PERSONALITY 10.1177/0146167204264791 Hong et al.

/ INTERGROUP AND SOCIAL BIAS PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN

Predicting Intergroup Bias: The Interactive Effects of Implicit Theory and Social Identity
Ying-yi Hong Jill Coleman University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Gloria Chan Chinese University of Hong Kong Rosanna Y. M. Wong Hong Kong University of Science and Technology Chi-yue Chiu University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Ian G. Hansen University of British Columbia, Canada Sau-lai Lee Carnegie Mellon University Yuk-yue Tong Columbia University Ho-ying Fu Nanyang Technological University, Singapore This research sought to integrate the implicit theory approach and the social identity approach to understanding biases in intergroup judgment. The authors hypothesized that a belief in fixed human character would be associated with negative bias and prejudice against a maligned group regardless of the perceivers social identity. By contrast, a belief in malleable human character would allow the perceivers social identity to guide intergroup perception, such that a common ingroup identity that includes the maligned group would be associated with less negative bias and prejudice against the maligned group than would an exclusive identity. To test these hypotheses, a correlational study was conducted in the context of the Hong Kong 1997 political transition to examine Hong Kong Chineses perceptions of Chinese Mainlanders, and an experimental study was conducted in the United States to examine Asian Americans perception of African Americans. Results from both studies supported the authors predictions.

Social identity theories contend that people treat their

group and other groups differently, often favoring the ingroup while discriminating against outgroups (Tajfel, Flament, Billig, & Bundy, 1971; cf. Diehl, 1990; Miller & Brewer, 1986). Consistent with social identity theories, past research has shown that a persons social identification predicts prejudice and intergroup perceptions (e.g., Brewer, 2000; Gaertner, Dovidio, Anastasio, Bachman, & Rust, 1993; Hewstone, 1996; Jetten, Spears, & Manstead, 1997; Miller & Brewer, 1986; Tajfel & Turner, 1979/2001; Turner, Brown & Tajfel, 1979; see also Pettigrew, 1998).

Authors Note: The work reported in this article was partially supported by two grants from the Research Grants Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, China (Project No. HKUST6182/98H and HKUST6005/00H). Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ying-yi Hong, Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 603 East Daniel Street, Champaign, IL 61820; e-mail: yyhong@uiuc.edu. PSPB, Vol. 30 No. 8, August 2004 1035-1047 DOI: 10.1177/0146167204264791 2004 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

Keywords: intergroup perception; implicit theories; social identity; prejudice

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PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN to infer static, evaluative traits in other people (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Gervey, Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1999; Hong, 1994; Hong, Chiu, Dweck, & Sacks, 1997; Tong & Chiu, 2002) and stereotypic, essentialistic attributes in groups (Levy & Dweck, 1999; Levy, Stroessner, & Dweck, 1998). By contrast, subscribing to an incremental theory, the belief that human character can be modified, is related to the propensity to understand other peoples social behaviors in terms of contextual, dynamic psychological processes, such as goals, cognitive appraisals, motivations, and emotional processes (Chiu, 1994; Hong, 1994). In addition, individuals holding an incremental theory also are inclined to understand intergroup behaviors in terms of the shifting meanings of the pertinent social categories in changing intergroup contexts (Hong, Chiu, Yeung, & Tong, 1999). Recently, Hong, Levy, and their associates (Hong, Levy, & Chiu, 2001; Levy et al., 2001; cf. Brewer, Hong, & Li, in press) have proposed a systematic implicit theory framework for explaining group perception. They posited that entity versus incremental theory sets up a static versus dynamic basis of group entitativity perception. Specifically, entity theorists tend to infer fixed, dispositional, essentialistic qualities such as common traits in a group, whereas incremental theorists tend to infer shared dynamic qualities or processes such as common goals in a group. Consistent with this idea, Levy et al. (1998) found that entity theorists endorse stereotypes of ethnic and occupational groups more strongly than do incremental theorists, even when both groups are equally aware of these common stereotypes. The effects of entity theory remain, moreover, even when other variables, such as right-wing authoritarianism, the need for cognition, and the need to evaluate, are controlled for statistically. In another study, Levy and Dweck (1999) found that children holding an entity theory make more extreme trait ratings and dispositional attribution to behaviors of a fictitious group, are more negative about the group, and desire less contact with the group than do those holding an incremental theory. In short, an entity theory is associated with more biased intergroup perception than is an incremental theory. Integrating Implicit Theories and Social Identity Theories As noted, both implicit theories and social categorization independently account for some aspects of intergroup perceptions. In the present article, we ask how implicit theories and social identities might be integrated to provide better understanding of biases in intergroup perception. We attempt this conceptual integration by combining several important ideas in selfcategorization theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, &

Extending from this contention, Gaertner, Dovidio, and colleagues (Gaertner et al., 1993; see also Dovidio, Gaernter, & Loux, 2000) Common Ingroup Identity Model proposes that recategorizing members of different groups into a common group would enhance the quality of intergroup contact and thus improve intergroup relations. This model highlights the importance of shared membership of subgroup members in an overarching inclusive social category. Drawing on the contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954) and intergroup contact work by Sherif and Sherif (1969, pp. 268-269), the Common Ingroup Identity Model is concerned mostly with employing equal status, cooperative interaction, interpersonal interaction, and supportive norms [to] . . . reduce bias [by] . . . alter[ing] members cognitive representations of the memberships from us and them to a more inclusive we (Gaertner, Rust, Dovidio, Bachman, & Anastasio, 1994, p. 226). Consistently, several experiments have demonstrated that more inclusive social categorization reduces perceptual bias in intergroup settings (e.g., Dovidio et al., 1997; Gaertner, Mann, Dovidio, Murrell, & Pomare, 1990). Although research has shown consistent effects of social categorization on intergroup perceptions, such effects could be moderated by peoples implicit assumptions about the malleability of human character (Hong et al., 2003; Hong, Levy, & Chiu, 2001). The present research sought to examine how peoples basic assumptions (implicit theories) of the malleability of human character might moderate the effects of social categorization on biases in intergroup perceptions. We will discuss the concept of implicit theories first and explain how these theories might interact with social categorization to predict biases in intergroup perceptions. Implicit Theories of Human Character Implicit theories are meaning construction frameworks, nave or lay systems of beliefs that people use in their everyday life to interpret and evaluate their social world. As such, implicit theories guide social judgment, inform social actions, and hence are relevant to understanding stereotyping and prejudice (Levy, 1999). Implicit theory research can be dated back to early works on lay theory-guided social perception by Kelly (1955), Heider (1958), and Jones and Thibaut (1958; see Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995; Hong et al., 2001; Levy, Plaks, Hong, Chiu, & Dweck, 2001). The present article focuses primarily on implicit theories of human character and specifically addresses how the static versus dynamic conceptions of human moral character might be related to intergroup bias. In previous research, we have consistently found that subscribing to an entity theory of morality, a belief in fixed human character, is associated with the tendency

