Labour and Politics in Egypt, 1919-1939 Author(s): Marius Deeb Reviewed work(s): Source: International Journal of Middle East

Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2 (May, 1979), pp. 187-203 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/162126 . Accessed: 02/12/2012 23:30
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Int. J. Middle East Stud. o0(I979), I87-203

Printed in Great Britain

187

Marius Deeb LABOUR AND POLITICS IN EGYPT, 1919-1939

The aim of this essay is to analyse the rise and development of a new labour movement in Egypt between I9I9 and 1939, the crucial interwar period. As the history of the movement was inextricably linked to the Wafd as well as to the competing political forces in Egypt at the time, I examine the extent to which the various political parties and personalities were able to hamper the development of an independent trade union movement during those years. I also discuss the factors which assisted or hindered, at times, the promulgation of labour laws, and view the achievements of the trade union movement (in different sub-periods) in terms of its success in satisfying the demands of workers, which were being opposed by those of the predominantly foreign local bourgeoisie. The aftermath of World War I witnessed an unprecedented trade union
movement. By
I922

there were o02 trade unions: 38 in Cairo, 40 in Alexandria, during the years 1919-1921, 8I strikes (67

I8 in the Canal zone and 6 in the provinces.1 Simultaneously, a wave of strikes

hit most of the major industries:

general and 14 partial) took place.2 Moreover, it was due to the increasing number of labour disputes that the Labour Conciliation Board was set up in August I919.3 Some of the causes contributing to this upsurge in Egypt during that period included, first, the boom and the exorbitant rise in the cost of living, which immediately followed World War I. The cost of living rose by leaps and bounds after the outbreak of World War 1.4 There is overwhelming evidence that the demand for higher wages to match the high cost of living was a central issue in these strikes. For instance, the workers of the Cairo Tramway Company went on strike for the third time in February 1920, demanding an increase in pay as prices continued to soar even after the agreement of October 1919 which included a bonus for the increased cost of living.5 Secondly, as the artificial
932IIio6. There are no figures for the membership of these labour syndicates. Figures pertaining to some syndicates which went on strike during the period I919-1921 are available. Twenty-eight such syndicates had a total number of 26,714 workers, i.e., an average of approximately 954 workers per syndicate. 2 Ibid. 3Egypt, Fihrast Majmu'at al-Qawanin wal-Marasim al-Muta'aliqa bil-Shu'an al'Amma Sanat I9i9 (Cairo, I921), p. 6I. 4E.g., the index number of retail prices of food, fuel, soap, etc., for artisans and labourers in Cairo was, during most of 1920, not less than 282 (taking 1913-1914 as the Ioo

I Commission de Conciliation de Travail, VIIeme Rapport, Annex II, F.O. I4I/779/

base). Egypt, Ministry of Finance, Statistical Department, Monthly Agricultural Statistics, Ninth Year, Second Series, No. 3 (Cairo, I920), p. Io. 5 Muhammad Zaki 'Ali, Taqrir 'an Halat 'Ummal al-Tram bil-Qahira (Cairo, 1920),
pp. I45. 0020-7438/79/0200-0201

$OI.50 ? 1979 Cambridge University

Press

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188 Marius Deeb protection enjoyed during World War I ended, the full impact of foreign competition was felt by local industry in the early 1920S. The high profits realized during and immediately after World War I were replaced by losses owing to foreign competition and to a cotton crisis which considerably reduced domestic consumption. The employers' general complaint was that they were running at a loss. Consequently, they began reducing the number of workers employed. The Egyptian Oil Industries (Egolin) dismissed 90 workers out of the 750 employed 'from motives of economy', and in March 1924 it closed down its oil department owing to the bad market situation. The National Spinning Company of Alexandria reduced the pay by io per cent and dismissed 22 of the 1,200 workers. Finally, the Salt and Soda Company reduced the days of work of the oil workers to three days a week 'owing to the bad state of business.'6 Furthermore foreign competition accelerated the dismissal of workers and their replacement by machines. The most dramatic case of machines replacing workers occurred in the cigarette industry. During only i8 months (from i January 1920 till the end of June 1921) twelve major cigarette factories reduced the number of hand rollers employed from 1,519 to 318.7 The substitution of machines was intended to decrease the cost of production of cigarettes to be able to compete with the cigarette industry in the countries to which they were exported.8 The rising trade union consciousness was manifested in the formation of organizations aimed at uniting the various trade unions. The first attempt at forming a General Federation of Labour was made in February I92I.9 This Federation had close links with the Socialist Party whose conference, held on 30 July 1922, adopted communism and moved its headquarters to Alexandria.10 The communists controlled the General Federation of Labour which had around 3,000 members, among whom were workers in big establishments such as Egyptian Oil Industries, the National Spinning Company, and Abu-Shanab Oil factory. Communist leaders such as Mahmud Husni al-'Urabi11 and Antun Marun12played an active role in labour disputes - for instance, they instigated workers to demonstrate in March 1923 against the Labour Conciliation Board.13 Genuine economic grievances, however, were at the root of these strikes taking
place during the period of November
1923

to March 1924.

Communists

had

merely taken advantage of labourers' complaints to attack the Labour Conciliation

6

Extracts from Major Capper's situation reports covering the period 28 January to

24 June 1924, F.O. 141/583/9321/123. 7 F.O. 141/583/9321/106.

8

Ibid.

9 Great Britain, Department of Overseas Trade, Report on the Economic and- Financial Situation of Egypt (London, 1921), pp. 28-29. 10Al-Ahram, 9 January 1923. 11Al-'Urabi was a merchant by profession (ibid., 29 May 1924). He was one of the founders of the Socialist Party and was its delegate in the fourth conference of the Communist International (ibid., 7 March I924). 12 Marun was a lawyer at the Mixed Courts in Alexandria, and an advisor to labour trade unions (ibid., 29 May 1924). 13 Ibid., 20 March 1923.

