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From this visualization (and from our previous material on the subject) we can see the coastal zone includes both portions of dry land as well as portions of submerged land.1 As mentioned previously, the exact extent of the coastal zone varies depending on the
1
Submerged land is a term that refers to land underwater, such as bottom of lakes, oceans, etc.
Page 2 of 9 legal definition applied in a particular coastal state; we do not have a federal standardized definition of coastal zone in this sense, rather each coastal state provides a defined geographic boundary based on a number of factors. In this way we come to understand that the term coastal zone has a legal-political definition; although coastal zones will share similar physical characteristics from one state to another, there will be differences among these states in how they define the exact characteristics of their coastal zone. Beyond differences in the definitions of coastal zone adopted by each coastal state, there are also differences in the approaches coastal states take in the management of their defined coastal resources. For example, consider the following visual representation:
Coastal State A may be located in an area that is conducive to tourism, including use of its coastal waters for recreational purposes. For Coastal State A, water quality and natural resource protection might therefore be a high priority because these qualities are important contributors to its focus on tourism and the economic benefits that flow from tourist activities. Coastal State B may have different priorities when it comes to its coastal waters. Rather than having a thriving tourism industry, Coastal State B may have a history of utilizing its coastal waters for offshore oil and gas development. In this case, Coastal State B may prioritize energy development over water quality issues. Coastal State C may have a thriving local commercial fishing industry and identifies its costal waters as important nursery habitat where commercial fish species develop from juveniles to adults, thus Coastal State C may prioritize the protection of the coastal waters to support its commercial fishery. The examples of Coastal States A, B, and C above provide some insight into the different kinds of priorities that can exist among coastal states in the use of their coastal waters. Now imagine if coastal states existing in immediate proximity to one another having
Page 3 of 9 different priorities where those differences have the potential to impact each others priorities. Or, imagine the situation where a coastal states priorities for its coastal waters are being impacted by federal activities that exist just outside of the coastal states jurisdiction, for example a federal permit for oil and gas development existing just beyond the 3-mile jurisdictional limit of a coastal state that prioritizes the pristine water quality of its waters. The federal activity has the potential to negatively impact the coastal priority of the state in this case, such as where a leak in the drilling for oil can result in the oil being brought into the coastal waters by the natural movement of the tides. The point being made here is there is a strong potential for competing priorities between coastal states and also between a coastal state and the federal government to impact policy goals in using coastal and ocean resources. One legal framework that has been developed to help deal with these sometimes competing priorities and goals is the Coastal Zone Management Act (CZMA); our goal in this section is to better understand this federal statute and to see how it attempts to deal with conflicts among coastal states and the federal government.
The CZMA is a law, meaning it sits in the middle of our hierarchy; it was passed by our U.S. Congress in 1972 in order to set up a framework to ensure each coastal state
Page 4 of 9 managed its resources in a way that would limit the differences between coastal states. The impetus for this policy goal included the Stratton Commission Report, which was one of the first comprehensive reports on the marine resources of the United States. One of the recommendations of the report was to have a more centralized approach to the management of marine resources. Thus, by creating a federal law with certain management principles (the CZMA), some consistency would be created among coastal states in the manner in which coastal resources were identified, prioritized, utilized, and planned for. One of the questions that arose in the development of the CZMA was the degree of federal authority to pass legislation that commanded states in how they managed their coastal resources. Under traditional interpretations of federalism, the federal government has limited capacity to influence states in how they manage their sovereign resources, and this has historically included coastal resources (we will engage in an explicit discussion of this concept when we get to the materials on the Tidelands Controversy and the Submerged Lands Act). Since this issue of federalism is imbued into the U.S. Constitution (including the Tenth Amendment), our hierarchy of laws suggests constitutional limitations trump statutes (laws) like the CZMA that directly conflict with those constitutional principles. When applying our legal framework to the coastal zone, we find limits in how far the federal government can go in forcing coastal states into adopting specific policy goals geared towards the uniform management of coastal areas. The CZMA is an attempt to create such uniform standards, but the manner in which the statute goes about accomplishing this goal cannot be direct, for example utilizing command-and-control language that sets a standard and then forces coastal states to adhere to that standard; the lack of constitutional authority by the federal government to force coastal states to comply with uniform management approaches means the CZMA, as a representation of a policy preference, must implement the federal goal in a less direct manner. It is important to understand how the CZMA functionally operates by overlaying a legal framework analysis because it helps us to see limits on how the statute can implement the federal policy objective to create uniform coastal management standards. For example, we now know from our legal framework analysis that the federal government cannot force coastal states to adopt specific management standards (via command-and-control legislative directives for example). However, it is possible for the federal government to cajole (create incentives) coastal states into adopting these standards. And indeed, we find these very mechanisms of carrots contained in the CZMA as a means of getting coastal state adoption of federal standards. In fact, two of these carrots (federal funding and federal consistency) are main topics of our conversation in the CZMA itself. A final point before delving into the CZMA in detail is to recognize the impact of reduced legal authority on the ability of the federal government to get coastal states to adopt certain coastal management standards; the reduced authority means that the CZMA is really a consensus-building instrument from a policy standpoint. When legal authority is diminished (I cant tell you what to do with impunity), then the policy stance changes;
Page 5 of 9 I must look to a variety of ways to get you to see my point-of-view and, hopefully, adopt that view. This is a very different kind of policy stance, and as a result it impacts the manner in which a statute like the CZMA is implemented. Pay close attention to this unique policy setting as we move into a deeper review of the CZMA as a method for managing coastal resources.
