“The warrior stelae of the Iberian South-west.

Symbols of power in ancestral landscapes.”

Leonardo García Sanjuán
Department of Prehistory and Archaeology
University of Sevilla (Spain)

Abstract

This paper has as its starting point from the recent discovery of two new warrior stelae
in Almadén de la Plata (Sevilla, Spain). The iconography of one of these stelae (show-
ing a pair of human figures portraying rather distinctive attributes) poses a number of
challenges to the conventional wisdom that regards these items as mythological con-
structs or as reflection of social complexity. Similarly, the intensive survey fieldwork
carried out at the location of this particular find and its surroundings suggests that more
emphasis has to be made in the diachronic dimension of the local traditions of which
these outstanding monuments were part.

Key words: Bronze Age, Iron Age, Stelae, Iconography, Mythology, Social Complex-
ity, Survey

1.- Introduction.
Our knowledge about the Late Bronze Age (LBA) in the Iberian south-west is some-
what scanty. Among the various reasons for this deficit, two in particular stand out.
First, the excavations carried out in the settlements of this period have been conducted
primarily along stratigraphic lines, with the result that there is little information about
their internal (that is to say, spatial and functional) organisation. Second, as in many
other Atlantic regions of Europe, throughout almost the whole of the Iberian south-west,
there is no easily identifiable or definable funerary record for this period (Belén Deamos
et al 1991). Compared to the relative abundance of the characteristic cist burials of the
Early Bronze Age (EBA), the LBA is characterised by funerary practices that present a
limited level of material expression, especially with respect to architecture.

One consequence of the limited quality of the LBA record in the Iberian south-west is
that much of the discussion about the social organisation and the ideology of this period
has turned on the so-called “warrior stelae”. In fact, ever since the first of these was
published at the end of the nineteenth century (Roso de Luna 1898), the warrior stelae
have constituted one of the most debated topics of Spanish Late Prehistory, with a sub-
stantial literature that, at the time of writing, comprises five monographs and catalogues
(Almagro Basch 1966; Barceló Álvarez 1991; Galán Domingo 1993; Celestino Pérez

1
2001; Harrison 2004; Domínguez de la Concha et al 2005) and more than a hundred art-
icles.

The warrior stelae are monoliths with an average height of between 70 and 100 centi-
metres, one face of which is engraved with (generally, but not exclusively) motifs de-
picting weapons, often surrounding a central anthropomorphic figure. Following the
most recently published compilations (Celestino Pérez 2001; Harrison 2004; Murillo
Redondo et al 2005:35-36; Domínguez de la Concha et al 2005), and adding the most
recently found ones, a plausible inventory of these stelae would provide a total number
between 110 and 120. A global count is, however, fairly dependent on the criteria used
to include or exclude some broken, doubtful (poorly documented) or "hybrid" (as far as
their "warrior" character is concerned) cases1. Geographically, they are mainly distrib-
uted around the central basins of the Tajo, Guadiana and Guadalquivir rivers, all of
which flow roughly from east to west, discharging into the Atlantic between the penin-
sula of Lisbon and the straits of Gibraltar (Figure 1a).

In recent years, the discussion of these monuments has been reinvigorated (Harrison
2004; Murillo Redondo et al 2005; Celestino Pérez & López Ruiz 2006; García Sanjuán
et al 2006a; Enríquez Navascués 2006; Brandherm 2008; Galán Domingo 2008; Tejera
Gaspar et al 2008), partly because the steady growth in their number has in parallel in-
creased their variability, posing new challenges to research, but also because they still
hold a somewhat disproportionate relative significance for the archaeological study of
LBA and Early Iron Age (EIA) societies in the region. The main aim of this paper is to
make a contribution to this recent upsurge of the debate. The discussion made here will
start from a critique of some previous approaches to, then, departing from the study car-
ried out on the newly found Almadén de la Plata stelae, suggest new perspectives of
analysis.

2.- Old problems.

The most common composition in the warrior stelae depicts a person surrounded by
artefacts (Figure 1b). Usually, these artefacts are militaristic in character (swords,
spears, shields, helmets and chariots), although sometimes other objects are also in-
cluded (such as mirrors, fibulae, musical instruments, and other less easily discernible
ones). Other motifs include animals (such as horses, dogs and deer) as well as human
beings. The study of the stelae has focused largely on the identification of the motifs de-
picted. On the one hand, it has been assumed that all the motifs corresponded with arte-
facts existing in real life (Galán Domingo 2008: 8), an assumption that seems question-
able given the findings of the research of the past few decades. This task has been com-
plicated by the high level of abstraction and the geometrical nature which characterises
these motifs. Despite various more or less informed speculations, several motifs have
only been tentatively identified (that is the case, for example, of weights, musical instru-
ments, mirrors, combs, diadems, etc.) and have no direct correlates in the archaeological
record. On the other hand, some of the artefacts allegedly represented (such as the
shields, helmets and “diadems”) are completely absent from the archaeological record
of the Iberian LBA. Despite the efforts devoted to the detailed correlation between the

1
For practical purposes, the total number contemplated in this paper is 114.

2
motifs and specific objects known in the archaeological record, such as some types of
swords or fibulae (mostly because of their special significance in chronological terms),
the hard truth is that in most cases it is almost impossibe to be sure about the concrete
morphology of the represented objects.

Despite these difficulties, much of the discussion surrounding them has focused on
identifying the “places of origin” of the depicted artefacts, and has been characterised
by a strongly diffusionist approach. Broadly speaking, the analysis has been split
between artefact-types belonging to a more “Atlantic” tradition, (and which would point
to a “higher” or “older” chronology within the LBA - last third of the 2nd and early cen-
turies of the 1st millennia BC) and those that “originated” from the Eastern Mediter-
ranean (fibulae, chariots), hence linking the stelae to the Phoenician trade and colonisa-
tion (and therefore suggesting a “lower” or “later” chronology for them, within the
EIA). The diffusionist fixation of the discussion has led to some disproportionate em-
phasis on the quest for the oriental “parallels” of the stelae´s motifs. An example of this
can be found in the recently suggested analogy between the horns (supposedly horned
helmets) that come out from the heads of some of the anthropomorhs and those depicted
in certain Syrian-Palestinian stelae (Celestino Pérez & López-Ruiz 2006). As it has been
suggested (Brandherm 2008) this is a limited contribution to the discussion, beyond
pointing out the obvious similarity that any graphical motif with two horns may have in
almost any culture.

