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Do Intergovernmental Organizations Promote Peace? Author(s): Charles Boehmer, Erik Gartzke and Timothy Nordstrom Reviewed work(s): Source: World Politics, Vol. 57, No. 1 (Oct., 2004), pp. 1-38 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25054282 . Accessed: 05/12/2012 19:03
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DO
of the role of intergovernmental ing interpretations organizations IGOs foster nonviolent institutional (iGOs). Liberal theory argues that conflict resolution and constrain the advent of disputes. Functionalists state of IGOs as capable of transforming and pro preferences relations. Students of the democratic peace have moting pacific global now added IGOs to the liberal cocktail.1 the three prescriptive Together, conceive cross-border trade, and in pillars of the "Kantian tripod"?democracy, to diminish ternational the likelihood of milita organizations?appear in some large-sample rized contests studies. Realists, by quantitative have long argued that IGOs reflect, rather than effect, world contrast, IGOs and peace also support for a link between politics. Quantitative with attenuated, appears when violations of certain IGOs the probability of conflict increasing are addressed.2 statistical assumptions war and accounts Conventional of the role of IGOs in influencing in their praise and overly categorical peace seem to us to be incomplete as well as in their criticism. We develop a more nuanced alternative to
We thank David Bearce, Quan Li, John Oneal, Matt Ruppert, Bruce Russett, Holger Schmidt, and Erik Voeten for helpful comments. Erik Gartzke thanks Ned Lebow and the Mershon Center, the Ohio State University, where he was a postdoctoral An earlier draft of the fellow in 2000-2001. paper was presented at the annual meeting of the Peace Science Society (International), Tucson, Ariz., November 1-3, 2002. Data for the project are available from the authors. 1 See, for example, Bruce Russett, John R. Oneal, and David Davis, "The Third Leg of the Kant Organization for Peace: International Organizations andMilitarized International 1950-1985," Disputes, Peace: Democracy, In 52, no. 3 (1998); Bruce Russett and John R. Oneal, Triangulating and International Organizations 2001). (New York: W. W. Norton, terdependence, 2 See John R. Oneal and Bruce Russett, "The Kantian Peace: The Pacific Benefits of Democracy, World Politics 52 (October and International Organizations, 1885-1992," 1999); Interdependence, ianTripod Interdependence
Erik Gartzke, Quan Li, and Charles Boehmer, "Investing in the Peace: Economic and International Conflict," International Organization 55, no. 2 (2001).
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WORLD
war
is omnipresent, but conflict among nations re disagree and power more contests. sults often in diplomatic than in violent bargains Diplo ensues when states differ in their fails and warfare macy occasionally beliefs about power and interest. Third such as IGOs, can most parties, or foster peace by credibly effectively informing by inter competitors often vening in ways strategic our explanation a variable rather pirical conditions new from converting that carefully prevent participants into different, more extractive demands. As such, a "middle IGO effectiveness constitutes is path" inwhich than a parameter. The theory some of which are in research offers a number of em as it explored here?even are IGOs not all design. First, in their institutional and structure, mandate, it follows that they can also vary in their impact
member then cohesion, on interstate IGO attributes that are likely to make disputes. We identify some of them more effective at among states. Sec agreements fostering sometimes statistical re ond, states are not all equal, either. The positive lationship accounted
can be IGO and militarized conflict between membership are also for if the countries that are most active internationally to to in those most We organizations. likely belong intergovernmental ac inworld that troduce a control variable for state engagement politics for an observed article The of IGOs to be associated with tendency as follows. We briefly review relevant disputes. studies of
counts
proceeds for why then outline an argument intergovernmental organizations. We can states IGOs and how influence interna fight, why they join IGOs, introduce variables tional conflict. Next, we explain our research design, to measure of IGOs, and re the institutionalization and contentiousness are a necessary our tests The first step in ana port presented findings. to maintain limitations the need the Because of and space theory. lyzing with previous studies, some of the most intriguing impli comparability await further study.While individual results can cations of our argument our as realist or liberal arguments, be interpreted collectively favoring are not IGOs in effective classical accounts. broadly challenge findings or the way they should be if international alter preferences organizations are IGOs commitments. Neither form aweb of constraining universally as critics. The ineffective, suggests bargaining approach by suggested We are to promote that only those IGOs with certain attributes peace. likely IGOs reduce the risk of militarized dis show that institutionalized on conflict. We IGOs also direct influence have little but that other putes IGO IGO members increases effectiveness. show that cohesion among IGOs with a security mandate are more effective at promoting peace
