VISION 2030

A Just and Sustainable Society

A Modern, Progressive and Inclusive Polity in Pakistan in 2030 Izhar Hunzai 1. Where We Stand Today Lets first have a hard look at ourselves, and take stock of our situation as a society and a nation, and analyze our problems, potential and opportunities within our national, regional and global context. First of all we are a young and diverse nation, strategically located at the crossroads of Asia. Our heritage includes Islam, but also cultural roots developed over millennia in the Indus Valley and historic affinities with the South, Central and Western Asia. Our state is precariously built on strong cultural and ethnic identities, and much of our state ideology is open to internal political manipulation, and misunderstood by the majority of citizenry. We are surrounded by a mixture of hostile, theocratic and unstable states, except China, and much of our foreign policy has remained India-centric, and subservient to global events, rather than driven by our own long-term national interests. The resulting sense of instability and insecurity has forced us to jump from one crisis to another, including open and protracted wars with our neighbors, fronting for so called global wars of all descriptions defined by global powers, forcing us to choose sides against our will, create resentment and divisions within our polity, and allocate disproportionately large sums of our national resources to defense, and incur other societal costs, including limitations and restrictions on our individual and political liberties. Internally, we have numerous problems: low literacy, inequality, and poverty among the majority of our citizens, perpetuated by deep-rooted feudal and tribal structures, religious dogma and extremism, a culture of corruption at all levels, bureaucratic ineptitude, and a legacy of political mismanagement with intermittent military interventions in the political

affairs of the country. Our development approach has lacked strategic focus, coherence and continuity, and remained largely supply driven relying, largely on the capacity of weak public sector institutions. In the past, we have experimented with various ideas and programs to reform our state and society, including Basic Democracies under Ayub Khan; nationalization of industry, educational system, and limited land reforms under Z. A. Bhutto; and sectarian-based Islamisation of state institutions and society under Zia Ul Haq, resulting in more confusion and chaos than any tangible benefits. Currently, we are experimenting with a Devolution Plan, which lacks the support of key stakeholders and has yet to show any tangible results. All these and other reform and development approaches have been conceived and imposed from the top, and they have failed because, even such enlightened attempts to create and foster democratic institutions at the grassroots level, has been a top-down effort, and lacked broad and meaningful participation of citizens. A big part of the reason for this failure is a series of disconnects between the informal reality of rural Pakistan and the formal systems of the state, economy and the civil society. The list is long but a few examples should be enough to drive this point home. Take the example of vastly differing systems of education, la w and justice, or healthcare, in our country. Notwithstanding the deficiencies in the formal sector services, they automatically exclude a large proportion of the population from basic services, leaving no choice for the disfranchised people, but turn to madrasas, jirgas, or pirs, to satisfy their social needs. The other part of this disconnect is that development efforts have generally remained a supply-side function, administered though a monopolistic, but invariably less effective state system, thus automatically excluding a wide variety of civil society initiatives that can complement and supplement state sector services at the receiving or the demand-side of the development equation. 2. National Potential Despite these shortcomings, we are a nation with great promise and potential and possess all the necessary attributes to emerge as a successful and vibrant state in the 21st Century.