Similarly, a good deal of the debate has focused on clarifying the “place of origin” of
the stelae within the Iberian South-west, and their subsequent patterns of “expansion”
and “movement”. In this case, a widely used argument is that the stelae with more
simple compositions (the so-called “basic” stelae, showing only weapons and no anthro-
pomorhs) would have been earlier, whereas those with more “narrative” compositions
would have evolved at a later stage, “spreading” over a larger geographical area. This
view does not contemplate the possiblity that the differences in composition and associ-
ations of iconographic elements may perhaps be attributable to functional or ideological
causes, and are not necessarily explained neither by changes over time nor by gegraphic
difussion.

Generally speaking, the difficulty inherent to the schematic nature of the representa-
tions, the lack of absolute dates for the stelae and the weak character of our knowledge
on the contemporary funerary record renders most of these diffusionist views rather
fruitless. Furthermore, this diffusionist focus has contributed to overlook the link
between the warrior stelae and the potent tradition of graphical representations that exis-
ted in the Iberian South-west since the Neolithic. This link is relevant both at a graphic-
al level (iconography) as well as a contextual one (spatial and functional). As it is well-
known, this long-standing tradition of graphical expressions was articulated over a vari-
ety of media, including menhirs and stelae, megalithic chambers, natural shelters and
caves, as well as portable objects.

Various types of evidence underline the importance of the local diachronic dimension in
the understanding of the warrior stelae:

3
Firstly, ‘megalithic art’ often includes compositions portraying anthropomorphic figures
provided with attributes of power, just like LBA/EIA warrior stelae do (Bueno Ramírez
et al 2005: 579). By being provided with depictions of artefacts such as staffs or axes of
polished stone, some Neolithic menhirs conveyed a notion of anthropomorphism
(Calado 2004). This concept of “humanised monolith” exhibiting symbols of prestige
and power, widely developed in megalithic sites between the late 5th and late 3rd millen-
nia BC, is the same as that encapsulated by some of the “basic” warrior stelae (that is to
say, those without anthropomorphic motifs)

Secondly there is the fact that some warrior stelae were probably carved on older, previ-
ously existing monoliths, and that some others were themselves re-used and re-carved in
later periods, including cases of pre-Roman (Tartessian) and Latin funerary inscriptions
– see a discussion in Harrison 2004: 44-52. These cases are a clear invitation to consider
the warrior stelae as yet another material device used within the complex framework of
procedures for the assimilation and manipulation of the past developed by Iberian soci-
eties between the Neolithic and the Iron Age.

Thirdly, there is the recent confirmation that the same motifs and compositions found in
the warrior stelae were depicted in open-air rock art shelters (Domínguez García & Al-
decoa Quintana 2007: 351 and 387) (Figure 1c). This suggests that in the LBA/EIA
there was between “rock art places” and places monumentalised with stelae the same
“dialogue” that had existed for thousands of years between megalithic art and rock art.

Finally, it is necessary to take into account the growing body of evidence that firmly
suggests that the landscape and functional dimensions of the warrior stelae were in
many aspects similar to that performed by megalithic monuments.

Precisely, a consequence of the excessive focus of previous research on the typological

study of the objects represented on the warrior stelae is that the analysis of their spatial
context (both at a micro and macro scale) has been relegated to a secondary position in
the epistemological agenda. Apart from the difussionist focus mentioned above, one
root of this problem seems to lie in the widespread notion that the stelae have no identi-
fiable archaeological context. Most of the first stelae were discovered by chance, by loc-
al farmers and amateurs, and not as a result or archaeological fieldwork. As a con-
sequence, important details regarding their exact provenance, vital to establish their ar-
chaeological context and geographical setting, were lost. In many cases not even the ap-
proximate place of provenance of the monoliths could be established. In addition, many
of the stelae did not appear to be associated to immediately recognisable features (such
as settlement places or burials), which led to the conclusion that they were monuments
lacking a defined functional context. From these early “observational deficiencies” the
“decontextualisation” of these stelae became accepted by default. Thus, interestingly,
when from the 1970s on new stelae were discovered, their iconographic details were
meticulously scrutinised, but the context and setting of their finding places were largely
ignored: no geophysical survey, intensive fieldwalking or excavation of the stelae sites
were ever carried out.

Despite the fragmentary character and scarcity of the evidence, some data suggest that
the stelae were associated to funerary commemoration. It is true that none of them has

4
been found forming part of the architecture of a funerary chamber, but this is not at all
surprising, since, as it was stated before, funerary architecture is practically non-existing
during the LBA. In fact, a few of them have been found in places of likely or proven fu-
nerary significance. The list of stelae that have been reportedly linked to deposits of
ashes and charred bones includes Solana de Cabañas (Cáceres), Granja de Céspedes
(Badajoz) (Celestino Pérez 2001: 279), Ribera Alta (Córdoba) (Murillo Redondo 1994:
20), Cortijo de la Reina I and Cerro Muriano II (Córdoba) (Murillo Redondo et al 2005:
26-27). On the other hand, the stela from Setefilla (Sevilla) was used (or re-used) in a
burial chamber of the orientalising period (Celestino Pérez 2001: 279), whereas all the
evidence compiled after their discovery suggests that the Hernán Pérez (Cáceres) group
of stelae may have been originally linked to a necropolis of cist burials (Almagro Basch
1974: 32).

If it could ever be confirmed, the association of the warrior stelae to funerary places
would be hardly surprising. In fact, it would be consistent with the long Neolithic tradi-
tion that made painted or engraved symbols an integral part of the funerary ideology.
Research carried out in the last two decades has conclusively established the extent and
depth of the so-called “megalithic art”, consisting of motifs that, often forming complex
associations, decorated the uprights of megalithic chambers as well as menhirs and
stelae placed either inside or outside those chambers (Bueno Ramírez & Rodrigo de
Balbín 1994; 1997; 2000; Bueno Ramírez et al 2005; 2008; Vázquez Varela 1994;
1997; etc.). In megalithic monuments, monoliths of anthropomorphic symbolism
provided with attributes of power acted as “guardians” of the chambers where the an-
cestors rested. If the LBA/EIA warrior stelae are analogous to those megalithic sculp-
tures in their formal and graphical concept, it makes perfect sense that they be also equi-
valent in terms of their association to places of funerary commemoration, to places
where, in other words, the memory of the ancestors became materialised.

