved to fascist Italy where he founded the Ustae, a Croatian nationalist movement with the goal of creating an independent Croatia by any means, including the use of terror.[5][6][7][8] Paveli incorporated terrorist actions in the Ustae program, such as train bombings and assassinations, staged a small uprising in Lika in 1932, culminating in the assassination of King Alexander in 1934 in conjunction with the IMRO. Paveli was once again sentenced to death after being tried in France in absentia and, under international pressure, the Italians imprisoned him for 18 months, and largely obstructed the Ustae in the following period. Soon after the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941, the Germans had the senior Ustaa in Yugoslavia, Slavko Kvaternik, declare the establishment of the NDH in the name of the Poglavnik, Paveli, who then returned, took control of the puppet government and soon created a political system similar to Nazi Germany and fascist Italy. Under his leadership, the NDH constituted a Greater Croatia but was forced to make significant territorial concessions to Italy. The brutal regime he led was responsible for genocidal persecution of Serbs, Jews and Roma living in the NDH,[3][4] including mass murdering several hundred thousand Serbs,[9][10] and tens of thousands of Jews as well as Roma.[11][12] These persecutions and killings have been described as the "single most disastrous episode in Yugoslav history".[13] The racial policies of the NDH greatly contributed to their rapid loss of control over the occupied territory, as they fed the ranks of both the Chetniks and Partisans and caused even the German authorities to attempt to restrain Paveli and his genocidal campaign.[14] At the end of the war in 1945, Paveli ordered his troops to keep fighting even after the German surrender, but fled to Austria himself, escaping the Bleiburg repatriations. He eventually made his way to Argentina where he remained politically active. In 1957, he was wounded in an assassination attempt by an unknown assassin, after which he went to Spain where he died from his wounds on 28 December 1959.

Contents
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1 Early life o 1.1 Birth and education o 1.2 Political rise 2 In exile o 2.1 Initial exile and trial o 2.2 Exile in Italy o 2.3 Assassination of King Alexander and afterwards 3 Ustae regime o 3.1 Establishment o 3.2 Legislation o 3.3 Poglavnik o 3.4 After the Italian capitulation o 3.5 Genocide o 3.6 End of the NDH 4 Post-war o 4.1 Italy o 4.2 Argentina and Chile o 4.3 Spain 5 Notes 6 Bibliography o 6.1 Books o 6.2 Journal Articles
o

6.3 Films

Early life
Birth and education
Ante Paveli was born in the Herzegovinian village of Bradina on the slopes of Ivan Mountain north of Konjic, roughly 15 kilometres (9.3 mi) southwest of Hadii, then part of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. His parents had moved to the AustrianHungarian Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the village of Krivi Put in the central part of the Velebit plain, in southern Lika (located in today's Croatia),[15][16] to work on the Sarajevo-Metkovi railway line.[17] Searching for work, his family moved to the village of Jezero outside Jajce where Paveli attended primary schoola Muslim Maktab. Here Paveli learned Muslim traditions and lessons that influenced his attitude towards Bosnia and its Muslims. Paveli also attended a Jesuit primary school in Travnik, growing up in a Muslimmajority city. Bosnian Muslim culture was later to become a major influence on his political views.[18][need quotation to verify] Paveli's sense of Croat nationalism grew from a visit to Lika with his parents where he heard townspeople speaking Croatian, and realised it was not just the language of peasants. While attending school in Travnik he became an

adherent of the nationalist ideologies of Ante Starevi and his successor as the leader of the Party of Rights, Josip Frank.[17] Health problems interrupted his education for a short time in 1905. In summer he found job on the railway in Sarajevo and Viegrad. He continued his education in Zagreb, home city of his elder brother Josip. In Zagreb, Paveli attended high school. His failure to complete his fourth year classes meant he had to re-sit the exam. Early in his high school days, he joined the Pure Party of Rights[19] as well as the Frankovci students' organization, founded by Josip Frank, father-in-law of Slavko Kvaternik, an AustroHungarian colonel. Later he attended high school in Senj at the classical gymnasium where he completed his fifth year classes. Health problems again interrupted and he took a job on the road in Istria, near Buzet. In 1909 he finished his sixth year classes in Karlovac. His seventh year classes were completed in Senj. Paveli graduated in Zagreb in 1910 and entered the Law Faculty of the University of Zagreb. In 1912 Paveli was arrested on suspicion of involvement in the attempted assassination of the Ban of Croatia-Slavonia, Slavko Cuvaj.[20] He completed his law degree in 1914, and obtained his doctorate in July 1915.[16] From 1915 until 1918 he worked as a clerk in the office of Aleksandar Horvat, president of the Party of Rights. After completing his clerkship, he became a lawyer in Zagreb.[15]

Political rise
During World War I, Paveli played an active role in the Party of Rights. As an employee and friend of its leader Horvat, he often attended important party meetings, taking over Horvat's duties when he was absent. In 1918, Paveli entered the party leadership and its Business Committee. After the unification of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia on 1 December 1918, the Party of Rights held a day of public protest. The Croatian people were against having a Serbian king, and their highest state authorities had not agreed to unification. Further, the party expressed their wish for Croatian republic in a program from March 1919, signed by president of the party, Vladimir Prebeg and Paveli.[21] By 1921 Paveli was an elected city official in Zagreb and became a major influence on younger members. At the time he was the party secretary, and as a leader of the party he began to advocate Croatian independence.[19] Paveli was a member of the Frankovci faction of the Party of Rights. Ivica Peri, a Croatian politician from the competing Milinovci faction, wrote in his memoir how Paveli's 1921 election significantly raised the standing of his law office in Zagreb a number of rich Jewish clients paid him to obtain Yugoslav citizenship, and Paveli subsequently started to make frequent visits to Belgrade, where he would procure those documents through his increasing number of connections to the members of the ruling People's Radical Party.[22] In 1921, fourteen Party of Rights members, including Paveli, Ivo Pilar and Milan ufflay, were arrested for anti-Yugoslav activities, for their alleged contacts with the Croatian Committee, a Croatian nationalist organization that was based in Hungary at the time.[23] Paveli acted as the defence lawyer at the subsequent trial and was released.
[19]

On 12 August 1922, in St. Mark's Church, Zagreb, Paveli married Maria Lovrenevi. They had three children, daughters Vinja and Mirjana and son Velimir. Maria was part Jewish through her mother's family and her father, Martin Lovrenevi, was a member of the Party of Rights and a well-known journalist.[19] Later Paveli became vice-president of the Croatian Bar Association, the professional body representing Croatian lawyers.[24] In his speeches to the Yugoslav Parliament he opposed Serbian nationalism and spoke in favor of Croatian independence. He was active with the youth of the Croatian Party of Rights and began contributing to the Starevi and Kvaternik newspapers.[19] Serbian members of the Yugoslav Parliament disliked him and when a Serbian member said "Good night" to him in parliament, Paveli responded: "Gentleman, I will be euphoric when I will be able to say to you 'good night'. I will be happy when all Croats can say 'good night' and thank you, for this 'party' we had here with you. I think that you will all be happy when you don't have Croats here any more."[25] In 1927, Paveli became the vice-president of the party.[19] In June 1927 Paveli represented Zagreb County at the European Congress of Cities in Paris. When he was returning from Paris, he visited Rome and submitted a memorandum in the name of HSP to the Italian ministry of foreign affairs in which he offered to cooperate with Italy in dismembering Yugoslavia.[19] In order to obtained Italian support for Croatian independence, the memorandum effectively made any such Croatia 'little more than an Italian protectorate'. The memorandum also stated that the Party of Rights recognised the existing territorial settlements between Italy and Yugoslavia, thus giving up all Croatian claims to Istria, Rijeka, Zadar and the Adriatic islands Italy had annexed after World War I. These areas contained between 300,000 and 400,000 Croats. Further, the memorandum also agreed to cede the Bay of Kotor and Dalmatian headlands of strategic importance to Italy, and agreed that a future Croatia would not establish a navy.[26] As the most radical politician of the Croatian Bloc, Paveli sought opportunities to internationalize the "Croatian question" and highlight Yugoslavia's unsustainability. In December 1927, Paveli defended four Macedonian students in Skopje,[27] who were accused of belonging to the Macedonian Youth Secret Revolutionary Organization founded by Ivan Mihailov. During the trial, Paveli accused the court of setting them up and stressed the right to self-determination. This trial received public attention in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia.[28] Following his election as a member of the Croatian Bloc in the 1927 election, Paveli became his party's liaison with Nikola Pai, the Yugoslav Prime Minister. He was one of two elected Croatian Bloc candidates alongside Ante Trumbi, one of the key politicians in the creation of a Yugoslav state.[19] From 1927 until 1929, he was part of the minuscule delegation of the Party of Rights in the Yugoslav Parliament.[29].