First of all, our security is ensured in the form of both adequate nuclear deterrence and conventional capabilities, so we can devote our attention to other national goals, without being overly obsessed with external threats. We have a young population which is an asset, if we can accelerate investment in education and create productive skills in our youth. However, if we fail in this area, our destiny will be similar to that of a failed state in Africa, when the current young population ages without education, imposing a huge burden on the society. Our strategic location, particularly our proximity to China, offers unprecedented opportunities to act as a corridor for trade, transit and commerce for the whole of Asia. This calls for upgrading our road, telecommunication and storage infrastructure, as well as moderating our policy on Kashmir and aiming for an early political accommodation with India. Thanks to the current enlightened leadership in Pakistan, our macro economic situation is improving, giving the country sufficient fiscal maneuverability to increase investment in the hitherto neglected sectors. 3. Attributes of a Just and Sustainable Society As this is a vast subject, we need to come up with a working definition to serve our current purpose. At a basic level, a just and sustainable society can be said to exist when there is a balance between economic opportunity, social justice and environmental sustainability. Lets elaborate a little on this short definition in the following lines. Firstly, a just and sustainable society should provide a reasonably high quality of life to all the members of the society, by ensuring equal access to opportunity and national resources. Secondly, it must be inclusive, participatory and pluralistic, and establish a fair and verifiable system for mediation between individual freedoms and collective responsibility. This includes political freedom, economic opportunity, and cultural, religious and intellectual expression. Thirdly, resource use and consumption patterns must be wise and not harm the integrity and productivity of the natural systems. A just and sustainable society must be based on the rule of law, optimally productive and equitable, and provide opportunities for each member of the community to reach his/her potential. A sustainable society should provide equal access to justice, work, play, health

care, education and so on, for each of its members, and these rights must be enshrined in broad-based and participatory institutions, not just in the state sector, but also through strong and capable civil society institutions and by infusing social responsibility in the corporate sector. A just and sustainable society ought to value social and cultural diversity, social and political inclusiveness and pluralism, because it provides strength and resilience to the human community, just as it does in nature. A just and sustainable society resolves the inherent conflicts among its members through peaceful, respectful and non- violent means. A just and sustainable society recognizes that its economy must operate within the limits of nature, and in a manner that provides the greatest good for the greatest number in the polity. Significant inequality in access to national resources among citizens is inherently unjust, inequitable, and unsustainable. Communities should be the primary locus of responsibility for creating a sustainable society. This is because most of the individual behaviors and governmental policies that support sustainability are best nurtured at the local level. And above all, all citizens must be involved, motivated and have a strong desire to create a just and sustainable society. 4. Key Issues Pakistan has great diversity, as well as many problems, big and small, complex and deeprooted. However, when we talk about our problems, we tend to be obsessed with the outcomes and manifestations rather than the actual underlying causes. For instance, the oft-cited problem in Pakistan is frequent military interventions in the system of governance, thus undermining the fledgling democratic processes. However, a closer look at the causes will point to other factors that prevent democracy from taking roots in the country in more profound ways than military takeovers. These

include, among others, a history of deep-rooted feudal and tribal structures and outmoded cultural traditions; religious intolerance rooted in a 1,400 year old theological schism in Islam (and now exploited by external forces), and a population that is largely illiterate, socially fragmented, and politically and economically dispossessed, and has never had an opportunity to make the necessary transition from a feudal mode of social organization to an industrial mode of functioning. The root causes of Pakistan's economic and political woes lie in its feudal society and the winner-take-all approach to governing that has been practiced by successive civilian and military leaders. 1 After independence, a lot of work needed to be done to build a nationstate out of a variety of ethnic and sectarian groups and class systems. Unfortunately, Qaid-e-Azam passed away soon after independence, and his party which was already dominated by upper-class landlords, had no real motivation in forging a state that would promote popular participation and equity. With no Hindus around to blame in the new State of Pakistan, internal ethnic differences quickly came to the fore. The new country's leaders showed scant regard for representative institutions, accommodative policies, or pluralism. And when this neglect resulted in a serious political disorder, the military stepped- in, inaugurating what would become a recurring cycle of infighting within the ruling elite, followed by a military takeover. Thus the failure of the state to break the backbone of the feudal system has been the single most important factor in preventing the growth of an informed, democratic, vibrant and just polity in Pakistan. Therefore, the main challenge for Pakistan can be said to be nothing less than making a huge leap from what is essentially a pre- industrial mode of social organization, all the way to the post- industrial information age in the 21st Century. The good news is that this is entirely doable, as there are small examples within Pakistan (Northern Areas), where this incredible transformation has taken place in just a few decades, from a medieval feudal system with levels of social, economic and technological development that

