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Police Practice and Research: An International Journal

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Recent books on crime and police in Brazil

Ludmila Mendona Lopes Ribeiro & Roberta M. Correa
a a b

Center for Studies of Crime and Public Security (CRISP), Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais , Belo Horizonte , Brazil
b

Universidade Federal Fluminense , Belo Horizonte , Brazil Published online: 16 Jul 2013.

To cite this article: Police Practice and Research (2013): Recent books on crime and police in Brazil, Police Practice and Research: An International Journal, DOI: 10.1080/15614263.2013.816498 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2013.816498

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Police Practice and Research, 2013 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2013.816498

REVIEW ESSAY Recent books on crime and police in Brazil

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In this review, authors Ludmila Mendona Lopes Ribeiro and Roberta Correa examine a few of the key publications on crime and law enforcement in Brazil that have appeared in the past few years. The publications illustrate how the eld has structured itself in Brazil. They identify pioneering studies and how the directions these took shape in the studies area today, as expressed in the current literature. One of these volumes is a compendium of interviews with the so-called founding fathers of criminology in Brazil; the others are anthologies that reect the work of research groups that have sprung around them. The anthology organized by Machado da Silva centers on the concept of violent sociability and its importance for understanding crime and the relations between the police and citizens at the margins of Brazilian society. The second volume, Roberto Kant de Limas anthology, stresses that crime is managed via a mosaic of assembled truths, and contends that the apparatus of law enforcement and the criminal justice system aim to reinforce Brazilian societys characteristic inequality. Keywords: crime; policing; public security; sociology of crime; Brazil

As cincias sociais e os pioneiros nos estudos sobre crime, violncia e direitos humanos no Brasil, edited by Renato Srgio de Lima e Jos Luiz Ratton, So Paulo, Frum Brasileiro de Segurana Pblica, Urbnia, ANPOCS, 2011, 304 pp., BRL 35,00, ISBN: 9788565102001 Vida sob cerco: violncia e rotina nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro edited by Luiz Antnio Machado da Silva, Rio de Janeiro, Nova Fronteira, 2008, 316 pp., BRL 48,90, ISBN: 8526010190 Conitos, Direitos e Moralidades em Perspectiva Comparada (Volume II) edited by Roberto Kant de Lima Lucia Eilbaum e Lenin Pires, Rio de Janeiro, Garamond, 2010, 284 pp., BRL 42,00, ISBN: 978857617172 In early October 2011, the United Nations (UN) issued a report on the growing crime rates over the past 10 years, calling attention to the size of the issue in Brazil, a nation with one of highest homicide rates in the world: 30 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants for 2009 United Nations Ofce on Drugs and Crime (UNDC, 2011). If the data assembled by the UNDC showed growing levels of violence over the past decade, Brazilian crime literature showed that interest in the topic has risen comparably. According to specialist literature reviews published through the Associao Nacional dos Programas de Ps Graduao em Cincias Sociais (ANPOCS), the number of papers published on crime, violence, police, and justice, all of which can be subsumed under sociology of crime has more than doubled over the past 10 years. This trend is illustrated in Table 1.

Review essay

Table 1. Number of studies published in sociology of crime, by time period. Time frame 19721993 19741998 19702000 20002010 Number of papers 264 397 1166 1374 Bibliographic Reference Adorno (1993) Zaluar (1999) Kant de Lima, Misse, and Miranda (2000) Barreira and Adorno (2010)