Hong et al. / INTERGROUP BIAS Wetherell, 1987), an influential social identity theory, with those in the implicit theories approach. Self-categorization theory emphasizes subjective construction of the reality. Accordingly, individuals make sense of the world through the lens of self-categorization. However, self-identities are not reified entities but fluid social constructions. Both identities and the personal qualities inferred from these identities are constructed in an ad hoc fashion and computed anew as the perceiver moves up and down the ladder of abstraction in self-categorization. As people move in and out of different self-categories, they also change their selfperceptions as well as their perceptions of individuals in other groups. For example, individuals who identify themselves as Asian Americans may construct and invest in a reality in which Asian Americans and African Americans possess markedly different essences. However, once they recategorize themselves as Americans, the essences that have previously set Asian Americans apart from African Americans begin to fade out in the perceptual field. These Asian Americans now find themselves similar to Africans in some personal attributes that qualify both ethnic groups as Americans. In short, according to self-categorization theory, personal qualities attached to a particular group have little meaning beyond the context of social categorization. In our view, these dynamic perceptual processes are more likely to occur within an incremental theory, which acknowledges the possibility of change in human character, than within an entity theory that makes no provision for such possibility. Indeed, the self-categorization processes described above assume a malleable view of human nature. Thus, we expect incremental theorists, who believe in malleable human character, to be more susceptible to the influence of self-categorization in perceiving other groups than are entity theorists, who subscribe to a fixed view of human character. To further flesh out this hypothesis, we argue that implicit theories set up interpretive frameworks within which moral character of individuals in groups is construed. Within an incremental theory framework, perceivers perceptions of members of a maligned subgroup would depend on whether the maligned group were included or excluded from the ingroup. Specifically, incremental theorists holding a relatively inclusive identity (e.g., Americans) would judge another maligned subgroup (e.g., African Americans) more positively than incremental theorists holding a relatively exclusive identity (e.g., Asian American). In other words, self-categorization may affect the level of prejudice within an incremental theory framework. By contrast, within an entity theory framework, understanding a person entails identification of this persons fixed, evaluative traits (Tong & Chiu, 2002). Entity

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theorists are motivated to diagnose traits from group memberships and may believe that the inferred traits are immutable and stable across intergroup contexts. As such, entity theorists would tend to perceive members of a maligned subgroup as possessing enduring negative characteristics that are unlikely to change regardless of whether the maligned group is included or excluded from their self-categorization. Thus, entity theorists holding an inclusive, overarching identity would be as likely as entity theorists holding an exclusive identity to prejudice against a maligned group. In other words, selfcategorization may not affect the level of prejudice within an entity theory framework. The integration of implicit theories and selfcategorization described above has several interesting theoretical ramifications. First, both entity theorists and incremental theorists rely on social identity to guide their social judgment, albeit in different ways. Entity theorists, viewing social identities as reified entities (Hong et al., 2003), tend not to modify the trait inferences they had made even when the context of identification has changed. By contrast, incremental theorists tend to construct different impressions of the same target group, depending on the context in which their own social identity is definedwhether it excludes or includes the target group. Second, previous research has provided consistent support for the main effect of implicit theories, which indicates that incremental theorists are generally less susceptible to prejudice and stereotyping than are entity theorists. The present analysis modifies this view and suggests that when incremental theorists see through the lens of an exclusive subgroup self-identity, they are just as likely to stereotype and prejudge other subgroups as are entity theorists. However, an incremental theory allows the perceivers to correct their stereotypic and prejudicial views of other subgroups by changing their lens as they move up the ladder of inclusiveness in selfcategorization, whereas an entity theory precludes this correction process. Finally, the present analysis points to a possible boundary condition for the effect of self-categorization. Specifically, when inclusive self-categorization is not supported by a malleable view of human character, the moderating effect of common ingroup identity on prejudice and intergroup bias reduction could be substantially attenuated. To test the proposed integrated model, two studies were conducted. In Study 1, we measured Hong Kong Chineses implicit theory of morality and their social identity, whether they identified themselves as primarily Chinese (an inclusive identity) or as primarily Hong Kongers (an exclusive identity). We used these measures to predict the participants perception of Chinese Main-

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PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN overarching, inclusive identity) would be less likely than incremental theorists with the Hong Konger identity (a regional, exclusive identity) to bias against Chinese Mainlanders. To test these predictions, we first measured the participants implicit theories and social identities. The way we assessed participants bias against Chinese Mainlanders, however, was somewhat indirect. In the face of the political transition, Hong Kong people might be reluctant to express their negative evaluation of Chinese Mainlanders directly. Therefore, we decided to measure participants prejudice tendency indirectly. We created a novel task in which the connection between the participants responses and prejudice was not apparent (as recommended by Maass, Castelli, & Arcuri, 2000). Specifically, we presented participants with a set of behaviors and the participants were asked to infer from each behavior the actors social group membership (Hong Konger or Chinese Mainlander). We examined the extent to which positive, neutral, and negative behaviors struck participants as characteristic of Chinese Mainlanders or of Hong Kongers. Presumably, to determine the group membership of the actor, the participants would rely on their attitudes toward members of the two social groups. Thus, attributing more negative behaviors and fewer positive behaviors to Chinese Mainlanders than Hong Kongers would reflect a negative bias against Chinese Mainlanders, and vice versa. Therefore, our task would allow the participants to express their bias against Chinese Mainlanders, if any, without explicit concerns about the legitimacy or social desirability of the responses. Method
PARTICIPANTS

landers (a maligned social group in Hong Kong). In Study 2, we manipulated Asian Americans implicit theories of morality and social identity (Americans vs. Asian Americans) and observed the effects of these manipulations on the participants prejudice against African Americans. In both studies, we predicted an interaction effect of social identity and implicit theory on the perceivers tendency to prejudice. In particular, a common (overarching) social identity would reduce prejudice when perceivers hold an incremental theory of human character but not when they hold an entity theory.
STUDY 1