Because the spatial relationship of the stelae with surrounding prehistoric settlements or
megalithic monuments has been seldom explicitly recorded or discussed, thus further
complicating their “de-contextualisation” problem, their landscape dimension is poorly
understood. A valuable contribution in this direction was however made when, in the
early 1990s, a study concluded that the warrior stelae had chieved an important role as
markers of paths and territorial boundaries (Ruiz-Gálvez Priego & Galán Domingo
1991; Galán Domingo 1993). Although accepting a vague, general funerary role for the
stelae, this interpretation played down the specific mortuary significance of the stelae
(for example as tomb slabs), underlining instead their role as landmarks. These land-
marks would have been located near paths, cross-roads, fords, springs and other places
of strategic significance, as well as in places of transition between areas of marked eco-
logical diversity, such as lowlands and sierras (Ruiz-Gálvez Priego & Galán Domingo
1991: 259).

Interestingly, this theory was reproducing some of the concepts and observations that
had before (and then later) been discussed regarding the landscape dimension of south-
ern Iberian megalithic monuments (Chapman 1979; Walker 1983; Cara Barrionuevo &
Rodríguez López 1987; Criado Boado et al 1991; Galán Domingo & Martín Bravo
1992; Fairén Jiménez et al 2006; Murrieta Flores et al 2009). In fact, the concomitances
that megalithic monuments and warrior stelae display in their role and landmarks fur-

5
ther underlines the need for a contextual approach to these monuments. This contextual
approach involves a more careful examination of the local traditions of which the stelae
are part, especially insofar their landscape role may not be at all in contradiction (rather
the contrary) with their significance in the funerary ideology

3.- New evidence.

The two Almadén de la Plata stelae, discovered between October 2004 and March 2005,
have already been described in a Spanish publication (García Sanjuán et al 2006a).
Therefore, this section will only briefly outline their most important morphological and
contextual aspects, to then focus more in detail on some interpretations that can be de-
rived from their study.

Regarding the spatial-geographical context of these monuments (Figure 2), the follow-
ing observations were made:

- The finding place is at the uppermost part of the valley formed by the Viar, a tributary
to the Guadalquivir River on its right margin. This place is exactly between the alluvial
plain of the Viar River and the inner Sierra Morena highlands, and therefore is trans-
itional between two rather distinct physical environments.

- Over the last few years, various Copper Age and EBA/LBA settlements have been re-
corded on the hilltops surrounding the stelae. Furthermore, both the upper part of the
Viar river valley and its adjacent sector of the Sierra Morena highlands display a re-
markable concentration of megalithic sites, which is particularly high in the Dehesa de
Palacio area, some 2 km to the North of the stelae site (Figure 2a). In 2001 and 2002 the
universities of Southampton and Sevilla excavated one of these sites, the Palacio III fu-
nerary complex (García Sanjuán 2005a; García Sanjuán & Wheatley 2006; García San-
juán et al 2006b) which has provided a wealth of information, some of which is dis-
cussed below.

- The Almadén warrior stelae were found less than 150 meters away from the so-called
“Cordel de El Pedroso”, a well-known segment of one of the main drove ways of this
region, used since the Late Middle Age until recent historical times. This drove way is
currently used as a public pathway that connects the Lower Guadalquivir valley (and,
more specifically, the Seville region) with the Sierra Morena highlands along the Viar
river valley (Figure 2b).

The study of the immediate spatial context of the stelae led to the following empirical
observations:

1.- Both stelae were found either on the perimeter (stela nº 1) or on top (stela nº 2) of a
clearance cairn of large size (nearly 20 meters across) made by the local farmers in or-
der to facilitate the cultivation of this particular sector.

2.- Taking into account the existence of other neighbouring clearance cairns in the same
sector, and considering the information provided by the farmer, according to which
proximity is the only factor governing to which clearance cairn one particular stone is

6
moved, it was possible to delimitate the “catchment area” of the clearance cairn where
the stelae had been found, therefore establishing the most likely area where they must
have come from.

3.- The intensive surface survey of this area (see García Sanjuán et al, 2006b for a de-
tailed description of the methodology involved) did not yield any substantial body of
evidence as to consider this a settlement site. The geophysical survey carried out around
the clearance cairn was also negative, providing no evidence of underground structures
to which the stelae could be related (because of the large amount of stones, the clear-
ance cairn itself could not be surveyed).

4.- The only meaningful empirical observation derived from the survey was the exist-
ence a scatter of white quartz pebbles around the clearance cairn. Once this scatter of
pebbles (nearly 400 of them) was fully geo-referenced with a high-resolution GPS and
plotted as a density map, it turned out that it followed a fall-off pattern, clearly decreas-
ing as one walks away from the clearance cairn (Figure 3). The geological assessment
of this scatter clearly points to an anthropic origin.

5.- A recent study has shown that white quartz was widely used in megalithic sites of
the Iberian Southwest, both as building material and as votive objects (Forteza González
et al 2008). This is especially true for the Palacio III funerary complex located in the vi-
cinity of the warrior stelae, since various prisms and nodules of quartzs of different col-
ours have been identified as part of the architecture and votive deposits on its Copper
Age tholos (Figure 4).

It terms of iconography, the Almadén de la Plata II stela displays a composition that is

unique throughout the entire series of warrior stelae (Figure 5). The singularity of this
iconography can be broken down in three main aspects:

- The composition is dominated by two anthropomorhs that occupy almost the entire
available smoothed surface of the monolith. No other stela known to date shows a com-
position giving so much prominence to the anthropomorphic figures (in terms of relat-
ive size and position)

- The anthropomorphs that so prominently feature in the composition have almost

identical size and equivalent position within the composition, which suggests that both
shared an analogous iconographic rank. Only 7 among the known stelae have composi-
tions portraying two human-like figures of identical or very similar size – this point is
further discussed below.