This increase in the number of publications has also helped conrm the status of a few authors as the elds founding fathers,1 and the citation of their work has become standard practice in the eld. Thus, anyone venturing into research on crime and its impact on Brazilian institutions (and the dynamics of the Brazilian criminal system) must develop a deeper understanding of the trajectory of these authors. The book organized by Renato Srgio de Lima and Jos Luiz Ratton (2011) is a collection of interviews given by the pioneers in crime, violence, and human rights studies in Brazil. It shows us that the subject matter was rst addressed in Brazil in the 1970s, focusing especially on an analysis of the workings of law enforcement agencies. These enthomethodologial studies evaluated how the viewpoints of members of the police forces dene crime and criminals, and how it affected police statistics. The pioneers in the eld Antnio Luiz Paixo and Edmundo Campos Coelho2 both spent a few months in the USA in the early 1970s. Their stay brought them into contact with academic literature that focused not on the causes of crime, but rather stressed that crime is a social construct that arises from the interaction of various control agencies and individuals who share specic stereotypes. The concept contributed to their understanding of how prisons translate into associations of individuals who are young, poor, and black, a topic was widely analyzed by both researchers. Elizabeth Leeds (2011, p. 08) believes that Paixo and Campos Coelhos importance goes beyond their innovating analyses of law enforcement and the corrections system. Leeds notes that Paixo was the rst to start a partnership between universities and law enforcement: it was the rst step in bringing down barriers that isolated the police academy, it fostered an interest in public security studies among police ofcers and in a new generation of university students. Following similar lines, Roberto Kant de Limas work on law enforcement and the judiciary system stands out. Kant de Lima employs ethnographic methods in his analysis of the workings of ofcial control agencies and the belief systems, values, and attitudes of those involved in law enforcement and the judicial system. In Kant de Limas view, these organizations operate according to distinct systems of judicial thinking that ultimately reies the vast inequality of society and greatly shapes the actions of law enforcement agents. It was precisely due to this almost postmodern diagnosis that Kant de Lima along with Paixo has shown an interest in generating closer ties with the police. Kant de Lima has contributed to their training by adding a perspective that fosters reection in contrast with the standard training based on rote learning more commonly offered in Brazilian police academies. Other researchers began their careers employing a symbolic interactionist approach to understanding deviance, a notion introduced in Brazil by Gilberto Velho3 after his period at Austin University, coincidentally also in the early 1970s (Velho, 2002). Velhos US experience led him to organize a few courses and seminars at Rio de Janeiros Museu Nacional, and they sparked an interest in crime among local researchers. Among

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Police Practice and Research: An International Journal

them were Michel Misse (noted for his study on juvenile justice), Alba Zaluar, (who studied how crime affects associativism in shantytowns), and Julita Lemgruber (who looked into the workings of female prisons). In parallel, another group of researchers worked somewhat independently of the North American sociological tradition and experience in the USA. These researchers, based mostly in So Paulo, focused their crime research on re-democratization and on the change that came over institutions that transitioned from having an ideological role to taking on the mission of providing equal human rights protection for all. Here, we nd scholars such as Paulo Sergio Pinheiro and Srgio Adorno who devoted themselves to an empirical study of the workings of the criminal justice system in the postauthoritarian period. Taken as a whole, all of these branches of crime sociology in Brazil are consistent in their distinctiveness. While criminological research in North America began by looking into the social causes of crime, scholarship in Brazil focused on the sociology of institutions from the very beginning. From early on, Brazilian crime studies focused on how crime management institutions work, whether they involve the military police and civil police forces, the judiciary, or the corrections system. True to its origins, Brazilian literature in the eld thus entered heavily into the eld of public policy. It focused on the issue of state involvement in the institutional management of crime and the public authorities' potential role in a number of respects: in limiting the criminalization of those at the margins of society (Coelho, 1978); in reducing social discrimination on the part of law enforcement (Paixo, 1982; Kant de Lima, 1995) and the criminal justice system (Adorno, 1995); and with respect to the virtual abandonment of prisoners in the corrections system, turning it into a school of crime (Coelho, 1987; Lemgruber, 1993). According to Claudio Beato, the fact that researchers privileged the criminal justice and corrections system as research topics while failing to address the causes of crime created an environment that was not conducive to the institutionalization of the sociology of crime per se, and this had consequences for public policy. Firstly, the lack of theory on the social causes of crime leaves researchers at a loss when faced with any uctuations in the homicide rate, whether it rises or drops. Researchers are left with factoids and operate virtually bereft of theory. Secondly, the subsequent generation of researchers has been content to merely describe any crime-related social phenomena that may engender public policy, ready for immediate implementation by any authority at any government level, be it federal, state, or municipal. In Machado da Silvas view, sociology of crime has over the past few years structured itself in Brazil in a way that is reminiscent of the Chicago School in the early twentieth century4; its focus on understanding social issues and positing solutions through state management, bringing researchers and policy-makers together. This rests on the crucial assumption that researchers are independent and free to criticize decisions taken by various administrations through empirical data, while making sure that academia does not itself become a purveyor of public policy which is essential to a well-balanced relation between the production of academic knowledge and public policy. For Kant de Lima, however, such caution is excessive and unnecessary. In his view academia should intervene directly through training professionals and crafting public policies. Kant de Limas views are shared by many founding fathers in the eld, researchers known not only as precursors in terms of research, but also as academic researchers who entered public administration. Among them: Julita Lemgruber,5 Luiz Eduardo Soares,6 Csar Barreira,7 Cludio Beato8, and Jos Luiz Ratton.9