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II. Literature:
Research speaking summarized on interstate or on
Linkages
conflict and
between
broadly can be in intergovernmental organizations particular as follows. a matter it is how of debate and when First, IGO is examination there limited of ef Second, systematic evidence evidence to be Third, contradictory. a IGOs nonuni that have suggest may both increase and decrease con appears that could correlate with the
international
even while
on state behavior; they states select into IGOs inways flict. Fourth, IGOs on impact of disputes. Most there treat
Realists, liberals, and others have long debated the utility of IGOs.3
in some form or in certain contexts, but agree that IGOs matter as to the extent of IGO influence is no consensus and how best to
as an IGOs that aspect of world analytically politics. By holding IGOs matter, in the debate usually mean that they should participants con state behavior. On one side in the debate, be capable of altering IGOs that and liberal contend institutionalists structivists, functionalists, are (or can be) a central of world order. On the other side, component in world realists argue that IGOs are only marginally influential many and that IGOs typically reflect status quo power relations. politics functionalists, Constructivists, is politics organized increasingly foster cooperation by providing norms and ture, promoting transaction costs.4 Realpolitik and institutionalists around regimes struc information and organizational common belief and systems, reducing less important with should become the argue that global and institutions that
3 International "The False Promise of International Institutions," John Mearsheimer, Security 19, no. 3 (1995); Randall L. Schweller and David Preiss, "ATale of Two Realisms: the Institu Expanding tions Debate," Mershon International Studies Review 41, no. 1 (1997). And for reviews of and perspec tives on the literature, see Lisa L. Martin Studies of and Beth A. Simmons, "Theories and Empirical International Organization International Organizations," 52, no. 4 (1998). 4 Nation-State: Functionalism and International Organiza See, for example, Ernst B. Haas, Beyond the tion (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964); Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Power ward and Interdependence (New York: Harper Collins, 1989); Oran R. Young, "International Regimes: To aNew of In Theory of Institutions," World Politics 39 (October 1986); idem, "The Effectiveness in James M. Rosenau and Ernst-Otto ternational Institutions: Hard Cases and Critical Variables," eds., Governance without Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); John Czempiel, aNeorealist Gerard Ruggie, "Continuity and Transformation in theWorld Polity: Toward Synthesis," World Politics 35 (January 1983); idem, "The False Promise of Realism," International Security 20, no. a 1 (1995); James M. Rosenau, in and Czempiel, in Changing Global Order," Rosenau "Citizenship Governance without Government, and Alexander Wendt, International Politics," Inter "Constructing national Security 20, no. 1 (1995).
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WORLD POLITICS
and the growing salience of rise of multiple channels of interaction a nonstate in militarized violence. actors, leading to decline Neoliberal institutionalists much of the functionalist/Kantian accept for international but they also accept the realist prescription politics, nence of systemic of power, and the preemi anarchy, the importance are nev of states' interests.5 Collective security and cooperation or states ertheless feasible where share common complementary states value absolute over relative IGOs interests and where gains.6 help in reciprocity by encouraging through regularizing cooperation as the be teractions.7 institutionalist construed Indeed, may perspective once one the strongest advocate for IGOs, given the lack of alternatives as endemic to international affairs. accepts anarchy While tenets
foster
