CONTEMPORARY ISSUES-2

ENSURING Q UALITY OF DEMOCRA CY QU DEMOCRACY

H.K. DUA FAIRLY at the beginning of the 21st century, India is trying to emerge as a major player on the world scene. If all goes well, it may succeed in its effort in a couple of decades. What gives it confidence are the aims the country set before itself during the freedom struggle and soon after Independence and its experiments with nation-building during the last 58 years. Perhaps, India could have moved at a faster pace; maybe, it could have achieved more if occasional hurdles along the way had not slowed down the process. Yet, whatever it has achieved so far has surprised even those in the world who enjoyed harbouring doubts about its survival as one nation beyond a few years after Independence. The "Dangerous Decades" are far behind us as the world's largest democracy is poised to take major strides during the next few years. After years of sluggishness, the nation's economy is growing at a rate which is making the world repose confidence in India's ability to achieve more in not too distant a time. Militarily, India can deter a nuclear or a conventional adventurist aiming a potshot at its territorial integrity or its national interests. The country is self-sufficient in meeting many of its needs. More people are having a better standard of living than ever before. There is a general hope in the air about its future. However, to believe that all is well with the land will be a folly. India is reluctant to shed a lot of baggage of the past; population is still rising at an alarming rate; the gains of growth of the economy are not reaching all the people; not all children are going to school; and not everyone has access to healthcare. There are a large number of people who cannot afford to have the daily nutrition. In hundreds and thousands of villages even clean drinking water is not available. Housing is meant for a lucky few. In most villages and towns the jobless - in numbers - are adding to the despair which, if not tackled, can undo the hopes of even a 'Shining India'. Sena wars in Bihar, and the growth of naxalism and violence in many parts of the country are only a few of the portents the country has to contend with. What is worrying is the health of the institutions that are supposed to guide the affairs of the nation and take India forward towards a better future. These institutions were created by the Founding Fathers of the Republic with the fond hope that they will serve the people for a long time, change their lives in a big way and help build India into a major nation-state in the not too distant future. Unfortunately, the performance of these institutions during the past five decades is not what it ought to have been. Parliament, after a great initial start, is becoming less vigilant and effective in defending the rights of the people or giving them a constructive lead; the administration by habit remains distant and callous towards most people whom it should serve; and the judiciary - the kachehri, which is the last hope of the people - is not able to dispense justice to all, despite an awakened Supreme Court that knows the problem but is unable to provide the cure. Most political parties have been found wanting. The Congress is yet to recover its lost bases in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar and several other parts of the country - a major weakness for a pan-India political party. The BJP's lack of basic respect for minorities' sensibilities and the norms that should guide a plural polity and society will always stem the party's growth. The regional parties by their very nature and reach do not have the vision to lead an India of the 21st century. How do you run a nation of over a billion people and help it build a new future with blunted instruments is a major question which the people and leaders of India must address without wasting more time. Worse things are happening and affecting the functioning of these institutions as well as the entire body politic. Despite the high aims enshrined in the Constitution, casteism is still afflicting India, may be more seriously; corruption is eating into the vitals of the nation; and now the entry of criminals into politics, Parliament and State Assemblies has vitiated much of the political system. Untackled, these are leading to erosion of the people's confidence in the political system. At teashops and dhabas across the country - and even in the drawing rooms of Shining India - the people with varying degree of cynicism are beginning to question many an assumption underlying the prevailing political system. Despite its inability to resolve the problems of the peripheral India - the North-East and Kashmir, for instance - most people are not worried about India remaining one country, however. Many concerned and thinking people are increasingly getting worried about the quality of democracy and governance they are supposed to live with. Ensuring the quality of democracy may, in fact, turn out to be a major task for the country during the next few years. On accomplishing it will depend what kind of India will emerge from the current mix of hope and despair.

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GO VERN ANCE GOVERN VERNANCE

MAKE THE SYSTEM RESPONSIVE

N.N. Vohra - The writer is a former Union Home and Defence Secretary and Principal Secretary to Prime Minister. THE British ruled India to further their imperial interests. They left behind a seriously impoverished economy - a feudal agrarian sector and a fragile industrial base which contributed to large-scale unemployment, abysmally low incomes, widespread poverty and illiteracy. Since Independence our country has achieved significant successes on several fronts. Following the colossal upheaval caused by Partition, the government, despite severe constraints, worked devotedly to restore public order and resettle millions of refugees.
Faced with a near famine situation, the administrative apparatus effectively managed thousands of ration depots to distribute essential supplies. Post-1947, India was faced with an acute financial crisis and grave challenges on varied fronts. Nonetheless, in the early years, serious problems were tackled and fair progress was achieved in addressing the complex tasks of nation-building. There was realisation that orderly change and sustained stability would act as a shield against social unrest and violence. This led to the high emphasis on people's participation and implementation of community development projects to reduce poverty and unemployment and lay the foundations for achieving equitable growth. This period witnessed the expansion of education and health facilities; enforcement of land reforms; establishment of universities and centres of scientific, technological and agricultural learning and research; expansion of roads and railways and public transport networks; construction of huge dams and extension of irrigation systems which paved the way for the success of the Green Revolution and attainment of self-sufficiency in the production of foodgrain, perhaps the most outstanding achievement, worldwide, in the last century.

In subsequent years, even before the enforcement of Emergency (1975-77), internal feuds and power politics had overtaken commitment to the vital tasks of governance. This period also saw the emergence of a new breed of "committed" civil servants and coteries of extra-constitutional elements joining the political bandwagon, causing severe damage to Rule by Law and the Constitution. The failure of national-level political parties and the mushrooming of regional and sub-regional groupings led to splintered electoral outcomes. The consequent emergence of coalition governments, in the states and later at the Centre, generated political instability which had an adverse impact on governance. The new commitment to seize and hold political power at any cost saw the emergence of a frightening nexus between corrupt politicians and public servants and unlawful elements in society. From around the 1990s there were a series of exposures of scandals relating to large-scale defalcations, embezzlements and cases of corruption among which were the fodder scam, the hawala case and the Bofors and submarine deals. These scams involved serious allegations against chief ministers and their ministers, ministers at the Centre and even prime ministers, besides serving and retired senior functionaries. In the recent years, a growing number of IPS and IAS officers, including several director-generals of police (DGPs) and chief secretaries (CSs), have also been prosecuted in cases involving gross abuse of authority, corruption and criminal offences. Even the Armed Forces have been infected, as witnessed by the Tehelka scandal.

Sustained progress Attention was also devoted to increasing production of steel, cement and power and launching initiatives to generate nuclear energy. During this period, the country faced four external aggressions and our Armed Forces performed valiantly, except in the Sino-Indian conflict. In short, while serious gaps remained on several fronts, our country was, overall, well set on the path of sustained progress.
This article cannot go into details of the reasons why and when we started failing. Briefly, it can be said that governance had far fewer failures in the early decades, essentially because our first generation political leaders, who had made large personal sacrifices during the freedom struggle, were persons of proven integrity, committed to higher values and national perspectives. Enjoying the trust of the people and respect of the public services they were able to effectively direct the affairs of the state.

Tainted set-up Governance has suffered because of the progressive deterioration in the functioning of the executive, the state legislatures and Parliament; the subordinate judiciary has long been tainted and malfunctioning; recently, fingers have begun to be raised even at the higher judicial echelons.
Despite the enveloping gloom, the country has been achieving progress on several fronts. However, our serious failure to achieve human development goals and equitable growth has vitiated the pace of our national advancement and, after nearly six decades of freedom, we still have around 25 per cent of our population subsisting below the poverty line. The endless debates on the failures in our governance have, interalia, pointed to: a fractured polity and multiparty governments being incapable of enforcing the muchneeded measures to provide good governance; deficiencies in the electoral system, which permit entry of corrupt/criminal elements; appalling inefficiency and unaccountability of the administrative apparatus all over the country; and widespread corruption at the political and administrative levels.