- Each of the anthropomorphs is clearly characterised with specific attributes. The one
on the left is accompanied by horns (possibly a horned helmet), a shield and a sword,
whereas the one on the right displays on its head the motif generally referred to in the
warrior stelae literature as “diadem”.

4.- New perspectives.

7
4.a.- Pairs.
The Almadén de la Plata II stela is an invitation to explore the iconographic dimension
of the warrior stelae beyond the issues of procedence and seriation of motifs that have
dominated the discussion up to date. This does not necessarily mean that those are not
important issues. Rather, it means that there are other aspects of the stelae´s icono-
graphy that deserve more attention, such as, for example, the growing variability in
compositions and themes.

From the total count of 114 warrior stelae made for this paper, 75 (65.7%), display
some human figure, whereas 39 (34.3%) only display panoplies of weapons (this is the
group referrer to as “basic” warrior stelae). In the group of 75 stelae with anthropo-
morhs, 55 display a single human figure surrounded by a panoply of arms, in what
seems to contitute the “classic” (in the sense of “predominant”) theme of the stelae,
while 20 display more than one human figure in their compositions. Among the stelae
with multiple anthropomorphs it seems possible to distinguish three main compositions
(this question is further complicated by the fact the some of the stelae are broken or
damaged).

1.- On the one hand, there is a group of 6 stelae (Majada Honda, El Viso III, Ategua,
Dehesa Boyal/Zarza Capilla III, Aldea del Rey II and Aldea del Rey III) that show vari-
ous anthropomorphs in what seem to be compositions of a rather narrative character,
perhaps describing specific ceremonies or passages of mythical narrations.

2.- A second group of at least 5 stelae (La Solanilla/El Viso IV, Burguillos, Carmona,
La Barca/Esparragosa de Lares II and Pedro Abad) shows compositions portraying two
anthropomorphic figures of different sizes, where the larger figure seems to “prevail”
over the smaller one, which is often depicted at the feet of the former and in a horizontal
position. As it has often been pointed out, this composition may suggest the theme of
the victorious warrior that displays his prowess over the conquered body of an enemy, a
recurrent subject of ancient art.

3.- Finally, there is a group of 8 stelae (Sao Martinho, El Viso VI, La Pimienta/Capilla
II, Valdetorres, Alamillo, Los Palacios, El Tejadillo and Almadén de la Plata II) that
display two anthropomorphs of equal (or very similar) size and position. In three of
these cases (El Viso VI, Los Palacios and El Tejadillo) the stela is badly damaged,
which makes it impossible to rule out that there were no other elements and human fig-
ures in the original composition. But in those cases where it seems safe to assume that
the composition is undamaged, the theme of the composition is, effectively, a pair of
human figures (Figure 6a).

A highly interesting aspect of the Almadén de la Plata II stela is the apparent icono-
graphic association between the two human figures. The only damaged part on this stela
is its central part. For this reason, both anthropomorphs have lost a hand: the one on the
left the right hand and the one of the right the left hand (Figure 5b). Assuming that both
human figures would originally have had two hands (this is unproblematic, given that
no anthropomorphic representation of the entire series on the warrior stelae was deliber-
ately portrayed with missing limbs), their restitution using the preserved ones suggests

8
that both personages would have been depicted in a pose of very close proximity, their
hands touching or almost touching (Figure 5c).

A second element that makes the iconography of the Almadén de la Plata II stela unique
is that, unlike the other 7 stelae with pairs, each anthropomorph seems to be associated
with a distinct set of attributes. The anthropomorph on the left shows horns sticking out
of its head and is flanked by a shield and a sword, whereas the one the right shows an
inverted crescent-like motif (often referred to as “diadem”) on its head. This combina-
tion of an anthropomorph characterised with weapons with another one provided with a
“diadem” had never been documented before. Despite the fact that it lacks any physical
correlate in the archaeological record and that its very iconography displays a consider-
able degree of variability, the “diadem” motif has been used as a chronological marker
in some attempts to seriate the stelae, and has also been used to establish the “gender”
of some of the portrayed personages.

The discussion around the interpretation of the “diadem motif” motif perhaps encapsu-
lates all the difficulties and limitations inherent to the study of the iconography of the
warrior stelae - see Celestino Pérez 2001: 233-260 and Bueno Ramírez et al 2005: 630
for reference of alternative viewpoints. Although it is certainly not the purpose of this
paper to present an elaborate argumentation on the symbolism of this particular motif, it
is worth pointing out that the gender duality implicit in the “female diadem” interpreta-
tion may be challenged by a notion of ideological or political duality based on a func-
tional division of power.

Recent studies have suggested the existence of pairs of personages in the ideology of
some European Bronze Age societies. According to this view, one remarkable feature
that links Minoan/Mycenean and central European/Nordic Bronze Age religion is the
existence of twin gods and goddesses that penetrate the whole religious structure with a
deep dual structure (Kristiansen & Larsson 2005: 258). In Iberia, the EBA is quite scant
in terms of iconography (so much that in fact it has been often labelled an “aniconic”
period”). The suggested notion of mythological constructs based on pairs of personages
(foundational heroes or gods) is what seems to echoe in the ancient Iberian “legend” of
Gárgoris and Habis, recorded by Roman historian Justin at a much later date (2nd cen-
tury AD). Because of the wide chronological gap and the very nature of the text (copied
from other author who himself used other sources, etc.) there may be very reasonable
doubts concerning the reliability of the details and age of the recorded legend. Never-
theless, this text has been often cited as representative of the “Tartesian” mythology re-
garding the origin of monarchy and civisiliation in Iberian LBA/EIA (Caro Baroja
1986; Gascó Lacalle 1987; etc.). In this legend, a pair of personages (father and son),
features prominently in the role of founders and civilisers of their people.