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While it is possible to make a distinction among Brazilian sociologists of crime, distinguishing pure researchers from those who have developed a deeper connection with public security institutions, Machado da Silva (p. 172) suggests yet another form of classication. In his view, there are two main forms of academic literature: (1) centers on societal forces, including attempts to understand criminal and violent relations, as well as the interactions between the police and society seen as a product of the social order itself; and (2) state-centric, where we include the analyses of state institutions and their role in dening crime and the belief, and value systems and postures that come into play when these institutions are called into action. In order to exemplify the content of the two categories, we will analyze two anthologies: one that consolidates the work of the group led by Machado da Silva, representing the societal perspective; and the other that brings together the work coordinated by Kant de Limas group, representing the state-centric view. According to Machado da Silva, his groups work endeavors to show how residents of Rio de Janeiros favelas struggle to live with the inescapable territorial contiguity they share with armed gangs (linked to the illegal drug trade), with the violent attacks of the police and the militias, and the distrust that this close proximity generates, especially among the part of the population that does not live in these areas. This group of researchers argues that to live in that reality generates a sharp sense of territorial connement, since the constant confrontations among armed gangs and between the latter and the police apparatus make it challenging when not outright impossible to enjoy the regular and constant essential right, the freedom to come and go. Alongside the violent dynamics involving young boys engaged in the activities of drug gangs, it is possible to note the presence of groups in the favelas that try to achieve a form of symbolic cleansing. They reafrm their identity as workers in contrast to that of criminals as a mechanism for asserting a few of their citizen rights, as seen in the rst study on this topic (Zaluar, 1985). However, the major change in the organization of life in these areas is that, while before the police tried to conne criminals to the shantytowns in order to prevent their entry into more afuent parts of the city (Paixo, 1982), with the emergence of the militias over the past few years10 workers have also been conned to these areas (Machado da Silva, 2008).11 The detrimental outcome of this phenomenon is the implementation of public security policies against and not with the underclass, which in turn reinforces the role of the police as an instrument of connement and reies the notion of life under siege as the dening trait of existence in shantytown. Thus, a new form of sociability emerges as a result of the action of groups of drug dealers, police, and the militia, one that is characteristic of the criminals that reside in these areas but which also subjects the ordinary residents to the same rationale. It is a violent form of sociability in which actions are almost exclusively coordinated according to levels of physical force. In this scenario, the key players do not share common values that could regulate the use of violence to achieve their goals, instead limiting it to a means among various others to achieve ones desires. It is exactly for this reason that the only element taken into consideration by the key players involved in networks of violent sociability is the capacity of resistance that others may put up to prevent them from fullling their more immediate desires (Machado da Silva, 2008, p. 21). Therefore, in violent sociability, the person with more power will use others, as well as any tools to impose their will without considering any ethical principles, moral duties or affections, etc. As a result, ordinary shantytown residents are twice dominated: under the dominant social order, they compose the inferior strata of the social