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There have been continuing demands for urgent reforms being enforced on all fronts, particularly in regard to the role and responsibility of the police and public services. Our Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, architect of economic reforms in the early 1990s, is most seriously concerned about the crucial connectivity between the quality of governance and the pace at which human and economic development can be attained. He has already established an Administrative Reforms Commission and the process is underway for establishing a new Centre-State Commission. The Prime Minister has taken the exceptional initiative of holding separate meetings to meet and hear all the district magistrates and superintendents of police in the country. Action is also being taken to introduce the required electoral reforms and to enact the Lok Pal Bill, which has been pending for well over three decades now. While, hopefully, the aforesaid and other initiatives being meditated by the Prime Minister would engender a fruitful outcome, the most urgent attention would need to be given to improving governance in the states as they have the fundamental responsibility for promoting the welfare of our billion plus people, the vast majority of whom live in villages. In this context, it is relevant to particularly focus on the state of affairs in the districts where hundreds of functionaries, representing different departments and agencies, are deployed, village-level upwards, to deliver developmental and regulatory services.

basis of holding the district-level officers, particularly the DC/DM and SP, accountable, has been totally shattered. Employees, at all levels, who enjoy patronage and direct links with the political hierarchy, owe loyalty only to their political masters. This has contributed to the much-lamented spread of indiscipline, non-performance, unaccountability and corruption. A consequence of this situation is the daily transfer of scores of functionaries, particularly DCs and SPs, for having failed to deliver on the political behests conveyed to them, in many cases by the very person who seeks an unauthorised or even an unlawful decision to further his interests. This is not all. Large-scale transfers also take place, at all levels, throughout the year and particularly during a change in government when, besides "loyalty", high consideration is given to the caste or community and even the political affiliation of the favoured functionary! This unending spate of transfers has a most damaging effect on the timely implementation of crucial developmental schemes and, equally worrying, the sudden shifts of SPs virtually ensures against the effective maintenance of public order. In this alarming state of affairs an ever-increasing number of young, talented and professionally motivated officers, including those who join the All-India Services, are realising that they have limited options. Such among them who chose to adhere to the rulebook are soon categorised as "inept" and "unsuitable" for responsible assignments, particularly in the districts where "flexibility" is the essence of survival. Being sidelined, frequently transferred, publicly humiliated and even made to face charges of one or the other kind, a certain percentage of such officers shed their idealism, become cynical and join the bandwagon. In this scenario outlined above it is a moot question whether the rot which has set in can, at this stage, be stemmed from within. The short answer is that such an eventuality is unthinkable. Essentially so because the public services comprising the state administrative machinery - which delivers governance - is no longer a cohesive body. The erstwhile apparatus stands liquidated. The various service cadres are no longer guided, advised and led by their superior administrative authorities, who used to be looked upon as role models. The CSs and DGPs are no longer in a position to protect their flocks who are left to seek their own solutions which, in most cases, involve the development of extra-constitutional loyalties and consequential irrevocable damage to administrative functioning as per established rules, policies and the law. Irrespective of the high success which may be secured in attracting foreign investments and speeding up the pace of our economic growth, the country will continue to lag behind till we achieve near full success in the efficient and time-bound implementation of vital human development programmes to promote literacy, health, housing, safe drinking water etc. and, side by side, employment

Public services In discussing the vital importance of effective district administration it may be recalled that, not long ago, the entire band of employees were totally answerable to their district heads, and the deputy commissioner (DC) or district magistrate (DM) exercised effective supervisory control over the entire district establishment. The district superintendent of police (SP) also worked in close coordination with the DC/DM, while being unfettered in his dayto-day management of law and order.
It is a matter of serious concern that, over the years, the aforesaid situation has changed beyond recognition. In most states the CSs and DGPs do not have any say even in recommending the officers to be posted as DCs/SPs; likewise the secretaries and their heads of departments have limited say, if at all, in the appointment of district and regional heads of their departments. Almost as a rule, all postings and transfers of DCs, SPs and district-level departmental officers are decided in the chief minister's secretariat which is perennially engaged in dealing with the unending requests received from local MLAs, MPs, influential business elements and others who claim to be supporters of the political parties in office. In such a scenario, when even patwaris and constables are transferred by the state revenue and home ministers, respectively, and likewise for all other employees, the very

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generation and rapid reduction in the existing poverty levels. Thus, briefly, while due attention continues to be devoted to macro issues we just cannot afford to any longer delay fully restoring efficient and honest functioning in the districts, where our people live and where all the vital development progammes concerning their welfare are executed.

While various well-considered measures would be required to improve governance on all fronts, we cannot, as the very first step, lose any more time in ensuring that the entire band of the over 20 million functionaries, comprising the public services in our country, discharge their duties efficiently and honestly and, side by side, the police organisations in the states are enabled and allowed, without any interference whatsoever, to effectively maintain law and order. This is not an easy task. It cannot be tackled unless the political hierarchies in the states are educated, persuaded and, if necessary, even coerced to urgently reorient their functioning to speedily commence delivering good governance. Among many other problems, it is this political challenge which our Prime Minister must face and resolve. There is no more time to be lost.

Internal security Sustained development cannot be achieved in a disturbed environment. It is, therefore, of extreme importance that law and order is effectively maintained across the length and breadth of our country. The maintenance of internal security is also vital to attracting increased investments from external sources.

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FOREIGN POLICY
NEW INDIA'S GLOBAL ROLE

M.K. Rasgotra - The writer is a former Foreign Secretary.

Since the end of the Cold War, the world order has been in a state of dynamic transition. With unprecedented military, economic and technological preponderance, the US dominates the scene. Europe is reunited, at peace and engaged in consolidating its political unity and economic integration. NATO, a remnant of the old order, without a security role in Europe, has found something to do in the heart of Asia in Afghanistan. European military meddling in Asian countries (as part of a NATO force) could revive bitter memories of the oppressive imperial era and hinder the process of reconciliation between pacific Europe and a resurgent Asia. The US has established a firm presence in several regions of Asia. China's emergence as the pre-eminent Asian military and economic power is another dramatic development of the last decade. A new role, as a major regional military and economic power, also beckons India to make its contribution in the making of a new Asian equilibrium of peace and security. Russia with its vast Asian stretch, and Japan, the world's second largest economy and a military power of note are equally significant players in the unfolding Asian drama. scope of the relations of China, Japan, Russia and the US with India's neighbours, especially China's relations with Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Myanmar will largely determine India's priorities. Foreign policy begins with neighbours, and as Kautilya teaches us, difficulties are inherent in relations between neighbours. Kautilya also observes that a great power loses stature if it remains bogged down in neighbourhood entanglements, which in a sense has been the story of India since Indira Gandhi's demise. Circumstances are now ripe for India to pull away from the mire of South Asian controversies, and play its due role on the larger world stage. Pakistan's foreign policy began with its invasion of Kashmir within weeks of its birth. In its dealings with India ever since it has relied on the use of force with the support, alternatingly, of the US and China. The US has finally veered away from that course, but China's commitment to Pakistan seems to have deepened because of their shared objective to keep India strategically locked in South Asia. Washington's current perception of India's place and role in the world provides a firm base for vastly expanded cooperation between the two countries. Pakistan will also remain important in American calculations, but we need not lose sleep over the nature and extent of their dealings. India should tend its own relationship with Pakistan with care, patience and perseverance. Considering that India cannot give up Kashmir and Pakistan cannot forcibly take it, Pakistan's pointless agitation and jehadi terrorism should be expected to continue by fits and starts. Nevertheless, the current peace dialogue must proceed to a settlement of the problem on the basis of a large measure of autonomy for the Kashmir Valley as well as "Azad Kashmir" and the northern areas under Pakistan's control. Bangladesh's antagonistic posture receives encouragement from both Pakistan and China. India should deal firmly with its provocations on the border, its sheltering and nurturing of Indian insurgents and its undeclared policy of encouraging its surplus population to infiltrate and settle down in neighbouring Indian states. This policy poses a serious future security threat to our sensitive Northeastern region. There should be a parallel conciliatory approach also. Bangladesh is a functioning two-party democracy, and we must at all times cultivate both parties. In matters of trade and development cooperation also India needs to be a good deal more accommodative of Bangladesh's needs. Nepal is in the grip of a crisis threatening the country's unity and integrity. The King's perseverance in his present policy of marginalising the pro-democracy parties accompanied by the failure of the Royal Army to suppress the Maoist rebellion has pitted the monarchy against a threat

Stress on stability The centre of gravity of world power and international focus have, therefore, shifted from the Euro-Atlantic region to Asia which, regrettably, is also the scene of several issues of discord. It is here in Asia that the questions of peace and security will be decided by the equations and interactions in the next quarter century among these five powers - China, India, Japan, Russia and the US. The foreign policies of all these powers are undergoing changes in varying measures. Hence the tectonic shift in the USA's India policy and Beijing's unwonted expression of desire for improved relations with India. It is a time - and a world of uncertainties and contests for influence and supremacy and surprises. The task before the statesmen of the 21st century is one of forging working partnerships to create a stable equilibrium of peace and cooperation in which none of the five powers mentioned above feels trapped in an environment of hostility; none is threatened with exclusion and none feels emboldened to walk into a seeming vacuum causing a clash of interests with another power.
China abuts on India and its sub-Himalayan neighbours, and India is not likely to enjoy the luxury of watching the scene in aloofness. Both countries need peace and stability: both need cooperation of the other three powers for trade, technology transfer and arms and each will determine its own priorities and decide which power or combination of powers will best help advance its economic, political and security interests. The nature and

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to its own survival. Dangers lurk in this situation for India and efforts must continue to bring the King and the prodemocracy parties together for restoration of democracy in Nepal. Having got rid of the Rana anarchy, the people of Nepal are unlikely to submit to the autocratic rule of the Shah dynasty. India must also find ways of exerting pressure on the Maoists to give up violence and seek redress of their complaints through democratic processes. The progress of the SAARC has been obstructed by Pakistan's support for jehad in Kashmir and its negative policy of making trade and economic cooperation with India contingent on a Kashmir solution. India need neither be in the driving seat of SAARC nor mourn its slow demise. Instead, we should invest every possible bilateral effort - political, military and economic - in strengthening our links with willing neighbours, namely, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Maldives. India's foreign policy and diplomacy must increasingly look at the world beyond South Asia where the closest possible working relationship with the US would appear to be India's best bet. There is growing convergence of their political, economic and security interests in the regions surrounding India. The United States is expected to maintain its supremacy in the foreseeable future, and that rules out the viability of a "China-India-Russia Strategic Triangle", for in varying degrees each country is dependent on the US for technology, trade and other support.