A recent compilation has shown that the existence of pairs of rulers is to some extent a
recurrent feature in pre-Roman Late Iron Age (LIA) and even Medieval Iberia. Roman
historians such as Polibyus and Livy mention a series of LIA communities which were
led by pairs of leaders who acted simultaneously and in coordination. This is the case of
Indíbil and Mandonio (brothers) kings of the Ilergetes (North-east Spain), Orbis and
Corsua (cousins), leaders of the city of Ibes (unidentified) or Istolacio and Indortes
(brothers), Turdetan warriors who in the late 3rd century BC led a number of communit-

9
ies of the Iberian South-west to war agains the invading Carthaginian army. These cases
of apparent co-regency probably involved either a hierarchical structure (one of the
rulers had pre-eminence over the other), a functional specialization (for example milit-
ary vs religious power) or were part of succesory institutions, such as the Irish Tanistry
of the Iron Age (García Quintela 2006).

The bridging between this evidence regarding pairs of personages, whether of divine or
historical character (mythical founders or rulers), with the iconography of the warrior
stelae that display pairs of anthropomorphs is obviously difficult. The absence of a
working knowledge on the LBA funerary practices sets a sharp limitation to the extent
to which the iconography of the stelae can be interpreted in terms social and political or-
ganisation2. There is, however, some agreement in accepting the warrior stelae as a form
of glorification of the military power of certain individuals (chiefs or kings). On that
basis, it does not seem unreasonable to assume that the variety of iconographic compos-
itions may provide details on the forms that political power assumed among specific
communities.

In fact, the pose of close proximity and duality of attributes in the characters portrayed
by Almadén de la Plata II suggests a functional and/or symbolic differentiation between
the personages. Considering the above mentioned theories of pairs of mythical figures
founders) and rulers in 2nd an 1st millennium Europe, the iconographic duality of Al-
madén de la Plata II could be explained by a duality of functions in the exercise of
power, between religious and military power.

4.b.- Ancestral landscapes.

The contextual analysis of the Almadén de la Plata stelae also suggests some new po-
tentially relevant perspectives in the study of these monuments. At a macro level, the
setting of these two stelae matches almost perfectly the pattern defined by M. Ruiz-
Gálvez and E. Galán Domingo and briefly outlined above: contact place between areas
of contrasting ecological configuration (lowlands and highlands) and proximity to a tra-
ditional pathway. A recent study has shown that the layout of the El Cordel del Pedros
drove way fits almost exactly the least cost path (derived from the slope) between the
Viar river valley and the Almadén de la Plata hilly region. The distribution of megalith-
ic monuments around that pathway, especially in the Dehesa de Palacio sector (just 2
km to the North of the stelae) is statistically significant – see a full description of the
methodology involved in Murrieta Flores et al 2009. Effectively, both factors suggest
that the El Cordel del Pedroso drove way may represent the historically-documented
version of an earlier pathway (used some time during the Late Prehistory) which was
flanked by megalithic monuments that, among other functions, accomplished the role of
land markers (Figure 2b).

Travelling north along that pathway, from the upper Viar river valley into the Almadén
sierras, the Dehesa de Palacio sector contains a major megalithic nucleus. The excava-
tion of one of these sites, Palacio III, has revealed a funerary complex that was used
over a very long time span and that includes a megalithic gallery, a Copper Age tholos
2
In his paper on dualities of rulers in Ancient and Medieval Iberia, M. García Quintela (2006) discusses
to the use of solar auras around the head to convey notions of sacrality or royalty.

10
as well as a cremation cairn (García Sanjuán 2005a; García Sanjuán & Wheatley 2006).
In addition, when assessed against the background of surrounding megalithic sites, this
complex turns out to be located on a place of special visual prominence (García Sanjuán
et al 2006b).

The Copper Age tholos of the Palacio III funerary complex has yielded incontrovertible
evidence of the presence of white quartz nodules concentrated around one of the three
megalithic stelae identified at this site (Figures 5a and 5b). A recent paper (Forteza
González et al 2008), has looked into the recurrent presence of quartz rocks in megalith-
ic sites of the Iberian South-west, both as grave-goods (prisms, small nodules) and as
building material (possibly with an ornamental purpose) on and around the chambers
and the mounds. As it has been discussed above, fieldwork carried out at the finding
place of the warrior stelae led to the observation of a scatter of filonian white quartz
nodules around them. This scatter shows a decreasing density as one walks away from
the clearance cairn where the stelae were found, and, therefore, presumably its concen-
tration is highgest right below the modern cairn (Figure 3). The filonian white quartzs
found surrounding the Palacio III Copper Age stela and (2.5 km further South), the two
LBA/EIA warrior stelae, are identical in geology, morphology and size. Given that
fieldwork carried out in the region has repeatedly shown how local farmers often use
megalithic sites to make their clearance cairns, we have suggested the hypothesis that
the Almadén de la Plata II warrior stelae perhaps gave continuity to an older megalithic
monument, of which the nodules of white quartz would have been an integral part.

Two other kinds of evidence support this interpretation. First, there is the cremation
cairn identified at the Palacio III funerary complex, which consisted of a pit filled with
black soil (with remains of ashes and charred material) that contained the remains of
two human bodies. This pit was sealed with a number of horizontally-laid slabs, which
were themselves covered by a small cairn of rectangular plan. The radiocarbon date ob-
tained from a sample of charred material from this deposit (presumably fuel from the
cremation pyre) provided a result of 2660 ± 90 BP (Beta-165552), or 940-760 cal BC
(1σ) (García Sanjuán 2005a). This data suggest that the local populations in the period
between the end of the LBA and the start of the EIA were using this old megalithic
monument as a funerary site. This, in fact, is highly consistent with emerging evidence
on the re-utilisation of megalithic monuments during the 2n and 1st millennia BC in the
Southerns regions of Iberia (García Sanjuán, 2005b). The short list of radiocarbon dates
for funerary contexts of the late 2nd millennium in the Iberian South-west underlines the
relatively high proportion of these re-utilisations (Table 1).

A final element suggests the conceptual connection (and continuity) between the Pala-
cio III funerary complex and the site of the warrior stelae. At a late stage in the use of
the Copper Age tholos, a stela was placed on top of the filling of what once had been
the chamber. This stela was surrounded by the nodules of filonian white quartz men-
tioned above. The analysis carried out by P. Bueno Ramírez and R. de Balbín Behrman
of the paint remaining on this monolith has led them to the conclusion that it represen-
ted an anthropomorphic figure armed with a dagger (Figura 4b). The concept conveyed
by the iconography of this stela, namely an armed protector of the resting place of the
ancestors, points out the very tradition to which the Almadén de la Plata warrior stelae
in particular (but also many of the series by extension) may have given continuity.