In summer 1928 the leaders of the Croatian Bloc, Trumbi and Paveli, addressed the Italian consul in Zagreb to gain support for the Croatian struggle against regime of King Alexander. On 14 July they received a positive response, after which Paveli maintained contact.[30] After the assassination of Croatian politicians in the National Assembly, of which he was an eyewitness, Paveli joined the Peasant-Democratic Coalition and started to publish a magazine called Hrvatski domobran in which he advocated Croatian independence. His political party radicalised after the assassination. He found support in the Croatian Rights Republican Youth (Hrvatska pravaka republikanska omladina), a youth wing of the Party of Rights led by Branimir Jeli. On 1 October 1928 he founded an armed group with the same name, an act through which he openly called on Croatians to revolt. This group trained as part of a legal sport society. Yugoslav authorities declared the organization illegal and banned its activities.[19][16][25]

In exile
Paveli held the position of the Party of Rights secretary until 1929, the beginning of the 6 January Dictatorship in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.[19][31] According to Hrvoje Matkovi, after the King declared his dictatorship Paveli's house was under constant police watch.[25] At this time, Paveli started to organize the Ustaa (Ustaa Hrvatski revolucionarni pokret) as an organization with military and conspiratorial principles.[19] Its official foundation was 7 January 1929.[32] The Ustaa movement was "founded on the principles of racialism and intolerance".[33] Because of the threat of arrest, Paveli escaped during a surveillance lapse and went to Austria on the night of 19/20 January 1929.[25] According to Tomasevich, Paveli left for Vienna to "seek medical aid".[34]

Initial exile and trial

He contacted other Croatian emigrants, mainly political migrs, former AustrianHungarian officers, who gathered around Stjepan Sarkoti and refused to return to Yugoslavia. After a short stay in Austria, alongside Gustav Perec, Paveli moved to Budapest. In March 1929, the Ustae commenced a campaign of terrorism within Yugoslavia with the assassination of Toni Schlegel in Zagreb. Schlegel was a pro-Yugoslav editor of the newspaper Novosti who was also a close confidante of King Alexander.[35] After establishing contact with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization in April 1929, he and Perec went to Sofia in Bulgaria. On 29 April 1929, Paveli and Ivan Mihailov signed the Sofia Declaration in which they formalized cooperation between their movements. In the declaration, they obligated themselves to separate Croatia and Macedonia from Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia protested to Bulgaria. Paveli was found guilty of high treason and sentenced to death in absentia along with Perec on 17 August 1929.[25]

Because of the Yugoslav verdict, on 25 September 1929 Paveli was arrested in Vienna and expelled to Germany. Paveli's stay in Germany was constrained by opposition from the German ambassador to Yugoslavia, Adolf Kster, a supporter of Yugoslavia. A friend of King Alexander, he did his best to prevent Croatian nationalist activity in Yugoslavia.[citation needed]

Exile in Italy
Paveli left Germany under a false passport and went to Italy, where his family already lived.[36] In Italy he frequently changed location and lived under false names, most often as "Antonio Serdar".[18][need quotation to verify] Since he had been in contact with Italian authorities since 1927, he easily established contact with the fascists. In autumn 1929 he established contacts with Italian journalists and Mussolini's brother Arnaldo, who supported Croatian independence without any territorial concession. Paveli created sympathy and understanding of Croats among Italians. That autumn Paveli published a brochure called Establishment of the Croatian State: Lasting Peace in the Balkans which summarized important events of Croatian history. [36] The Italian authorities did not want to formally support Ustae or Paveli, to protect their reputation;[clarification needed] nevertheless, the group received support from Benito Mussolini, who saw them as a means to help destroy Yugoslavia and expand Italian influence in the Adriatic. Mussolini allowed Paveli to live in exile in Rome and train his paramilitaries for war with Yugoslavia.[32] In the Ustaa organization of 19291930, Paveli's closest associates were Perec, Jeli, Ivan Perevi and later Mladen Lorkovi and Mile Budak.[32] The Ustae began with the creation of military formations trained for sabotage and terrorism.[37] With financial help from Mussolini, in 1931 Paveli established terrorist training camps,[38] first in Bovegno in the Brescia region, and encouraged the foundation of such camps all around Italy. Camps were founded in Borgotaro, Lepari and Janka Puszta in Hungary. The Ustae were involved with smuggling weapons and propaganda into Yugoslavia from their camps in Italy and Hungary.[37] At the demands of Italian authorities, the camps were often moved. The main Ustae headquarters was at first in Tornio, and later in Bologna.[25] On Paveli's initiative, his associates established Ustae associations in Belgium, Netherlands, France, Germany, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Brazil and North America. Paveli also encouraged publishing magazines in various countries.[39] The series of bombings and shootings by the Ustae in Yugoslavia resulted in a severe crackdown on political activity as the state met terror with terror.[35] Impoverished Croat peasants were hardest hit by the counter-terror, usually meted out by Serb policemen.[40] In 1932 he started a newspaper named the "Ustaa Herald of Croatian Revolutionaries" (Croatian: Ustaa vijesnik hrvatskih revolucionaraca). From its very first publication, Paveli announced that the use of violence was central to the Ustae:[41]

"The dagger, revolver, machine-gun and time bomb; these are the bells that will announce the dawn and the resurrection of the Independent State of Croatia." According to Ivo Goldstein, there were no instances of antisemitism in the newspaper in the beginning. Goldstein suggests there were three reasons for this; the total focus of the Ustae on the Belgrade government, lack of the necessary intellectual capacity within the early Ustae movement to properly develop their ideology, and the active involvement of Jews with the Ustae. Goldstein points out that as Ustae ideology developed in later years it became more anti-Semitic.[42] At a meeting held in Spittal in Austria in 1932, Paveli, Perec and Vjekoslav Servatzy decided to start a small uprising. It began at midnight on 6 September 1932 and was known as the Velebit uprising. Led by Andrija Artukovi, the insurgency involved around 20 Ustae members armed with Italian equipment. They attacked a police station and half an hour later pulled back to Velebit with no casualties. This uprising was to scare Yugoslav authorities. Despite the small scale the Yugoslav authorities were unnerved because the power of the Ustae had been unknown. As a result major security measures were introduced. This action appeared in the foreign press, especially in Italy and Hungary.[43] On 1 June 1933 and 16 April 1941, the Ustaa program and "The Seventeen Principles of the Ustae Movement" were published in Zagreb by the Propaganda Department of the Supreme Ustaa Headquarters.[44] The main goal was the creation of an independent Croatian state based on its historical and ethnic areas, with Paveli stating that Ustae must pursue this end by any means necessary, even by force of arms.[39] According to his rules he would organize actions, assassinations and diversions.[39] With this document the organization changed its name from Ustaa Croatian Revolutionary Movement to Ustaa Croatian Revolutionary Organization (Croatian: Ustaa Hrvatska revolucionarna organizacija; abbreviated to UHRO)[39][verification needed]