reaching North Korea from Pakistan in return for Chinese missiles. Japan's new interest in a closer economic and political relationship with India is a welcome development to which India must respond constructively. We need Japanese investments and technology and an overall, expanding political relationship to facilitate cooperation in these areas. The EU-India relationship is flourishing into a "strategic partnership" , satisfactory to both parties. From among the major European countries, trade and economic links with France should be strengthened in the areas of agriculture, vocational education, water management, arms supplies and technology transfer. France has given us valuable support on critical political and security issues. It is India's most likely collaborator in nuclear energy generation in the years to come. Our neglect of South-East Asia since independence has allowed China's dominance in the region's economy and politics. The region's countries look to India for diversification of their political, cultural and economic links but India's "Look East" policy has yet to acquire substance. The region can be an important source of energy supplies and vastly expanded trade for India. In a globalised world, India's foreign policy will have to focus increasingly on economic objectives, trade enhancement and attracting foreign investment and advanced technologies to enable the country to achieve a steady growth of eight to 10 per cent of the GDP per annum. But diplomatic salesmanship abroad has to be reinforced by measures at home to liberalise the economy, reform and rationalise labour laws, and remove bureaucratic corruption and hurdles. It is a common complaint abroad that an investment proposal requires clearances at 52 separate points, with delays and demands for bribes at almost every point. Several new areas now form the subject of complex international negotiations - environment, women's rights and other social issues, HIV/AIDS and drugs, disaster management cooperation etc.

Nuclear plans India needs Washington's active support to enhance its nuclear energy resource, be rid of the NPT regime constraints and find its way into the Nuclear Suppliers Group as a responsible nuclear-weapon power. And since there is no unilateral bounty - gifting in international relations, we must also be meticulously attentive to US interests and willing to meet its expectations of reciprocal cooperation.
Nothing should be allowed to diminish our time-tested relationship with Russia which is bound to be dominant in the sensitive and oil and gas-rich Central Asia. There is scope of considerably enlarged relationship with Russia in energy, trade, science and technology. We should want the best possible relationship with China, but its nuclear and other military support for Pakistan places a ceiling of sorts on Sino-Indian relations. While we should put the 1962 war behind us, and freeze the border issue if that is what China wants, in our ongoing dialogue with this great neighbour, we must squarely ask why China shows such insensitivity to India's political interests and security concerns in its immediate subHimalayan neighbourhood. China's puzzling policy of settling Muslims along Tibet's borders with India cannot be a source of confidence and comfort to India. Japan, the world's second economic power, is apprehensive of China's rise and what it spells for the future of its own economic and security interests. Many Japanese see a Chinese strategic design behind nuclear weapons

Diplomatic inputs It is necessary to re-equip the Ministry of External Affairs and enhance its capabilities for these new tasks. The MEA needs a stronger economic policy wing, a Science and Technology Directorate, and much closer coordination than what now exists with the ministries of Defence, Commerce, Finance and the sundry departments dealing with energy security. Its inert Policy Planning establishment is in need of refurbishing.
All this will give the MEA the versatility it needs in the changed world. At the moment, it is without adequate qualified personnel, expertise and the resources needed for proper cultivation of India's political, cultural and economic relations with African and Latin American Countries. The government must concentrate efforts and resources for the achievement of the larger objectives of policy. The four year-long campaign for permanent mem-

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bership of the UN Security Council has only detracted from Indiaimage as a rising world power. As India's economic and military strength grows and acquires greater visibility, the world, even the USA and China, will want India in the UNSC. Policy-makers are often confronted with difficult choices between different sets of interests and objectives. Inevitably these days, a great deal of diplomacy covering a variety of issues is conducted at the summit level. Perhaps, the Prime Minister should have a Foreign Policy Advisory Group of his own to collate and coordinate inputs from concerned ministries and departments on any given issue.

The overarching objective of Indian diplomacy now should be to project India as a resurgent and self-reliant country capable of safeguarding its interests and willing to play its proper role for peace, security and stability in Asia and the world. The transformation of India into one of the world's leading economies, a responsible nuclear-weapon power with demonstrated scientific and technological competence and a stable democracy is a truly phenomenal achievement of our time. This wonder of diversity and dynamism as a development model for democracies in the Third World needs portrayal on the world stage in language and behaviour characterised by modesty, dignity and restraint.

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FOOD & AGRICUL TURE GRICULTURE

SOW RIGHT FOR A RICH HARVEST

S.S. Johl - The writer, a noted agro-economist, is Deputy Chairman, State Planning Board, Punjab.
A commercially viable business enterprise must grow and expand in size and scale. Though the Indian agriculture sector has a vast potential for growth, yet it seems to be suffering from irrational exploitation of natural resources, technology fatigue and policy indifference that is creating several kinds of bottlenecks and anomalies that are hindering its growth and development with equity. As a consequence, the farm sector is showing signs of declining total factor productivity and plateauing of production that is adversely affecting farm incomes and livelihood security of the rural population. The problem is vast as well as serious and needs to be tackled with vision and determination. Following are a few of the thrust areas in policy that are crucial for faster growth and development of the agricultural economy of the country. or remained a dual responsibility of the university and the government department, the progress was muted. It is of paramount importance, therefore, that the national research system of the country is fully revamped, particularly in the agricultural universities so that location-specific anticipatory research effort is made in strategic areas in order to make demand-driven agricultural production cost-effective and globally competitive. This requires transferring of research function completely to the agricultural universities in all the states and substantial investment in our research plant for developing cutting edge technologies through the use efficient of our scarce resources.

Investment For sustainable development, the economy must have a growth rate higher than what keeps the economy at the extent level of per capita income and standards of living. The growth rate is determined by the natural resources and man-made productive assets and their use efficiency. Resource constraints must, therefore, be relaxed and capabilities built in order to promote growth and development. With the declaration of India as a socialist republic, the country opted for planned development of the economy and paid special attention to the agriculture sector.
In the First Five Year Plan, emphasis was placed on agriculture with an outlay of more than 10.2 per cent of the total plan budget. Actual expenditure in the plan was still higher at 10.8 per cent. This investment helped improve the food situation, yet made the planners and policy makers complacent. The expenditure in the Second Five Year Plan was reduced drastically to 4.7 per cent of the total expenditure. By the mid-1960s, the country was importing huge quantities of foodgrain. In 1964-65, India imported around 13 million tons of foodgrain.

Consolidation Land holdings in most parts of the country are small and fragmented. It is difficult to introduce improved farm practices on such holdings with no scope for levelling of land, expansion in irrigation, development of independent approach roads and mechanisation of operations etc. Wherever land holdings have been consolidated, such as in Punjab, Haryana, Western UP, it helped the farmers to get canal irrigation, install individual tubewells and pumpsets, mechanise operations, introduce high-yielding varieties and adopt improved practices. Land consolidation serves as a base for modernisation, and states that have not consolidated land holdings have very low productivity and are deficit even in foodgrain. For instance, the Gangetic plain has some 20 million hectares of highly productive land floating over sweet water, which has productivity potential as high as Punjab. But, fragmented small-sized holdings with no independent approach roads and no separate source of irrigation are handicapped in adopting improved production technologies and hence suffer from very low productivity. Thus, consolidation of land holdings is a pre-requisite for agricultural growth and development. Seeds of change Seed is the most important input. It is essential to ensure quality seeds of improved genotypes in adequate quantity. India created seed corporations in the states as well as the Seed Corporation of India at the Centre. The job of the agricultural universities and research institutes was to produce enough quantities of foundation seeds of the recommended varieties. The seed corporations got these seeds multiplied in the fields under the supervision of Seed Testing Authorities of the states to maintain the purity of the seeds produced. This ensured the availability of pure, certified seeds of recommended varieties in adequate quantity.
In some progressive states, the foundation seed was distributed in small quantities directly to the farmers at

Research Fortunately, in the mid-1960s dwarf wheat seeds became available from Mexico, which triggered the Green Revolution. No doubt, these seeds were available for all the states, yet the success of wheat-based Green Revolution has been different in different parts of the country. The question is: What is that which makes it a success story in some parts of the country only? The states that transferred the research function completely to their agricultural universities, and effectively linked up the departmental extension set-up with the university research system, advanced faster in the development of the agriculture sector. Where research responsibility was not transferred

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fairs also so that they could multiply their own seed for the next crop. This system, while ensuring adequate supplies, reduced the time gap between research and its adoption by farmers, and enhanced the seed replacement rate. Unfortunately, the system has lapsed into performing routine functions specially at a time when production patterns need to be diversified for higher incomes and efficiency of resource use. Seed policy, therefore, needs to be streamlined so that the varietal development effort of the universities and research institutes bear fruit on the fields. The private sector is entering the seed business at a very fast pace. Yet, in the absence of definitive seed policy, the farmers are being exploited without any accountability on the part of the seed companies. This is a major challenge before policy-makers, who need to regulate the production and supply of seeds for a minimum level of productivity under specified conditions and practices.

electoral compulsions the balance between withdrawal and recharge of water should never be upset; and water should be treated as a social asset and not allowed to be irrationally exploited by individuals. This demands the inclusion of social costs in production estimates of commodities, both in terms of the resources used and environmental externalities. Therefore, a definitive policy - incorporating the harvesting of water, its utilisation, right pricing, ecological considerations and sustainability of water as a social resource - must be put in place to avoid the disastrous consequences of unchecked over-exploitation.