work by functionalists, liberals, and realists is ex conceptual on institutions is decidedly the literature tensive, sparse. It is empirical as are as IGOs unclear whether effective claim. (or ineffective) partisans the limited scope of empirical research may have retarded the Indeed, oretical stands to advance most quickly when Theory development. confronted literature that IGO with evidence. The suggests contrasting status and factors such as regime type and major power heterogeneity IGO to current fails influence ad Nonetheless, functionality. analysis assess dress these claims several studies call for fully, and although ments to be done.8 of institutional remains much efficacy,
5 Robert O. Keohane, After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Economy (Princeton: Princeton University The Evolution (New York: Basic Press, 1984); Robert Axelrod, of Cooperation under Anarchy: and Robert O. Keohane, Books, 1984); Robert Axelrod "Achieving Cooperation Strategies and Institutions," World Politics 38 (October 1985); Robert Powell, "Absolute and Relative in International Relations Theory," American Political Science Review 85, no. 4 (1991); Duncan Gains American Political Science Re Snidal, "Relative Gains and the Pattern of International Cooperation," view 85, no. 3 (1991); Robert O. Keohane and Lisa Martin, "The Promise of Institutionalist Theory," International Security 20, no. 1 (1995); Charles A. Kupchan and Clifford A. Kupchan, "The Promise of no. 1 (1995); Duncan Snidal and Kenneth Abbott, Collective Security," International Security 20, Journal of Conflict Resolution 42, no. 1 "Why States Act through Formal International Organizations," and Simmons (fn. 3). (1998); Martin 6 Snidal (fn. 5) points out that contrasting predictions of absolute and relative gains depend on the number of actors involved. For an informative debate, see comments by Joseph M. Grieco, Robert American Problem for International Cooperation," Powell, and Duncan Snidal, "The Relative-Gains "Relative Gains Concerns When Political Science Review 87, no. 3 (1993). See also James S. Mosher, no. 5 of States in the International System Increases," Journal of Conflict Resolution 47, in Interna for Choice: The Salience of Relative Gains "Motivations (2003); and David L. Rousseau, tional Relations," Journal of 'Conflict Resolution 46, no. 3 (2002). 7 See research suggests that the shadow of the future can actually inhibit cooperation. Subsequent under Anarchy: The Effects of Symmet Curtis S. Signorino, "Simulating International Cooperation ric and Asymmetric Noise," Journal of 'Conflict Resolution 40, no. 1 (1996); James D. Fearon, "Bargain International and International 52, no. 2 (1998); J. Cooperation," Organization ing, Enforcement, Inter in International Cooperation," and Multilateral Enforcement Samuel Barkin, "Time Horizons national Studies Quarterly 48, no. 2 (2004). of and the Preservation 8J.David Singer and Michael Wallace, Organization "Intergovernmental International 1816-1964: Some Bivariate Relationships," 24, no. 3 (1970); Peace, Organization the Number
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memberships to the sensitive less likely to experience result appears disputes. This IGOs either increase con choice of sample and econometric technique. non flict or have no effect when all dyads or when assessing adding Other studies find little or no linear controls for temporal dependence. indication Domke ther Oneal At First, that IGOs bring peace. Jacobson, Reisinger, IGOs and interstate offer regression analysis of results for and Mathers conflict, and but nei
in a series of articles
that dyads
share more
IGO
argue are
reports significant intergovernmental organizations.11 results sug and Russett and Gartzke, Li, and Boehmer produce IGOs that increase interstate conflict among members.12 gesting least three factors IGOs are appear responsible institutionally heterogeneous. for these disparate findings. In the three decades since
Wallace first highlighted the issue, no study has investigated Singer and heterogeneity in a systematic fashion.13 NATO and the EU exemplify in
stitutionalized izations with IGOs with more an moderate to alter state behavior. Other ability or limited institutional structures, organ such as
or the Economic the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR) hold promise. IGOssuch West African States (ECOWAS), Community of or as the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) have the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries (CEPGL)
little ability to influence member tions with different institutional distorts ability behavior. structure Attempts and scope to treat organiza homogeneously a of IGOs with genuine
Michael