Foreign Affairs , November/December 2002

literally bordered on the stone-age period, to one of the fastest developing and dynamic parts of Pakistan2 . The other big example that stands out is next door China, which literally burnt its feudal past in a violent revolution, but took only a few decades to recover and renew its systems to reach to this incredible level of advancement. Interestingly, China did not fall in the trap of token democracy, as Russia did and paid dearly for it. Instead, China found its solution in a form of gove rnance that emphasized social and economic inclusion for its citizens through market socialism, and state protection for the most vulnerable through a strong social safety net. We in Pakistan dont have the luxury to wait for a revolution to happen anytime soon, but we can certainly take a leaf from Chinas approach, that once you have set your national goals, you can be firm in fundamental choices, and flexible in making compromises on less critical issues, so that you can focus your national energies on key challenges. What are these challenges for contemporary Pakistan and how can we place them in a proper order, even before thinking about possible solutions? The key principles in setting our national agenda for a just, prosperous and sustainable society must include three things: Firstly, whatever we set out to do, it must promote rapid and broad-based growth, leading to overall prosperity and a verifiable improvement in the quality of life indicators for all citizens. In other words, we must first increase the size of the pie. Secondly, development and governance systems must be inclusive and participatory, and include a series of affirmative actions to make up for the neglects of the past. This includes not just improving and extending state services to rural areas, but making a
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I vividly remember making a fire by striking an iron object with a hard stone in my village house in Hunza in 1965. I also remember that we lived next to our domestic animals to use their body heat to supplement our home heating system: open fire in a windowless room, with on opening in the roof. After feasting on occasional meat in the summer and autumn, we preserved and recycled the bones by cooking dried vegetables with them to add meat flavor and a little protein in our bland diet, as food supplies ran out during winters and early spring. And, we met our table salt requirements by picking powdery traces from saline lands. The entire extended family slept in one room; toilet facilities were shared with the animals.

deliberate attempt to reduce and ultimately eliminate the feudal grip on the society, and replace it with modern state and civil society institutions. Thirdly, all agreed actions and interventions must be sustained through broad-based institutional arrangements with a strong system of public scrutiny and oversight. A strong, impartial and professional system of accountability in all public matters must be taken as the cardinal principle for creating and sustaining a just society. 5. Key Areas of Focus In order to set on a new course, we need not plan revolutionary changes, but focus on a small number of key problems, and let incremental progress in these areas spill over to other sectors. In other words, lets get our approach right; rather than trying to solve all the problems at once, and avoid using a top down approach. Lets develop national consensus on a few issues, based on the principles of broad-based growth, equity and sustainability, and develop a participatory action framework in which all sectors of the state, society and the private sector can contribute optimally to achieving these agreed national goals. The key to success will depend on setting clear objectives and taking bold steps, and concentrating utmost energy on the agreed national goalsChinese styleto make visible and sustained progress in these areas. As described earlier, the essential ingredients for a just and sustainable polity can be: ? ? ? A higher quality of life through broad human development, with a focus on increasing per capita education, skills and capabilities, Inclusive governance capable of delivering social justice to all, through equity in access to opportunity, resources and social services, and Sustainability through a strong system of public scrutiny and accountability