Irrigation Water is the second most important input after seeds. Yet, it is the most scarce social asset; harvested, usable water is becoming scarcer by the day. It was estimated that yield of foodgrains under irrigated conditions were two to six times higher than the yield under rainfed conditions. Similarly, the instability in yields of irrigated crops was less than half of un-irrigated crops. Yet, for optimum results, irrigation has to be under the control of the farmer so that he can supply water to the crops as required in time. Expansion of canal supply undoubtedly helps farmers grow the crops better, but alongside it is the tubewell irrigation that gives the farmer independent control on water for his crops. Assured irrigation is the major factor that allows large-scale adoption of improved varieties and increased intensity of cropping. A one per cent increase in irrigated sown area raised the cropping intensity by an average 0.16 per cent in the country from 1965 to 1980. Thus, it is not the availability of irrigation water per se that determines productivity; more important is assured irrigation under the farmer's control.
Here a word of caution is necessary. With such independent, free access to the underground water through private tubewells, there is every possibility that farmers would overdraw subsoil water thereby, upsetting the balance between withdrawal and recharge of water. This is what happened in Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat and several other parts of India. In a democratic set-up, electoral compulsions play a major role. The groundwater table in several states, especially in Punjab and Haryana, is receding at an alarming rate. It is a suicidal approach to supply electricity (for farm operations) and irrigation water free of cost or at excessively low rates. Flat-rate charges are as harmful as free supply, because after paying these charges, the farmer entertains no urge to save on power or water. The system plays havoc on underground water resources, so much so that farmers and urban centres are now installing submersible pumps to lift water for irrigation and drinking purposes. There is, therefore, no scope for laxity in this respect. Sustainability of production and environmental conservation demand that, regardless of

Input supplies The dwarf varieties of crops such as wheat and rice cannot be grown profitably without irrigation, fertilizers and pesticides. High yielders, whether plants or animals, require higher inputs as well as pest control. Subsidised supply of fertilisers to farmers, though at a huge cost to the exchequer, enabled even the small farmer to use fertilisers. In some parts of the country, such as the states of Punjab and Haryana and western UP where assured irrigation was available, along with high-yielding seeds, improved production technology and effective extension service, fertiliser use increased tremendously, and production as well as productivity touched new heights. Yet, all this did not happen without negative results either. Today, the groundwater in these areas is highly polluted with fertiliser and pesticide residues rendering it unfit for drinking. The situation demands a policy stance that encourages the farmer to use these chemicals selectively and at optimum levels which leave minimum residues in the soil and water. India needs to design policy options that encourage the contractual participation of chemicalproducing and distribution companies in integrated pest management, which would lower the cost and health risks for the farmers; and, at the same time eliminate excessive and wrong use of pesticides and minimise environmental degradation. Education Next to infrastructure, education has strong complementarities with the factors that determine economic growth and development. The level of literacy has a positive significant correlation with economic development. Rural development strategies that did not take due cognizance of human resources as a factor of production have not achieved optimal results. A survey based on 37 countries estimated that four years of primary schooling of farmers an average would enhance farm output by 8.7 per cent (Lockheed et al, 1980).
In India, wheat output was estimated to have grown at the rate of 1.49 per cent with each year of increase in the education level of farmers. (Jamison & Lau, 1982) The level of development in different states underscores this relationship. Further, closer the relationship amongst farmers, researchers and extension agents through education, techniques and training, lesser is the lag between research results and their adoption on the field. The gap in the technical efficiency, defined in terms of best and current

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practices, is inversely related to human capital, expressed in terms of formal schooling and non-formal education. Thus, farmers' education plays a crucial role in putting the agriculture sector on a sustained and faster growth path. Farmers' education, both formal and non-formal, must therefore, be given top priority in order to hasten the adoption of ever-improving production technology. This will strengthen the absorptive capacity of the farm sector for new techniques and methods provided by our research institutes.

Production credit Agriculture production, being a biological process, has a long periodicity in harvests. The farmers, especially the resource-poor small farmers, do not have the financial capacity to invest on costly inputs and wait for returns. Credit support at affordable cost (interest) is, therefore, essential. It improves farmers' access to purchase inputs. Credit, if properly used for the sanctioned purpose, brings future opportunities to the present; If diverted to unproductive purposes, it can lead to bankruptcy. The amount of credit, its timeliness, interest rate, prior evaluation of proposals and continuous monitoring are essential inputs to make credit a positive determinant. Unfortunately, we have remained overly concerned with the supply side of the credit. The situation is that financial institutions with the mandate to advance a minimum of 18 per cent of their credit to the agriculture sector have a high level of liquidity, but are not finding viable avenues of investment. There is, therefore, a need for enhancing the capacity of the recipients in the farm sector through creating complementarities of technology dissemination, market clearance and appropriate priced credit support. Market and price Production is not complete till it reaches the consumer in the form, at the time and place he demands. Therefore,

market plays a crucial role in the production process. Farmers, especially small farmers, do not have much staying power and holding capacity for their produce. Their marketable surplus becomes spot arrivals in the market as soon as the crop is harvested. They have to invariably operate in a buyers' market. They need to be protected from the vagaries of market and buyers' monopolies and cartels. In an economy of shortages, it is particularly important to protect farmers, because post-harvest glut often leads to a price slump when the farmer disposes off his produce; and lean period shortages lead to high prices when the produce is in the hands of the trade. This puts a damper on the production effort of farmers and, at the same time, consumers do not benefit in any manner. The minimum support price and procurement system served very well in eliminating market uncertainty for farmers, but the rigidities of the system put the prices of foodgrain out of alignment with international prices. Flexibility and rationality are key elements in pricing and procurement policies. Now, it is time that the private sector should be enabled to play a competitive role in the agricultural markets through amendment of the Agricultural Produce Markets Act in the states, though it should not replace the existing markets. This will reduce the pressures on the public sector market operations and, simultaneously, control unhealthy market practices of private players. Thus, for higher and sustainable growth, the agriculture policy thrust must involve multiple tracks such as infrastructure development, efficient irrigation, regular and right-priced power supply, education to access improved production technology and market information, adequate and fair credit, effective R & D input, close interaction between researchers, extension workers, farmers and policy-makers, and, lastly, effective market clearance of demand-driven production.

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EDUCA TION EDUCATION

TIME FOR OVERHAUL

K.N. Pathak - The writer is Vice-Chancellor, Panjab University.

THE overall growth and development of the country during the pre-Independence period, as we are all aware, had been not only unsatisfactory but also discriminatory. With this experience in mind, our planners thought it fit to adopt the approach of planned development of the country as a whole. The First Five Year Plan focused on agriculture, the second on industry and the third, again, on agriculture and agro-based industry. In these Plans emphasis on development of education was only peripheral. Therefore, for a balanced development of the education system, in the subsequent Plans, the planners took up a number of thrust areas so as to meet the challenges of development and the needs of society in general. India's educational development is a mixed bag of remarkable successes and glaring gaps. In the post-Independence period, the pace of educational development was unprecedented by any standard. However, the policy focus and public intervention in the provisioning of educational services were perhaps, inadequate, or even misplaced, to the extent that even after more than 50 years of planned effort in the sector, nearly one-third of the population or close to 300 million persons of age seven and above, are illiterate. There are critical gaps in the availability of infrastructural facilities and also the qualitative aspects, including teachers' training, curricula, equipment and learning materials, particularly, in the state-funded schooling system. The achievements and failures are not uniform all over the country. In spite of apparent regional differences in the literacy levels, there has been a significant reduction of inequalities in educational attainments amongst different sections of society defined by gender, caste, income level and the rural-urban divide. The Census of India defines the literacy rate as the proportion of literates to the total population of age seven and above. From a mere 18.3 per cent (for the age five years and above) in 1951 to 43.6 per cent in 1981, this percentage rose to 65.2 per cent in the Census of 2001.

of the Ministry of Human Resource Development. The enrolment declined to 58.8 per cent in classes VI to VIII. This lower ratio in the latter years of schooling, as compared to the earlier years, is not only on account of lower enrolment or higher drop-out rates but possibly also due to there being a large number of students in the age group other than six to 11 years in Classes I to V and at the same time there being a greater proportion of students of the specified age group in Classes VI to VIII. The position in respect of higher education too is not satisfactory. The share of higher education doubled in the total education outlay from nine per cent in the First Five Year Plan to 18 per cent in the Second Plan, and increased to an all-time peak of 25 per cent in the Fourth Plan. Thereafter, it has seen a consistent decline, falling to about 15 per cent in the Seventh Plan. However, the share of higher education in the Eighth Plan outlay was estimated to be eight per cent.