Studying real-world groups with a history of prejudice may be more appropriate for determining factors important in alleviating prejudice in the real world. In light of this, this research was conducted in 1996 before the Hong Kong 1997 political transition, when intergroup relations between Hong Kong people and Chinese Mainlanders became a major issue in the public discourse. To briefly describe the context, the sovereignty of Hong Kong was returned to China on July 1, 1997, after 156 years of British colonial rule. Although the vast majority of Hong Kong residents are ethnic Chinese, most have been accustomed to a living standard; way of life; official language; and political, legal, and economic system different from what is common in Mainland China. In this sociopolitical context, some Hong Kong people held a primarily Chinese identity, whereas others held a primarily Hong Konger identity (Hong et al., 1999). The Chinese identity, which includes Chinese Mainlanders, is a more inclusive identity than the Hong Konger identity, which excludes the Chinese Mainlanders. Hong Kong people in general had viewed themselves as a part of the prosperous economic network of developed Asia. By contrast, Mainland China was seen to be a relatively less developed region. As a result, many Hong Kong people were used to maligning Chinese Mainlanders with negative stereotypes (Chau, Chiu, & Foo, 1998; Ho, Chau, Chiu, & Peng, 2003). In the present research, we examined how Hong Kong peoples implicit theories of human character and social identity predict their proclivity to form negative evaluation of Chinese Mainlanders. We predicted that entity theorists, regardless of their social identity, would show a relatively strong bias against the Chinese Mainlander group; that is, entity theorists with the Hong Konger identity and entity theorists with the Chinese identity would show equally strong bias against Chinese Mainlanders. By contrast, incremental theorists perceptions would be systematically linked to their social identity. Incremental theorists with the Chinese identity (an

Eighty-nine participants (28 men, 60 women, and 1 who did not report gender) were recruited from a wide range of backgrounds. The recruited participants included people who attended summer courses at a community center, students of an evening school for mature students, students in an extramural course, and office staff at various departments at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. Participants ages ranged from 13 to 55 (M = 27). Most of the participants were born in Hong Kong (88%) and 8% were born in Mainland China.
MATERIALS

Intergroup bias measure. In this study, we presented 21 behaviors to the participants. One-third of these behaviors were negative behaviors (e.g., refused to return a tape recorder borrowed from a friend), another third were positive behaviors (e.g., shopped groceries for an elderly neighbor), and the remaining third were

Hong et al. / INTERGROUP BIAS neutral behaviors (e.g., posted a letter in the post office). None of the behaviors made any reference to or implied known stereotypes of either Hong Kongers or Chinese Mainlanders. The 21 behaviors are listed in the appendix. In a pretest, 20 participants, who did not participate later in the main study, evaluated how moral each behavior was, from 4 (very immoral) to 0 (neutral) to 4 (very moral). The average morality ratings varied from 1.2 to 2.6 for the positive behaviors, from 0.6 to 3.5 for the negative behaviors and from 0 to 0.3 for the neutral behaviors. Social identity measure. To measure self-claimed social identity, we presented participants with a choice among five statements about their identity: (a) I consider myself a Hong Konger; (b) I consider myself Chinese; (c) I consider myself a Hong Konger, only secondarily Chinese; (d) I consider myself Chinese, only secondarily a Hong Konger; and (e) Other identities. We reasoned that participants who endorsed a primarily overarching, inclusive identity would be more likely to choose the Chinese or the Chinese, only secondarily a Hong Konger options. Participants who endorsed a primarily subordinate identity, however, would be more likely to choose the Hong Konger or the Hong Konger, only secondarily Chinese options.1 Implicit theory measure. This measure consists of three items: A persons moral character is something very basic about them and it cannot be changed much, Whether a person is responsible and sincere or not is deeply ingrained in their personality. It cannot be changed very much, and There is not much that can be done to change a persons moral traits (e.g., conscientiousness, uprightness, and honesty). Respondents indicate their degree of agreement with each item on a 6-point rating scale, from 1 (strongly agree) to 2 (agree) to 3 (mostly agree) to 4 (mostly disagree) to 5 (disagree) to 6 (strongly disagree). The Cronbachs alpha for the three items in the present study was .74. Extensive evidence attesting to this measures validity and reliability was reported in Chiu, Hong, and Dweck (1997); Dweck et al. (1995); Gervey et al. (1999); and Levy et al. (1998).2 As in past research (e.g., Hong et al., 1999), we used the midpoint to divide participants into entity theorists and incremental theorists. Treating implicit theories as a categorical variable has been the norm in previous research on implicit theories of malleability (e.g., Chiu, Dweck, Tong, & Fu, 1997; Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Levy et al., 1998; Tong & Chiu, 2002). The reasons are mainly that in past research (Chiu, Dweck, et al., 1997; Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Hong et al., 1999; Levy et al., 1998; Tong & Chiu, 2002), participants who agreed with an entity theory and those who disagreed with it (or

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those who agreed with an incremental theory) often displayed distinct patterns of social inferences and judgments. These findings have led some researchers to believe that entity and incremental theories set up qualitatively different frameworks within which people understand social events (Dweck et al., 1995). Thus, it makes theoretical sense to classify the participants into entity and incremental theorists. Accordingly, we will report analyses pertaining to the two implicit theory groups in the main text. In addition, we had also treated the implicit theory measure as a continuous variable in our analyses and will report the relevant inferential statistics of these analyses in a footnote. It is important to establish the independence of the participants social identity and implicit theory. We found no significant association between participants implicit theories and the inclusiveness of their social identity, r(82) = .15, ns.
PROCEDURES

We assessed the participants implicit theories a week before the main study. In the main study, the participants attended in small groups of about 10 people. We introduced the study by saying,
We belong to a research team from the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. We have observed and recorded the daily behaviors of a group of Hong Kongers and a group of Chinese Mainlanders over the past year. Today we will present to you some behaviors from both groups. We want to know if you can determine which of these behaviors were carried out by Hong Kongers and which were performed by Chinese Mainlanders.