Assassination of King Alexander and afterwards

By killing the king of Yugoslavia, Paveli saw an opportunity to cause riots in Yugoslavia and eventual collapse of the state. In December 1933, Paveli ordered the assassination of King Alexander. The assassin was caught by the police and the assassination attempt failed.[where?][when?] However, Paveli tried again in October 1934 in Marseilles.[45] On 9 October 1934, King Alexander I of Yugoslavia and French foreign minister Louis Barthou were assassinated in Marseille.[46] The perpetrator Vlado Chernozemski, a Macedonian revolutionary, was killed right after the assassination by French police.[46] Three Ustaa members, who had been waiting at different locations for the king, were captured and sentenced to life imprisonment by a French court.[46] Paveli along with Eugen Kvaternik and Ivan Perevi were subsequently sentenced to death in absentia by a French court.[46] That the security was lax even though one attempt had already been made on Alexander's life testified to Paveli's organizational abilities; he had apparently been able to bribe a high official in the Sret General. The Marseilles Prefect of Police, Jouhannaud, was subsequently removed from office.[47] The Ustaa believed that the assassination of King Alexander had effectively "broken the backbone of Yugoslavia" and that it was their "most important achievement."[46]

Under pressure from France, the Italian police arrested Paveli and several Ustaa emigrants on 17 October 1934. Paveli was imprisoned in Turin and released in March 1936. After he met with Eugen Dido Kvaternik on Christmas 1934 in prison, he stated that assassination was "the only language Serbs understand". During his time in prison, Paveli was informed about the situation in Yugoslavia and the 5 May 1935 election when the coalition led by Croat Vladko Maek won. He stated that his victory was aided by the activity of Ustae.[48] By the mid-1930s, graffiti with the initials AP meaning "Long live Ante Paveli" (Croatian: ivio Ante Paveli) had begun to appear on the streets of Zagreb.[49] After Paveli's released from prison, he remained under surveillance by the Italian authorities, and his Ustae were interned. Disappointed with relations between the Italians and the Ustae organization, Paveli became closer to Nazi Germany, who promised to change the map of Europe fixed under the 1919 Treaty of Versailles.[18][need quotation to verify] In October 1936 he finished a survey for the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the Croatian Question (Croatian: Hrvatsko pitanje; German: Die kroatische Frage). According to Ivo Goldstein, the survey deemed the "Serbian state authorities, international Freemasonry, Jews and communism" as enemies and stated that:[50] "Today almost all banking and almost all trade in Croatia is in the hands of the Jews. This became possible only because the state gave them privileges, because the government believed that this would weaken Croatian national strength. The Jews greeted the foundation of the so-called Yugoslav state with great enthusiasm because a national Croatian state would never suit them as well as Yugoslavia did. [...] All the press in Croatia is in Jewish hands. This Jewish Freemason press is constantly attacking Germany, the German people and national socialism." According to Matkovi, after 1937 Paveli paid more attention to the Ustae in Yugoslavia than elsewhere, since the emigrants had become passive after the assassination. In 1938 he instructed the Ustae to form stations in Yugoslav towns. The fall of Stojadinovi's government and the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939 further increased Ustae activity; they founded Uzdanica (Hope), a savings cooperative. Under Uzdanica, Ustae founded Ustae University Headquarters and the illegal association Matija Gubec.[48] However, Pavlowitch observes that Paveli had few contacts with the Ustae within Yugoslavia, and that his esteemed position within the Ustae was partly due to his isolation in Italy.[51] In the late 1930s, about half of the 500 Ustaa in Italy were voluntarily repatriated to Yugoslavia, went underground and increased their activities. On 1 April 1937, after the Stojadinovi-Ciano agreement, all Ustae units were dissolved by the Italian government.[52][better source needed] After that, Paveli was put under house arrest in Siena, where he lived until 1939. During this period he penned his antiBolshevik work Horrors and Mistakes (Italian: Errori e orrori; Croatian: Strahote zabluda) which was published in 1938. It was immediately seized by the authorities. At the onset of World War II he moved to a villa near Florence under police watch until spring 1941.[48]

After Italy occupied Albania and prepared an attack on Yugoslavia, Ciano invited Paveli to negotiations. They discussed Croatian armed revolt, Italian military intervention and the creation of a Croatian state with monetary, customs and personal unions with Italy, which Paveli later refused.[52][better source needed] In 1940 Paveli negotiated with the Italians for military assistance in creating a separate Croatian state which would have had strong ties to Italy, but this plan was postponed by the invasion of France, and subsequently derailed by Adolf Hitler.

Ustae regime
Establishment
On 25 March 1941 Yugoslavia signed the Tripartite Pact, but two days later the government was overthrown in a bloodless military coup by opponents who were motivated by a range of factors.[53] Two days after the Belgrade coup, Mussolini invited Paveli from Florence to his private residence in Rome, the Villa Torlonia;[54] this was their first meeting since Paveli's arrival in Italy. Paveli was escorted by Matija Bzik, but Mussolini received only Paveli. Acting Foreign Minister Filippo Anfuso was present during the meeting. [54] Paveli and Mussolini discussed Croatia's position after Yugoslav capitulation. Mussolini was concerned that Italian designs on Dalmatia be achieved, and in response Paveli acknowledged the agreements he had made earlier and reassured him. Paveli requested the release of the remaining interned Ustae, an Italian liaison officer was allocated to him, and the Italians also lent him a radio station in Florence so he could conduct late evening broadcasts.[55] On 1 April 1941 Paveli called for the liberation of Croatia.[56] On 6 April 1941 the Axis invaded Yugoslavia from multiple directions, rapidly overwhelming the under-prepared Royal Yugoslav Army which capitulated 11 days later.[57] The German operational plan included making 'political promises to the Croats' to increase internal discord.[58] The Germans wanted popular support for any government they appointed for a new Croatian puppet state, so that they could control their zone of occupation with minimal forces and exploit the available resources peacefully. The administration of Banovina Croatia had been under the control of an alliance of Vladko Maek's Croatian Peasant Party and the mostly Croatian Serb Independent Democratic Party. Maek was very popular among Croats, had been vice-premier in the Yugoslav Cvetkovi government, was a supporter of Yugoslav accession to the Axis and had a ready made para-military force in the form of the Croatian Peasant Party Croatian Peasant Defence. As a result, the Germans attempted to get Maek to proclaim an "independent Croatian state" and form a government. When he refused to cooperate, the Germans decided they had no alternative other than to support Paveli,[59] even though they considered that the Ustae could not provide an assurance they could govern in the way the Germans wanted.[60] It was estimated by the Germans that Paveli had around 900 sworn Ustae in Yugoslavia at the time of the invasion, and the Ustae themselves considered that their supporters only numbered some 40,000.[51] The Germans also considered Paveli to be an Italian agent[61] or "Mussolini's man",[59] but considered that other senior Ustaas such as deputy

leader (Croatian: Doglavnik) Slavko Kvaternik were sufficiently pro-German to ensure their interests would be supported by any regime led by Paveli.[62]

The official proclamation of the Independent State of Croatia by Slavko Kvaternik On 10 April 1941, Slavko Kvaternik declared an Independent State of Croatia in the name of the Poglavnik Ante Paveli via the Zagreb Radio Station.[63] Kvaternik was acting on the orders of SS-Brigadefhrer (Brigadier) Edmund Veesenmayer.[64] The proclamation was viewed favourably by a significant portion of the population, particularly those living in Zagreb and other towns, however the Ustae enjoyed some popularity only in western Herzegovina and Lika.[65] The Croatian Peasant Defence, which had been infiltrated by the Ustae, assisted by disarming Royal Yugoslav Army units and imposing some control.[65] The Ustae that had been interned in Italy had been concentrated at Pistoia, about 50 km from Florence where they were issued with Italian uniforms and small arms. They were joined by Paveli on 10 April and listened to radio broadcasts announcing the proclamation of the NDH.[66] Paveli's visit to Pistoia was actually his first meeting with the Ustae after the assassination in Marseilles. In Pistoia, Paveli gave a speech in which he announced that their struggle for an independent Croatia was near the end. After that he returned to his home in Florence where he heard Kvaternik's proclamation on a radio broadcast from Vienna. On 11 April, Paveli went to Rome, where he was hosted by Anfuso, after which he was received by Mussolini. During the meeting Paveli was guaranteed that his government would be recognized immediately after he arrived in Zagreb.[citation needed] After a meeting in Rome, Paveli boarded the train with his Ustae escort and went to Zagreb via Trieste and Rijeka.[67] He arrived at Karlovac on 13 April with about 250400 Ustae where was greeted by Veesenmayer who was appointed by German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop to supervise the state's creation.[68] In Karlovac, Paveli was asked to confirm that he had not made any commitments to the Italians, but Mussolini's envoy arrived while he was there and negotiations ensued to ensure that his messages to Hitler and Mussolini would deal satisfactorily with the questions of Dalmatia and recognition by the Axis powers. This issue was the first sign of Italo-German tensions over the NDH.[69]