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Labour and Politics in Egypt, I9I9-I939

189

Board in particular and to spread anti-capitalist propaganda in circulars and through speeches by 'Urabi, Marun, and the Secretary of the General Federation of Labour, Shaikh Safwan Abu al-Fath.14 They synchronized strikes and incited the workers to occupy the factories of the National Spinning Company and the Egyptian Oil Industries on 22 February 1924.15 This could be interpreted as an attempt by the communists to emphasize the common interests uniting workers at different establishments, that is, to instil in them a class consciousness. The Egyptian Government reacted to the occupation of factories by arresting the ring-leaders (including Marun and Abu al-Fath)16 who were members of the Communist Party. Pro-Wafdist labour unions began to organize rallies in Alexandria emphasizing the dangers of communism. It was not accidental that it was in early March I924 that 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi was approached by labour leaders to form a General Union of Labour Syndicates.17 Still more significant than the communist-controlled General Federation of Labour was a group of labour unions controlled by leaders who were Wafdists or had strong Wafdist leanings. The Wafd's interest in organizing labour unions as auxiliary organizations for its political struggle goes back to the immediate aftermath of the 1919 popular uprising. 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi wrote to Zaghlul in October 1919 about the role of the Wafdist Central Committee in spreading labour unions all over the country. He claimed that 'for every craft a union was formed'.18 These labour unions, he added, were an important weapon in the hands of the nationalist movement.19 In fact, the year I9I9 witnessed the formation of a relatively great number of them. In Cairo there were 38 unions in 1922, 8 of which were reported to have been formed in I919.20 The unions formed were those of important enterprises such as the Cairo Tramway Company, Cairo Electric Railway, Heliopolis Oases Company, and several important cigarette and tobacco enterprises. The advisers or representatives of these labour unions were pro-Wafdist, such as Muhammad Kamil Husain, 'Aziz Mirhum, Hasan Nafi', and Mahjub Thabit.21 The actual relationship of 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi to this labour movement, however, is difficult to ascertain. The formation of these labour unions was described as being motivated by nationalist
14 F.O. I4I/583/9321/I23. May 1924). 15 F.O. 14 /583/9321/I23.

Abu al-Fath was a teacher by profession (Al-Ahram, 29

Allenby to Macdonald, 21 March 1924, F.O. 407/i98, enclosure in No. io8. 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi, Mudhakkirat, MS (hereafter Fahmi), National Archives, Cairo, Egypt, pp. 2815-2816; Allenby to Macdonald, 5 April I924, F.O. 407/198, No.
16 17

I29.
18 A letter from Fahmi to Zaghlul, dated i8 October I919. Muhammad Anis, Dirasat fi Watha'iq Thawrat 1919, Vol. I (Cairo, I963), p. 154 (hereafter Anis). 19Ibid. 20Commission de Conciliation du Travail, VIIeme Rapport, Annexe II, F.O. /Io6. I4I/779/9321 21 Thabit revived the Handicrafts Trade Union established by the Watani Party in 1908, and, not unlike the Watanists, cooperated with the Wafd in the aftermath of the I919 popular uprising. The Handicrafts Trade Union had over i,ooo members and

branchesin Port-Said, Isma'iliya,and Alexandria.

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190 Marius Deeb as well as by economic causes.22The Wafd and the labour unions were connected during the period 1919-1923 through the Wafdist advisers or representatives of labour unions rather than through any other formal organization. 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi began his labour activities in March I924 and for the first four months relied on the General Workmen's Syndicate which was originally a splinter group from the Handicraft Trade Union of Mahjub Thabit.23 The first stage was simply an attempt by Fahmi and his associates to attract existing syndicates in Cairo, Alexandria and the provinces. Perhaps the attempt to form a General Workmen's Syndicate in Port-Said in May I924 was an exception.24 The membership of the General Workmen's Syndicate reached
0o,ooo

to

I2,000

in June 1924.25 A new development

in the labour movement

began with the drafting of the statutes of the General Union of the Workers of the Nile Valley in July i924.26 This General Union was supposed to replace the General Workmen's Syndicate of Cairo and its various branches. It is significant that some workers of the General Workmen's Syndicate did not join the newly formed General Union.27 The newspaper Ittihad al-'Ummal stopped being issued from 28 July till 26 October 1924, that is, during the period of reorganization of the labour movement. By November 1924 the General Union managed to attract a large number of workers. Branches were formed in the Suez Canal, Kafr al-Zayyat, al-Faiyum and Kom Ombo. The major labour syndicates of Alexandria which were under Wafdist control joined the General Union.28 The latter claimed, by late November 1924, 120 labour syndicates, and a total
membership of around 150,000 workers.29

'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi, the president of the General Union, in a speech delivered on 2 November 1924, outlined the objectives sought in his participation in the labour movement. The first was 'the organization of the largest section of the nation upon whose efforts our economic and social independence hinges.'30 Thus the organization of workers was by itself an objective, and it was made quite explicit in the statute of the General Union of the Workers of the Nile Valley.31 In the latter's administrative board, control and decision-making resided. The section on strikes of the General Union's statute shows to what extent the administrative board subordinated and controlled the various labour
22 Ruh al-'Asr, No. 3, 28 February 1930, an interview with Zuhair Sabri who claimed that the labour unions began as nationalist syndicates and were gradually transformed to labour syndicates proper. 23 Saiyid al-Ula (Cairo, 1938), pp. al-Risala al-'Ummaliya Qandil, Naqabiyyati: 17-18 (hereafter Qandil). 24 25 26

F.O. I41/583/9321/116. Ittihad al-'Ummal, 12 June

I924.

The statute was actually written by 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi, Zuhair Sabri and Hasan Nafi'. 27 Fahmi, pp. 2853-2854. 28 Al-'Ummal, 31 October I924. 29 Ittihad al-' Ummal, 23 November I924.
30
31

Ibid., 9 November

1924.

Anis, the full text of the statute, pp. 309-320;

article 5, clauses 1-3, pp. 309-3Io.