The instructions continued, Now, we will present 42 different behaviors to you. Half of them are behaviors observed from the Hong Konger group and half of them are observed from the Chinese Mainlander group. Next, we presented the behaviors one at a time and the participant decided whether a Hong Konger or a Chinese Mainlander had performed the behavior. The positive, negative, and neutral behaviors were presented in a random order. Moreover, we told the participant at the outset that we would present 42 behaviors, although only 21 behaviors were actually presented. Thus, the task ended well before the participant expected. This procedure avoided the problem that the participant might balance the number of behaviors attributed to the Hong Konger group and that to the Chinese Mainlander group toward the end of the task. Results and Discussion As an overview, the predicted Implicit Theory Social Identity interaction was significant. Specifically, entity

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5
Number of behaviors assigned to Chinese Mainlanders

theorists, regardless of their social identity, tended to attribute a larger percentage of negative behaviors to Chinese Mainlanders than to Hong Kongers. By contrast, incremental theorists attributed a smaller percentage of negative behaviors to Chinese Mainlanders when they held an inclusive social identity than when they held an exclusive one. To evaluate the likelihood of biased perception, for each participant, we counted the number of positive, neutral, and negative behaviors attributed to Chinese Mainlanders. The participant could attribute up to seven behaviors in each valence category to Chinese Mainlanders, because there were seven positive, seven neutral, and seven negative behaviors on the stimulus list. To test the effects of implicit theories and social identity, an Implicit Theory Social Identity Valence ANOVA was performed on the numbers of positive, neutral, and negative behaviors assigned to Chinese Mainlanders. There was a significant main effect of valence, F(2, 168) = 27.36, p < .001, and a significant two-way (Implicit Theory Valence) interaction, F(2, 168) = 4.06, p < .05, which were qualified by a three-way (Implicit Theory Social Identity Valence) interaction, F(2, 168) = 5.71, p < .01. The main effect of valence indicated that participants assigned more negative behaviors (M = 3.44) and fewer positive and neutral behaviors to Chinese Mainlanders (M = 2.35 for positive behaviors and M = 1.83 for neutral behaviors). In other words, participants were more willing to assign negative behaviors than positive or neutral behaviors to Chinese Mainlanders (or more willing to assign positive or neutral behaviors than negative behaviors to Hong Kongers). This is consistent with our assumption that the Chinese Mainlander group was a relatively maligned group in Hong Kong. The significant two-way and three-way interactions showed that the tendency to assign differently valenced behaviors to Chinese Mainlanders depended both on implicit theory and on the combination of implicit theory and social identity. The Implicit Theory Valence interaction indicated that incremental theorists assigned significantly more positive behaviors (M = 2.78) to Chinese Mainlanders than did entity theorists (M = 1.91), F(1, 86) = 8.37, p < .01. Moreover, as expected and as revealed by the Implicit Theory Social Identity Valence interaction, incremental theorists with inclusive identity assigned more positive behaviors (M = 3.29) to Chinese Mainlanders than did the other three groups (M = 1.79 for entity theoristsexclusive identity, M = 2.33 for incremental theoristsexclusive identity, M = 2.13 for entity theoristsinclusive identity), F(1, 86) = 12.60, p < .001. As illustrated in Figure 1, there was also a trend for incremental theorists with inclusive identity to assign fewer negative behaviors ( M = 2.86) to Chinese

4.5 4 3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0

Neutral behavior Positive behavior Negative behavior

entity-Hongkonger (exclusive identity)

entity-Chinese (inclusive identity)

incrementalHongkonger (exclusive identity)

incrementalChinese (inclusive identity)

Figure 1 Mean number of positive, neutral, and negative behaviors assigned to Chinese Mainlanders as a function of implicit theories and social identities in Study 1.

Mainlanders, compared to the remaining three Implicit Theory Social Identity groups (M = 3.43 for entity theoristsexclusive identity, M = 3.67 for incremental theoristsexclusive identity, M = 3.93 for entity theoristsinclusive identity), F(1, 86) = 3.23, p = .08. Figure 1 also shows that incremental theorists with inclusive identity assigned an average of 8.82 behaviors to Chinese Mainlanders. Of these 8.82 behaviors, only 32.0% (2.86 behaviors) were negative behaviors. This percentage was slightly lower than the chance level (33.3%). The corresponding percentages of negative behaviors attributed to Chinese Mainlanders were 47.0% for entity theorists with exclusive identity, 50.2% for incremental theorists with exclusive identity, and 54.3% for entity theorists with inclusive identity, which were substantially higher than the chance level. An Implicit Theory Social Identity ANOVA performed on the percentage of negative behaviors out of the total number of behaviors assigned to Chinese Mainlanders revealed a significant main effect of implicit theory, F(1, 83) = 4.54, p < .05, which was qualified by a significant Implicit Theory Social Identity interaction, F(1, 83) = 8.14, p < .01. Follow-up analyses revealed that incremental theorists with inclusive identity assigned a significantly lower percentage of negative behaviors to Chinese Mainlanders than did the other three Implicit Theory Social Identity groups, F(1, 85) = 12.26, p < .001. In addition, the percentage of negative behaviors they assigned to Chinese Mainlanders did not differ from chance level, t(21) = 0.54, ns. For the remaining three Implicit Theory Social Identity groups, the percentages of negative behaviors assigned to Chinese Mainlanders were significantly higher than the chance level, t(27) = 2.50, p < .05,

Hong et al. / INTERGROUP BIAS for entity theorists with exclusive identity, t(24) = 4.97, p < .001, for incremental theorists with exclusive identity, and t(15) = 4.49, p < .001, for entity theorists with inclusive identity. Moreover, these three Implicit Theory Social Identity groups were not significantly different from each other on the percentage of negative behaviors assigned to Chinese Mainlanders, F(2, 63) = 0.52, ns.3 In short, incremental theorists with inclusive identity were the least biased group among the four Implicit Theory Social Identity groups, scoring significantly below the other three groups on the group perception measure. This is consistent with our contention that implicit theories set up a framework within which a maligned group is perceived. Group perception within an incremental theory framework is more amenable to the influence of social identity. Accordingly, incremental theorists could be as biased as entity theorists when they hold the exclusive Hong Konger identity. However, their bias against Chinese Mainlanders could be attenuated when they hold the inclusive Chinese identity. By contrast, an entity theory sets up a framework within which social groups are evaluated primarily on fixed dispositions and their social identity does not moderate their intergroup bias.
STUDY 2