Ante Paveli (left) and German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop in June 1941 Diplomatic recognition of the NDH by the Axis was delayed to ensure that Paveli made the promised territorial concessions to Italy. These concessions meant that Paveli handed to Italy some 5,400 square kilometres of territory with a population of 380,000, consisting of about 280,000 Croats, 90,000 Serbs, 5,000 Italians and 5,000 others. Once this was completed Paveli travelled to Zagreb on 15 April, and Axis recognition was also granted to the NDH on that day.[68] On 16 April 1941, Paveli signed a decree appointing the new Croatian State Government.[70] He was the first to take an oath, after which he stated: Since 1102, Croatian people didn't have its autonomous and independent state. And there, after full 839 years, the time has come to form the responsible Croatian government.[71][verification needed] In this way, Paveli presented the NDH as the embodiment of the "historical aspirations of the Croatian people".[72] The decree named Osman Kulenovi as the vice-president of the government, and Slavko Kvaternik as Paveli's deputy, and appointed eight other senior Ustae as ministers.[70] The Ustae made use of the existing bureaucracy of the Banovina of Croatia, after it had been purged and "ustaised". The new regime drew upon the concept of an uninterrupted Croatian state since the arrival of the Croats in their contemporary homeland, and reflected extreme Croat nationalism mixed with Nazism and Italian Fascism, Catholic clerical authoritarianism and the peasantism of the Croatian Peasant Party.[51]

Ante Paveli and Benito Mussolini in 1941 when Italy recognized Croatia as a sovereign state Paveli tried to prolong the negotiations with Italy about the boundary between the two states. At the time, he was receiving support from Berlin. Ciano insisted that Italy must annex the whole Croatian littoral, and after some time the Germans pulled back to protect German-Italian relations. On 25 April Paveli and Ciano met in Ljubljana again

discussing borders. Ciano's first proposal was Italian annexation of the whole Croatian littoral and hinterland all the way to Karlovac. Another proposal was somewhat less demanding but with closer ties with Italy, including a monetary, customs and personal union. Paveli refused and instead demanded that Croatian gain the towns of Trogir, Split and Dubrovnik. Ciano didn't respond, but promised another meeting. Paveli was still counting on German support, but without success. On 7 May 1941, Paveli and Mussolini met in Tri and agreed to discuss the matter in Rome. On 18 May 1941 Paveli went to Rome with his delegation and signed a Treaty of Rome in which Croatia gave up part of Dalmatia, Krk, Rab, Korula, Biograd, ibenik, Split, iovo, olta, Mljet and parts of Konavle and the Bay of Kotor to Italy. A Croatian proposal that Split and Korula Island be jointly administrated was ignored. These annexations shocked the people and led to the only public demonstration recorded in the Independent State of Croatia's history.[18][need quotation to verify] Hundreds of citizens, members of the Ustae Movement and the Domobranstvo (Army) protested on 25 December 1941.[clarification needed] Paveli tried to retrieve the lost areas, but kept his real feelings and those of the people from the Italians to maintain the pretext of good relations. Moreover, Paveli agreed to name Prince Aimone, Duke of Aosta as King of Croatia to avoid a union with Italy,[73] but Paveli delayed the formalities in the hope of gaining more territory in return for accepting the new king.[74] However, Aimone declined and never ruled the Croatian state.[73] Communist propaganda attacked Paveli over the Italian annexations.[18][need
quotation to verify]

On 10 July 1941, Paveli accepted the annexation of Meimurje by Hungary.[68]

Legislation
On 14 April 1941, in one of his first acts after assuming power, Paveli signed the 'Decree-Law concerning the Preservation of Croatian National Property', which annulled all large property transactions made by Jews in the two months prior to the proclamation of the NDH.[75] He signed the Law-Decree on Protection of the Nation and the State on 17 April 1941, [76] which came into effect immediately, was retrospective, and imposed the death penalty for any actions causing harm to the honour or vital interests of the NDH. This law was the first of three decrees that effectively placed the Serb, Jewish and Roma populations of the NDH outside the law and lead to their persecution and destruction.[77] On 25 April 1941, he signed into law a decree prohibiting the use of the Cyrillic alphabet,[78] which directly impacted on the Serbian Orthodox population of the NDH, as the rites of the church were written in Cyrillic.[79][80] On 30 April 1941, Paveli enacted the 'Law concerning Nationality',[81] which essentially made all Jews non-citizens, and this was followed by further laws restricting their movement and residency. From 23 May all Jews were required to wear yellow identification tags, and on 26 June Paveli issued a decree which blamed Jews for activities against the NDH and ordered their internment in concentration camps.[82]

Poglavnik
See also: Poglavnik

Standard of Ante Paveli As Poglavnik of the NDH, Paveli had full control over the state. The oath taken by all government employees declared that Paveli represented the sovereignty of the NDH.[83] His title Poglavnik represented the close ties between the Croatian state and the Ustae movement, since he had the same title as leader of the Ustae. Moreover, Paveli made all significant decisions, including naming state ministers and leaders of the Ustae. Since Croatia had no functional legislature, Paveli approved all of the laws, which made him the most powerful person in the state. Through the incorporation of the extreme right-wing of the popular HSS, Paveli's regime was initially accepted by the majority of Croats in the NDH.[84] The regime also attempted to re-write history by falsely claiming the legacy of the founder of the HSS Stjepan Radi, and that of Croatian liberal Ante Starevi.[31] Soon afterwards, Paveli visited Pope Pius XII in May 1941, attempting to win Vatican recognition, but failed (although the Papacy placed an ambassador in Zagreb). The Vatican maintained relations with the Yugoslav Government-in-exile.[85]

Paveli greeted by Hitler on 9 June 1941 upon his arrival at the Berghof for a state visit On 9 June 1941, Paveli visited Adolf Hitler at the Berghof near Berchtesgaden in Nazi Germany. Hitler impressed on Paveli that he should maintain a policy of "national intolerance" for fifty years.[86] Hitler also encouraged Paveli to accept Slovenian immigrants and deport Serbs to the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia. Over the next few months, the Ustae deported around 120,000 Serbs.[citation needed] In July 1941, the German Plenipotentiary General in the NDH, Edmund Glaise von Horstenau met with Paveli to express his "grave concern over the excesses of the

Ustae". This was the first of many occasions over the next three years during which von Horstenau and Paveli clashed over the conduct of the Ustae.[87] By the end of 1941, the acceptance of the Ustae regime by most Croats had been transformed into disappointment and discontent, and as a result of the terror perpetrated by the regime some pro-Yugoslav sentiment was beginning to re-emerge, along with pro-communist feelings. The discontent was made worse when Paveli had Vladko Maek arrested and sent to Jasenovac concentration camp in October 1941, and by the end of 1941 HSS propaganda leaflets were urging peasants to be patient as the "day of liberation is near!"[88]