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structure; under violent sociability, they are forced to submit to the drug dealers (Machado da Silva, 2008, p. 22). To survive in this scenario, residents need not only to distinguish changes in the command of rivaling drug factions that ght over control of the area, the interactions between criminals and the police, or the militia rule that is spreading across the city, but they must also be capable of noticing the changes in the command of the actual police organization, which may also dene how state organizations interact with the fringes of society.12 In this regard, the Pacication Police Units (Unidade de Policia Pacicadora or UPP in Portuguese) that have regulated a new perspective for residents in the favela, may be seen as a privileged example of how sociability in these communities is the result of the capacity to impose power, either by drug gangs, militia, or by the now permanent occupation of the Military Police in these communities.13 The point in common between Machado da Silvas (2008) approach and Kant de Lima, Eilbaum, and Pires (2010) is the idea that the presence of the State in different regions of society is not homogeneous. The factors that condition not only the states presence in general, but especially of police action are dened according to the characteristics of the subject targeted. The difference lies in the fact that Machado da Silvas group tries to understand the impact of crime and police action on the life of favela residents, whereas the group coordinated by Kant de Lima seeks to understand which factors determine police and legal action. Thus, using ethnography as a research technique, the researchers of the group coordinated by Kant de Lima seek to identify and understand how certain acquired sets of knowledge of legal operators are implemented, and which are reected in the way that these operators negotiate the existence of crimes (for example, in the case of the quantity of drugs that denes who is a user or a dealer, when the law does not make that distinction), how offences are led (in terms of the production of criminal statistics) and modes of conict administration at various judicial levels. Before going into the actual analysis of the book by Kant de Lima et al. (2010), it is important to underline that he coordinated14 an extremely multidisciplinary group, composed not only of lawyers, sociologists, anthropologists, and political scientists, but also of judges, public defenders, and police ofcers. This group also boasted an extensive contribution by people beyond academic circles, because Kant de Lima spent several years teaching the specialty course that the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro must complete to be promoted from major to colonel. As this course is independently coordinated by the Federal Fluminense University (UFF), the class is also open to other police organizations and people with an overall interest in the topic. As a result of this interaction, the police ofcers themselves were given an opportunity to reect on their practices and also open the doors of their departments to those with an interest in the topic.15 To a certain extent, this multidisciplinary aspect is reected in the collection analyzed in this study, as the compiled articles emphasize the processes of the production of knowledge, truth, security and justice by the institutions of the systems of public security and criminal justice. The works involve discussions on various legal and moral meanings of issues such as truth, evidence, incidences, justice and legal equality, as well as on criminal investigation procedures, legal decision-making and their multiple ties to the nature of the conicts involved (Kant de Lima et al., 2010, p. 07). Unlike the work of Machado da Silva (2008) that focused on how the residents of the favela perceived the violence of which they had been participants and victims, the focus of Kant de Lima et al. (2010) is the operational standard of the state institutions and how these perceive the citizens that seek their assistance or who are processed by