Higher education In the post-Independence period, higher education has expanded fast with more than 345 universities as on May 31, 2005, and as many as 15,437 colleges in January, 2002. This may be attributed to the adult literacy (15 years and above) rate of 57.2 per cent, according to the Human Development Report 2002. Approximately 7.2 per cent of adults in the 17-24 age group have the privilege of getting higher education. As compared to this, the figure for the US and Australia is 80 per cent, Canada 88 per cent, Finland 74 per cent and the UK 52 per cent. This figure for India has to be augmented - at least by a modest 25 per cent before 2020 - if we are to become a developed nation in the next two decades.
The need for self-financing private universities and institutions of higher learning is evident. Though the government is committed to spend six per cent of the GNP on education during the Ninth Plan (1997-2002), it has spent only 3.7 per cent of the GNP on education and only about 0.5 per cent on higher education. Thus, there is a steep decline in the government share in education as a whole. Although the public expenditure on education has increased in relative terms, the share of higher education has actually declined. This is not because of any financial crunch but due to the low priority accorded to this important sector. In fact, in India, while education has been highly subsidised in the case of government-funded universities, the fee collection is only four or five per cent and, in any case, not more than 10 per cent of the total expenditure in most cases. All these suggest that with increasing population, and

Enrolment rate Students should be screened before they are admitted to degree-level courses. - Photos by Manoj Mahajan
For the first time since the Census of 1951, the number of illiterates declined in the decade 1991-2001, by almost 32 million in absolute terms, notwithstanding inter-state variations in literacy rates, such as over 90 per cent in Kerala but less than 50 per cent in Bihar. Further, the gross enrolment ratio in Classes I to V was 94.9 per cent in 1999-2000 according to the annual report

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rising educational requirement, a massive expansion of opportunities is urgently called for since the government by itself may not be able to meet this need. Hence, the case for encouraging private participation in expanding our educational base, though on a selective basis so as to ensure quality. This is especially so in view of the growing trend the world over towards greater participation of private enterprise. Japan has 512 private universities out of a total of 684; the US, 1,752 out of 2364; and, more than 80 per cent of the universities in the Philippines are in the private sector. Notwithstanding the alarming educational situation in India, people -whether political or otherwise - have been crying hoarse about the mushrooming growth of universities and educational institutions, mostly public, in spite of the fact that the number is really too small for a country of our size and the emerging needs of higher education and research. Comparative figures from the Internet for other countries are instructive in this context: Japan with a population of 12.7 crore has 684 universities; the US with a population of 27.6 crore has 2,364 universities offering four-year and higher degree programmes; the UK with 5.98 crore people has 104 universities and 231 degree-awarding autonomous institutions; and, Germany has 330 universities for its population of 8.2 crore.

are, by and large, financed from public funds. They have, therefore, to be accountable to the concerned legislatures and governments although the performance of their functions, which require exercise of academic judgment, lies exclusively within the domain of universities. A new awareness is growing that while the status of teachers should be raised, there should also be a system of their accountability. The practice of showing the evaluated answer books to the students is, perhaps, a part of this very exercise which will make teachers more careful and objective in evaluating the students.

Radical changes Another aspect to be taken care of for the improvement of the education system is that the students should be screened before they are admitted to degree-level and postgraduate courses so that only those genuinely interested and with the right aptitude are given admission. This will obviate chances of indiscipline and unnecessary agitations by students which institutions are facing these days.
If the qualities of mutual understanding, cooperation, co-existence and harmonious living are to be inculcated, the teachers have to be well equipped and have to play their role to provide students with quality and valueoriented education. In fact, the country needs "educational revolution", like the Green Revolution brought about by Dr M.S. Swaminathan, and some eminent figure has to spearhead this revolution with the avowed aim to: Introduce a large number of primary schools in nonurban sectors with the necessary infrastructure and quality teachers for motivating an increased number to join the schools. Carry out the process of monitoring of these schools not only for quality of teaching but also for drop-outs and the required remedial measures. Increase the number of middle and secondary schools and teachers to cope with the population aspiration. Carry out meaningful screening at +2 level for the vocationalisation of education so that students with the appropriate aptitude and interest enter their stream of choice. Initiate necessary reforms in the system for valueoriented education and to impart a new dimension to the teacher's role. Make the system easily accessible to eligible members of all sections of society. Make the teachers responsible and accountable to the authorities as well as to the students they teach. Encourage participation of private enterprises for creating a network of institutions. Liberalise the conditions and procedures for grant of autonomy to institutions of higher learning. Adopt new ways and means to raise funds to make the system more efficient, responsive and accountable

Outdated methods Even among the 247 universities we have, few are in a position to meet even the minimal academic expectations. In addition to revenue crunch, absence of autonomy and the extra burden of affiliated colleges, the general universities are also marred by the obsoleteness, outdated syllabi and lack of interdisciplinary approach. There is urgent need for networking of the system through information and communication technology and outgrowing the outdated composition, powers and functions of bodies like the Academic Council, Executive Council, Syndicate and Senate.
It is important to mobilise resources, arrest the process of declining resources and relate the fee structure to students' capacity to pay, if higher education is to encourage the hitherto excluded sections of society. This is even more necessary in the case of technical education where the cost of education is relatively higher. In fact, it is in this context that the UGC and the AICTE committees recommended that at least 20 per cent of the recurring expenditure per student has to be generated through fees. At the same time, there is a compelling case for introduction of career-oriented courses which are necessary today, if we want to derive real benefits from our higher education system. Only six or seven per cent of the relevant age group of our population is in higher education compared to about 40 per cent in developed countries. There is need to enlarge the role and relevance of our universities to reach a larger community. Universities are the creations of legislatures and they

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and relate the fee structure to the students' ability to pay. Encourage the third dimension of continuing and extension education. Take steps for increasing enrolment in higher education. Start more career-oriented courses for school leavers. Make the university system more people friendly, transparent and accountable through amendments to recast the functioning of the Academic Council, Syndicate, Senate etc.

Encourage large-scale participation. These are some of the new thrust areas which, if taken up with earnestness, could make for a turnaround in the current scenario of sluggishness and obsolescence in our education system. The objective of education should be to develop a complete human being and make the system globally competitive and relevant while meeting the needs of Indian industry and society as a whole.
Then, and only then can the unprecedented challenges thrown up by the current global scenario be successfully met. This will help planners make human resource productive, purposeful and marketable.

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MEDICARE
MAJORITY REMAINS IN POOR HEALTH

Usha Rai
OPEN any glossy magazine today and there are wonderful stories on fitness clinics-men and women on treadmills, diets and recipes galore to keep the hard worked corporate executives fitting fit, brain ticking on fruit juices and protein-high nuts, nutritious salads and cold cuts. Health tourism and medical tourism are the buzzwords as patients in search of specialised surgeries and healthcare troop into the country for repair of heart, eye surgery, replacement of kidney, knee or hip, in search of ayurvedic oil massage and herbal medicine. With technology, the five-star hospital culture has seeped into India and is here to stay. No longer is it just the Arabs coming in droves for Mumbai's upbeat and efficient medical facilities at Jaslok and Breach Candy. Pakistani children are being flown into Bangalore and Hyderabad for the most intricate heart surgeries, opening up new roadmaps for friendship between nations that had been estranged for several years. People in the UK and other countries, too, are finding that medical care in India is comparatively cheaper than in their own country and, more importantly, reliable. Private doctors in smaller towns too are cashing in on the five-star hospital culture for the foreign bhai. India ambles at two levels - the bullock-cart age and the jet age of information technology. In the sphere of health, too, there are these distinct spheres. While the best of medical care and facilities are available for those who have deep pockets, for the common man, particularly in villages and small towns, there is just no medical care. to? They prefer to spend their limited resources running to private doctors or to quacks who fleece them. About a quarter of all hospitalised Indians fall below the poverty line and 40 per cent become indebted because of hospitalisation. Many just drag themselves to the big cities and the bigger hospitals for proper diagnosis and treatment. They live in ashrams or the streets of the big cities waiting for audience with the doctors and running around for various tests. In fact, the World Bank has documented the impact of healthcare on the economic status of Indians. "India is still a very poor country with around 44 per cent of the population earning less than a dollar a day. The poorest 20 per cent of Indians have more than twice the rates of mortality, malnutrition and fertility compared to the richest 20 per cent. However, India has one of the most privatised healthcare systems in the world with less than a fifth of all healthcare expenses coming from the government." In the UK, the share of government spending is over 90 per cent, in Sri Lanka it is 45 per cent and in the US 44 per cent.