5.1 Quality of LifeDeveloping Human Capital as an Entry Point The broadly agreed quality of life indicators include: a) education, b) employment, c) energy, d) water, e) environment, f) health and sanitation, g) human rights, h) income, i) infrastructure, j) personal security, k) public safety, l) recreation and, m) shelter. 3 Although progress in all these areas is essential, lets take only one indicator as a key challenge, namely, education, and make rapid progress in this sector, thus guaranteeing tremendous multiplier effects on other areas. Opting for a growth strategy led by per capita education and skills rather than per capita GNP is necessary for a country like Pakistan which suffers from severe and entrenched inequities. Firstly, increases in average per capita income in Pakistan alone are no guarantee for improvements in social development. Similarly, if increases in per capita GNP are generated through exhaustion of either exhaustible or renewable natural resources, whose cost is not included in conventional measures of GNP or national income, the apparent increase in the per capita GNP of the current generation is less than the true increase in its sustainable per capita GNP, inclusive of social development. Moreover, if increases in per capita income are bought at the expense of decreases in civil liberties, political exclusion and exploitation of the poor, women and marginal areas, the increase in average income is less than the increase in the distribution, or weighted per capita income. Furthermore, if different income strata share unequally in the increases in per capita income that have taken place, or if economic growth occurs in such a way that the distribution of income and wealth become more unequal as growth takes place, social development indicators will not rise as rapidly as average per capita income.

Thus, in todays knowledge-based economy, nothing can have a more profound and

Calvert-Henderson Quality of Life Indicators; Copyright 2000-2006 by Calvert Group, Ltd. and Hazel Henderson info@Calvert-Henderson.com

widespread effect on productivity, growth and equitable distribution of development gains than human and intellectual capital. In a country of 160 million people, the best strategy for rapid and broad-based growth is investing in our human resources. Now lets look at where we stand in this important sector. The state of our nations educational system presents a grim picture. According to the official figures, the overall literacy level is presumed to be 46%, while only 26% women are literate. This rate of literacy is widely contested by independent sources, and the actual rates may be no more than 26% and 12% for men and women, respectively. 4 The problems are not limited to the dearth of educational opportunities, low quality and standards, but also a serious deficit in the overall stock of human capital, such as shortage of productive skills, low productivity, alienation, exclusion, low morale and motivation, lack of organizational and entrepreneurial skills, and outright opposition from feudal and religious power brokers against anything that may raise the capabilities of people, which may change the current unequal status quo. Although the current government has taken a number of new initiatives to rectify this situation, it will take a much greater effort, resources and a participatory strategy, involving all the capabilities of the state, civil society and the private sector to make a meaningful difference in the current grim situation. The starting point for launching a large-scale and workable human development programme can be to formulate a national human development strategy, focusing not only on formal and non- formal education, but also aimed at building social capital, partnership and alliances through public awareness and social mobilization; promoting technical, organizational and entrepreneurial skills; promoting broad participation, civic initiatives, research, innovations and technology development and application. Follow- up measures may include:

UNESCO, 2005

Allocation of a greater share of national resources, say at least 7 to 10 percent of the annual budget. This can be done by a combination of new taxes and privatization of public sector companies5 .

An incentive-based system of taxes, subsidies and grants to the private sector, communities and individuals, including higher salaries to teachers, manages and researchers in this sector

? ?

Investments in infrastructure, information and communication technology, professional development institutes Launching a massive social mobilization effort, backed with matching grants, encouraging community-based initiatives in primary and tertiary education, vocational, technical and entrepreneurial skills

Legislation and strict enforcement, making grade ten level education compulsory and prosecuting those including parents, who oppose this.

5.2 Inclusive Governance for Equitable DevelopmentSocial Mobilization as an Entry Point Like many other things in the country, democracy has also become a valued commodity monopolized by the ruling elite. In its current form, representative democracy imposed from the top will continue to remain a contest of power, prestige and political patronage within the ruling elites, dominated by the landed gentry. The military fits neatly into this well developed pattern of regime recycling, once the excesses of the previous civilian government reach a breaking point. The military has become a necessary part in this political drama ; so are the sectarian lords, whose political capital has also enhanced with growing apathy and alienation of the population that remains largely poor and illiterate.

But then what is new? Political culture all over the world remains elitist, and for all practical purposes, the will of the people is just a notion in political theory. This cynicism

It would be advisable to sell the Pakistan Steel Mills (also solving the current political row), PIA, PTDC motels, and a host of other unproductive national assets, and use that money to establish an independent National Human Capital Development Foundation, with a mandate to focus on primary education and the education of girls through community initiatives, and giving its governance to leading educationists in Pakistan. Some of this money can also be used to encourage the madrasa system to adopt national curriculum.