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Labour and Politics in Egypt, 1919-1939

I91

unions which belonged to the General Union. The board decided when to go on strike and defined its purpose irrespective of whether it was a general strike or not (in the case of a general strike 80 percent of the members of the board would issue the decision, which needed the approval of only 60 percent of them). Furthermore no union could declare a strike without the approval of the General Union.32 The second objective of the labour movement was to safeguard the workers' rights and to prevent them from succumbing to communist ideas.33 This objective was a direct reaction to the communist control of some of the important unions in Alexandria - especially the short-lived communist labour activities from February I92I to March 1924. The third objective was to prevent the workers from demanding more than their rights and 'to quieten the capitalists' apprehensions so that they will invest more in an atmosphere of peace and confidence.'34 Fahmi conceived of a trade union as a necessary intermediary between workers and employers. A labour union was not to work against the capitalists, on the contrary, one of its duties was to ask for the workers' legitimate rights only. It would take a stand in labour disputes favouring neither side at the expense of the other.35 On the whole the union was to have a moderating effect on the workers. Fahmi reminded the workers of this balance by saying that he would defend the capitalists' rights just as well as he would the workers' rights.36 The conception of a labour syndicate as an intermediary between workers and employers was reinforced by the strong belief among workers that the establishment of national industries would reduce the prevalent unemployment and improve their lot. In other words, they adopted, mutatis mutandis, the doctrine of economic independence which was part and parcel of the ideology of the nationalist movement and which found its economic expression in the Bank Misr group.37 Fahmi and other Wafdist leaders, who represented the workers whenever a strike took place or was imminent, realized that the labour conciliation boards (which were established in each Mudiriya in February 1924, replacing the Labour Conciliation Board of August I919) were unable to enforce agreements arrived at by the two parties concerned, owing to the absence of labour legislation.38 Without legislation workers were facing capitalists unarmed while the latter had the capitulations and the law safeguarding private property as their weapons.39 The same reasons prompted Wafdist deputies to propose the setting up of a labour committee in the Chamber of Deputies as the first step for the evenIbid., articles 46, 47, 48 and 50, p. 318. Ittihad al-'Ummal, 9 November 1924. 34 Ibid. 35 Fahmi, pp. 2822-2823. 36 Ibid., p. 2870. Fahmi himself was a shareholder in Bank Misr from its foundation
32

33

37See Marius Deeb, 'Bank Misr and the Emergence of the Local Bourgeoisie in Egypt,' Middle Eastern Studies, 12, 3 (I976), 69-86. 38 Al-'Ummal, 12 August 1924.
39Ittihad al-'Ummal,
23 November
I924.

(ibid., p. 3772).

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192

Marius Deeb

tual enactment of labour legislation.40 In preparation for the parliamentary elections of March 1925 there were fourteen candidates who were put forward as the workers' candidates for the Chamber of Deputies. Eleven of these had been active in labour affairs. The list included, apart from Fahmi himself, Shafiq Mansur, Hasan Nafi', Makram 'Ubaid, Ahmad Mahir and Raghib Iskandar.41 Fahmi, however, resigned from the presidency of the General Union in late January 1925, after his release from prison where he spent a couple of months in the wake of the assassination of Sir Lee Stack. Fahmi feared that he would remain suspect as long as he was at the helm of the labour movement.42 Shafiq Mansur was elected as the president of the General Union and Ibrahim Musa became a member of the council.43 Both were arrested in February 1925 in connection with the assassination of Sir Lee Stack and were eventually hanged. The implication of prominent labour leaders in the assassination carried out by the secret apparatus of the Wafd, as well as the measures taken by Ziwar's ministry against the Wafd as such, adversely affected labour syndicates, and eventually the General Union became defunct. With the formation of the Palace party, al-Ittihad, there was an attempt by Ittihadists to capture labour syndicates.44The programme of the party contained as one of its objectives the improvement of the workers' lot.45 King Fu'ad gave the workers, in March 1925, a gift of ?E3,000 on the condition of electing Ittihadists as presidents of important syndicates.46 The success achieved by the Ittihadists was short-lived, however, having been made possible only under the repressive measures launched against Wafdist labour leaders by Ziwar's Cabinet. During September 1926 the Ittihadist leaders of labour syndicates were replaced by Wafdist or pro-Wafdist figures. Similarly, the spokesmen of labour syndicates in the Chamber of Deputies were of the same stock: Hasan Nafi', Zuhair Sabri, Ahmad Hafiz 'Awad and Mahjub Thabit.47 The Wafd had considerable control over the labour movement through Wafdists who acted as presidents of, or advisers to, the major labour syndicates. The General Workmen's Syndicate (3,350 members) had Ahmad Muhammad Agha, a Wafdist, as adviser; the Cairo Tramway Men's Syndicate (2,449 members)
Madabit Majlis al-Nuwwab, session 22 November 1924. Ittihad al-'Ummal, I January 1925. 42 Fahmi, p. 2879. Fahmi's decision was probably affected by the fact that he had been previously involved in clandestine activities, since I919, and that charges brought against him in the trial of 1920 were not completely unfounded. to F.O. 43Report on Labour Situation, January 1925 September 1926,
40
41

I41/583/9321/143. 1925 under Abd al-Rahman Fahmi' (P. J. Vatikiotis, The Modern History of Egypt [London, I969], p. 335). 45Ahmad Shafiq, Hawliyat Misr al-Siyasiya, al-Hawliya al-Thaniya Sanat 1925 (Cairo, 1928), p. I6.
46 47

44Vatikiotis erroneously states that 'a pro-Ittihad party union was organized in

F.O.

141/583/932I/143. 22, 25, 31

Ibid., see Madabit Majlis al-Nuwwab, sessions

August

1926,

and o0, 23

January 1927.