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Study 1 has shown that an incremental theory together with an inclusive identity is less biased against a maligned group than are people holding an exclusive identity or an entity theory. However, the correlational design of Study 1 did not allow us to test whether implicit theory and social identity are the causal antecedences of negative biases against a maligned group. To test this causal link, in the present study, we manipulated participants implicit theory and social identity and measured participants subsequent prejudice level. Several changes in research design were introduced in the present study to test the causal role of implicit theories and social identity and to establish the generalizability of our findings. First, to establish the generality of our findings beyond the Hong Kong context, we conducted the present study in the United States to examine Asian American college students prejudice against African Americans. The African American group was selected to be the target in our study because research (Bobo, 1997; Sears, 1988; Sears, Sidanius, & Bobo, 2000) has shown that negative views of African Americans are still widely held in America and, thus, the African American group can be treated as a maligned group for the purpose of the present study. Second, we manipulated both implicit theories and social identity in the present study. In Study 1, we measured participants chronic social identification. In the present study, we exploited the idea that contextual fac-

tors can activate a particular social identity or make this identity salient (Brewer, 1999; Hong, Ip, Chiu, Morris, & Menon, 2001; Turner et al., 1979) and experimentally increased the temporary accessibility of either the participants American (inclusive) identity or their Asian American (exclusive) identity. Manipulation of social identification allowed us to test the causal role of the manipulated variable. In addition, because this method did not involve splitting participants with mixed identity (e.g., Hong Konger, only secondarily Chinese and Chinese, only secondarily Hong Konger) into exclusive or inclusive identity as we did in Study 1, it provided a more precise operational definition of inclusive versus exclusive identity. Finally, the measure we used to assess intergroup bias in Study 1 was novel and somewhat indirect. In the present study, the Symbolic Racism Scale (Henry & Sears, 2002) and the College Students Racial Attitude Survey (Brigham, 1993) were used to measure intergroup bias. These measures are widely known and well-established direct measures of intergroup bias. We predicted that the entity theory manipulation would orient the participant to view the negative qualities of African Americans as fixed and thus render greater prejudice against African Americans regardless of the participants social identity. By contrast, the incremental theory manipulation would enable participants to shift their attention between attributes characteristic of African Americans only and personal qualities characteristic of all Americans, making it possible for self-categorization to moderate the extent of prejudice against African Americans. In particular, under the incremental theory manipulation, participants primed with an American identity (inclusive identity) should display significantly less prejudice than should those primed with an Asian American identity (exclusive identity). Method
PARTICIPANTS

Seventy-seven Asian American students (39 men, 38 women) at a large, Midwestern university participated in this study. They received a subject pool credit for a Psychology 100 course in exchange for their involvement in the study. Participants ages ranged from 18 to 25, with a mean age of 19.32. In terms of ethnicity, 29.9% of the participants were Chinese, 23.4% Koreans, 18.2% Filipinos, 16.9% Indians, 6.5% Japanese, 2.6% Thai, and 2.6% Vietnamese. Forty-five participants were born in the United States, whereas the remaining 32 were born in another country. Among the 32 participants who were born overseas, the years of residence in the United States ranged from 1 to 20.50 years, with a mean of 10.84. In the data analysis, we excluded 4 participants who had lived

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Racial discrimination is no longer a serious obstacle to Blacks prospect for a good life; that Blacks continuing disadvantages are due to their own unwillingness to take responsibility for their lives; and that, as a result, Blacks continuing anger about their own treatment, their demands for better treatment, and the various kinds of special attention given to them are not truly justified. (Henry & Sears, 2002, p. 254; see also Sears, van Laar, Carrillo, & Kosterman, 1997)

in the United States for 3 years or less because their short stay would make the social identity manipulation (American or Asian American activation) problematic.
MATERIALS

Identity manipulation. In this study, participants read the following outline of some problems the United States faces as a nation:
American society is facing a lot of problems nowadays. Domestically, America faces problems of unemployment, crimes in the inner cities, and terrorism on the American soil. Internationally, America faces problems of negotiating with the Islamic countries and economic commitment to various nations.

They were asked to think about actions that could be taken to make the United States a better country and to write a short essay about their ideas. In the exclusive identity condition (Asian American identity), the participants were asked to think specifically about what we as Asian Americans could do to make the United States better. In the inclusive identity condition (American identity), participants were asked to think about what we as Americans could do to make the United States better. Implicit theory manipulation. As in previous studies (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Levy et al., 1998), we used a reading comprehension task to manipulate implicit theories. The participants were given a short essay to read. The essay was formatted to resemble an article in a scientific journal. The essay was on the topic of moral character but the content of the essay was varied according to the condition to which the participant was assigned. In the entity theory condition, the participant read an essay that argued for a fixed view of moral character. A sample extract from the essay follows: Based on six longitudinal studies having considerably different samples and rationales, [Dr. Medin] stated that in most of us, by the age of ten, our character has set like plaster and will never soften again. In the incremental theory condition, the participant read an essay that argued for a malleable view of moral character. A sample extract from the essay is as follows: Based on six longitudinal studies having considerably different samples and rationales, Dr. Medin argued that no ones character is hard like a rock that cannot be changed. Only for some, greater effort and determination are needed to effect changes. Symbolic Racism Scale. We used the Symbolic Racism Scale (Henry & Sears, 2002) to assess participants prejudice toward African Americans. The scale consists of 10 statements, which together convey a coherent set of beliefs.