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apart, elections and other political processes are important steps for evolving democratic norms and institutions in the long-term. Moreover, there are no real alternatives to democratic discourse, and elections provide a unique and peaceful opportunity for leadership development and transition. The basic issue is how to improve and upgrade our political culture and increase meaningful participation by the majority of our citizens, who are poor and illiterate and, therefore, prone to intrigue, manipulation and the blackmail under the prevailing political culture.

Although, participatory democracy should remain an important goal, increasing citizens say in public affairs need not be limited to direct involvement in party politicsboth are necessary. This can be achieved by other means, such as articulating citizens will through civil society action. This is a relatively new route in Pakistan, and may prove to be an effective method for promoting democracy in a real sense.

Civil society action is no substitute for public discourse through formal democratic institutions, but it can contribute to improving overall governance and participation in a variety of ways, including providing an additional check on the public sector actors and institutions through public debate, evidence-based scrutiny of public policy, resource allocation and other decisions. For instance, in many countries, including India, the alternative budgets prepared by the civil society groups through grassroots participation, are regarded as powerful tools to precipitate public debate, forcing governments to do their proper homework, defe nd and sometimes reverse their priorities and resource allocation decisions in the face of strong public criticism on some undemocratic or unsustainable actions.

More importantly, civil society action and participation in major national challenges, such as poverty reduction, social justice, and delivery of social and livelihood services, makes them important and useful partners with public sector initiatives and programmes. Here the role of civil society is more supplementary and complementary to public sector policy and action. Without a doubt, the broad roles and functions played by the civil

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society, ranging from checking the excesses of the state, to complementing it by sharing the burden of development, makes them an indispensable part of the polity.

The question now is, can we in Pakistan, in addition to demanding timely elections and clean politics from our rulers, also insist on increasing the role of civil society in key decisions concerning national development, especially in geographical areas and within social segments that have remained disadvantaged for one reason or another? The answer should be yes, but with one important qualification. Civil society activism that is not rooted in the actual people who are currently excluded from the development gains, will remain equally elitists and meaningless. We are back to square one because the majority of people who are socially and economically at the fringes of Pakistani society are poor, powerless, and illiterate; therefore, they cannot articulate their voice. And, unless something changes, they will continue to remain excluded from all political and civil society paths of participation and action.

This is a valid concern but, fortunately, there is a way out, through a process known as social mediation. Social mediation is a proactive instrument used by governments and civil society actors to intercede on behalf of people who are assetless, powerless and, therefore, automatically excluded from the formal sectors of the state and economy: i.e., health, clean drinking water, education, credit and insurance services, etc., and, therefore, cannot break out of the cycle of chronic poverty on there own effort alone.

The starting steps for social mediation are small investments in the productive and organizational skills of these communities, and in the natural resources that they depend on, and ideas and advice on how to pool their individual efforts and resources for their collective good. This process, know as social mobilization, has been tested successfully in the Northern Areas and Chitral District of NWFP, by the Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), and is being adapted to local conditions by several Rural Support Programmes (RSPs) in the rest of the country, with encouraging results. Social mobilization methods, in several degrees of intensity, are also employed successfully in many other parts of the world, particularly in South Asia, Latin America and Africa.