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Labour and Politics in Egypt, I9I9-I939

I93

had Zuhair Sabri as adviser; and Hasan Nafi' was the president of the Automobile Drivers' Syndicate (700 members).48 Although a centralized general union of syndicates, on the lines of 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi's General Union, did not exist, the various syndicates cooperated mainly owing to the Wafdist bonds which united the leaders who, in some cases, held posts simultaneously in different syndicates. For example, Ahmad Agha was a leading figure of seven major syndicates with a total membership of 17,000 workers.49 'Aziz Mirhum, a Wafdist senator, acted as an adviser or president of four labour syndicates.50 Another labour leader, Husni al-Shintinawi, edited a weekly newspaper, al'Amil al-Misri, as the organ of the various labour syndicates.51 In June 1926 a committee dealing with labour matters was set up in the Chamber of Deputies.52 Hasan Nafi' proposed the formation of a government commission to examine the condition of workers and to lay down labour legislation,53 and subsequently the Rida Commission was formed in July 1927. He also proposed, pending the enactment of labour legislation, a labour office with an advisory capacity to replace the Labour Conciliation Boards, which would examine complaints from both sides (labour and employers) and supervise the implementation of the agreements reached by the two parties.54
to grow in strength in the late 1920S.55 The parliamentary period (June I926-June 1928) furnished the spokesmen of the Labour syndicates continued

various labour syndicates with the opportunity to express their grievances and demands in the Chamber of Deputies. For example, one of the major labour syndicates, the General Workmen's Syndicate, sent in a petition to members of the Cabinet and Parliament listing a great number of labour demands. The list included legislation for the recognition of labour syndicates, the establishment of labourers' savings banks, the enforcement of the decisions of the Labour Conciliation board, the guarantee to labourers of a scale of gratuities, allowances in case of temporary or permanent injury, unemployment pay, and allowances in case of illness. There were also other demands of a more general or specific nature that were presented.56 The urgency of these labour demands was felt by the labour leaders themselves, as well as in government circles, and resulted
48 List of Syndicates in Cairo, 14 October 1926, F.O. I41/583/9321/143. 49Ruh al-'Asr, No. 6, 2I March 1930, p. 8. 50 SenatorAziz Mirhum.F.O. I41/583/9321/66I. 51 Al-'Amil al-Misri, io February I930. This newspapercame out from February until June 1930. As the communist challenge was over, the Wafdist labour leaders

becamemore radical.This could be seen in the articlesand reportsof al-'Amil al-Misri

as compared with those of Ittihad al-'Ummal of 1924-1925. 52 MadabitMajlis al-Nuwwab,session 13 June 1926.
53 Ibid., session 25 January 1927.
54

Ibid.

55 In

the General Workmen'ssyndicate'saffiliatedand allied unions numbered 36 in Cairo and elsewhere (F.O. I41/585/923I/I43). By the end of 1930, there were 36 syndicatesin Cairo alone having a total membershipof approximately19,000 workers
1927 (F.O. 141/763/506/1/31). 56 F.O. I4I/583/932I/I42a.

October 1926 there were 21 syndicates in Cairo (F.O. I4I/583/932I/I42a).

In

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I94

Marius Deeb

in the formation of the Rida Commission on Labour (1927-1929). All this naturally provoked criticism from the Federation of Industries.57 The culmination in the development of the labour movement during the period 1926-1930 was enhanced by the return of the Wafd to power in January 1930.58 A congress of labour syndicates, in which eighteen syndicates were represented, was held in May-June I930.59 The congress passed resolutions urging the Government to submit labour legislation to Parliament and to promulgate it during that session.60 It also decided to set up a high consultative labour office to organize syndicates,61 and eventually to form a federation of labour syndicates.62

The growth by the late 1920S of trade union consciousness among the working class could be noted in demands from the rank and file for the amelioration of their conditions of life63 and for the formation of a federation of trade unions.64 The absence of labour legislation as well as the fact that labour unions were organized on the basis of crafts and not on the basis of the kind of industrial activity the worker was engaged in,65 hampered the development of trade union consciousness proper. Although a syndicate was no longer thought of as playing a mediating role between workers and employers (as it definitely served the interests of the former), widespread unemployment, and the predominantly foreign character of local industrialists, hindered the development of a class consciousness among the workers. The year 1930 marks a new stage in the development of the labour movement. The impact of the Great Depression on Egypt's economic condition was the most significant factor in the growth of trade union consciousness among the working class. The economic crisis induced industrialists to reduce staff and wages, coinciding sometimes with the installation of new machinery, which was prompted by new tariffs, and which aggravated the whole situation. For example, in Alexandria, the Pressage Company discharged almost i,ooo workers, the National Spinning Company reduced wages, the number of workers, fitted new machines, and employed boys and girls. It was reported also that some companies 'employing contract labour deal with the workers as they please despite contract provisions.'66 On the whole, cuts in wages reached more than
40 per cent compared to 1923, and unemployment was rife. Moreover, un-

employed workers were 're-engaged at lower wages',67and even child labour was more widely spread than was realized.
57 Misr al-Sina'iya, 3, 2 (1927), 27; ibid., 4, 2 (1928), 37-39; ibid., 4, 6 ibid., 5, 8 (1929), 28. 58A note by Smart dated 29 January 1930, F.O. I4I/649/268/1130. (1928),

29-33;

59 Ruh al-'Asr,
60

No. i8, 13 June I930,

p. 8.

Al-'Amil al-Misri, No. ii, 26 May I930. 61 This was proposed by senator 'Aziz Mirhum in April 1930, but incurred some criticism from workers (Ruh al-'Asr, No. 9, i April 1930, p. 3; see ibid., No. Io, I8
April I930, p. 6.) 62 Ibid., No. i8, 13 June I930, p. 8. 64 Ibid., No. 3, 28 February I930, p. 8. 66 F.O. 141/658/I64/25/30.
63 65

Ibid., No. 6, 21 March I930, p. 8. Ibid., No. 4, 7 March 1930, p. 5.

67

Ibid.

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Labour and Politics in Egypt, z199-I939