Poor facilities A countrywide survey conducted a few years ago (RCH Facility Survey-first round) had found that less than 50 per cent of the Primary Health Centres had a labour room or a laboratory and less than 20 per cent had a telephone. Less than a third of these centres stocked iron or folic acid, a very cheap but essential drug.
Four years ago this journalist had the opportunity, rather the misfortune, to see first hand the dismal health facilities in rural Uttaranchal. A team of journalists and population experts whose jeep had rolled down a khud, killing one person, had to be rushed to the nearest hospital which was the district hospital at Bageshwar. The hospital had no toilet, telephone or basic facilities like an x-ray machine. Patients had to be carried in makeshift stretchers to a private doctor, just outside the hospital for an x-ray. One of the x-ray films showed that an injured man had two broken ribs. In fact, he had six broken ribs and was in agonising pain. It is only after being moved to an army hospital close by that he was told about the gravity of the injuries suffered. So, is it any surprise that a large proportion of the rural poor do not visit these health centres not unless they have

Spread of TB Despite the great strides on the economic front and a booming stock market, India is home to 60 per cent of the leprosy patients and 42 per cent of the deaths each year are due to communicable diseases. India has been tackling other ailments like tuberculosis, malaria and waterborne diseases like typhoid and gastroenteritis for decades now but it has not been able to contain them. In fact, there has been a resurgence of TB and malaria.
It is estimated that one person dies of tuberculosis every minute. The deadly falciparum malaria has been decimating tribal populations in Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand. Now with 5.1 million HIV-infected people in the country, opportunistic infections like tuberculosis and malaria, unless detected and treated in time, herald a quicker death. The situation is equally grim for children. Every year, two-thirds of children under the age five die of acute respiratory infections and diarrhoeal disease. Water-borne diseases are rampant and about 10,000 die of cholera. There is the new frightening phenomenon of AIDS orphans, children who have lost both parents to the HIV infection. Many of them are HIV positive too and paediatrics drugs for treating them are not available. The general insanitary condition in our small towns is reflected in the hospitals too. There are stories of pigs picking up and chewing up a new born baby in a hospital with poor sanitary facilities. Dogs and monkeys lurk around hospital corridors, frightening patients and defiling the environment. Cockroaches surface regularly in hospitals and even in operation theatres.

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Even when money is pumped in, the results are just not visible. The World Bank gave Uttar Pradesh $110 million for the UP Health System Development project. This was to improve the district hospitals and medical colleges of the state. Yet, some 500 deaths have been reported in the state from Japanese encephalitis in the last two months.

Finding funds Privatisation of rural health services is worrying and this is happening because of the inefficiency of the public health services of the country. Lack of financial resources is the reason given to justify failure to restructure the public health system. But even when it is provided the results are not commensurate. How can the government fulfil its promises when it spends less than the African countries on healthcare? The budgetary allocation for health has declined over the years and the annual per capita expenditure on public health is a mere Rs 200.
In India preventive services take a back seat to curative care. States which bear 75 to 90 per cent of the burden of public health spending, have their funds largely tied up in 'non-plan' salary expenditure, leaving little room for essential drugs, operations and maintenance of the public health facility. However, all is not lost. A great deal of hope is pinned on the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM), flagged off by the Prime Minister this year. The mission aims to integrate the different vertical health programmes; decentralise healthcare service delivery at the village and improve inter-sectoral action. The mission is expected to make a substantial reduction in maternal and infant mortality and communicable diseases in the next four years. The NRHM is focussed on 18 states, including the seven Northeastern states and the 11 states of northern and eastern India. An overall increase is expected in the health budget. It is expected to go up from 0.9 per cent of the national budget to 2 to 3 per cent.

The NRHM holds the promise of a village health plan that will be drawn up by members of the community in partnership with the auxiliary nurse midwife (ANM) and anganwadi worker. The mission also has provisions for employing nearly three lakh rural women health workers called Asha, who will provide frontline healthcare to the community. She will have responsibility not only for simple remedies like the oral rehydration mix but she is expected to motivate families for clean water, sanitation and safe pregnancy and delivery. She has indeed tremendous responsibilities for emergency services that are not available outside the cities for complication in deliveries and India accounts for a fourth of all maternal deaths worldwide. Provision of curative services at the peripheral level is an area of weakness of the present government healthcare service delivery. The NRHM's emphasis is on prevention of ailments and infections but there is an acute shortage of doctors at the peripheral level. Under the NRHM, curative services are to be strengthened from the village upwards. The Community Health Centre is to be strengthened as a rural hospital so that emergency surgery and hospitalisation is possible round the clock. Protocols and standards for curative services are to be codified into Indian Public Health Standards to ensure quality of care. But in India there has always been a mismatch between wonderful plans that remain on the drawing board and the action on the ground. We hope this will not happen. Now that reproductive health services have been integrated with general health services, the emphasis on targets for sterilisation etc has to go. If basic health facilities are provided to rural India, people will control their fertility. There has been enough of tokenism. Sufficient funding must be found to make the vision of the NRHM a priority. Let people be given a stake in ensuring the success of the NRHM.

-The writer, a senior journalist, specialises in development issues.

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PARLIAMENT , REFORM THY SELF PARLIAMENT, THYSELF

SUBHASH C. KASHYAP REPRESENTATIVE democracy and parliamentary institutions have endured in India for five decades and more. It is a great tribute to their strength and resilience. To say that Parliament of India is not effective would be a gross overstatement. Bashing Parliament and parliamentarians has become a fashion with self-proclaimed intellectuals. This has to be deprecated because other institutions have perhaps declined more. Parliament in our polity is the supreme representative institution of the people. And, for that very reason, public perceptions about the functioning of Parliament are very important. It cannot be denied that during the recent decades, there has been a tremendous erosion in the respect and esteem for parliamentary institutions and the legislators in general. There is an overwhelming consensus, in the academia and in civil society fora on what is called "decline of Parliament". Our founding fathers adopted for us a system of representative parliamentary democracy. But, if the representatives of the people themselves lose the faith of the people, there is every cause for serious concern. An overview of developments in parliamentary institutions since the first Lok Sabha reveals some very interesting and some disturbing facts. The number of days on which the Houses of Parliament sit each year and the time that is devoted to transacting business has come down considerably in recent years. Even when they do meet, often little gets done. In the face of disturbances and shouting, the Houses have to be adjourned frequently. This is so irrespective of who is in power. This was so during the BJP-led government and it is the same under UPA. Parliament was conceived as the legislature or the lawmaking body, but of late law- making has ceased to be even the most important of its functions either qualitatively or quantitatively. From about 48 per cent, it has come down to occupy less than 13 per cent of its time. The character of Parliament has also changed as a result of changes in membership composition. There were times when our Parliament could legitimately boast of having some very outstanding and accomplished parliamentarians who could do honour to any parliament in the world. Once when a member drew the attention of Acharya Kripalani to the fact that he was criticising the Congress Party which had attracted his own wife, the quick-witted Acharya retorted: "All these years I thought Congressmen were stupid fools. I never knew they were gangsters too who ran away with others' wives". The whole house roared with laughter. When Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia was pleading for Stalin's daughter Svetlana being given asylum in India on the ground of her marriage with an Indian, the charming lady member, Tarkeshwari Sinha, interjected to say that when Dr. Lohia was not married how could be talk of conjugal sentiments? Dr. Lohia hit back: "Tarkeshwari, when did you give me any chance." Later, on one occasion, the heavy-weight member, Piloo Mody, was accused of showing disrespect to the chair by speaking with his back towards the Speaker, Mody defended himself by saying "Sir, I have neither front, nor back, I am round." Such wit and humour is the most effective instrument for managing tensions and keeping tempers cool. Of late, it has largely disappeared from the Houses of Parliament. Until 1977, i.e. for the first 30 years of Independence, the Opposition while small in number was more effective and had greater impact potential. Perhaps, it was so because of the high quality and character of membership on both sides and largely because a stable government and secure leadership could show greater magnanimity and accommodate Opposition viewpoints without losing face. Once while rejecting an amendment moved by Rajaji, Nehru said: "You see Rajaji, the majority is with me". Rajaji retorted: "Yes, Jawaharlal, the majority is with you but the logic is with me". Nehru laughed with the House and accepted Rajaji's amendment. Such gestures are hardly conceivable now. There has been a distinct change in the content, canvas and culture of debates right from the first Lok Sabha days. In the earlier Lok Sabhas, there was much greater emphasis on discussion of national and international issues. Increasingly more regional and even local problems are coming to acquire greater relevance and importance for our members. We are more and more looking at national problems from regional, communal, linguistic or otherwise parochial angles rather than the other way round. There has been in recent years quite some thinking about devaluation of parliamentary authority, deterioration in the quality of members, poor levels of participation and the like. Today, one notices a certain cynicism towards parliamentary institutions and normal parliamentary processes and the parliamentarians. We have an unending debate in regard to the falling standards in the conduct of legislators as evidenced by poor quality of debates, niggardly attendance in the legislatures, unruly behaviour of members, scenes of pandemonia and the like. Legislatures having members with criminal records, role of money and muscle power in politics are the most common topics of popular discussion today. Sanctity of means has lost all value, meaning and relevance. If dacoits, smugglers, gangsters and foreign agents can help put us or sustain us in power, we are prepared to compromise with them. We do not hesitate to buy stability through corruption, bribery, distribution of spoils and yielding to the pressures and blackmail brought by partners and supporters. Right or wrong, the people feel that the new breed of politicians in all parties are generally selfish, power-hungry, greedy, dishonest hypocrites and power merchants