11
The spatial study of the Almadén de la Plata stelae stands out in the whole series of
these monuments, both in terms of the immediate micro-spatial conditions as in terms of
the surrounding landscape. The various kinds of evidence described above, however,
suggest that in the future, it will be necessary to pay more attention to the diachronic di-
mension of the funerary ideologies, settlement patterns and symbologies of which the
warrior stelae are an inseparable part.

5.- Conclusion.
As it was stated at the beginning of this paper, the anlysis of LBA societies in the Iberi-
an South-west is complicated by the absence of reliable information on settlement pat-
terns and by the difficulty inherent to the study of the funerary practices. The trend to-
wards the de-monumentalisation of the funerary practices that started early in the 3rd
millennium BC with the tholoi and continued later in the EBA with the spread of cist
burials, reached its maximum expression during the LBA (García Sanjuán, 2006). In
fact, the very concept of funerary architecture experienced as drastic decline during this
period. Because of their relative value for the understanding of social, political and
ideological issues, the warrior stelae have featured prominently in the archaeological
analysis of Iberian LBA.

Relying partly on the critique of previous work and partly on recent empirical findings,
this discussion made in this paper has sought to set a wider and more robust epistemolo-
gical framework of research for these monuments. This requires, firstly, a shift from the
difussionist emphasis that a large proportion of the discussion has had so far. The use of
certain cultural analogies taken from the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East may
help to inform, in a general way, the interpretation of the stelae. But this by no means
can lead to neglecting (or altogether ignoring) the dimension of local and diachronic
analysis that is integral to them. The warrior stelae must be analysed within the frame-
work of local practices that date back to the Neolithic and have strong correlates in the
megalithic phenomenon – something that has already been suggested for the subset of
“diadem” stelae (Santos, 2009: 8-11). Secondly, it is necessary to abandon approaches
that have centred excessively (if not exclusively) on the iconography per se, and that
have neglected their contextual analysis (both temporal and spatial). Specific assump-
tions on the identification of some motifs and the supposed gender categories they
should be linked with are more likely to be the by-product of the archaeological fixation
for establishing closed “categories” than the result of real cultural and historical pat-
terns. As the Almadén de la Plata II stela has shown, the whole construction of the dual-
ity between “diadem stelae” vs “warrior stelae” has proven meaningless after a single
new empirical find. The future analysis of these monuments must give more careful
consideration to the multiplicity of functions and the polisemy that, as recent investiga-
tions have shown, is inherent to the graphical expressions of prehistoric societies. The
growing subset of stelae that portray multiple anthropomorhs points to potentially inter-
esting new perspectives of analysis in connection with the ideological and political roles
that the steale may have had.

In short, it is necessary to move from an artefact-centered approach to a contextual one.

As the Almadén de la Plata study has shown, the careful examination of the local settle-

12
ment conditions suggests the existence of fundamental elements of conceptual and func-
tional continuity between the warrior stelae and their surrounding ancestral landscape.

Acknowledgments

I must thank Lois Armada Pita and Tom Moore for their kind invitation to take part in the seminar this
book stems from and for their stimulus and patience while this paper was being written. I must also thank
Francisco Javier González García, Primitiva Bueno Ramírez and Antonio Gilman Guillén for their most
valuable comments and opinions on early drafts of this paper. Thanks also to Dylan Evans for his help
with the English text.

6. References.

Almagro Basch, M. 1966, Las Estelas Decoradas del Suroeste Peninsular (Madrid: CSIC)

Almagro Basch, M. 1974, “Nuevas estelas decoradas de la península Ibérica.” Miscelánea Arqueológica
25, 5-39. Barcelona

Almagro Gorbea, M. J. 1973: El Poblado y la Necrópolis de El Barranquete. Acta Arqueológica

Hispánica IV. Madrid.

Alonso, J.; Cabrera, V.; Chapa Brunet, T. & Fernandez-Miranda, M. 1978: “Índice de fechas
arqueológicas de C-14 en España y Portugal.” In M. Almagro Gorbea & M. Fernández-Miranda (Eds.):
C14 y Prehistoria de la Península Ibérica, 155-183. Serie Universitaria, 77. Madrid. Fundación Juan
March

Barceló Álvarez, J. A. 1991: Arqueología, Lógica y Estadística: Un Análisis de las Estelas de la Edad del
Bronce en la Península Ibérica. Barcelona. Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona

Belen Deamos, M.; Escacena Carrasco, J. L. & Bozzino, M. I. 1991: "El mundo funerario del Bronce Final
en la fachada atlántica de la Península Ibérica. I. Análisis de la documentación." Trabajos de Prehistoria 48:
225-256.

Brandherm, D. 2008: “The warriors’ new headgear” Antiquity 82, 480-487.

Bueno Ramírez, P. & De Balbín Behrmann, R. 1994: “Estatuas-menhir y estelas antropomorfas en megal-
itos ibéricos. Una hipótesis de interpretación del espacio funerario.” In J. A. Lasheras (Editor): Homenaje
al Dr. Joaquín González Echegaray, 337-347. Madrid. Ministerio de Cultura

Bueno Ramírez, P. & De Balbín Behrmann, R. 1997: “Ambiente funerario en la sociedad megalítica
ibérica: arte megalítico peninsular.” In A. Rodríguez Casal (Editor): O Neolítico Atlántico e as Orixes do
Megalitismo. Actas del Coloquio Internacional (Santiago de Compostela, 1-6 de Abril de 1996), 693-718.
Santiago de Compostela. Consello da Cultura Galega

Bueno Ramírez, P. & De Balbín Behrmann, R. 2000: “La grafía megalítica como factor para la definición
del territorio.” In A. R. Cruz & L. Oosterbeek (Editors): European Prehistoric Art. Methodology and
Contexts, 129-178. Tomar. Instituto Politécnico de Tomar

Bueno Ramírez, P.; De Balbín Behrmann, R. & Barroso Bermejo, R. 2005: “Hierarchisation et métallur-
gie: statues armés dans la Péninsule Ibérique.“ L’Anthropologie 109, 577-640.