195

The Butler Report on Labour Conditions in Egypt, published in 1932, regarded the official estimate of unemployed workers (24,000) as low, for it noted that if both seasonal unemployment and permanent unemployment figures were taken the number of unemployed would be very great indeed.68The problem of unemployment in the early 1930s plagued the working class to a lesser extent than it did the agricultural class of labourers. Rural immigration to towns was steady, in spite of the prevalent unemployment there, as the income of workers was relatively higher than that of agricultural workers.69It has also been claimed that the use of machinery in the tafatish (the large landed estates) cut down the employment of labour there and thus augmented rural emigration.70The Government was faced with such a wave of migration to the towns and such a high degree of unemployment, that it issued a law concerning vagrancy to control the situation.71 Moreover, industrialists found it more economic, in the early 1930s, to employ more child labour, and as Butler observed, it became even more widespread in large-scale modern industry.72 The trade union movement in the early I930S was helped by some factors and hampered by others. On the one hand, unemployment and the low wages were factors which promoted the development of the trade union movement. On the other hand, the coming to power of Sidqi in June I930, and his strong measures against the Wafd Party, inevitably had repercussions on the labour movement as a Wafdist stronghold. Sidqi attempted to capture trade unions by enlisting the services of Dawud Ratib, who was the president of a general union consisting of only three syndicates.73 In December I930, however, Ratib was ousted by the members of the General Union and replaced by 'Abbas Halim.74 The latter had already manifested Wafdist sympathies over the abrogation of the 1923 Constitution. After King Fu'ad deprived Halim of his title of Nabil, the Wafd bestowed upon him the honorific Sahib al-Sharaf al-Rafi' instead.75 The Wafd tried to use him in its fight against Sidqi and King Fu'ad, while Halim, on his part, tried to further his ambitions by riding on the wave of the popular Wafd Party. The outcome was an uneasy alliance between the Wafd and 'Abbas Halim.
68Al-Tali'a, i, 6 (I965), I56. Harold Butler was delegated by the International Labour Office at the request of Sidqi's Cabinet to examine the labour situation in Egypt. The report was submitted in March I932 (ibid., p. I46). 69 Ibid., p. 148. 70 Salama Musa, 'Harakat al-'Ummal fi Misr,' al-Majalla al-Jadida, 4, 2 (February
1935), 19-20.

71 'Abbas

Halim, 'Al-'Ummal al-Misriyun fi al-'Ishrina Sana al-Madiya,' al-Majalla

al-Jadida, 3, I (November 1934), 56. 72Al-Tali'a, i, 6 (1965), 149.

73Qandil, pp. 18-19. Ratib was, until June 1930, a member of the Liberal Constitution-

alist Party (Ruh al-'Asr, No. i8, 13 June I930).

74 Muhammad Hasan 'Imara, Arba'ina 'Aman fi al-Haraka al-'Ummaliya, MS (hereafter 'Imara), pp. 12-I3. 'Imara, himself a member of the General Union, took part in the action against Ratib. I am grateful to Dr. Ra'uf 'Abbas of Cairo University for making this manuscript available for me to consult. 75 Ra'uf 'Abbas, al-Haraka al-'Ummaliya fi Misr i899-1952 (Cairo, I967), p. 90.

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196 Marius Deeb The General Union of Labour Syndicates of Egypt, which 'Abbas Halim wrested from Dawud Ratib, gradually developed into a powerful General Union. It had around 600 members in December I930,76 around I,ooo in FebruaryMarch 1931,77 and by the summer of 193I the number of members rose to several thousands.78 By June I934 it was reported that the General Union had 300,000 workers, through the estimated membership of seven unions and 56 labour syndicates affiliated to it.79 The General Union sought the realization of various objectives such as the promulgation of labour legislation concerning accidents, pension and sickness; working hours that were not to exceed the eighthour limit and the six-day week, with an annual paid vacation of two weeks; the equality of Egyptian and foreign workers in wages and privileges if working in the same trade; and that the number of Egyptian workers should not be lower than 80 per cent in any establishment. The General Union advocated the establishment of evening schools to decrease illiteracy among the workers, as well as weekend schools and even an evening university for the spread of education among the working class. It also demanded the building of hygienic houses for workers in cooperation with the Government, the capitalists, and the municipalities. The General Union kept links with labour unions outside Egypt, as well as with international organizations: such as the International Federation of Trade Unions,80 of which it became an affiliate. Halim's General Union had an administrative council of seventeen members headed by himself. There were two vice-presidents, five secretaries, one treasurer, and eight members. The members of the council represented, at first, only eight labour syndicates.81 The council itself had several committees such as the publicity, finance, and legislation committees, as well as the labour disputes committee and the committee for organizing syndicates.82 The General Union relied primarily on subscriptions for its finances, but whenever its budget suffered a deficit, 'Abbas Halim himself balanced it from his own private means. When one compares the statute of the General Union of the Labour Syndicates of Egypt with earlier ones, such as Fahmi's General Union of the Workers of the Nile Valley, one notices that its objectives were clearly defined while there was little emphasis on organization and supervision as such.83 Its aims were not unlike those of the General Workmen's Syndicate in the late I920S.84 There were, however, two features peculiar to Halim's General Union, namely, the emphasis on the educational and social aspects of workers' lives, and the links with international labour organizations such as the International Federation of Trade Unions.85
77F.O. I41/763/506/1/131. This refers to the Halim's labour syndicate in Cairo only, but the General Union had already formed branches in various towns such as Alexandria, Damanhur, al-Mahmudiya, Banha and Hilwan (Qandil, pp. 19-20).
78 al-Safa', 26 April I931. 'Imara, p. 15; F.O. I41/763/506/22/31; 79 'Abbas, p. 97; al-Muqattam, 28 December I934. 83 82 80 'Imara, p. 81 Ibid. Al-Safa', No. i, 3 April 1931. Ibid., p. I5. 14. 84 F.O. 141/583/932I/I42a. 85Al-Safa', No. I, 3 April I931.

76 Al-Safa',

26 April 193I.

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Labour and Politics in Egypt, I919-I939

197

'Abbas Halim sought a labour movement independent of the Wafd although allied to it. He did not allow Wafdists to 'infiltrate' his General Union,86 and consequently tried to rely on independent trade unionists. He drew his assistants largely from workers instead of the usual lawyers who acted as advisers to labour syndicates. A mark of Halim's independence from the Wafd was the foundation of the Labour Party in May-June 1931.87 The party was weak and had by the end of June 193I not more than 4,000 members.88 Labour syndicates refrained from joining the party (especially syndicates in Alexandria)89 probably fearing to antagonize the Wafd Party, which still had the allegiance of the mass of the workers. The Wafd resented the move taken by 'Abbas Halim, and so put pressure on him to dissolve the party (which he did in July I93i),90 and to confine himself to the trade union movement proper. Halim's independent stand was in harmony with his long-range objectives and ambitions - as he 'openly says that he intends to be the next King of Egypt.'91 From March 1931 till early 1934, Halim's General Union was rarely involved in the daily trade union struggle, and purely economic issues were thus relegated to the background. The deprivation of the political rights of workers rendered them actively involved in boycotting the elections of June 1931 in Cairo, Alexandria, and the provinces.92 Still more significant was the struggle for survival, that is, the right to exist, which overshadowed purely economic conflicts. One should view from this angle the participation of the General Union in the International Trade Union Conference held in Madrid in July I931. They had an urgent need for international pressure to be exerted on Sidqi to relax his restrictions on syndical freedom.93 Consequently, W. Schevenels, the SecretaryGeneral of the General Federation of Trade Unions, was delegated to visit Egypt in October 193I, and was able to meet representatives of labour syndicates, members of Halim's General Union, in spite of Sidqi's efforts to prevent this.94 Nevertheless, all these endeavours by the General Union bore no fruit. Sidqi, and later 'Abd al-Fattah Yahya, continued to have the upper hand, and were almost completely successful in stifling the labour movement, until early 1934. The years 1932-1933 were characterized by labour inactivity. Halim's General Union was reduced to issuing occasional manifestos protesting against the suppression of labour syndicates.s5
86 AlthoughWafdist-controlled labourunions