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Social mobilization provides a missing link for greater participation of citizens and institutions, including government, business, community organizations, and NGOs in sustainable local development strategies. Experience throughout the world has demonstrated the limitations of over-reliance on governments to provide a full suite of social, economic and environmental services. A more institutionally plural approach to meeting local development challenges is, therefore, best guaranteed by a higher degree of collaboration between the state, civil society, and the business sector to improve stakeholder participation in local decision-making. Lessons learned by AKRSP and other RSPs show that social mobilization techniques aimed at collective action are effective in overcoming a variety of handicaps common in many parts of rural Pakistan, including low endowment in natural resources, poor state of human capital and high levels of social fragmentation that lead to subsistence conditions, characterized by low productivity, poverty, vulnerability and powerlessness, as well as many social, cultural and psychological barriers to development. Available evidence shows that social mobilization techniques are effective in: a) reaching out to all or most of the poor households; b) enhancing financial, social, physical, human and natural capital; c) increasing productivity, equity and sustainability in resources use and management; d) adding value to public and private sector services through economies of scale and cost and management sharing; and, e) in forging meaningful public-private partnerships. Howeve r, to succeed in these efforts, social mobilization interventions must be: a) promoted by apolitical, professional intermediaries; b) imbedded in the local institutional history; c) follow local preferences for organizational forms; d) infused with democratic norms; e) continuously renewed with organizational knowledge; f) backed by active government support; g) inclusive of all or the majority of households, especially poor; and, h) linked with public and private sector services.

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5.3 Sustaining Gains through Accountable Institutions Creating an Enabling Environment As discussed in the introduction of this paper, the main challenge of Pakistan is making a rapid social and political transition from an elitist and outmoded form of social organization, based on feudal values, coercion and exclusion, to one that is based on democratic participation, fundamental rights, and institutional pluralism. We also discussed that democracy cannot simply be imposed from the top, especially when the majority of the population is socially fragmented, economically disconnected from the formal sectors, and politically powerless and prone to all forms of manipulation by the ruling elites. As a strategy, earlier sections have proposed inclusive development and social mobilization at the grassroots level as the necessary entry steps to rectify a variety of disconnects, and to initiate a process of mainstreaming and inclusion that is the basis for a just and sustainable society. One can describe these as demand-side interventions, because they focus on lowering the entry barriers for the communities at the grassroots level, and to enhance their capacity to participate in the mainstream national life. In this section, lets try to address supply-side challenges, and try to think of policies and interventions that focus on creating an enabling environment for a just and sustainable society. Starting from the top, the biggest challenge would be to purge Pakistans Constitution from all feudal and sectarian traces and influences, removing constitutional ambiguities and making it consistent with globally accepted standards governing individual and collective life. Easier said than done, but at least we should initiate a process of public dialogue, similar to the one started by the Geo News on the Huddud Ordinance. The wider question in this regard is can we conceive separating the mosque and feudal influences from the governance of a modern state, and making at least an intellectual commitment to achieving this goal by 2030? This is necessary because the attempts to Islamize secular laws and ending up with two parallel legal systems in the country will get us nowhere. Even a softer approach to try to incorporate Islamic values in our

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Constitution is fraught with difficulties, because of the differing claims to interpret Islam. Moreover, sectarian conflicts pose a real danger for the country and it can derail many initiatives aimed at creating a national consensus. The way to deal this problem is by creating a more inclusive understanding of Islam through state and societal efforts, and building bridges between all communities, rather than enshrining the views of the dominant groups in the state laws. If we are going to pass the test of an inclusive state and society, then the state should be blind to a persons choice of faith and mode of its practice; this should clearly reflect in the Constitution and laws of Pakistan and this right should be protected at all costs. Next is the issue of barriers to democratic discourse in Pakistan. Many people in Pakistan agree that this is a much deeper problem than the frequent military interventions. The problem stems from a combination of factors, including strong feudal traditions, largescale illiteracy, religious orthodoxy, economic and social exclusion, and external factors, such as the issue of Kashmir, which has forced Pakistan to pursue a narrow line in its foreign policy, and dragged it into regional and global wars, at the expense of internal nation building tasks, giving the military a disproportionate share in the national policy and resources. Without a doubt, democracy begins with broad-based political parties. Political parties are central to democratic discourse and nurturing of accountable institutions. In a mature democracy, political parties connect state with the society by aggregating and representing different interests for peaceful mediation. They disseminate information, socialize citizens, resolve conflicts, and provide a mechanism for selecting and screening leadership. All these roles are indispensable for a healthy, just and sustainable society. In the case of Pakistan, we are much behind in inculcating these traits in the political parties. First of all, there are very few political parties that can claim a nationa l agenda. A large number of small but more vocal parties are more distinct for their narrow ethnic, sectarian, or regional agendas than national issues. Even in parties with a wider appeal, personality and political patronage matters more than an institutionalized system of party politics. For the most part of Pakistans history, political parties have tended to remain