Bueno Ramirez, P.; De Balbin Berhmann, R. & Barroso Bermejo, R. 2007: “Chronologie de l'art méga-

13
lithique ibérique: C14 et contextes archéologiques. “ L'Anthropologie, 111, 590-654.

Bueno Ramírez, P.; De Balbín Behrmann, R. & Barroso Bermejo, R. 2008: “Dioses y antepasados que
salen de las piedras.” In García Sanjuán, L. (coordinador): Patrimonio Megalítico. PH 67, Boletín del In-
stituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico, 46-61. Sevilla. Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico

Calado, M. 2004: Menires do Alentejo Central. Génese e Evolução da Paisagem Megalítica Regional.
Lisboa. Universidade de Lisboa. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation

Cara Barrionuevo, L. & Rodríguez López, J. M. 1987: “Transhumancia ganadera y megalitos. El caso de
Valle Medio-Bajo del río Andarax (Almería)” Actas del XVIII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología (Islas
Canarias, 1985), 235-248. Zaragoza

Caro Baroja, J. 1986: España Antigua. Conocimiento y Fantasías. Madrid. Istmo

Celestino Pérez, S. 2001: Estelas de Guerrero y Estelas Diademadas: La Precolonización y Formación

del Mundo Tartésico. Barcelona. Bellaterra

Celestino Pérez, S. & López-Ruiz, C. 2006: “New light on the warrior stelae from Tartessos (Spain).” An-
tiquity 80, 89-101.

Chapman, R. W. 1979: “Transhumance and megalithic tombs in Iberia.” Antiquity 53 (208), 150-152.

Criado Boado, F.; Fábregas Valcarce, R. & Vaquero Lastres, J. 1991: “Concentraciones de túmulos y vías
naturales de acceso al interior de Galicia” Portugalia 11-12, 27-38.

Domínguez De La Concha, C.; González Bornay, J. M. & De Hoz Bravo, J. 2005: Catálogo de Estelas
Decoradas del Museo Arqueológico Provincial de Badajoz. Badajoz. Junta de Extremadura

Domínguez García, A. & Aldecoa Quintana, M. A. 2007: Corpus de Arte Rupestre en Extremadura vol
II. Arte Rupestre en la Zepa de la Serena: Puebla de Alcocer, Esparagosa de Lares y Campanario.
Mérida. Junta de Extremadura

Enríquez Navascués, J. J. 2006: “Arqueología rural y estelas del Suroeste (desde la tierra, para la tierra y
por la tierra).” Cuadernos de Arqueología de la Universidad de Navarra 14, 151-175.

Fairén Jiménez, S.; Cruz Berrocal, M.; López-Romero González De La Aleja & Walid Sbeinati, S. 2006:
“Las vías pecuarias como elementos arqueológicos.” In Grau Mira, I. (Editor): La Aplicación de los SIG
en la Arqueología del Paisaje. Alicante. Universidad de Alicante: 55-68.

Forteza González, M.; García Sanjuán, L.; Hernández Arnedo, M. J.; Salguero Palma, J. & Wheatley, D.
2008: “El cuarzo como material votivo y arquitectónico en el complejo funerario megalítico de Palacio III
(Almadén de la Plata, Sevilla): análisis contextual y mineralógico.” Trabajos de Prehistoria 65 (2), 135-
150

Galán Domingo, E. 1993: Estelas, Paisaje y Territorio en el Bronce Final del Suroeste de la Península
Ibérica. Complutum Extra 3. Madrid. Universidad Complutense

Galán Domingo, E. 2008: “Las estelas del suroeste: ¿historias de gentiles damas y poderosos guerreros?”
Acercándonos al Pasado. Prehistoria en 4 Actos. Madrid. Ministerio de Cultura

Galán Domingo, E. & Martín Bravo, A. M. 1992: “Megalitismo y zonas de paso en la cuenca extremeña
del Tajo.” Zephyrus 44-45, 193-205.

García Quintela, M. V. 2006: “Parejas de reyes hispanos en la antigüedad y la Alta Edad Media: cues-
tiones comparativas, tipológicas y genéticas” Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos 53 (119), 157-196

14
García Sanjuán, L. 1998: "La Traviesa. Análisis del registro funerario de una comunidad de la Edad del
Bronce." In L. García Sanjuán (Editor): La Traviesa. Ritual Funerario y Jerarquización Social en una
Comunidad de la Edad del Bronce de Sierra Morena Occidental, 101-190. Universidad de Sevilla.
Sevilla

García Sanjuán, L. 2005a: “Grandes piedras viejas, memoria y pasado. Reutilizaciones del Dolmen de
Palacio III (Almadén de la Plata, Sevilla) durante la Edad del Hierro.” In S. Celestino Pérez, S. y J.
Jiménez Ávila (Editors): El Periodo Orientalizante. Actas del III Simposio Internacional de Arqueología
de Mérida. Protohistoria del Mediterráneo Occidental (Mérida, 5-8 de Mayo de 2003), 595-604. Mérida.
CSIC

García Sanjuán, L. 2005b: “Las piedras de la memoria. La permanencia del megalitismo en el suroeste de
la Península Ibérica durante el II y I milenios ANE.” Trabajos de Prehistoria, 62 (1): 85-109.

García Sanjuán, L. 2006: “Funerary ideology and social inequality in the Late Prehistory of the Iberian
South-West (c. 3300-850 cal BC).” In P. Díaz del Río & L. García Sanjuán (Editors): Social Inequality in
Iberian Late Prehistory. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1525. Oxford. Archaeopress:
149-170.

García Sanjuán, L. & Wheatley, D. 2006: “Recent investigations of the megalithic landscapes of Sevilla
province, Andalusia: Dolmen de Palacio III” In Joussaume, R.; Laporte, L. & Scarre, C. (Editors.): Ori-
gin and Development of the Megalithic Phenomenon of Western Europe. Proceedings of the International
Symposium (Bougon, France, October 26th-30th 2002), 473-484. Niort. Conseil Général de Deux Sèvres

García Sanjuán, L.; Wheatley, D. W.; Fábrega Álvarez, P.; Hernández Arnedo, M. J. & Polvorinos Del
Río, A. 2006a: “Las estelas de guerrero de Almadén de la Plata (Sevilla). Morfología, tecnología y con-
texto.” Trabajos de Prehistoria 63 (2), 135-152

García Sanjuán, L.; Metcalfe-Wood, S.; Rivera Jiménez, T. & Wheatley, D. W. 2006b: "Análisis de
pautas de visibilidad en la distribución de monumentos megalíticos de Sierra Morena occidental." In I.
Grau Mira (Editor): La Aplicación de los SIG en la Arqueología del Paisaje. Alicante. Universidad de
Alicante: 181-200.