Respondents report the extent of their agreement with most items using a scale between 1 (strongly disagree) and 4 (strongly agree). One item uses a 3-point rating scale, which was recoded into a 4-point scale in the analysis. The respondents responses are scored in a way such that higher scores indicate higher levels of prejudice. Henry and Sears (2002) have tested the scale on college student and general adult samples and found the scale to have high internal reliability, discriminant validity, and predictive validity. College Students Racial Attitude Survey. This scale was adapted from the Brigham (1993) Whites Attitude Toward Blacks Scale. The original scale consists of four subscales, namely, social distance, affective reactions, government policy, and worry about reverse discrimination. In the present study, we used the social distance, affective reactions, and worry subscales only. In addition, the items had been edited so that they reflected not only Whites attitudes toward African Americans but also those of the general public. Sample items of the scale are as follows: I would rather not have Blacks live in the same apartment building I live in; I get very upset when I hear people make a prejudicial remark about Blacks (reverse-scored); and I worry that in the next few years I may be denied my application for a job or a promotion because of preferential treatment given to Blacks. Respondents report the extent of their agreement to each item on a scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree). Higher scores indicate higher levels of prejudice.
PROCEDURES

Participants attended the study in groups of two to six but were assigned to individual cubicles for the duration of the experiment. They had contact with the experimenter at various times throughout the experiment but did not have contact with each other. The experimenter (a Caucasian woman) explained that the session would involve a variety of tasks related to social attitudes, including writing an essay, reading a scientific article, and completing a series of questionnaires. The experimenter then passed out the instructions on the essay. Participants had approximately 5 min to write an essay on how to make the United States a better place (the social identity manipulation). At the end of this task, the experimenter collected the participants essay and pre-

Hong et al. / INTERGROUP BIAS pared the group for the reading comprehension task. The experimenter explained that different participants would read a different article, presented each participant with several articles face down, and had the participant randomly select one article to read. However, the articles were arranged in such a way that the participants always picked the article that corresponded to the implicit theory condition to which they had been assigned. Once the reading comprehension task was completed, the participant filled out the Symbolic Racism Scale and then the College Students Racial Attitude Survey. At the end of the session, the participant was probed for knowledge about the purpose of the study. None of the participants were able to connect the manipulations to the dependent measures. The participant was thoroughly debriefed. Most participants found the study to be educational and none of them were disturbed by the manipulations. Results and Discussion The internal reliability of the Symbolic Racism Scale ( = .70) and that of the College Students Racial Attitude Survey ( = .84) were satisfactory. The distributions of the two measures were near normal (M = 2.25, SD = 0.38, skewness = 0.20 for the Symbolic Racism Scale, and M = 2.13, SD = 0.69, skewness = 0.67 for the College Students Racial Attitude Survey).
SYMBOLIC RACISM SCALE
2.4 2.35 2.3 2.25 2.2 2.15 2.1 2.05 2 1.95 1.9 Entity the ory

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Incre me ntal the ory

Asian American (exclusive identity)

American (inclusive identity)

Figure 2 Mean symbolic racism score as a function of implicit theories and social identities in Study 2.

The ANOVA performed on the Symbolic Racism Scale revealed a significant Implicit Theory Social Identity interaction, F(1, 69) = 4.10, p < .05. There were no significant main effects of implicit theory, F(1, 69) = 1.61, ns, or social identity, F(1, 69) = 0.70, ns. Figure 2 shows that, as predicted, in the entity theory condition, the level of prejudice expressed toward African Americans did not differ between participants whose American identity was activated (M = 2.35, SD = 0.44) and those whose Asian American identity was activated (M = 2.25, SD = 0.35), F(1, 37) = 0.67, ns. Also as predicted, in the incremental theory condition, participants whose American identity was activated expressed significantly lower levels of prejudice (M = 2.06, SD = 0.33) toward African Americans than did those whose Asian American identity was activated (M = 2.31, SD = 0.36), F(1, 32) = 4.54, p < .05.
COLLEGE STUDENTS RACIAL ATTITUDE SURVEY

Social Identity groups (M = 1.91, SD = 0.59, for the incrementalAmerican condition, M = 2.23, SD = 0.73, for the incrementalAsian American condition, M = 2.24, SD = 0.77, for the entityAmerican condition, M = 2.09, SD = 0.65, for the entityAsian American condition), F(1, 71) = 2.01, ns). The effects of implicit theory and social identity on the College Students Racial Attitude Survey fell short of statistical significance probably because the effects of the manipulations had dissipated after the participants had filled out the Symbolic Racism Scale. In sum, the findings from this study are consistent with those from Study 1. More important, using an experimental design, we have established the causal role of implicit theory and social identity in prejudice toward a maligned group.
GENERAL DISCUSSION

Both the main effect of implicit theory, F(1, 69) = 0.33, ns, and that of social identity, F(1, 69) = 0.30, ns, were not significant. Although the predicted two-way interaction was not significant, F(1, 69) = 2.00, p = .16, the mean prejudice level in the incremental theoryAmerican identity condition was the lowest among the four Implicit Theory

We conducted two studies to test the role of implicit theory and social identity in predicting prejudice toward a maligned group. Although the two studies involved different social groups in distinct sociopolitical contexts, the findings of the two studies were remarkably similar. Specifically, in Study 1, Hong Kong college students holding an entity theory, regardless of their social identity, displayed significant negative bias against Chinese Mainlanders. By contrast, students holding an incremental theory displayed different levels of bias depending on their social identity. Those who endorsed a Chinese (inclusive) identity displayed less prejudice than did those who endorsed a Hong Konger (exclusive) identity. Similarly, in Study 2, in the entity theory condition, regardless of whether the participants were primed with an American (inclusive) identity or an Asian Ameri-

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PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN However, some recent research has shown that holding a dual identity also may enhance intergroup relations (Brown & Wade, 1987; Deschamps & Brown, 1983; Hornsey & Hogg, 2000). For example, the Mutual Intergroup Differentiation Model (Hewstone, 1996; Hewstone & Brown, 1986) posits that it is possible to change intergroup attitudes by introducing a cooperative relationship between groups without obscuring ethnic group memberships. Indeed, studies (Dovidio, Gaertner, & Validzic, 1998; Huo, Smith, Tyler, & Lind, 1996; cf. Brewer, 2000) have shown that promoting a common, overarching identity while acknowledging the subgroups unique experiences or expertises can reduce intergroup perception bias. As such, adopting a common ingroup identity does not require complete abandonment of subgroup identities (Brown, Vivian, & Hewstone, 1999; Gaertner, Rust, Dovidio, Bachman, & Anastasio, 1996). Of interest, despite their apparent differences, both models assume that by drawing the perceivers attention to a different set of group experiences, the perceivers will change their intergroup perception. The Common Ingroup Identity Model assumes that group perception is changed when the perceiver attends to the experiences that are characteristic of the inclusive group. The Mutual Intergroup Differentiation Model assumes that group perception is changed when the perceivers shift their focus to the distinct positive experiences of the target subgroup. In short, in both models, the perceiver is assumed to have taken up a social constitutive view of human character, or the belief that peoples moral character evolves from their shared experiences in the group. Such a social constitutive view of human character is at the heart of an incremental theory, which assumes that peoples moral character may change with their personal and group experiences. We have shown in the present research that a common ingroup identity is more effective in reducing prejudice within an incremental theory framework than within an entity theory framework. Because entity theorists tend to attribute enduring negative characteristics to the group, even when they hold a common ingroup identity, they may still treat the m al i g ne d g ro up as the b l ack she e p i n the superordinate group. By contrast, within an incremental framework, a common ingroup identity may shift the perceivers attention to the common experiences of all individuals in the superordinate group from the experiences that are unique to the targets regional or ethnic group. Because incremental theorists believe experiences shape moral character, they modify their perceptions of a target when they adopt an inclusive group identity.