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for whom the nation comes last and the welfare of the people is at the bottom of priorities. Their only concern is to amass wealth and somehow get to and stay in power. They are so busy in the struggle for power that they have no time or energy left for serving the people. The people are aghast and, and what is worse, they feel helpless. We must deliberate on the highest priority basis why things have come to such a pass and what can be done to restore the legislatures and legislators to their old glory and bring about a renaissance of democratic faith and parliamentary culture.

power persons who truly represent the people's will and have the necessary abilities to govern. The representative credentials of our elected representatives have come to be questioned. There are hardly any ideological or programmatic considerations in voting. Almost all parties and candidates are busy building their vote banks on the basis of caste, communal, linguistic or other such identities or through clandestine control of the electoral processes. Despite the Election Commission and Supreme Court efforts, the number of crime- tainted Members has increased. Distortions have also crept into the representative character of Parliament through the operation of the electoral system. Majority of those declared elected happen to have secured only minority of votes. Therefore, it seems it would be necessary to reform the electoral system and the political party system before Parliament can be made more effective. Role expectation of Parliament is linked with the role perception of the State. Economic reforms should lead to cutting back on government involvement and drastic reduction in the role of the State in national economy. This should naturally get reflected in the reduced role for Parliament and its Committees. Also their processes, control mechanisms, debating and decision-making procedures would have to be revamped and made faster. Floor management techniques would have to be professionalised at the level of whips, parliamentary officials and the presiding officers. For Parliament, it is of the utmost importance constantly to review and refurbish its structural-functional requirements and from time to time to consider renewing and reforming the entire gamut of its operational procedures to guard against putrefaction and decay. The case for reforming Parliament to make it more effective is unexceptionable and, in a sense, has always been so. The real question is of how much and what to change to strengthen and improve the system. We have to be clear about the precise need, the direction and the extent of the reforms that would be desirable at present. It is obvious that mere tinkering first-aid repairs and trifling cosmetic adjustments would not anymore be enough. What is needed is a full-scale review. We have to be prepared for fundamental institutional - structural, functional, procedural and organisational - changes. Parliament in the future would be relevant only as a dynamic institution ever adjusting its functions and procedures to the changing needs of the times. If democracy and freedom are to endure, if representative institutions are to be made impregnable, it is essential to restore to Parliament and its members their traditional esteem and honour in the affections of the people. Reforming Parliament in essential respects is already a categorical imperative.

Refashion economy As the National Commission on the Constitution found, the fundamental challenges before the nation today are economic and technological. Parliament has a decisive role in refashioning the national economy, keeping in the forefront the ideals of a self-reliant economy that serve the real needs and aspirations of our vast masses. Parliament can play this historic role only if it consciously reforms its procedures and prioritises its work.
A constitutional way would have to be found to meet the situation when no party or leader is able to form a government. Parliament has to discharge its responsibility. One simple constitutional remedy may be for the Lok Sabha to elect its leader. The person so elected may be asked to form the government and the government so formed may be made removable only by a constructive vote of no confidence. The information explosion, the technological revolution, the growing magnitude and complexities of modern administration cast upon Parliament other vastly extended responsibilities. Inadequacy of time, information and expertise with Parliament results in poor quality legislation and unsatisfactory parliamentary surveillance over administration. Inadequacy of education and training in the sophisticated mechanics of parliamentary polity and the working procedures of modern parliamentary institutions has adversely affected the performance of both the legislators and the bureaucracy. Adequate efforts have to be made to develop the essential prerequisites for the success of parliamentary polity discipline, character, high sense of public morality, ideology-oriented two or three-party system and willingness to hear and accommodate minority views. Several of the archaic practices and time-consuming procedures most unsuitable for present-day needs have to be changed. Members, irrespective of their party affiliations, have themselves become a new caste, parts of the establishment and co-sharers in the spoils. Again, some honourable exceptions apart, politics and membership of Parliament have emerged as a wholetime, highly lucrative, hereditary profession for a majority of those involved. There is general apathy among Members, ministers and the public at large in the work of Parliament. Legitimacy of government and of representative institutions under the system are inextricably linked to free and fair elections and to the system being able to bring to

Improve conduct Parliamentary reforms would have to include: building a better image of Parliament as belonging to the people and not to MPs and establishing a new rapport between the people and Parliament; improving the quality and conduct of members; reducing expenditure on Parliament and making membership financially less attractive and more motivated by the spirit of sacrifice and service; quashing forth-

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with the unconstitutional MPLAD Scheme; improving information supply and efficacy of committee scrutiny; legislative planning and improving the quality of laws; setting up standing committees on the Constitution and on the economy - subjecting constitutional amendments to closer committee scrutiny and raising economic policy to non-party levels; codifying privileges; improving working of parties, floor management and parliamentary time table; and rationalising and modernising rules of procedure to meet today's needs. Finally, parliamentary reforms would have to be a part of an integrated approach to reforms in all sectors - in

education, judiciary, legislature, administration and the rest. Parliamentary institutions are very precious plants and unless nursed with care, they tend to wither away. In today's situation, there is every case for appointment of a Parliamentary Reforms Commission or a Study of Parliament Group (as was done in the UK) to consider the various issues and policy options to make Parliament a more effective instrument of socio-economic development and national rejuvenation.

The writer is former Secretary-General, Lok Sabha, and author of the six-volume 'History of Parliament of India.'

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FIGHTING CORRUPTION
MORAL VALUES MUST PREVAIL

N. Vittal
A World Bank defines corruption as use of public office for private profit. When the world was divided between the two superpowers and the Cold War was on, the World Bank did not focus on the issue of corruption as a significant issue. The reason is obvious. So long as the Cold War prevailed, what mattered was the ideological orientation of the country receiving the aid. It used to be said by the superpowers, "We know that so and so is a son of a bitch, but he is our son of a bitch". This approach underwent a massive change when the Cold War ended. The taxpayers in the aid-giving countries started questioning whether the aid given was reaching the beneficiaries in the recipient countries. That the issue of checking corruption and thereby ensuring good governance was an important pre-requisite for development and removal of poverty in developing countries is now widely recognised. Corruption, therefore, has become an issue of global concern. It is not only in the area of public governance that fighting corruption became a central issue. Even in the area of global business, thanks to the scams in the year 2000, when Fortune 500 companies like Enron and universally reputed companies like Arthur Anderson were exposed as having indulged in financial engineering and window-dressing of accounts misleading the market and the investors, the issue of corporate governance assumed equal importance. Honesty is the best policy, is a discovery the world made once again in the 1990s. Stringent legal steps, like the Sorbonne Oxley Act in the United States, were taken.

their order of corruption. The least corrupt country, according to the CPI 2004, is Finland and the most corrupt is Bangladesh. Out of the 146 countries listed, India ranks a poor 91. Fiftyfive countries are more corrupt than India but 90 countries are less corrupt than India. India certainly belongs to the more corrupt countries of the world. Corruption becomes a matter of concern because of its negative consequences. Corruption is anti-national. The hawala scam of the 1990s exposed how anti-national forces like the Kashmiri terrorists were getting funds through the hawala route, and it is the same route by which the corrupt bureaucrats, politicians and businessmen also were getting and laundering their funds. The 1999 UNDP report on Human Development pointed out that if India's corruption level can be brought down to that of the Scandinavian countries, India's GDP will grow by 1.5 per cent and FDI increase by 12.5 per cent. Corruption is, therefore, anti-economic development. The PHD Chamber of Commerce also made a study in 2001 which pointed out that if there was a 15 per cent reduction in corruption, then there would be 300 per cent enhancement of investment. As we look ahead, the question before us is will corruption continue to plague the country? Corruption is anti-poor. In a country, where 26 per cent of the population is below the poverty line, corruption hits the poor very badly. Many of the development schemes meant for the weaker sections do not benefit them at all. Rajiv Gandhi remarked that only 15 paise out of every rupee meant for the anti-poverty programme reaches the beneficiaries. In fact, the major point of criticism about the Government of India's Employment Guarantee Act, which visualises a Rs 1,50,000-crore scheme - to ensure that all citizens in the rural areas are assured of a minimum 100 days of work with a daily wage of Rs 60 - is seen as a tremendous opportunity for corrupt elements among the bureaucracy and politicians to siphon off huge funds. Even the Maharashtra Employment Guarantee Scheme on which the Central Government's scheme has been modeled, also offers no hope. Even in that scheme, there are false muster rolls. Aruna Roy through her Mazdoor Kisan Sangharsh Samiti brought home in Rajasthan the extent of leakage in development funds. As we look ahead to the next 10 to 15 years, what is it that we can hope for on the corruption front? It is very

Matter of concern
For us in India, corruption has been an age-old phenomenon. Chanakya is supposed to have said in the Arthashastra that there are 40 different methods by which public officials can indulge in corruption. "The Mahamatras are like fish. Does one know, when the fish is drinking water?" he is supposed to have said. Indira Gandhi, when asked a question about corruption, passed it off with a comment that it was a global phenomenon. But here is the rub. It is true that corruption is a global phenomenon, but the degree of corruption is not the same. The non-governmental organisation called Transparency International, in Berlin, publishes every year the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), and ranks the countries in

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easy to be pessimistic. The pessimist can always argue that corruption has always been with us like the poor and it is a global phenomenon. Nevertheless, the fact is that while corruption is a global phenomenon, we have seen countries which were corrupt, reforming themselves and getting the benefits of corruption-free, good governance in our own lifetime. Singapore is a classic example. Botswana has also been quoted by the World Bank as a good African country, which has done well on the issue of fighting corruption. If we look at history, thanks to the highly ethical William Gladstone, four times Prime Minister of Britain, the UK which was a corrupt country in the 19th century became a well-governed country by the beginning of the 20th century.