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them. In this sense, the dilemma of worker vs. criminal that structures some of the analyses that have been conducted in the realm of societal perspective may be reinterpreted from a state perspective as a dilemma between the city vs. favela (shantytown). The perverse outcome of this reinterpretation is the fact that institutions of public security and criminal justice tend to criminalize those who live in the favela,16 relegating them to the category of criminal, which excludes them from a series of judicial and legal principles and leads to the unjustied killing of individuals who are placed in this category (as analyzed by Misse, 2010). The articles compiled by Kant de Lima et al. (2010) illustrate how state institutions are selective in providing public security by not only considering the prole of those involved, but also the interests of those in a position of power in these institutions. Thus, the rst articles address issues related to how the favela residents deal with the institutional humiliation imposed on them by the systems of public security and criminal justice because they reside in a favela; followed by an analysis of how the community councils of public security should not be regarded as a social movement, as these involve institutional agreements that have been put in place by government and their effectiveness in meeting the demands of citizens will depend on who they are and on how the council members interact with the governmental institutions involved in the issue. The book also addresses how new arrangements for providing public security in Brazil are being developed, analyzing in particular the role of the municipalities. Although these are not endowed with a constitutional mandate, they are the government entity closest to the citizens, and are playing an increasingly bigger role in developing and implementing Municipal Plans for Public Security. There is also a special emphasis on the role of the universities, who have begun to act as consultants to the municipal government in preparing these actions. Further exploring the difference between an ideal enthroned in the Law and the reality of life as it is lived, the researchers show how police and judicial organizations are selective in terms of classifying who is considered a drug user, according to the prole of the individual in question. This is perhaps the most interesting article as it addresses the problem of how certain social traits categorize individuals as criminals while other traits grant immunities that exempt people from such operations. In this sense, the police will be the primary focus of analysis for these researchers as it they are the rst to encounter the criminal event and, consequently, determine who enters (or who does not enter) the criminal justice system. Exactly for that reason, as explored by the nal articles of the collection, the police statistics should not be seen as a direct reection of what occurs in reality, but as a corpus of knowledge acquired by police, which has certain deaths, due to the prole of those involved, be classied by the police as homicide, whereas others are slotted into various other categories that are excluded when the murder rate of a certain community is calculated. What these two collections seem to show is that the societal and state perspective do not oppose each other, but rather complement each other and allow for an understanding of the determinants of the actions of the public security and criminal justice systems in Brazilian society. They also highlight the impacts of these actions on society in general and on those at the margins in particular. By underlining the leading role of law enforcement and, as a result, showing how researchers of a new generation have addressed this issue, these books corroborate the idea that the work of precursors determines the current production on crime and police in Brazil, which is the reason why it is pertinent to understand the thoughts and the trajectory of the founding fathers of the sociology of crime in Brazil.

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Police Practice and Research: An International Journal Notes

1. This book includes interviews with the following researchers: Alba Zaluar, Antnio Luiz Paixo, Csar Barreira, Cludio Beato, Edmundo Campos Coelho, Elizabeth Leeds, Glucio Soares, Jos Vicente Tavares dos Santos, Julita Lemgruber, Luciano Oliveira, Luiz Antnio Machado da Silva, Luiz Eduardo Soares, Maria Stela Grossi Porto, Michel Misse, Paulo Srgio Pinheiro, Roberto Kant de Lima and Srgio Adorno. Thus, whenever any of these researchers are cited in reference to this book, citations will preclude the date of the publication. 2. There are just three women in a group of 16 people. 3. At this point, both of them are deceased. 4. Gilberto Velho passed way on April, 2012. By this time, Howard Becker (a prominent author on interactionism approach) published A few words about Gilberto Velho (19452012) presenting the importance of Velhos work for sociology in general and how this friendship has changed Becker s own work. 5. Since the academic research in this eld is very tight to public policy. 6. Julita Lemgruber was the rst female to direct the penitentiary system on the state of Rio de Janeiro (19911993) and the rst police ombudsman of this state (19992000). Probably, she was who started the straight connection between academy and public policies in this eld. 7. Luiz Eduardo Soares was National Public Security Secretary (JanuaryOctober 2003); Subsecretary and Coordinator of Security, Justice and Citizenship of the State of Rio de Janeiro (January 1999March 2000); consultant of Porto Alegre City Hall and author of the citys municipal security plan, as well as responsible for implementing its pilot Project (in 2001); Municipal Secretary for the Protection of Life and Prevention of Violence at Nova Iguau, RJ (20072009). 8. Csar Barreira has headed the Academia Estadual de Segurana Pblica, responsible for the integrated training of civil and military police ofcers, remen, and corrections security agents since 2011. It is a groundbreaking experience in the country, since in other states each force has a separate academy and training is often closed within their ranks, making integration among forces during operations more challenging. 9. Cludio Beato is a consultant of the State of Minas Gerais in the eld of Social Defense. 10. Jos Luiz Ratton is a consultant of the Government of the State of Pernambuco in the eld of public security. 11. According to Cano (2008), the militia can be dened as irregular armed groups, led by state public security ofcers (which include civil and military police, state remen, and corrections agents) who exercise coercive control over a region and its population motivated by opportunities of individual gain, while legitimizing their actions with a discourse of providing protection to residents and establishing order. 12. According to Machado da Silva (2008, p. 25), under the pretext of preventing drug gangs from controlling favelas, the militia have organized themselves like corporations, typical of the adventure capitalism mentioned by Max Weber, in addition to charging protection like the maa and monopolizing important local economic activities (alternative transportation, the sale of bottled gas, the illegal distribution of cable TV signals, etc.). 13. According to an article by Brazilian newspaper O Globo on 30 October 2011, the militia have not only spread throughout the city of Rio de Janeiro, but are also present in 11 Brazilian states and are no longer an exclusive characteristic of Rio de Janeiro. 14. The Pacication Police Units (UPPs) were created in January of 2009, by order of decree nr. 41.650, as a way to execute a different kind of policing in areas under its responsibility, in partnership with the population. The community policing exercised by the UPP not only aims to prevent and reduce crime, but above all, to reduce the risk of harm to victims and residents. It is a preventative strategy for the benet of the common good, aimed at improving the quality of life of the population served (from the ofcial website of the RJ Military Police). However, according to Batista (2011, p. 06), the foundation and operation of the UPP may be explained differently: To expel these armed groups [of drug gangs] from communities, a policing technique was devised that subjects the entire daily routine of the favela to a military police regime. After the massacre of boys (Rios police kills approximately 1,500 youth a year) a police force is set up in the favela, whose commander usually a captain controls everybody and everything. He is the one who authorizes which events take place, even those