can (exclusive) identity, similar levels of prejudice against African Americans were observed. By contrast, in the incremental theory condition, the participants who were primed with an American identity were less prejudiced against African Americans than those who were primed with an Asian American identity. Taken as a whole, these two studies provided consistent support to our contention that implicit theories set up different meaning frameworks within which personal qualities of individuals in social groups are interpreted. A belief in fixed human character (entity theory) orients perceivers to form a rigid, nonmalleable view of a maligned group, which fosters prejudice against the group independent of the perceivers self-categorization. As a result, entity theorists holding an overarching, inclusive identity are equally likely as entity theorists holding an exclusive identity to prejudge a maligned group. In other words, endorsing a common, overarching identity may not reduce prejudice in an entity theory framework. By contrast, a belief in malleable human character (incremental theory) orients perceivers to focus on the influence of group experiences on individuals moral character. Accordingly, incremental theorists are prepared to moderate their negative perceptions of individuals in a maligned group when they cognitively reassign these individuals from the them category to the us category. Such recategorization is likely to occur when incremental theorists adopt an overarching, inclusive identity. Similarly, a subordinate identity that excludes a maligned group may orient incremental theorists to reassign the targets from the us category to the them category, and hence shift their perceptions of the maligned group in the negative direction. As a result, incremental theorists holding an overarching, inclusive identity are less likely to prejudice against a maligned group than are those holding an exclusive social identity. In short, within an incremental theory framework, endorsing a common, overarching identity may be an effective means to reduce prejudice.
IMPLICATIONS FOR REDUCING PREJUDICE

Social identity has been the focus in research on the formation and reduction of prejudice (Brewer, 2000; Gaertner et al., 1993; Hewstone, 1996; Jetten et al., 1997; Miller & Brewer, 1986; Turner et al., 1979; see review Pettigrew, 1998). The Common Ingroup Identity Model and the Mutual Intergroup Differentiation Model, both based on social identity theories, have been particularly influential in guiding the design of intergroup relation enhancement programs. According to the Common Ingroup Identity Model, a common, inclusive identity could promote better intergroup relations (Dovidio et al., 2000; Gaertner et al., 1993).

Hong et al. / INTERGROUP BIAS We did not test whether implicit theories also would moderate the effects of mutual intergroup differentiation in prejudice reduction. However, we believe that to make social identity interventions effective, it is important to instill or activate a social constitutive theory of human character in the mind of the intervention recipients. Study 2 of the present research suggests that it is possible to teach an incremental theory to the research participants within a short experimental session (see also Levy, 1999; Levy et al., 2001). Thus, it may be worthwhile to design intervention programs that teach incremental theory and promote common ingroup identification or mutual intergroup differentiation at the same time. However, in Study 2, the effects of implicit theory

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manipulation were short-lived. They dissipated after the participants had completed a 10-item prejudice measure. Thus, for an implicit theory intervention to be effective, special attention must be given to sustain the effect of the intervention. In summary, in the present article, we have proposed a way to integrate the implicit theory and social identity approaches. By doing so, we also have clarified an important assumption in some social identity models of prejudice reduction; these models presuppose a malleable view of human character. Such clarification is important for furthering our understanding of the social cognitive basis of prejudice and biases in intergroup perceptions.

APPENDIX Stimulus Behaviors Used in Study 1

Valence Positive Positive Positive Positive Positive Positive Positive Negative Negative Negative Negative Negative Negative Negative Neutral Neutral Neutral Neutral Neutral Neutral Neutral Order of Presentation 1 2 6 10 11 16 18 3 5 7 9 13 14 19 4 8 12 15 17 20 21 Behavior Shopped for groceries for an elderly neighbor Defended a friend who had been insulted Pulled someone about to be hit by a car back to the sidewalk Took care of a child for a friend who was away on urgent business Led a lost tourist to her destination Gave unused furniture to neighbors who needed it Celebrated a friends birthday Interrupted someone Furtively ripped a page from a book in the library Knowing the cashier had given too much change, took the money without a word Acted out of malice toward a colleague Refused to return a tape recorder borrowed from a friend Charged high interest to a friend who needed money urgently Refused to accept a friends apology Watched TV at home after dinner Went window shopping on weekends Went to a movie with a friend Got some groceries from a store during a big sale Went to a stationary store to buy a ballpoint pen Posted a letter in the post office Wore more clothes during cold weather