Paveli speaks at the Croatian Parliament on 23 February 1942 In the public arena there were efforts to create a cult of personality around Paveli.[89] These efforts included the imposition of a Nazi-style salute, emphasising that he had been sentenced to death in absentia by a Yugoslav court, and repeatedly claiming that he had undergone great hardship to achieve the independence of the NDH.[90] Paveli summoned the Parliament of Croatia (Croatian: Sabor) on 24 January 1942. It met between 23 and 28 February, but it had little influence and after December 1942 was never called again. Paveli's internal policies were largely unacceptable to the Croatian people, particularly his arrests of political enemies and the uneasy relationship between the Ustae and Jews who were part of Croatian society.[18][need quotation to verify] The Ustae persecution of the Serb population of the NDH caused many of them to join the Yugoslav Partisans or Chetniks that destabilised the state. Eugen Dido Kvaternik, the son of Slavko Kvaternik and one of the main protagonists in the Ustae genocide of the Serbs stated that Paveli directed Croat nationalism against the Serbs in order to distract the Croat population from a potential backlash against the Italians over his territorial concessions to them in Dalmatia.[91] German influence led to restrictions for Jews, the worst of which were Ustae-run concentration and forced labor camps. The most notorious camp was the Jasenovac concentration camp, where 70,00080,000 people died. The death of 18,000 Croatian Jews is somewhat incongruous[citation needed] given that the wives of several highranking army officers were Jewish as were the wives of some government ministers, including Milovan ani and Ivan Orani. Both Paveli and Slavko Kvaternik were married to half-Jewish women.[92] Josip Frank, a noted representative of the Party of Rights of which Paveli was a member, was a Jew who converted to Catholicism at the age of 18.[93] At its outset, the Ustae was largely anti-Serb, later becoming anti-Semitic under Nazi influence.[citation needed] Although Paveli had founded the Ustae Movement to

free Croats from Serbian oppression and punish Serbs for their treatment of Croats, the organization was not based on racial hatred.[citation needed] Because the Serbs revolted and acted against Croats and Muslims, Paveli founded the Croatian Orthodox Church[94] with the aim of pacifying the Serbs.[95] However, the underlying ideology behind the creation of the Croatian Orthodox Church was connected to the ideas of Ante Starevi, who considered that Serbs were "Orthodox Croats",[94] and reflected a desire to create a Croatian state comprising three main religious groupings, Roman Catholic, Muslim and Croatian Orthodox.[95] There is some evidence that the status of Sarajevo Serbs improved after they joined the Croatian Orthodox Church in significant numbers.[96] Through both forcible and voluntary conversions between 1941 and 1945, 244,000 Serbs were re-baptised as Catholics.[31] In June 1942, Paveli met with General Roatta and they agreed that Ustae administration could be returned to Zone 3 except in towns with Italian garrisons. Paveli agreed to the continued presence of the Chetnik Anti-Communist Volunteer Militia (MVAC) in this zone, and that the Italians would intervene in Zone 3 if they considered that was necessary. The result of this agreement was that Italian forces largely withdrew from areas that the NDH had virtually no presence and no means by which to reimpose their authority. This created a wide no-man's land from the Sandak to western Bosnia in which the Chetniks and Partisans could operate.[97] By mid-1942, Paveli's regime effectively controlled only the Zagreb region along with some larger towns that were home to strong NDH and German garrisons.[98] Paveli loyalists, mainly Ustae, wanted to fight the Communist-led partisans while others, unnerved by the idea of a new Yugoslavia, also supported him. The majority of Croats did not support the Communist partisans.[18][need quotation to verify][dubious discuss] Paveli and his government devoted great attention to culture.[citation needed] Although most literature was propaganda, many books did not have an ideological basis, which allowed Croatian culture to flourish. The Croatian National Theatre[disambiguation needed] received many world-famous actors as visitors. The major cultural milestone was the publication of the Croatian Encyclopedia, a work later forbidden under the Communist regime. Croatian sport also improved and in 1941 the Croatian Football Association joined FIFA.[18][need quotation to verify] On 16 December 1941, Paveli met with Italian Foreign Minister Ciano in Venice and advised him that there were no more than 12,000 Jews left in the NDH.[99] In the second half of 1942, the Wehrmacht Commander-in-Chief of the South East, Generaloberst Alexander Lhr and Glaise urged Hitler to have Paveli remove both the incompetent Slavko Kvaternik and his son the bloodthirsty Eugen "Dido" Kvaternik from power. When Paveli visited Hitler in the Ukraine in September 1942, he agreed. The following month Slavko Kvaternik was allowed to retire to Slovakia, and Eugen went with him. Paveli then used the Kvaternik's as scapegoats for both the terror of 194142 and the failure of NDH forces to impose law and order within the state.[100] In January 1943, Glaise told Paveli that it would be better for everyone "if all concentration camps in the NDH were closed and their inmates sent to work in Germany". Lhr also tried to get Hitler to remove Paveli, disband the Ustae and

appoint Glaise as plenipotentiary general with supreme authority over the territory of the NDH. By March Hitler had decided to give the task of pacifying the NDH to the Reichsfhrer-SS (Field Marshal) Heinrich Himmler, who appointed his own plenipotentiary, Generalleutnant der Polizei (Major General of Police) Konstantin Kammerhofer (de). Kammerhofer brought the 7th SS Volunteer Mountain Division Prinz Eugen to the NDH and established a 20,000-strong German gendarmerie with a core of 6,000 Volksdeutsche reinforced by Croats taken from the NDH Home Guard and police. This new gendarmerie swore allegiance to Hitler, not Paveli.[101] Shortly before the Italian capitulation, Paveli appointed a new government led by Nikola Mandi as prime minister, which included Miroslav Navratil as Minister of the Armed Forces. Navratil was suggested by Glaise, and was appointed by Paveli to placate the Germans. As a direct result, the 170,000-strong armed forces of the NDH were reorganised under German control into smaller units with greater mobility and the size of the Ustae militia was also increased to 45,000.[102] In September 1944, Paveli met with Hitler for the last time. Paveli requested that the Germans stop arming and supplying Chetnik units, and asked that the Germans disarm the Chetniks or allow the NDH to disarm them. Hitler agreed that the Chetniks could not be trusted, and issues orders to German forces to stop cooperating with the Chetniks and assist NDH authorities to disarm them. However, German commanders were given sufficient leeway that they were able to avoid carrying out the orders.[103]

After the Italian capitulation

As soon as the Italians capitulated in September 1943, Paveli was quick to amalgamate Italian-annexed Dalmatia into the NDH, renounce the offer of the crown to the House of Savoy, and offer an amnesty to Croats that had joined the rebels. However, the Germans occupied the previously Italian-occupied zone themselves, including the mines and key agricultural areas.[104] By November 1943, Paveli and his regime controlled little of the territory of the NDH,[105] and by March 1944 SS-Brigadefhrer und Generalmajor der Waffen-SS (Brigadier) Ernst Fick observed that "In terms of power, Dr. Ante Paveli is only mayor of the city of Zagreb, excluding the suburbs".[106] One of the key events in the history of the Independent State of Croatia was the Lorkovi-Voki coup of 1944. Minister Mladen Lorkovi and army officer Ante Voki suggested a plan whereby Croatia would change sides in the war and Paveli would no longer be head of state in accordance with British demands.[citation needed] At first, Paveli supported their ideas but changed his mind following a visit from a local Gestapo officer who told him that Germany would win the war with new weapons under development. Paveli arrested Lorkovi and Voki along with others involved in the coup (some representatives of the Croatian Peasant Party and a number of Domobran officers). Lorkovi and Voki were shot at the end of April 1945 in the Lepoglava prison. After plans for an "Anglo-American" coup were discovered, from September 1944 until February 1945 Paveli negotiated with the Soviet Union. The Soviets agreed to recognize the Croatian state on condition that the Red Army had free access and Communists were allowed free rein. Paveli refused their proposal and remained allied with Nazi Germany until the end of the war.[18][need quotation to verify]