Gascó Lacalle, F. 1987: “Gárgoris y Habis. La leyenda de los orígenes de Tarteso.” Revista de Estudios
Andaluces 7, 127-146.

Giles Pacheco, F.; Mata Almonte, E.; Benitez Mota, R.; González Toraya, B. & Molina, I. 1993: "Fechas
de radiocarbono 14 para la Prehistoria y Protohistoria de Cádiz." Boletín del Museo de Cádiz 6, 43-49.

Harrison, R. 2004: Symbols and Warriors. Images of the European Bronze Age. Bristol. Western Aca-
demic & Specialist Press

Hunt Ortiz, M. A.; Vázquez Paz, J.; García Rivero, D. & Pecero Espín, J. C. (2008): "Dataciones
radiocarbónicas de las necrópolis de la Edad de Bronce, SE-K, SE-B y Jardín de Alá (Salteras y Gerena,
Sevilla)." In S. Rovira Llorens; García-Heras, M.; Gener Moret, M. & Montero Ruiz, I. (Eds.): Actas del
VII Congreso Ibérico de Arqueometría (Madrid, 8-10 de Octubre de 2007), 226-235. Madrid. CSIC

Kristiansen, K. & Larsson, T. B. 2005: The Rise of Bronze Age Society. Travels, Transmissions and
Transformations. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press

Monge Soares, A. 1994: "O Bronze do Sudoeste na margem esquerda do Guadiana. As necropoles do
Concelho de Serpa." Actas das V Jornadas Arqueológicas (Lisboa, 1993), 179-197. Lisboa. Associaçao
dos Arqueólogos portugueses

Monge Soares, A. 2000: "Necrópole do Bronze do Sudoeste dos Bugalhos." Vipasca 9, 47-92.

Morán Acuña, E. & Parreira,R. (Editors) (2004): Alcalar 7. Estudo e Rehabilitação de um Monumento
Megalítico. Lisboa. Ministerio da Cultura

15
Murillo Redondo, J. F. 1994: “La estela de la Ribera Alta (Córdoba): consideraciones en torno a las es-
telas decoradas con escudo, espada y lanza.” Anales de Arqueología Cordobesa 5, 11-13.

Murillo Redondo, J. F.; Morena López, J. A. & Ruiz Lara, D. 2005: “Nuevas estelas de guerrero pro-
cedentes de las provincias de Córdoba y de Ciudad Real.” Rómula, 7-46.

Murrieta Flores, P. A.; Wheatley, D. W. & García Sanjuán, L. (2009): “Movilidad y vías de paso en los
paisajes prehistóricos: megalitos y vías pecuarias en Almadén de la Plata (Sevilla, España).” Actas del V
Simposio Internacional de Arqueología de Mérida. Sistemas de Información Geográfica y Análisis Ar-
queológico del Territorio (Mérida, 7-10 de Noviembre de 2007)

Oliveira, J. M. 1997: “Datas absolutas de monumentos megalíticos da bacia hidrográfica do río Sever.”
Actas del II Congreso de Arqueología Peninsular. Tomo II. Neolítico, Calcolítico y Bronce: 229-240.
Zamora

Pavón Soldevilla, I. 2003: "Muerte en Los Barros. Aproximación a la dinámica demográfica, ritual y so-
cial de una necrópolis de cistas de la Baja Extremadura." Estudos Pré-Históricos 10-11, 119-144.

Rocha, L. 2005: Megalitismo Alentejano no Alentejo Central. O Contributo de Manuel Heleno. Tese de
doutoramento policopiada. Lisboa. Universidade de Lisboa

Roso De Luna, M. 1898: “Lápida sepulcral de Solana de Cabañas, en el partido de Logrosán.” Boletín de
la Real Academia de la Historia 32-33, 179-182.

Ruiz-Gálvez Priego, M. & Galán Domingo, E. 1991: “Las estelas del suroeste como hitos de vías
ganaderas y rutas comerciales.” Trabajos de Prehistoria 48, 257-273.

Santos, M. J. (2009): “Estelas diademadas: revisión de critérios de clasificación.” Herakleion 2, 7-40.

Schubart, H. 1975: Die Kultur der Bronzezeit in Südwesten der Iberischen Halbinsel. Berlin

Soares, J. & Tavares Da Silva, C. (1995): "O Alentejo Litoral no contexto da Idade do Bronze do
Sudoeste Peninsular." In AAVV: A Idade do Bronze em Portugal. Discursos de Poder, 136-139. Lisboa.
Secretaría de Estado da Cultura

Tejera Gaspar, A.; Fernández Rodríguez, J. & Rodríguez Pestana, M. 2008: “Las estelas tartésicas ¿losas
sepulcrales, marcadores étnicos o representación de divinidades guerreras?” Spal. Revista de Prehistoria
y Arqueología 15, 149-167.

Vázquez Varela, J. M. 1994: “Función y significado de la escultura megalítica de Galicia.” Boletín del
Museo de Arqueología e Historia de A Coruña 8, 49-56.

Vázquez Varela, J. M. 1997: “La ideología en el arte megalítico de la península Ibérica.” Brigantium 10,
15-22.

Vilaça, R.; Cruz, D. J. & Gonçalves, A. A. H. B. 1999: "A necrópole de Tanchoal dos Patudos (Alpiarça,
Santarém)." Conimbriga 38, 5-29.

Vilaça, R. & Cunha, E. 2005: “A Roça do Casal do Meio (Calhariz, Sesimbra): novos contributos.”
Almadan II Serie, 13, 48-57.

Walker, M. J. 1983: “Lying a mega-myth: dolmens and drovers in prehistoric SE Spain.” World Archae-
ology 15, 37-50.

16