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NOTES

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Brigham, J. C. (1993). College students racial attitudes. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 23, 1933-1967. Brown, R. J., Vivian, J., & Hewstone, M. (1999). Changing attitudes through intergroup contact: The effects of membership salience. European Journal of Social Psychology, 29, 741-764. Brown, R. J., & Wade, G. (1987). Superordinate goals and intergroup behaviour: The effect of role ambiguity and status on intergroup attitudes and task performance. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17, 131-142. Cacioppo, J. T., & Petty, R. E. (1982). The need for cognition. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 42, 116-131. Chau, A., Chiu, C., & Foo, L. (1998). Hong Kongers perception of new migrants from Mainland China. In R. Ramos, J. R. Dinis, R. Wilson, & D. Y. Yuan (Eds.), Macau and its neighbors toward the 21st century (pp. 3-12). Macau, China: Publication Center of University of Macau. Chiu, C. (1994). Bases of categorization and person cognition. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Columbia University, New York. Chiu, C., Dweck, C. S., Tong, Y., & Fu, J. (1997). Implicit theories and conceptions of morality. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 73, 923-940. Chiu, C., Hong, Y., & Dweck, C. S. (1997). Lay dispositionism and implicit theories of personality. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 73, 19-30. Coopersmith, S. (1967). The antecedents of self-esteem. San Francisco, CA: Freeman. Deschamps, J. -C., & Brown, R. J. (1983). Superordinate goals and intergroup conflict. British Journal of Social Psychology, 22, 189-195. Diehl, M. (1990). The minimal group paradigm: Theoretical explanations and empirical findings. European Review of Social Psychology, 1, 263-292. Dovidio, J., Gaertner, S. L., & Loux, S. (2000). Subjective experiences and intergroup relations: The role of positive affect. In H. Bless & J. P. Forgas (Eds.), The message within: The role of subjective experience in social cognition and behavior (pp. 340-371). Philadelphia: Psychology Press. Dovidio, J. F., Gaertner, S. L., & Validzic, A. (1998). Intergroup bias: Status, differentiation, and a common ingroup identity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 109-120. Dovidio, J. F., Gaertner, S. L., Validzic, A., Matoka, A., Johnson, B., & Frazier, S. (1997). Extending the benefits of recategorization: Evaluations, self-disclosure, and helping. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 33, 401-420. Dweck, C., Chiu, C., & Hong, Y. (1995). Implicit theories and their role in judgments and reactions: A world from two perspectives. Psychological Inquiry, 6, 267-285. Fletcher, G. J. O., Danilovics, P., Fernandez, G., Peterson, D., & Reeder, G. D. (1986). Attributional complexity: An individual differences measures. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51, 875-884. Gaertner, S. L., Dovidio, J. F., Anastasio, P. A., Bachman, B. A., & Rust, M. C. ( 1993) . T h e common in group iden t it y model: Recategorization and the reduction of intergroup bias. European Review of Social Psychology, 4, 1-26. Gaertner, S. L., Mann, J. A., Dovidio, J. F., Murrell, A. J., & Pomare, M. (1990). How does cooperation reduce intergroup bias? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 59, 692-704. Gaertner, S. L., Rust, M. C., Dovidio, J. F., Bachman, B. A., & Anastasio, P. A. (1994). The contact hypothesis: The role of a common ingroup identity on reducing intergroup bias. Small Group Research, 25, 224-249. Gaertner, S. L., Rust, M. C., Dovidio, J. F., Bachman, B. A., & Anastasio, P. A. (1996). The contact hypothesis: The role of a common ingroup identity on reducing intergroup bias among majority and minority group members. In J. L. Nye & A. M. Brower (Eds.), Whats social about social cognition? (pp. 230-260). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Gervey, M., Chiu, C., Hong, Y., & Dweck, C. S. (1999). Differential use of person information in decisions about guilt versus innocence: The role of implicit theories. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25, 17-27.

1. Both the Chinese, only secondarily a Hong Konger option and the Hong Konger, only secondarily a Chinese option are dual identity options and thus can be classified in the same group as such. Although the dual identity classification is legitimate, it is not appropriate for our research goals. For the purpose of testing our hypothesis, it makes more sense to place the Chinese; the Chinese, only secondarily a Hong Konger; the Hong Konger, only secondarily a Chinese; and the Hong Konger options on a continuum that ranges from strongest identification with the Chinese identity (the most inclusive identity) to strongest identification with the Hong Konger identity (the most exclusive identity). In addition, there is strong supportive evidence from past research that these four identities are four points on this continuum (Hong, Chiu, Yeung, & Tong, 1999; Lam, Lau, Chiu, Hong, & Peng, 1999), with the first two options indicating stronger identification with being Chinese than being a Hong Konger and the last two options indicating stronger identification with being a Hong Konger than being Chinese. Thus, splitting the four identities at the midpoint of this continuum can be justified. 2. Previous studies (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995) have shown that this scale is a reliable measure, with a high internal reliability (s ranging from .73 to .96). Test-retest reliability for a 2-week interval is .82 (N = 62). Regarding the measures construct validity, it does not correlate with the respondents scores on academic aptitude tests (Verbal and Quantitative SAT scores) or with standard measures of social desirable responding and self-presentation (Self-Monitoring Scale; Snyder, 1974). Thus, the measure is not confounded with intellectual ability or self-presentation concerns. Also, it does not correlate with a measure assessing optimism about human nature, the Coopersmith (1967) self-esteem measure, the Altemeyer (1981) Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale, or the Kerlinger (1984) Measures of Conservatism and Liberalism (see Dweck et al., 1995). It should not, therefore, be confounded with positivity or negativity about the self and others or with the respondents ideological rigidity or political stance. Moreover, the items in the implicit theories measure do not mention anything about processing style or motivation. Thus, they should be distinct from other process-oriented individual differences variables such as personal need for structure (Neuberg & Newsom, 1993), attributional complexity (Fletcher, Danilovics, Fernandez, Peterson, & Reeder, 1986), and the need for cognition (Cacioppo & Petty, 1982). The correlations between implicit theories and these process-oriented individual difference variables are between .17 and .24 (Levy & Dweck, 1997). 3. Results of the regression analysis converged with those of the ANOVA. As predicted, the Implicit Theory Social Identity interaction was significant, = 0.11, t(83) = 2.65, SE = 0.04, p < .01. The main effect of implicit theory was marginally significant, = 0.12, t(83) = 2.0, SE = 0.06, p = .05, whereas the main effect of social identity was not significant, = 0.05, t(83) = 1.04, SE = 0.05, ns. REFERENCES Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Cambridge, MA: Addison-Wesley. Altemeyer, B. (1981). Right-wing authoritarianism. Winnipeg: The University of Manitoba Press. Bobo, L. (1997). Race, public opinion, and the social sphere. Public Opinion Quarterly, 61, 1-15. Brewer, M. B. (1999). The psychology of prejudice: Ingroup love or outgroup hate? Journal of Social Issues, 55, 429-444. Brewer, M. B. (2000). Reducing prejudice through cross-categorization: Effects of multiple social identities. In S. Oskamp (Ed.), Reducing prejudice and discrimination: The Claremont Symposium on Applied Social Psychology (pp. 165-183). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Brewer, M. B., Hong, Y., & Li, Q. (in press). Dynamic entitativity: Perceiving groups as actors. To appear in V. Yzerbyt, C. M. Judd, & O. Corneille (Eds.), The psychology of group perception: Contributions to the study of homogeneity, entitativity, and essentialism. Washington, DC: Psychology Press.

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