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held on private premises, as well as what time they should nish; some also decree an evening curfew. This is called a UPP. But in fact, the UPPS are centers of collective human rights misappropriation. It is exactly in this sense as described by Batista (2011) that the UPP units are seen in the context of the presentation of the work of Machado da Silva (2008). 15. Located at the UFF. 16. It is worth highlighting that this center is also concerned with publicizing the efforts of the criminal justice system operators in reecting on their daily routine, and thus the nal papers of this course (which in 2008 was transferred to the Getulio Vargas Foundation) are included in the following collections: MIRANDA, Ana Paula Mendes de; LIMA, Lana Lage da Gama (Org.). Polticas pblicas de segurana, informao e anlise criminal (translation: Public Security Policies, Information and Criminal Analsysis). Niteri, RJ: EdUFF, 2008. p. 585 (Coleo Antropologia e Cincia Poltica, 43. Srie Justia Criminal e Segurana pblica, Vol. 1). PIRES, Lenin; EILBAUM, Lucia (Org.). Polticas pblicas de segurana e prticas policiais no Brasil (translation: Public Security Policies and Police Practices in Brazil). Niteri, RJ: EdUFF, 2009. p. 558 (Coleo Antropologia e Cincias Polticas, 45. Srie Justia Criminal e segurana pblica, Vol. 2). MIRANDA, Ana Paula Mendes de; MOTA, Fabio Reis (Org.). Prticas punitivas, sistema prisional e justice (translation: Punitive Practices, the Prison System and Justice). Niteri, RJ: EdUFF, 2010. p. 547 (Coleo Antropologia e Cincia Poltica, 47. Srie Justia Criminal E Segurana Pblica; Vol. 3). GUEDES, Simoni Lahud; SILVA, Edlson Mrcio Almeida da. (Org.). Conitos sociais no espao urbano (translation: Social Conicts in Urban Spaces). 17. In this sense, one of the articles of this collection reconsiders the perspective of a distinctive state action according to the population it targets by examining how the residential address, a right of each and every citizen, is the basis that motivates these institutions to coerce or create situations in which a person feels humiliated (p. 52).

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Ludmila Mendona Lopes Ribeiro Center for Studies of Crime and Public Security (CRISP) Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais Belo Horizonte, Brazil ludmila.ribeiro@crisp.ufmg.br Roberta M. Correa Universidade Federal Fluminense Belo Horizonte, Brazil robertamcorrea@yahoo.com.br 2013, Ludmila Mendona Lopes Ribeiro and Roberta M. Correa