Genocide

As leader of the Independent State of Croatia, Paveli was the main instigator of the genocidal crimes committed in the NDH,[107] and was responsible for a campaign of terror against Serbs, Jews, Gypsies and anti-Fascist Croats which included a network of concentration camps.[31] Numerous testimonies from the Nuremberg Trials along with records in German, Italian and Austrian war archives bear witness to atrocities perpetrated against the civilian population.[108] In terms of the proportion of the state population killed by its own government, the Paveli regime was the most murderous in Europe after Hitler's Germany, and outside of Europe has only been exceeded by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia and some extremely genocidal African states.[109] As the main instigator of the genocide, Paveli was supported by his closest associate Eugen Dido Kvaternik and Minister of Interior Andrija Artukovi, who were responsible for planning and organisation, and Vjekoslav Luburi who executed the orders.[110] In late April 1941, Paveli was interviewed by an Italian journalist, Alfio Russo. Paveli stated that Serb rebels would be killed. In response, Russo asked him, "what if all Serbs rebel?" Paveli answered, "We shall kill them all."[111] Around this time the first mass atrocities occurred, the Gudovac, Veljun and Glina massacres, which were committed by groups of Ustae under the direct command of Luburi.[112] Serbian, Jewish, and Gypsy men, women, and children were literally hacked to death. Whole villages were razed and people driven into barns which the Ustae then set on fire. General Edmund von Glaise-Horstenau reported to the German Army Command OKW on 28 June 1941:[113] ...according to reliable reports from countless German military and civil observers during the last few weeks the Ustae have gone raving mad. On 10 July, General Glaise-Horstenau added: Our troops have to be mute witnesses of such events; it does not reflect well on their otherwise high reputation... I am frequently told that German occupation troops would finally have to intervene against Ustae crimes. This may happen eventually. Right now, with the available forces, I could not ask for such action. Ad hoc intervention in individual cases could make the German Army look responsible for countless crimes which it could not prevent in the past.[citation needed] A report (to Gestapo chief Heinrich Himmler, dated 17 February 1942) on increased partisan activities stated that "Increased activity of the bands is chiefly due to atrocities carried out by Ustae units in Croatia against the Orthodox population." The Ustae committed their deeds not only against males of conscript age, but especially against helpless old people, women and children.[citation needed] Between 172,000[10] and 290,000 Serbs,[9] 31,000 of the 40,000 Jews,[12] and almost all of the 25,00040,000 Roma[11] were killed in the Independent State of Croatia by the Ustae and their Axis allies. Both Jews and Gypsies were subject to a policy of total annihilation. According to an official Yugoslav report, only 1,500 out of 30,000 Croatian Jews remained alive at the end of World War II.[114] Approximately 26,000 Gypsies were murdered[115] of approximately 40,000 residents.[116]

End of the NDH

Seeing Germany's collapse and aware that the Croatian army could not resist the Communists, Paveli started a move of his forces to Austria, causing several groups of tens of thousands of Croatian soldiers as well as civilians to start a major northward march without a clear strategy.[117] Paveli left the country on 6 May 1945, and on 8 May, he convened a final meeting of the NDH government in Rogaka Slatina.[118] At the meeting General Alexander Lhr informed the government of Germany's capitulation and handed command of the NDH forces to Paveli.[119][120] Paveli subsequently named General Vjekoslav Luburi commander. Later that day Paveli's convoy passed into the Soviet occupation zone in Austria, separate from the rest of the NDH government which went to the British occupation zone. The group made it into the American occupation zone and by 18 May arrived at the village of Leingreith near Radstadt where Paveli's wife Mara and their two daughters had been living after leaving the NDH in December 1944.[121] On May 8, Paveli ordered that the columns from NDH continue to Austria, and that they refuse to surrender to the advancing Communists, instead planning to surrender to the British. However, they were instead turned back in the mid-May Bleiburg repatriations, and many were subsequently killed by the Partisans.[122] The sheer number of civilians slowed down the retreat, made the surrender unfeasible to the Allies, and ultimately led to the belief that they were nothing more than a human shield to the Ustashe.[117] For his abandonment of Croatian soldiers and civilians, later Croatian emigrants would accuse Paveli of cowardice. The Paveli family afterwards lived in the American Occupation Zone. Although Paveli reported himself to American intelligence, neither they nor their British counterparts arrested him.[citation needed] Several members of the NDH government were executed after a one-day trial in Zagreb on 6 June. Shortly after this, Paveli moved to the village of Tiefbrunau closer to Salzburg.[123][124] In September, American officials believing the family were refugees and unaware of their identity resettled them in the village of St. Gilgen. After St Gilgen, Paveli stayed with the family of a prewar Macedonian revolutionary for several weeks before settling in Obertrum. Paveli stayed there until April 1946.[citation
needed]

Post-war

Paveli's photo on his false passport under name Pablo Aranjos

Italy
He entered Italy disguised as a priest with a Peruvian passport.[citation needed] Passing Venice and Florence, he arrived in Rome in the spring of 1946 disguised as a Catholic priest and using the name Don Pedro Gonner.[125] On arrival in Rome he was given shelter by the Vatican[124] and stayed at a number of residences that belonged to the Vatican.[125] While in Rome where he started to gather his associates. Paveli formed the Croatian State Committee (Croatian: Hrvatski dravni odbor) headed by Lovro Sui, Mate Frkovi and Boidar Kavran.[126] Tito and his new Communist government accused the Catholic Church of harboring Paveli who they stated, along with the Anglo-American "imperialists", wanted to "revive Nazism" and take over communist Eastern Europe.[18][need quotation to verify] The Yugoslav press claimed that Paveli had stayed at the papal summer residence at Castel Gandolfo,[124] while CIA information states that he stayed at a monastery near the papal residence in the summer and autumn of 1948.[127] In fact, Anglo-American Intelligence used former fascists and Nazis, as agents against the communists.[128] For some time, Paveli hid in a Jesuit monastery near Naples.[18][need quotation to verify] In the autumn of 1948 he met Krunoslav Draganovi, a Roman Catholic priest, who helped him obtain a Red Cross passport in the Hungarian name of Pale Aranios. Draganovi allegedly planned to deliver Paveli to the Italian police, but Paveli avoided capture and fled to Argentina.[18][need quotation to verify]

Argentina and Chile

Paveli arrived in Buenos Aires on 6 November 1948 on the Italian merchant ship Sestriere,[18][need quotation to verify] where he initially lived with the former Ustaa and writer Vinko Nikoli.[129] In Buenos Aires Paveli was joined by his son Velimir and daughter Mirjana. Soon afterwards, his wife Maria and older daughter Vinja also arrived.[18][need quotation to verify] Paveli took up employment as a security advisor to Argentinian president Juan Pern.[130] Paveli's arrival documents show the assumed name of Pablo Aranjos,[18] [need quotation to verify] which he continued to use. In 1950 Paveli was given amnesty and allowed to stay in Argentina along with 34,000 other Croats, including former Nazi collaborators and those who had fled from the Allied advance.[130] Following this, Paveli reverted to his earlier pseudonym Antonio Serdar and continued to live in Buenos Aires. As for most other political immigrants in Argentina, life was hard and he had to work (as a bricklayer).[18][need quotation to verify] His best contact with the Perns was another former Ustaa Branko Benzon, who enjoyed good relations with Evita Pern, wife of the president. Benzon had briefly been the Croatian ambassador to Germany during World War II and had known Hitler personally,[129][131] which benefited Croatian-German relations. Thanks to Benzon's friendship with Evita Pern, Paveli became the owner of an influential building company. Not long after arriving he joined the Ustae-related "Croatian Home Guard" (Croatian: Hrvatski domobran) organization. At the end of the 1940s, many former Ustae split from Paveli because they believed that Croats, now under new circumstances, needed new political direction. Many who split from Paveli continued to call themselves Ustae and sought the revival of the Independent State of Croatia. The most well known of these separatists was the former Ustae officer and

head of the NDH concentration and extermination camp network, Vjekoslav Luburi, who lived in Spain.[18][need quotation to verify] In Argentina, Paveli used the "Croatian Home Guard" to gather Croatian political emigrants.[126] Paveli tried to expand the activities of this organization, and in 1950 founded the Croatian Statehood Party,[18][need quotation to verify] which ceased to exist that year. On 10 April 1951, on the 10th anniversary of the Independent State of Croatia, Paveli announced the Croatia State Government. This new government considered itself to be a government in exile. Other Ustae emigrants continued to arrive in Argentina, and they united under Paveli's leadership, increasing their political activities. Paveli himself remained politically active, publishing various statements, articles, and speeches that attacked the Yugoslav Communist regime for promoting Serbian hegemony.[132] In 1954, Paveli met with Milan Stojadinovi, a former Yugoslav Prime Minister, who also lived in Buenos Aires. The subject of their meeting was the establishment of a greater Croatia and a greater Serbia that would replace Yugoslavia. The meeting stirred controversy, but had no real significance.[133] On 8 June 1956, Paveli and other Ustae immigrants founded the Croatian Liberation Movement (Croatian: Hrvatski oslobodilaki pokret or HOP), which aimed to re-establish the NDH.[134] The HOP saw itself as "a determined adversary of communism, atheism and Yugoslavism in any possible form".[135] Paveli often reported to Croats in exile. The Communist government in Yugoslavia demanded the extradition of Paveli from Argentina several times: requests that, for various reasons, were always denied.[136]