in the Global and J. David System, Singer, "Intergovernmental Organization International A Quantitative 24, no. 2 (1970); William Description," Organization Press, 1988); Young (fn. 4, Domke, War and the Changing Global System (New Haven: Yale University and Simmons 1992); Martin (fn. 3). 9 Martin and Simmons (fn. 3) provide a review of the extensive case study literature. L. Berbaum, "Causes of Peace: Democracy, Interde 10John R. Oneal, Bruce Russett, and Michael Studies Quarterly 47, no. 3 (2003); Oneal and International Organizations," International pendence, Wallace 1815-1964: (fn. 1). (fn. 8) provide typologies of IGOs; Jacobson, Networks of Interde and the Global Political System (New York: Knopf, 1984). How pendence: International Organizations use an inappropriate M. Reisinger, and Todd Mathers ever, Harold Jacobson, William dependent for each year; see Jacobson, Domke relies on disaggregated variable, whereas probit estimates American Politi in Governmental and Mathers, "National Entanglements Organizations," Reisinger, cal Science Review 80, no. 1 (1986). 12 Oneal and Russett (fn. 2); and Gartzke, Li, and Boehmer (fn. 2). 13 (fn. 8). Singer andWallace and Russett 11 Harold (fn. 2); Russett, Oneal, Jacobson and Domke and Davis
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WORLD POLITICS
extensive interests abroad are more likely of international to act
or to be members likely are successful IGOs in tensions that between ganizations. reducing rivals may appear unsuccessful if at least part of the impetus for mem in IGOs follows from need. States that share in many bership diplomatic are more to memberships likely interact?cooperatively, are other states. and tively, occasionally violendy?than IGO function as liberals would expect. According ofthat independent competi
states exert control, impose rules, through which powerful to and collude the status quo. In short, IGOs states, preserve act as variables between power and world politics. intervening
involves linking the capabilities and actions of IGOs with the decision
such as the argues that variables to distribution of power, threat, or interests?while key determining us rel the content of negotiated who (that is, gets what)?tell bargains states resort to overt force.17 The atively little about why occasionally in the of a inherent behavior that "causes" symmetry requires dispute to end. If, for states contest must be remedied for the contest example, an imbalance of power, then war must lead to a balance fight because of of power in order for peace to be restored. Uncertainty about the bal
14Mearsheimer (fn. 3). 15 Ibid., 13. 16 Schweller and Preiss (fn. 3). forWar," International Organization 49, no. 3 (1995). 17James D. Fearon, "Rationalist Explanations of and Resolve: A Limited Information Model See also James D. Morrow, "Capabilities, Uncertainty, Crisis Bargaining," American Journal of Political Science 33, no. 2 (1989).
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em of IGOs, in part because very different they interpretations a in this causal process. We elements phasize different complex develop on the middle between based contrasting theory, bargaining path, claims of realists and liberals. Our approach uses simple formal models
organizations. the bargaining argument, summarizing for ways that can best diminish basic framework three-actor Rather than develop models complex ditional are most to aspects of strategic to influence behavior, we believe between conflict
the risk of contests.18 that that ad incorporate it is most appro goal is not whether related result
priate at this point to identify which actions a third party can take that
likely identify how competition IGOs can best influence two states. Our behavior, number
(andwhen)
on in a limited greatest impact dispute behavior to mandate, member and institutional cohesion, ing theory produces a number of empirical
implications,
some of which
18 For reviews of the rationalist literature on bargaining and war, see Dan Reiter, "Exploring the of War," Perspectives on Politics 1, no. 1 (2003); and Robert Powell, "Bargaining The Bargaining Model ory and International Conflict," Annual Review of Political Science 5 (2002). For a critique, see Jonathan forWar?" Security Studies 10, no. 1 (2000). Kirshner, "Rationalist Explanations 19 The notion that IGOs are selective in their mediation efforts is contrasted by normative and in stitutional incentives to intervene. Unlike peacekeeping, say, where the investment is high, organizing sanctions are all rela talks, pressuring delegates, brokering deals, informing parties, and promoting and tively low-cost actions. These activities are often explicitly encouraged by IGO charters, members, to im interested publics. Indeed, the proliferation of security IGOs, the bulk of which are unequipped pose peace, would appear peculiar if they were not meant to conduct such activities.
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WORLD
our tests support here. Nevertheless, to extend We alternatives.20 existing hope research.
The Bargaining
Theories choice of war of method
Approach
to War
for conflict with the conflate the motives commonly contests for conflict resolution. Costly involve at least for excludable cannot simulta a choice
First, there exists a zero-sum competition States differ over issues or territory that each Second, sum. states choose a method
control.