This can lead to an inconsistent use of coastal resources, for example not considering the potential for increased flooding and storm damage risks in the building standards for coastal properties. In addition, coastal land often is quite sensitive to disruption (for example sand dunes that serve as important habitat and protection from coastal erosion). As such special consideration of coastal land is often an important part of protecting coastal resources.
Page 6 of 9 CZMA provided wide latitude towards states in the development of those programs (see the policy goal language above), any programmatic approach to coastal management was a significant leap ahead of what existed before the CZMA. Operationally, the CZMA works in the following way: Coastal states submit coastal management plans to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). NOAA reviews those plans to ensure they are in conformance with the federal standards (essentially to ensure the plans are programmatic in identifying and managing coastal resources in the state). If the plans are in conformance, then NOAA approves the plan.
Approval of the state coastal management plan triggers the two important carrots of the CZMA above. First, approved plans must then be implemented by the coastal states, and the implementation process can be expensive. The CZMA provides federal funds to the coastal state in order for the state to implement its coastal management plan thus there is a financial carrot of federal dollars. Second, federal consistency is offered to approved coastal management plans, which requires the federal government to consider the impact of its activities on coastal state priorities outlined in their management plans, and where possible, ensure those federal activities do not negatively impact stated coastal priorities. Consider the following figure as a starting point to explaining federal consistency in context:
Page 7 of 9 In the figure, the large red X located in federal jurisdiction represents a potential federal project: say an offshore oil and gas extraction platform. The purpose of the project would be to drill in federal waters into the ocean bottom below and begin extracting oil and gas deposits. One of the potential risks in drilling for oil and gas can emanate from the drilling rig system; a failure in the system can cause an oil leak similar to what occurred in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010 with the BP Oil Spill (Deep Horizon). Under the CZMA federal consistency requirements, the federal government is required to consider, in addition to other oil and gas leasing requirements, the potential impacts of drilling in this area on nearby coastal state resources. So in this case the federal government would have to look at the nearby coastal states management plan (assuming the coastal state had an approved plan under the CZMA) and consider the potential impacts of a spill on different aspects of the coastal states resources (the small red Xs in the state jurisdictional waters and coastal uplands). Under the example provided immediately above, we can consider how different coastal state priorities can impact the extent of federal review (and potential responses) under the federal consistency requirements of the CZMA. For example, Coastal State A might have a coastal management plan that prioritizes the purity of its water quality and coastline to highlight its reliance on coastal tourism (think Florida). The federal act of permitting an offshore oil and gas project near a coastal state that highlights the preservation, protection, and enhancement of its coastal resources can directly conflict with the states coastal state priorities. On the contrary, such a project might have less impact on a coastal state that prioritizes oil and gas development and, in fact, has a number of such projects already occurring within the 3-mile jurisdictional limit of the state (think Texas). In this situation the proposed federal project is more harmonious with coastal state priorities and thus unlikely to conflict with those priorities. In the first example of Coastal State A, the proposed federal plan is likely inconsistent with coastal priorities. As such, under the CZMA, the federal government must, to the extent practicable, modify its proposed plans to ensure the coastal state priorities are not jeopardized through federal action. To make the point clear, federal consistency under the CZMA forces the federal government to rethink how it uses its own sovereign property when that use has the potential to conflict with approved state coastal priorities. This is powerful because it represents an instance when the notion of supremacy under our traditional notions of federalism is reversed, leading some to refer to this provision of the CZMA as a reverse supremacy clause.3
3
Under traditional notions of supremacy, federal law generally trumps state law in most respects when those laws are in direct conflict with one another. Thus, reverse supremacy is meant to suggest the situation where state law trumps federal law under a direct conflict. Of course, under the CZMA, it is a federal agency (NOAA) that ultimately determines if there is a direct conflict between the federal action and the approved state coastal plan. This is not the same kind of objective third-party review we expect when we seek judicial review of a question of law (like the application of the Supremacy Clause to a dispute between state and federal rights).
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http://www.mass.gov/czm/ http://www.coastal.ca.gov
Page 9 of 9 priority, then it must. This reverse supremacy creates important policy directions for coastal states; knowing the coastal state priorities have a kind of trump over inconsistent federal actions changes the policy landscape. Prior to the CZMA coastal states had little reason to believe their priorities would trump federal priorities; the federal government was generally free to act upon its jurisdictional waters without much concern for the impacts of its action on coastal state resources. However, this is no longer the case and it presents an important change in the policy landscape that was heretofore defined by legal principles of federalism.6 Understanding this change in the policy landscape because of the CZMA provides a deeper way of considering the policy environment when we think about coastal management choices. END OF SECTION.
A clear example of this is provided in the McGuire reading on coastal planning and federal consistency: http://works.bepress.com/chad_mcguire/34/