Ante Paveli in hospital in Ciudad Jardn Lomas del Palomar, Buenos Aires, recovering after the assassination attempt On 10 April 1957, the 16th anniversary of the founding of the Independent State of Croatia, Paveli was seriously wounded in an assassination attempt by Blagoje Jovovi, an agent of the Yugoslav federal secret police the State Security Administration (UDBA), who had previously been a Montenegrin Chetnik.[137][138] He was shot in the back and collar bone; this happened while he was exiting a bus in El Palomar, a Buenos Aires suburb near his home. Paveli was transferred to the Syrian-Lebanese hospital, where his real identity was established. After Pern's fall, Paveli fell out of favour with the Argentine government; Yugoslavia again requested his extradition. After a short recovery, Paveli refused to stay in hospital, even though a bullet was lodged in his spine. Two weeks after the shooting, as the Argentine authorities agreed to grant the

Yugoslav government's extradition request, he moved to Chile. He spent four months in Santiago, and then moved to Spain.[132] Reports circulated that Paveli had fled to Paraguay to work for the Stroessner regime; his Spanish asylum became known only in late 1959.

Spain
He arrived in Madrid on 29 November 1957.[132] Paveli continued contacts with members of the Croatian Liberation Movement and received visitors from around the world. Paveli lived secretly with his family, probably by agreement with the Spanish authorities; even though he was granted asylum, the Spanish authorities did not allow him public appearances. In the summer of 1958, he sent a message from Madrid to the Assembly of Croatian Societies in Munich. He expressed his wish that all Croats unite with the goal of re-establishing the Independent State of Croatia. Some groups distanced themselves from Paveli and others did so after his death. In his will, he named Stjepan Hefer as his successor as the president of the Croatian Liberation Movement.[139] Paveli died on 28 December 1959 at the German hospital in Madrid (Hospital Alemn) at the age of 70.[140] He was buried in the San Isidro Cemetery, Madrid's oldest private burial ground.

Notes
1. 2. ^ "Ante Paveli". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved 4 March 2012. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 351352. 3. ^ a b Hoare 2006, pp. 2024. 4. ^ a b Glenny 2001, pp. 497500. 5. ^ "Ustaa". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved 4 March 2012. 6. ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 10. 7. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 32. 8. ^ Glenny 2001, p. 318. 9. ^ a b Hoare 2006, pp. 2324. 10. ^ a b erjavi 1993, p. 7. 11. ^ a b Hoare 2006, pp. 2021. 12. ^ a b Glenny 2001, p. 500. 13. ^ Glenny 2001, p. 476. 14. ^ Glenny 2001, p. 487. 15. ^ a b Dizdar et al. 1997, p. 306. 16. ^ a b c Fischer 2007, p. 209. 17. ^ a b Tanner 2001, p. 124. 18. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r Sedlar 2009. 19. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Dizdar et al. 1997, p. 307. 20. ^ Tanner 2001, p. 125. 21. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 10. 22. ^ Matkovi, Hrvoje (1962). "Veze izmeu frankovaca i radikala od 1922 1925". Historical Journal (in Croatian) (Croatian Historical Society) 3 (15): 4243. ISSN 0351-2193. Retrieved 2012-09-13. 23. ^ Janjatovi, Bosiljka (2002). "Dr. Ivo Pilar pred Sudbenim stolom u Zagrebu 1921. godine" [Dr. Ivo Pilar on Trial at the Zagreb's District Court in 1921]. Prinosi za prouavanje ivota i djela dra Ive Pilara (in Croatian) (Zagreb, Croatia: Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar) 2: 121139. ISSN 1333-4387. 24. ^ Cohen 1999, p. 87.

25.

^ a b c d e f Matkovi 2002, p. 11. 26. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 3031. 27. ^ Totten, Bartrop & Jacobs 2008, p. 328. 28. ^ Jonji 2001, p. 26. 29. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 27. 30. ^ Jonji 2001, p. 22. 31. ^ a b c d Ramet, Jareb & Sadkovich 2007, p. 99. 32. ^ a b c Matkovi 2002, p. 12. 33. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 114115. 34. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 31. 35. ^ a b Glenny 2001, pp. 431432. 36. ^ a b Jonji 2001, p. 88. 37. ^ a b Pavlowitch 2008, p. 4. 38. ^ Glenny 2001, p. 418. 39. ^ a b c d Matkovi 2002, p. 13. 40. ^ Glenny 2001, p. 434. 41. ^ Goldstein 2006, p. 225-226. 42. ^ Goldstein 2002, p. 58. 43. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 14. 44. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 337. 45. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 15. 46. ^ a b c d e Tomasevich 2001, pp. 3334. 47. ^ Headquarters Counter Intelligence Corps, Allied Forces Headquarters APO 512, 30 January 1947 48. ^ a b c Matkovi 2002, p. 17. 49. ^ Goldstein 2006, p. 229. 50. ^ Goldstein 2002, p. 59. 51. ^ a b c Pavlowitch 2008, p. 25. 52. ^ a b Dizdar et al. 1997, p. 308. 53. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, pp. 1215. 54. ^ a b Tomasevich 2001, p. 57. 55. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 5758. 56. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 21. 57. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, pp. 1619. 58. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 4748. 59. ^ a b Pavlowitch 2008, p. 22. 60. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 4950. 61. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 49. 62. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 52. 63. ^ Vucinich & Tomasevich 1969, p. 78. 64. ^ Hoare 2006, p. 14. 65. ^ a b Pavlowitch 2008, p. 23. 66. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 58. 67. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 23. 68. ^ a b c Ramet 2006, p. 115. 69. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 24. 70. ^ a b Lemkin 2008, pp. 606607. 71. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 24. 72. ^ Ramet & Listhaug 2011, p. 25. 73. ^ a b Matkovi 2002, p. 26-27. 74. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 26. 75. ^ Lemkin 2008, pp. 625626. 76. ^ Lemkin 2008, p. 613.

77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92.

^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 383384. ^ Lemkin 2008, p. 626. ^ Lemkin 2008, p. 255. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 531. ^ Lemkin 2008, pp. 626627. ^ Hoare 2006, p. 20. ^ Goldstein 2006, p. 230. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 46. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 26. ^ Hoare 2006, p. 23. ^ Ramet 2007, p. 1. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, pp. 4649. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 32. ^ Goldstein 2006, p. 227-230. ^ Hoare 2006, pp. 2223. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 593594. 93. ^ (Croatian) "Eugen Dido Kvaternik, Sjeanja i zapaanja 19251945, Prilozi za hrvatsku povijest.", Dr. Jere Jareb, Starevi, Zagreb, 1995., ISBN 953-96369-0-6, str. 267.: Josip Frank pokrten je, kad je imao 18 godina. 94. ^ a b Biondich 2004, p. 64. 95. ^ a b Bari 2011, p. 179. 96. ^ Bari 2011, p. 180. 97. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 120. 98. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 133. 99. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 32. 100. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 139. 101. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 174-175. 102. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 204. 103. ^ Bari 2011, p. 194. 104. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 200. 105. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, p. 242. 106. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 324. 107. ^ Goldstein 2007, p. 24. 108. ^ Steinberg 2002, pp. 2930. 109. ^ Payne 2007, p. 14. 110. ^ Goldstein 2007, p. 24, 27. 111. ^ Pavlowitch 2008, pp. 3233. 112. ^ Goldstein 2007, p. 22-24. 113. ^ Ailsby 2004, p. 156. 114. ^ "Shofar FTP Archives: people/e/eichmann.adolf/transcripts/Judgment/Judgment-031". Nizkor.org. Retrieved 2013-05-15. 115. ^ Jonassohn & Bjrnson 1998, p. 283. 116. ^ Yad Vashem Studies by Yad Vashem, rashut ha-zikaron la-Sho?ah ?elagevurah, Yad Vashem Martyrs' and Heroes' Remembrance Authority, 1990, page 49 117. ^ a b Vuleti, 2007, p. 140 118. ^ Deli 2011, p. 295. 119. ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 754755. 120. ^ Vuleti, 2007, p. 141 121. ^ Deli 2011, p. 298. 122. ^ Rummel 2009, p. 351352. 123. ^ Deli 2011, p. 299. 124. ^ a b c Ramet 2006, p. 187. 125. ^ a b Breitman et al. 2005, p. 214.