and in Fighting deprives on are states the that burdens collectively vanquished, implying costs of bar off selecting methods that minimize the transaction
end in some Since war is costly and since almost all contests gaining. are states to is if arrive at the unable rational settlement, only fighting to hostilities. contests A terminate that eventually settlements prior war is thus an account of to achieve states sometimes of fail why theory ex ante post. contests: that can precipitate costly issue indivisibilities, commitment information and asymme problems, tries.22 States can experience failures and war if the stakes in bargaining three conditions the bargains Fearon identifies that obtain ex
are un are not readily divisible bargains dispute (mutually acceptable or be either because the stakes is impossible available, apportioning one of the states has made cause action compromise costly). by prior as a because side payments Fearon discounts indivisibilities precipitant are generally available resolved negotiators For example, U.S. and appear to be practiced. a deadlock in talks the ending Spanish-American
in reparations.23 We
follow Fearon
20 Formal models serve, among other things, to tie tests of implications of an argument to untested elements of a theory. See Rebecca B. Morton, Methods andModels: A Guide to the Empirical Analysis of Formal Models in Political Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 21 States can have no incentive to dispute benefits that cannot be denied to the loser or third par ties. If players value relative gains, however, war can result from nonrivalrous goods. value 22Fearon's list is not exhaustive. Risk acceptance can motivate contests, as can a consumption for war. There is also a broader set of commitment problems that is assumed away by Fearon's model R. Garfinkel and Stergios Skaperdas, "Conflict without See, for example, Michelle ing framework. or Information: How the Future Matters," Journal of 'Conflict Resolution 44, Misperception Incomplete no. 6 (2000); Branislav Slantchev, "The Power to Hurt: Costly Conflict with Completely Informed of war is co States," American Political Science Review 97, no. 1 (2003). Still, Fearon's characterization herent, widely addressed in the literature, and tractable. 23 "The likeli David F.Trask, The War with Spain in 1898 (New York: Macmillan, 1981), 445-66. hood of an agreement was greatly assisted by a proposal emanating from Senator Frye that the United in exchange for the Philippines"; Joseph Smith, The Spanish States should offer financial compensation American War: Conflict in the Caribbean (London: Longman, 1994), 199-200.
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problems or in interests
occur when
state can its agreements. fight because is in in future better because the than the and present strategic position a con to honor cannot its opponent commit under anarchy credibly tract. As with contests that result from commitment indivisibilities, must in order to reconcile resolve the commitment problems problem so the motives for fighting: otherwise there is resort to involve military lutions. This
provide A declining
in lead to particularly problems implies that commitment or contests in which neither tractable party knife-edged bargains to in its the future.25 States expects opponent gain significant advantage but of commitments, may be able to use IGOs to improve the credibility IGO influence is again limited by capabilities and member cohesion. in arguing follows that uncertainty about relative Blainey war or common most interests the costs, power, represents explanation to in for war.26 States possess private information about variables likely an actor so on). While fluence a contest and resolve, might (capabilities, Fearon makes revelation information, problematic. competition or ca or similar actions can states resolved Only by fighting distinguish some states are will from those seeking to bluff. That pable opponents reveal private
ing and able to fight does not explain the need for contests unless it is
impossible or resolved. these states from others that are less capable distinguish of eventual bargains, If states can agree about the content to should mutually the then opponents bargain fight prefer anticipated nature In the eventual of about the short, disagreements ing. bargains contests. explain the need for to
24 States often have
indivisibilities. Commitment increases bargain incentives to seek to generate it harder to compromise. Third parties could allow states to extract themselves ing power by making an IGO for to renege on a promise may free a leader from domes from commitments. having Blaming for gener tic audience costs, for example. It is also possible, however, that IGOs increase opportunities IGOs allow leaders to formalize that are later binding (or at least agreements ating indivisibilities. on domestic not explore these issues here. politics. We do impinging) 25 more in intrastate conflict, where Commitment problems and indivisibilities may be prevalent settlements often include a loss of autonomy for one of the competing parties or where any settlement the is part of the stakes in the contest. See Barbara F.Walter, "Explaining implies recognition, which no. 4 (2003); Monica Duffy Toft, Intractability of Territorial Conflict," International Studies Review 5, The Geography ofEthnic Violence: Identity, Interests, and the Indivisibility of Territory (Princeton: Prince ton University Press, 2003); James D. Fearon and David Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation," American Political Science Review 90, no. 4 (1996); idem, "Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War," Amer ican Political Science Review 97, no. 1 (2003). 26 For a succinct and highly intuitive account of the bargaining argument, see also James D. Mor row, "How Could Trade Affect Conflict?" Journal ofPeace Research 36, no. 4 (1999).