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elitist, undemocratic in their own affairs, and largely serving the interest of feudal lords and other vested interests. Having said that it is also important to recognize that there are also issues of capacity, continuity and funding, as well as levels of literacy and socialization in the electorate, which hamper development of a democratic culture within political parties in Pakistan. Because this is a multifaceted problem, no single approach or strategy can possibly deliver desirable results. However, if democracy has to take roots in Pakistan, efforts at all levels will be needed, including education and empowerment of citizens, greater freedom of media, and enforcement of existing laws is a fair way. The present government has taken a number of useful steps in this area, such as setting minimum educational standards for individuals seeking elected office; reservation of seats for women to include their voice in policy decisions, and training programmes to enhance the capacity of elected institutions, particularly at lower tiers to make them more effective. Beyond this general direction, a more focused approach can also be contemplated, bringing international experience in this area to enrich national dialogue. One way to do this would be to evaluate the performance of institutional systems that influence and shape political parties and wider political processes. This includes looking at the electoral system, formalizing and regulating financing mechanisms within political parties, and setting term limits for elected office at higher levels; and upgrading or setting new regulatory guidelines for party registration, internal elections and legal sanction for acceptable party political activities. The objective should be to strengthen the overall institutional environment for party-based political system, rather than trying to support specific political parties to promote the national democratic agenda. Ultimately, the key to building and sustaining democratic traditions in Pakistan is to respect the sanctity and independence of national institutions : the Parliament, the Supreme Court, the Election Commission, and other institutions that are responsible for mediation among various stakeholders at the higher level. Unfortunately, at the current

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level of social development in Pakistan, our capacity for democracy will be limited, and these institutions will remain as they are, because they are expected to serve the interest of more powerful forces. Therefore, this paper advocates greater efforts in fighting feudalism and its manifestations, through education and economic opportunity, which calls for an incremental revolution through social mobilization of masses, not to overthrow the institutions of the state, but to strengthen them. 6 Conclusion

The first and foremost condition for a just and sustainable society is to recognize the principle of plurality. The state must recognize the aspirations and world views of all its citizens, and establish a fair, participatory and peaceful mechanism for mediation among differing claims. Since our starting conditions are highly polarized, in which a small elite is better able to articulate its needs, while the majority of population remains excluded from a real say, it becomes the responsibility of the state to take a series of affirmative actions to reduce these deep structural inequalities. The state can do this by co-opting citizens to this mission. An organized and effective way to do this would be to create room for civil society and private sector initiatives, through a system of rewards and accountability. Therefore, the first goal of the state in creating conditions for a just and sustainable society would be to enhance and ensure minimum standards for the quality of life of all its citizens. The instruments chosen for this purpose must create a multiplier effect, create economies of scale in their delivery, and focus on lowering the barriers for entry for the weakest segme nts of the society, by mending many disconnects between the formal sectors and the informal livelihoods and social systems. Based on these qualifications, this paper recommends a national strategy and an accelerated and holistic programme for enhancing human capital, as well as using social mobilization as a tool to co-opt citizens themselves for changing their own conditions. These two instruments are proposed as demand-side interventions.

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On the supply side, strengthening democracy through constitutiona l, political and legal reforms would be important instruments, aiming to create accountable institutions in order to sustain the whole effort. Long- live Pakistan!

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