Aruna Roy of the MKSS has gone on record to say that in the rural development projects of Rajasthan, where the muster rolls are in the open and could be effectively monitored by the villagers, the scope for corruption has been reduced drastically. These developments give us hope that we can move systematically towards a cleaner environment in public life. This calls for an understanding, first, of the dynamics of corruption and, also, what have been the effective tools for fighting corruption. If we have succeeded, in certain areas, in fighting corruption, perhaps the same technique can be replicated elsewhere.

Societal values
The degree of corruption in any organisation or society depends on three factors. The first is the individual sense of values. The second is the value cherished by society and the third, of course, is the system of governance. So far as the first issue is concerned, today our society is in a flux. Thanks to modernisation and the tremendous impact of satellite television and the media and the policy of liberalisation, we are seeing the vigorous growth of the consumer culture. In India, traditionally, the ascetic who gives up things was honoured. Today, the models before the younger generation are those who earn money by means fair or foul and have tons of it to splurge. Lifestyle has become very important. This consumerist culture is probably strengthening the philosophy of "get on, get honour and get honest". Can we afford to give up our consumerist culture? I am afraid not. What we can do is to at least see that certain basic values like integrity, honesty are inculcated in the educational system. In any society, values, by and large, are inculcated by the parents. They, in turn, are influenced by tradition and religion. After all, religion is nothing but crystallised tradition that upholds the ethical codes of conduct which is in the interest of society.

Right attitude
As we look at the future, we should not take a pessimistic and negative attitude. As Central Vigilance Commissioner for four years, from September 1998 to September 2002, day in and day out, I was dealing with this issue of corruption. I had an opportunity to reflect and talk on this issue extensively all over the country. At the end of my tenure, I felt that one can be optimistic that India can also come out of the perennial trap of corruption and move ahead. There are silver linings in the dark clouds of corruption haunting us today. I will list three of them. The first is the Supreme Court judgment which forced candidates in elections to declare their criminal records, educational qualification and wealth while filing their nomination. It is still true that our politics has become criminalised and tainted ministers are sticking on to their chair in the Union Government, thanks to the legal fig-leaf that everybody is innocent under our law till proved guilty. The degree of transparency sought to be brought about by the Supreme Court is the first step in our long journey to fight political corruption. The second positive development is the application of information technology in the railway reservation system in the past few decades and the enormous relief and benefit it has brought to the one crore travelling public every day in India. The third positive development is the use of electronic voting machines in the General Election which has reduced significantly the scope for corruption and malpractices in the election process. The passing of the Right to Information Act itself is a healthy development, thanks to the initiative taken by the Mazdoor Kisan Sangharh Samiti (MKSS) in Rajasthan.

Begin with schools

In India, this whole concept of good behaviour got crystallised in dharma, or the set of duties every person has to perform. In the Bhagvadagita, Lord Krishna says in Chapter 3 "swadharme nidhanamshreya paradharmo bhayapaha". Doing one's own duty is the most desirable and if one cannot perform duty, death is a better option. This inculcation of values in the educational system is possible. This, in turn, would mean referring to the sources of tradition which will involve a reference to some religion. Today, for example, these values of good conduct, based on Hindu traditions, are taught in the DAV and the

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Ramakrishna Mission schools. In Christian missionary schools, the moral lessons are drawn on the basis of Christian teachings. But our government having been secular, it has been remarkably successful in totally eliminating any induction of values in our educational system. We have, therefore, a whole lot of students coming through the schools where they do not learn any values. This big defect has to be rectified. I am happy that this seems to have been realised especially after the scams of 1997 and 2000 in global business. In the institutions like Anna University, engineering ethics has been introduced as a separate subject. But what about other streams of education? If we want India to become less corrupt, if not corruption-free, we must start with the educational system and ensure that moral values are inducted.

corruption is oxygen for black money. Therefore, we must focus on electoral reform and reducing black money. Simultaneously, we must also bring greater transparency in the raising of funds by the political parties. Some steps have been taken for removing restrictions on political contributions. We should try to create a situation similar to that of the United States or Britain in so far as fundraising is concerned. This would provide an opportunity to reduce corruption. Dr Jayaprakash Narayan, a very committed IAS officer who resigned and set up an NGO, Lok Satta, in Andhra Pradesh, has highlighted the need for changing our electoral system itself. Instead of the British system of first past the post, which only nine out of 47 countries have adopted, we should opt for a system of proportional representation. He also suggests direct elections for the post of chief minister, who can then appoint a cabinet of talent. It is an interesting idea and worth trying. To begin with, it is necessary to build a consensus in the country on this idea. A simple reform that can be implemented immediately to check corruption and criminalisation of politics is to disqualify any candidate against whom charges have been framed in court. The police may be pliable but the courts apply their mind and frame charges, and hence, they are likely to be more objective. Today, the criminal politicians take advantage of the principle that they are innocent till proved guilty and also the delays in our judicial system. Corruption has become a low- risk, high-profit business in India because our judiciary is so slow and the conviction rate is only six per cent. There is need to change the judicial system in so far as corruption cases are concerned, so that like election cases, corruption cases, too, are required to be decided within one year. For this, the system of summary trial procedure can be introduced and the appeal limited to one court. Today, at any given point of time, around 4,000 CBI cases are pending. CBI cases, by their very nature, are supposed to be very serious and yet some of them are pending for more than 25 years. The speeding up of the cases and effective punishment will go a long way in improving the situation.

Role models
The second factor which decides the level of corruption is a set of social values. Here, opinion makers in society have to become role models. Unfortunately, our politics has become criminalised. Law-breakers are lawmakers today. The only people the youth probably look upon as role models are politicians and media stars who collectively represent what is called the Page Three culture. So far as professions are concerned, every professional association can uphold ethics and codes of conduct, and thereby build role models and benchmarks for guiding society. The third important factor is the system. In any society, from the ethics point of view, 10 per cent may, by nature, be ethical and 10 per cent will, by nature, be corrupt, and 80 per cent will modify their behaviour depending on the system. One simple example of this is how, while an Indian may throw rubbish on the streets without batting an eyelid, the same Indian, when he reaches Singapore, is on guard and may not commit nuisance or throw rubbish on the streets. We must redesign our system of governance to check corruption. Corruption today is a game in which five major players are involved. They are the corrupt neta, the babu, lala, jhola and dada-the corrupt politicians, the corrupt bureaucrats, the corrupt businessmen, the corrupt NGOs and criminals. For tackling each of them, I would suggest the following: Political corruption is at the root of all corruption in our country. Our politics is corrupt because it is based on black money. Every political party collects cash, which is black money. Black money is oxygen for corruption and

Winning formula
So far as bureaucratic corruption is concerned, the following three-point formula must be adopted. Simplification of rules and procedures to reduce the scope of corruption; Transparency and empowering of public, and Effective punishment.

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There is an urgent need to bring a sense of accountability in bureaucracy. Article 311 provides so much protection to the public servant that it is very difficult to take action effectively and in time against corrupt officials. Fighting corruption is a hard task. There cannot be a single-point approach to the task. We have to adopt a multi-point approach, some of which I have indicated above. We then come to the basic question. The powers that be, whether in politics or bureaucracy or business, are benefiting from the corrupt system. Can there be a situation where these beneficiaries of corruption will initiate action to check corruption? That may amount to causing hara-kiri. My perception is that as far as our politicians are concerned, they act only under two circumstances: One, where the TINA (There is no alternative) factor prevails; and two, where there is a vote bank advantage. The TINA factor can be created in our country by broadly two methods. One is by using the route of the public interest litigation and activating the Supreme Court so that the persons concerned have no alternative but to implement it. The enactment of the CVC Act and the practice of the candidates declaring their criminal record while filing nominations are examples of this type.

However, there are also limits to judicial intervention. The second instrument that can create the TINA factor is technology, particularly information technology. We have seen how in the railway reservation system, the use of IT has brought down corruption. I understand that even in the issue of passport, computerisation has helped in bringing down corruption. So greater use of IT and reforming and simplifying the procedures can be the second broad strategy to help create the TINA factor. Finally, we have to practice the advice given in the Taitreya Upanishad to arrive at constructive solutions to our problem: Sahana vavatu Sahanau bhunaktu Saha Viryam kara va vahai Tejas vina maditha vastu Ma vidh visha vahai Om Shanti! Shanti! Shanti (Let us come together. Let us enjoy together. Let our strengths come together. Let us move from darkness to light. Let us avoid the poison of misunderstanding and hatred. That way lies progress.) Adopting this strategy, we can definitely see India becoming a less corrupt, progressive and developed country in the next 10 to 15 years.

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