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WORLD POLITICS
to war leads us to focus on the infor bargaining approach can IGOs. to compete and incentives impact of Uncertainty IGOs can alleviate interstate the motives warfare.27 for costly information domain by about of particular sanctioning Below strategic variables states. IGOs can or intervention, ways in fea
by credibly communicating that otherwise remain the private seek to reduce dispute
behavior
explanations.
we
examine
that third parties are likely to be ineffective in limiting disputes. Why Third Parties Often Dispute Behavior
Students
Fail to Influence
of international often argue that third parties organization as in or ability to pursue conflict interest states' (such IGOs) influence costs or benefits at associated with contests. Deterrence by altering the tempts more of costly contests by making such contests the of odds seeks victory. Appeasement expensive by reducing to alter the of contests by increasing the net benefit of set probability are to the in lieu of tlements made Such arguments fighting. plausible the chances or one believes demands. as that states are restricted normally latitude to fixed Yet we states wide think and exogenously of anarchy and sover of agree either the to reduce
extent
strategic change or the states make in lieu of fighting. probability bargains that cost/benefit fac parameters theory emphasizes Bargaining altering to reduce the risk of war will fail often ing competitors significantly.28 of a contest
conditions
27 Erik Gartzke, "War Is in the Error Term," International 53, no. 3 (1999). The Organization information argument is not theoretically sufficient to explain war. A sufficient account of asymmetric states. the causes of war requires that researchers access the private information of competing 28 Fearon (fn. 17) provides a formal proof. We use Fearon as the basis for our theory. Robert Pow ell, In the Shadow of Power: States and Strategies in International Politics (Princeton: Princeton Univer Information" sity Press, 1999); idem, "The Inefficient Use of Power: Costly Conflict with Complete and Skaperdas (fn. 22); and Slantchev (fn. American Political Science Review 98, no. 2 (2004). Garfinkel are a more in which commitment frameworks 22) offer alternative bargaining problems important cause of war and contests can occur under full information. Which of bargaining is characterization most general empirically remains a subject of debate. Note, however, that alternative conceptions hinge on about the sequence of offers in bargaining. Since states often negotiate about how they assumptions will negotiate and since a satisfactory theory of this aspect of bargaining has (structure is endogenous), yet to be introduced to international relations, we adopt the simplest model of bargaining as a place of we to better explain observed behavior than conventional departure. The theory supply is shown here liberal or realist alternatives.
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11
that any effort that changes costs for one actor in competition does so in a roughly reci or the war becomes more if fashion for competitors: expensive procal net benefits of fighting diminish for one state, then war is relatively or more can convert If competitors for opponents.29 cheaper appealing advantage into better bargains, then simply altering the costs or bene
fits of fighting for one actor should have relatively little effect on the probability of a dispute. If IGOs intervene, changing the balance of
to power or interests, but allow competitors bargain, see little or no reduction in conflict behavior. Proposition
competitors,
we
should
often
1.Actions
common
when
just prompting a change in decisions to fight. are informed about in strategic variables and are If competitors changes in free to act, then the effects of changes should often be subsumed to a con of is the whether bargaining, regardless change endogenous test or in imposed compelling actors. Even where by outside (as in "corner solutions," peace costs succeeds imposing one where party prefers
any available offer to fighting), the approach is relatively inefficient, since much of the third party's effort is diverted by competitors into ob
taining appear to deter or appease all bargain. Attempting parties might as in a chicken game, to be a However, just increasing the remedy. of a contest demand.30 in the balance if conflict is prohibitively costly regardless of what be uninformed about a better
cost of fighting (or the benefits of peace) for all competitors only alters
the odds opponents States may occasionally of power, threat, or interests,
or un changes they may be incentives able to bargain effectively. However, have clearly competitors to be aware of and to act on new or better information. We argue that third parties influencing can often and most peace most promote the informational conditions surrounding economically contests. by
How Third
IGOs can
Parties
Peace
of ways. First, the degree that
in a variety affect dispute behavior potentially can act as mediators and information brokers.31 To they
29 The
zero-sum nature of dynamics in the balance of power. security dilemma makes clear the realists have failed to extend the insight to diplomatic bargaining. Factors that alter the likely However, outcomes of contests should alter the demands of diplomats in roughly the same fashion. 30 the payoffs in the chicken game alters play only if changes are ordinal. The effect is Changing set stronger in a bargaining game, where competitors through their offers. payoffs endogenously can be found in 31A review of the traditional literature on the effects of third-party mediation in Walter Lilach Gilady and Conflict and Bruce Russett, Resolution," Carlesnaes, "Peace-Making Thomas Risse, and Beth Simmons, eds., Handbook of International Relations (London: Sage, 2002).