joined Halim's GeneralUnion ('Abbas,

87 Vatikiotis incorrectlystates: 'in 1933-4, Abbas Halim detachedhis union from the Wafd and formed the Egyptian Labour Party (possibly by this time inspired by the Crown)'(Modern Historyof Egypt, p. 335). 88 European

p. 9I).

Department to Oriental Secretary, Confidential, 30 June 193I, F.O.

22

141/763/506/22131.
89 Ibid. 90The Egyptian Gazette,

91EuropeanDepartmentto Smart, 25 June 1934, F.O. I41/733/894/3/34. 92 'Imara,p. 15; 'Abd al-Rahmanal-Rafi'i,Fi A'qabal-Thawra al-Misriyya,Vol. II
(Cairo, 1966), p. 172. 93 'Imara, p. i8.
94

July

I931.

Ibid.

95 'Abbas,

pp. 95-96.

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198 Marius Deeb The events of June 1934, namely the violent clashes between the police and the workers, bear witness to the helplessness of labour leaders vis-a-vis the antitrade union policy of the Government. Two developments took place which led to the labour events of June 1934. First, the revival of trade union activities and the formation of syndicates among unorganized labour on the one hand, and the encouragement given to labour syndicates such as Tramway Workers and Omnibus Workers, by Halim, to join the General Union, on the other hand.96 Second, it seems that an increased number of labour disputes took place in the months of March to June i934.97 As a consequence of the clashes Halim was arrested. He was released after three weeks without any charges being brought against him; but it was not until the fall of Yahya's Cabinet, in November I934, that Halim was able to resume his labour activities.98 In suppressing labour syndicates, Sidqi, and later Yahya, had three objectives: first, to check the Wafdist control over the labour movement, as part and parcel of weakening the Wafd Party; second, to undermine 'Abbas Halim's power in the labour movement, so as to please King Fu'ad who viewed him with distrust; and thirdly, to weaken labour syndicates vis-a-vis local industrialists. It should be noted that Sidqi, who became vice-president of the Federation of Industries in 1929,99 was closely connected with the local bourgeoisie. The establishment of the Labour Office in November 1930, as a section of the Public Security Department in the Ministry of Interior, before the promulgation of any labour laws, was in full agreement with the view held by the Federation of Industries.100As recommended by the Butler Report on Labour,10l a Higher Labour Council was set up, in December 1932, but workers had no representatives on it.102 On the whole, the Butler Report was less objectionable to local industrialists than the Rida Commission Report of 1929 (which was completely ignored), as the former laid great emphasis on gradualism in labour legislation.103 Labour Laws Nos. 48 and 80 of 1933 regarding child and female labour, which were based on the Butler Report, complied with the wishes of the local bourgeoisie. These laws took into account the criticism, by the Federation of Industries, of the sections in the Rida Report concerning child and female labour.104 Sidqi's rule was praised by the local bourgeoisie, as he kept the house in order, especially in matters of public security.105 In I935, when Sidqi was no longer in power, he sent an open letter to the Prime Minister urging him to curb
96 F.O.
97

I41/733/894/Ia/34,

21 June 1934. The list shows some

Five out of seven major disputes that took place during 1934. Egypt, Labour Office,

Annual Report for the Year I935 (Cairo, I935), Annex C, pp. 40-4I.

of the disputes in which the Labour Office intervened.

98 Lampson

to Eden, i6 April 1937, F.O. 37I/1989/815/16. 99Misr al-Sina'iyya, 5, 7 (1929), 5. 100 Ibid., 7, 2-3 (I93I), 20. 101Al-Tali'a, i, 6 (1965), I49. 102 Egypt, Labour Office, Annual Report for the Year 1935, pp. 27-28. 103 Al-Tali'a, i, 6 (I965), 149 104 Ibid., I, 5 (I965), 158; Misr al-Sina'iya, 6, 7 (1928), 29-32. 0o Ibid., 9, i (I933), 8.

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Labour and Politics in Egypt, I919-I939

I99

political influence in the labour movement, which, he claimed, could be harmful to the 'nascent' Egyptian industry.106 As long as 'Abbas Halim was cooperating with the Wafd, the latter did not organize the working class as such. The Wafdist Congress of January 1935, however, recommended the creation of a permanent labour council, and consequently 'Abbas Halim was approached and it seems that, at first, he accepted the presidency of the proposed High Labour Council.107But later Halim came under pressure from his followers108 and, perhaps, from the Young Egypt Society too,109which made him change his mind and reject the proposal. The Wafd's initiative to form a permanent labour council was motivated by two reasons:110first, that the labour movement might no longer be 'dependent on one man's life', namely Halim's; and second, to control the working masses who were Wafdist and could act irresponsibly, and therefore discredit the Wafd Party. Negotiations took place between the Wafd and 'Abbas Halim, and an agreement was reached which was essentially a recognition of the High Labour Council (formed by the Wafd on Io February 1935 with Halim as president)111 and the Federation of Syndicates as two separate and independent organizations. The former was not to interfere in the latter's affairs.112 In the meantime, Wafdist labour leaders were active among syndicates to win them over to the side of the Wafd.1l3 By April 1935 'Abbas Halim was losing ground, and his resignation from the High Labour Council merely anticipated his removal by its Wafdist members.114Halim accused the Wafd, in his letter of resignation, of bringing political matters into the sphere of labour,115while 'Aziz Mirhum, the Wafdist labour leader, accused Halim's Federation of being transformed into a federation not unlike those of Dawud Ratib and Edgar Jallad.116 By May 1935 the majority of labour syndicates in Cairo and Alexandria had left Halim's Federation and joined the High Labour Council.117In spite of reports about the inactivity of the High Council, the 'little apparent influence over organized labour' exercised by the Wafd, and the claim that 'Abbas Halim [is] still holding his own against the Wafd',118Halim's Federation could not meet the Wafdist challenge. Attempts
106 Al-Ahram, 107