126.

^ a b Matkovi 2002, p. 97. 127. ^ Breitman et al. 2005, pp. 215216. 128. ^ Hockenos 2003, p. 28. 129. ^ a b Pero Zlatar (2010-01-23). "Peron Paveliu otvara graditeljsko poduzee". Jutarnji list (in Croatian). Retrieved 2013-01-19. 130. ^ a b Melman, Yossi (17 January 2006). "Tied up in the Rat Lines". Haaretz. 131. ^ Jeli-Buti, Fikreta (1977). Ustae i Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska 19411945 (in Croatian). Liber. p. 28. 132. ^ a b c Matkovi 2002, p. 98. 133. ^ Haynes & Rady 2011, p. 166. 134. ^ Hockenos 2003, pp. 3132. 135. ^ Skrbi 1997, p. 603. 136. ^ Krizman 1986, p. 407. 137. ^ "Blic Online | Ljuti osvetnik sa damskim revolverom". Blic.rs. Retrieved 2013-05-15. 138. ^ Autor: Pero Zlatar (2013-05-09). "Oteti i brodom odvesti Antu u Jugoslaviju". Jutarnji.hr. Retrieved 2013-05-15. 139. ^ Matkovi 2002, p. 98-99. 140. ^ Fischer 2007, p. 211.

Bibliography
Books

Ailsby, Christopher (2004). Hitler's renegades: foreign nationals in the service of the Third Reich. Spellmount. Bari, Nikica (2011), "The Chetniks and the Independent State of Croatia", in Ramet, Sabrina P.; Listhaug, Ola, Serbia and the Serbs in World War Two, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 175200, ISBN 978-0-230-27830-1 Biondich, Mark (2004). ""We Were Defending the State": Nationalism, Myth, and Memory in Twentieth Century Croatia". In Lampe, John R.; Mazower, Mark. Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of Twentieth Century Southeastern Europe. Budapest: Central European University Press. pp. 5481. ISBN 963-9241-72-5. Breitman, Richard; Goda, Norman J. W.; Naftali, Timothy; Wolfe, Robert (2005). U.S. Intelligence and the Nazis. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978052-1617-94-9. Cohen, Philip J. (1999). Serbia's Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History. Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 0-89096-688-5. Coli, Mladen (1973). Takozvana Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska (in Croatian). Delta-press. Deli, Ante (2011). "On the concealment of Ante Paveli in Austria in 1945 1946". Review of Croatian History VII (1): 293313. Dizdar, Zdravko; Gri, Marko; Ravli, Slaven; Stupari, Darko (1997). Tko je tko u NDH: Hrvatska 19411945 (in Croatian). Zagreb: Minerva. ISBN 978953-6377-03-9. Fischer, Bernd J. (2007). Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritian Rulers of Southeast Europe. Purdue University Press. ISBN 978-1-55753-455-2. Glenny, Misha (2001). The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers, 18041999. Penguin. ISBN 978-0-670-85338-0.

Goldstein, Ivo (2002). "The Jews in Yugoslavia 19181941: Antisemitism and Struggle for Equality". In Kovcs, Andrs; Andor, Eszter. Jewish Studies at the Central European University, 19992001 2. Budapest: Central European University Press. pp. 5164. Goldstein, Ivo (2007), "The Independent State of Croatia in 1941: On the Road to Catastrophe", in Ramet, Sabrina P., The Independent State of Croatia 1941 45, New York: Routledge, pp. 1929, ISBN 0-415-44055-6 Haynes, Rebecca; Rady, Martyn (2011). In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 1845116976. Hoare, Marko Attila (2006). Genocide and Resistance in Hitler's Bosnia: The Partisans and the Chetniks. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-726380-8. Hockenos, Paul (2003). Homeland Calling: Exile Patriotism & the Balkan Wars. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-4158-5. Jonassohn, Kurt; Bjrnson, Karin Solveig (1998). Genocide and Gross Human Rights Violations in Comparative Perspective: In Comparative Perspective. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7658-0417-4. Jonji, Tomislav (2001). Povijesno-politiki okvir postanka Ustakog pokreta (in Croatian). Matica hrvatska. Krizman, Bogdan (1983). Ustae i Trei Reich (in Croatian). Globus. Krizman, Bogdan (1986). Paveli bjekstvu u (in Croatian). Globus. Lampe, John R. (2004). Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe. ISBN 978-963-9241-72-5. Lemkin, Raphael (2008). Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws Of Occupation, Analysis Of Government, Proposals For Redress (2nd ed.). The Lawbook Exchange. ISBN 978-1-58477-901-8. Matkovi, Hrvoje (2002). Povijest Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske (in Croatian). Naklada Pavii. ISBN 978-953-6308-39-2. Pavlowitch, Stevan K. (2008). Hitler's New Disorder: The Second World War in Yugoslavia. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-70050-4. Payne, S.G. (2007), "The NDH State in Comparative Perspective", in Ramet, Sabrina P., The Independent State of Croatia 194145, New York: Routledge, pp. 1117, ISBN 0-415-44055-6 Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 19182005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0253-34656-8. Ramet, Sabrina P. (2007), "The NDH An Introduction", in Ramet, Sabrina P., The Independent State of Croatia 194145, New York: Routledge, pp. 110, ISBN 0-415-44055-6 Ramet, Sabrina P.; Jareb, Mario; Sadkovich, James J. (2007), "Personalities in the History of the NDH", in Ramet, Sabrina P., The Independent State of Croatia 194145, New York: Routledge, pp. 95100, ISBN 0-415-44055-6 Ramet, Sabrina P.; Listhaug, Ola (2011), "The Collaborationist Regime of Milan Nedi", in Ramet, Sabrina P.; Listhaug, Ola, Serbia and the Serbs in World War Two, London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 1743, ISBN 978-0-230-27830-1 Steinberg, Jonathan (2002) [1990]. All or Nothing: The Axis and the Holocaust 19411943. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-29069-2. Rummel, R. (2009). Death by government. ISBN 978-1-56000-927-6. Tanner, Marcus (2001). Croatia: A Nation Forged in War; Second Edition. Yale: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-3000-9125-0.

Tomasevich, Jozo (1975). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 19411945: The Chetniks. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-0857-9. Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 19411945: Occupation and Collaboration. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780-8047-3615-2. Totten, Samuel; Bartrop, Robert; Jacobs, Steven L. (2008). Dictionary of Genocide: M-Z. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313346-44-6. Vucinich, Wayne S.; Tomasevich, Jozo (1969). Contemporary Yugoslavia: Twenty Years of Socialist Experiment. Stanford University Press. erjavi, Vladimir (1993). Yugoslavia Manipulations with the number of Second World War victims. Croatian Information Centre. ISBN 978-0-91981732-6.

Journal Articles

Goldstein, Ivo (June 2006). "Ante Paveli, Charisma and National Mission in Wartime Croatia". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7 (2): 225 234. doi:10.1080/14690760600642289. Gumz, Jonathan E. (November 2001). "Wehrmacht perceptions of mass violence in Croatia, 19411942". The Historical Journal 44 (4): 10151038. doi:10.1017/S0018246X01001996. Skrbi, Zlatko (1997). "The distant observers? Towards the politics of diasporic identification". Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity 25 (3): 601610. doi:10.1080/00905999708408527. Vuleti, Dominik (December 2007). "Kaznenopravni i povijesni aspekti bleiburkog zloina". Lawyer (in Croatian) (Zagreb, Croatia: Law student association "Pravnik") 41 (85): 125150. ISSN 0352-342x. Retrieved 2012-0528.