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WORLD POLITICS
private information information reduces the about capability to incentives and resolve, Second,
fight. can third parties intervene in contests but constrain directly partici into more extractive demands where pants from converting advantages the value of strategic variables may or may necessary. While changing not diminish third parties can promote peace by re dispute behavior, on new conditions or from straining competitors acting by concealing information about new conditions from states that stand to benefit. Fi can reduce nally, third parties that have the effect of credibly of force more uncertainty by creating minor resolve among communicating contests relevant
of this
ARBITRAGE INFORMATIONAL
Third war parties can act as information private information the risk of arbitrageurs, reducing about strategic variables. The bar
by revealing
that war often results from uncertainty and suggests gaining approach to bluff. If a third party informs one state of the status of an incentives opponent's concessions military capabilities, when necessary. for example, then the state can make
Proposition
competitor
states.
Nevertheless,
of third-party promotion as an a information peace through arbitrage. To function arbitrageur, third party must have information that is not available to at least one of states. In the competing terms, the best way to achieve this is practical to have access to administrative and intelligence-gathering sophisticated major (particularly powers) even peace. Further, promoting by acting only as information some third parties stand to disadvantage arbitrageurs, so will be seen as and strategic participants.33 parties at capabilities. tures or This support be more effective implies that from member IGOs with countries extensive institutional struc
there
are barriers
to effective
will
32 see Anne Sartori, "The of the Pen: A Reputational For a discussion of credible diplomacy, Might of Communication in International Disputes," International Organization 55, no. 3 (2002). Theory 33 a IGOsmust also convince states of the veracity of information. Paradoxically, intent third-party on over the outcome of a contest may be less effective than a biased actor with averting only preferences that information from biased political sources can be informa bargaining. Randall Calvert demonstrates of Political Advice," Journal tive; Calvert, "The Value of Biased Information: A Rational Choice Model no. 2 (1985). Andrew of Kydd extends this logic to the context of third-party mediation of Politics 47,
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13
ing the payoffs for one side in a conflict while keeping the new payoffs
new or from using the opponents constraining competitors to in A third party, themselves advantage bargaining. such as an IGO, can assist one side in a conflict or, alternatively, punish one or both as noted above, when a third party in Unfortunately, parties. secret from other conditions tervenes, the beneficiary seek to extract additional beneficiary eficiary ponent, does then is restrained to has an incentive strategic conditions If instead, the concessions from its opponent. or if the ben not know of the new strategic conditions from greater concessions demanding is likely to have a greater effect
peace by intervening IGO intervention. from secretly or
of new
from
its op
intervention
3.
on peace.
by constrain
stand
Keeping resources
secret is in terms of arguably the least taxing method changes to promote for third parties. All that is necessary peace is that of new conditions. the beneficiary be uninformed However, secrecy
may
new for IGOs. Once also be the least effective method, especially are revealed, failure ensues.34 Members of IGOs may strategic conditions interests incentives have with have divergent States partisan objectives. to IGO secrets to fellow partisans in a conflict. a consensus among members develop IGOs in promoting while peace, housing method. this often face problems using
4. Preference of efforts to homogeneity promote peace among through
IGOs that
Proposition effectiveness
increases secrecy.
the
Third
parties
If an IGO pun constraining changing a the state with ishes a state for fighting or provides subsidy for agree to a its regular offer, is forced to make its opponent ing bargain, while their demands.
and Mediation,"American interstate conflicts; Kydd, "Which Side Are You On? Bias, Credibility, Jour nal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (2003). In a subsequent paper, Kydd points out that reputation can be used to make unbiased mediators more credible, though the balance between costs and credibility is and Mistrust" critical. See Andrew Kydd, "The Honest Broker: Mediation (Manuscript, Harvard Uni that media relaxes the assumption July 2004). Similarly, Robert W. Rauchhaus versity, Cambridge, tors prefer peace; Rauchhaus, and Conflict Management" Information, Mediation "Asymmetric of California, Santa Barbara, 2003). (Manuscript, University 34 often viewed as critical to successful deterrence. See Robert Secret threats lack the consequences Press, Powell, Nuclear Deterrence Theory: The Searchfor Credibility (Cambridge: Cambridge University about third-party actions could increase the onset of disputes. 1990). Uncertainty
incentives
for one
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14
WORLD POLITICS
then competitors will more often avoid disputes. The approach may be more difficult or to than informational implement arbitrage signaling, since it requires third parties to take two simultaneous actions (inter vene to appease or deter one state, the counterpart. The institutional strength of the as well as the cohesion of and will members, organization, capabilities be critical in implementing intervention and constraint.35 it must and constrain). also restrain If the IGO intervenes