108 Ibid.; 'Imara, p. 24. lo9'Abbas Halim and Ahmad Husain came to an agreement that legal advisors to labour syndicates were 'to be chosen from the ranks of "Young Egypt" members.'
Abbas Halim and Young Egypt Society, 24 January 1935, Secret, F.O. 141/713/259/2/35. 110Discussion with Director General of the European Department, 12 February 1935, F.O. 141/713/259/8/35. 111 Kawab al-Sharq, I February 1935. 112 Lampson to Simon, 2 March I935, F.O. I41/7I3/259/11/35. 113 Lampson to Simon, 23 February 1935, F.O. I41/713/259/9/35. 114 115 Qandil, p. 27. Lampson to Simon, 26 April 1935, F.O. I41/713/259/16/35. 116 Al-Musawwar, No. 551, 3 May 1935, p. I4; Edgar Jallad, the editor of the news-

12 February I935. Lampson to Simon, I5 February 1935, F.O. I417I13/259/6/35.

paper La Liberte, formed a Palace-sponsored General Union of Syndicates in 1931, which had a total membership of about 150 workers.
117 118

Lampson to Simon,

Lampson to Eden,

31 December

17 May 1935, F.O. I41/713/259/19/35. I935, F.O. I41/713259/23/35.

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200

Marius Deeb

at unifying the opposing labour organizations, in the wake of the formation of the United Front of political parties in December I935, were unsuccessful. By early 1936 Halim had left the labour scene, and it was not until August 1937 that he became again involved in labour affairs. The Wafd, which after taking over Halim's Federation, continued the practice of transferring 40 per cent of the subscriptions of the individual unions to the central organization, increased the number of labour syndicates attached to it, and 'caused a good deal of unrest in various industrial establishments which led to strikes, dismissals and occasionally to the betterment of working conditions.'19 When the Wafd came to power in May 1936 it continued to pursue its labour policy through the High Labour Council and the Federation of Syndicates instead of through the official Labour Department, putting a great deal of pressure on the latter 'to intervene in disputes which would never have arisen if the workers had been left to themselves.'120 Prominent Wafdist Labour leaders like Zuhair Sabri who was the Chairman of the Chamber Committee for Labour and Social Affairs demanded the enforcements of Labour Laws such as the Child Labour Law of 1933.121 Sabri criticized the reduction of wages of workers employed in the hand-rolled cigarette establishment which had been the result of an increase of taxes on cigarettes.122 The Wafdist Parliament managed to pass the Workmen's Compensation for Accidents Law in 1936. An attempt by some deputies to amend the law so that its application would be limited to industrial and commercial establishments with a capital of /Ei,ooo or more, failed.123Similarly large landowners in the Senate were unsuccessful in amending the second article of the law to exclude workers employed in agriculture who worked on power-operated machines.124 The Wafdist Cabinet tried to pass a law organizing trade unions but was faced with stiff opposition from the Advisory Labour Council and the Labour Department headed by R. M. Graves. The Advisory Labour Council had a total membership of thirty-six but of which two members only represented the workers. The major objections to the proposal came from the representative of the Federation of Industries, Henri Naus, who was against the organization of trade unions on the basis of establishment or factory, for he preferred them to be organized on the basis of crafts. He was also opposed to the establishment of branches of trade unions because this would have been tantamount to the formation of a federation of trade unions. These ideas incurred strong opposition from the Wafdist trade unions which accused the Advisory Labour Council as being unrepresentative and of hampering the enactment of legislation.125
119The Egyptian Government's Attitude towards Labour, A Note by R. M. Graves, 20 November I937, F.O. I4I/660/357/7/37.
120 21

Ibid.

Madabit Majlis al-Nuwwab, session Io August 1936. 122 123 Ibid., session 24-25 August I936. Ibid., session 20 July I936. 124 Madabit Majlis al-Shuyakh, sessions 7 and 9 September I936. 125 Amin 'Izz al-Din, Tarikh al-Tabaqa al-'Amila al-Misriyya fi al-Thalathinat I929I939 (Cairo, 1972), pp. I44-145 (hereafter 'Izz al-Din).

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Labour and Politics in Egypt, I9I9-I939

20I

In the summer of 1936, Senator 'Aziz Mirhum replaced Hamdi Saif al-Nasr126 as president of the Wafdist High Labour Council. In contrast with his predecessor, Mirhum was actively involved in labour and reorganized the High Labour Council to include both Wafdist advisors to the labour movement and representatives of the rank and file of workers. The culmination of the Wafdist interest in labour was the Labour Congress which was convened by the High Labour Council, and its Federation of Trade Unions, in early October 1937, in Alexandria. The Wafdist press claimed that 00oo,oooworkers attended it. Mustafa Nahhas's speech before the Congress contained a thorough presentation of the labour laws which his cabinet was planning to send to Parliament, such as the proposed laws concerning the individual contract of employment, the organization of trade unions, hours of work in commercial establishments, and trade union disputes and arbitration.127 On the whole during the period 1936-I937, the demands of the various workers' syndicates, such as an increase in pay, shorter hours of work, paid leave, sick leave, indemnities, pensions, and the increasing number of strikes, were dealt with favourably by the Wafdist Cabinet.128 'Abbas Halim - who regained his title of Nabil in June 1936 - decided, in August 1937, to resume his labour activities.129This prompted trade unionists to meet in September 1937 and form a body for organizing the labour movement, that is, reviving and organizing labour syndicates and eventually founding a labour party.130Consequently, in March 1938 the General Union of Workers' Syndicates of the Kingdom of Egypt was formed. It comprised thirty-two syndicates, and was headed by 'Abbas Halim.131 The General Union organized a demonstration on 8 May 1938 demanding the official recognition of syndicates, shorter work hours, minimum wages, reconsideration of the Workmen's Compensation Law, enforcement of the directives of the Labour Department in inspecting industrial establishments, and the solution to the problem of unemployed workers.132This demonstration was intended, inter alia, to be an answer to the president of the Federation of Industries, Henri Naus, who called for a slower pace in the enactment of labour legislation.133Moreover, on 25 May I939, the General Union made a dramatic move by declaring that eight of its members would go on a hunger strike unless labour legislation was issued within 126 '. .. who sufferedfrom a combinationof ill-health and disinclination for his task'
(F.O. 14I/660/357/7/37). 127 'Izz al-Din, pp. I48-149. 128 E.g., workersof Hotels Company,Kom Ombo Company,PressingCompany,and Alexandria Tramway (Al-Ahram, 13 March, I, 2 and 17 April I937). 129 The Egyptian Gazette, II August I937. It seems that Halim was encouraged by

King Faruq hoping to form a labourpartywhich would be 'a troublesomethorn in the

F.O. 141/660/357/2/37).
131

side of the Wafd' (Kelly to Eden, i8 August I937, 130 Qandil, pp. 33, 43.

al-Shanadiwas elected president.The latterwas an employeeat a weaving companyin Alexandria ('Imara,p. 27).
133

Ibid., p. 34. In April 1938 Halim became Za'im, while Muhammad al-,Damardash

132Qandil, pp. 39-40. Ibid., pp. 40-41; Misr al-Sina'iya,

I4, 6 (1938), 22-23.

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202

Marius Deeb

a fortnight. The strike lasted only three days, ending 15 June 1939, when the Chamber of Deputies began discussing the Labour Syndicates Law. 34 Since early 1938 the labour trade union movement split between the newly formed General Union of 'Abbas Halim and the Wafdist High Labour Council and its Federation of Trade Unions. It seems that the Wafd retained some support in Alexandria and the provinces, while Halim's General Union was mainly confined to Cairo and to a lesser extent to Alexandria where Damardash alShanadi headed a group of trade unions.135It is noteworthy that Zuhair Sabri, the Wafdist labour leader, tried to steer away the Federation of Trade Unions under the High Labour Council from involvement in politics in accordance with the Federation's statute.136 Similarly, from July 1939 Halim's General Union embarked on a new course, dissociating itself from all political parties and influences (including 'Abbas Halim's) and laying down new statutes and programmes.137 The banning of the General Union by the Government during World War II, however, nipped this development in the bud. In conclusion, one can fairly maintain that the Wafd dominated the labour scene throughout most of the inter-war period - a dominance which showed signs of weakening towards the end of the 1930s. There were, however, two major challenges to the Wafd's dominance during the period under study:
the brief communist challenge of 1921-1924 and that of 'Abbas Halim in 1935,

and again in 1938-1939. It is interesting to note that whenever the Wafd's power was seriously challenged in the labour movement, the party formed a centralized organization for trade unions, such as the General Union of Workers of the Nile Valley in 1924, and the High Labour Council and its Federation of
Trade Unions in I935.

The trade union movement was adversely affected by having strong ties with the Wafd, in the long run. Whenever the Wafd was driven out of power the activities of trade unions were curbed and their power curtailed. The most
dramatic cases took place in 1925, and again in 1931-1934, when Wafdist

labour leaders were found to have been involved in the assassination of Sir Lee Stack in November I924; and when the offensive against the Wafd culminated with the Palace-Sidqi regime, which imposed unprecedented restrictions on
the labour movement in the early I930s.

In the short run, however, the political link between the Wafd and the labour movement proved to be beneficial to the latter. There is strong evidence that Wafdist cabinets and Wafdist-dominated parliaments were more in favour of labour legislation than non-Wafdist regimes. The Wafd's interest in the labour movement stemmed from the view it held of itself as the mouthpiece of the nation which included the working class as an integral part of it. It was during
those years also of 1926-1928,
I930,

and 1936-1937,

when parliament

was

dominated by Wafdists, that the workers' demands received the most active support, and that most labour laws were proposed. By the late I930s many
134

'Imara, pp. 29, 31-32.

15 January 1938.

135 'Izz

al-Din, pp. I58-I59.

137 'Abbas,

136 Al-Ahram,

p. 109.

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Labour and Politics in Egypt,

9Iz9-I939

203

labour leaders began to wonder whether the benefits the movement was gaining from its political involvement did not outweigh the drawbacks, as the movement seemed to suffer serious setbacks whenever changes took place on the political scene. The labour movement was also faced throughout the inter-war period by a powerful local bourgeoisie whose influence delayed labour legislation - the few labour laws which were promulgated were hardly ever observed. The local bourgeoisie, which was predominantly foreign, cooperated with the European Department of the Ministry of the Interior, as could be seen during the period 1930-1935, when both kept in 'close personal touch' to combat labour unrest.138 The director of the European Department, in 1935, was also in complete agreement with the Federation of Industries when he declared that even if labour syndicates were officially recognized, a federation of labour syndicates would not be tolerated.139Finally, Sidqi's close ties with the local bourgeoisie, via the Federation of Industries of which he was a vice-president, had a strong impact on government policies aimed at curbing the activities of the labour movement. Therefore, it is valid to maintain that there was no labour movement 'independent' of politics during that era. The rivalries and squabbles among the Wafd, the Palace, and the various minor political parties, as well as 'Abbas Halim, all affected the development of the labour movement. Moreover, the close association of the trade unions with the Wafd as the national party, on the one hand, and the predominantly foreign character of the bourgeoisie, on the other, hampered the emergence of a class consciousness as such, among the workers, as they viewed their objectives and aspirations thwarted by foreign domination rather than by that of another class.
PRINCETON PRINCETON,
138F.O.

UNIVERSITY NEW JERSEY

139

141/646/268/x/3o.

F.O. I4I/713/259/8/35-

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