COSTLYSIGNALING
The third option available to third parties in promoting peace is to con an states front warfare with additional contemplating layer of interme diate challenges. The that states fight bargaining implies approach one of the means because force represents available for only practical
re costs and thus for differential between generating distinguishing solved competitors and those seeking to bluff.36 One way of reducing the frequency of disputes, of demon then, is to create other methods can resolve. Third strating parties embargo products, impose sanctions, or take other actions that make to com it more costly for competitors pete. Again, the frequency response producing surrounds it is not the deterrent effect of these efforts that reduces in of disputes.37 States can simply change their demands or constraints. to new the peace Instead, opportunities is to remove some of the uncertainty effect of sanctions that or other third that sanctions States endure competition. competitors. costly signaling among
or other nonmilitarized
Costly signaling can be implemented even when the ability of the IGO
to constrain some behavior is partial or incomplete. As long as at least competitors in differences find sanctions burdensome, resulting competitors allow observers to learn something new about relative resolve
35 Neutral third parties, while arguably less effective at information arbitrage, are likely to be more effective at intervention and constraint. Biased IGOsmay fail to constrain their favored faction, leading war. to more extractive demands and a higher risk of 36 reveal resolve through costly actions, but "burning money" also weak Actors can autonomously ens leads to pay should see such actions only when the reduction in uncertainty bargaining power. We and Jeffrey S. offs exceeding the cost in resources and the loss of leverage. See David Austen-Smith Evanston, 111., and Banks, "Cheap Talk and Burning Money" University, (Manuscript, Northwestern the California Institute of Technology, Pasadena, Calif., 1998). 37Gartzke, Li, and Boehmer (fn. 2).
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15
of IGO sanc that interact in the presence capabilities. Competitors or more tions will other punishments often arrive at bargains prior to the onset of violence. The to act in ways that allow states to potential signal
effectively
IGOs with
achieved
a mandate as
through
security
security-oriented
organizations are more
IGOs.
effec
Proposition and
tive at promoting peace through cosdy signaling than are those with nonsecurity
objectives interests.
are confronted with if competitors to escalation to militarized acts. in Holding punishments reserve may be on the since it invites misperception of part problematic, states and the third party. Concern in both competing about appearing effective may be misplaced. Even if punishments fail to deter, the result in uncertainty about relative resolve among ing reduction competitors Bargaining "tests" prior failures allows only for ex ante settlements. Punishments to if they are so large that the target finds fight seems most contexts states in It that ing. unlikely contemplating costly IGOs. violent force will be cowed by the punishments available to most Even more troubling, delay in implementation can create added uncer inhibit directly offer any preferable contests
can be reduced
research designs also constrains existing the that suggest, nonetheless, theory possesses
While ity.
conventional We believe
strengths
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16
We
argument
in state activity.
that are ac
Hypothesis 1.After controlling for the level of international activity, dyads with more IGO memberships should appear about as likely to experience milita rized disputes as other dyads. of IGOs at promoting the effectiveness Second, peace should vary with at least some of IGOs possess structure. institutional Institutionalized resources the needed for informational intervention and con arbitrage, with IGOs (or secrecy), or signaling. Realists imply that the notion of an institutions is Liberals and functionalists oxymoron. strong IGOs may be sufficient to promote argue that merely constructing in their impact on conflict. peace. All treat IGOs as more or less uniform straint Hypothesis
IGOs with disputes.
2. Dyads
inwhich
states sharemembership
are less likely to
in a large number of
experience militarized
greater
institutional
structure
Third, IGOs
IGOs vary in the level of contentiousness among their members. consensus to be effective. Dissatisfied members may seek require or obstruct or to secrets to pro reveal interventions, delay they may more are IGOs intervention Even that undecided about serious, t?g?s. increase uncertainty, potentially leading competitors otherwise have been avoided. Traditional might the of internal political see IGOs as struggles ensuring to fight when a fail approaches for IGO effec that differences
contest to
away."
with tighter Hypothesis 3. Dyads inwhich states sharemembership in IGOs member cohesion are less likely to be associated with militarized disputes. IGOs differ in their organizational Finally, are more to influence rity mandate likely the realist assertion that IGOs are hollow functionalist relations. more IGOs with a security Hypothesis 4. Dyads inwhich states participate in mandate have a lower probability of experiencing amilitarized dispute. and liberal claims that IGOs mandate. disputes. shells, but broadly IGOs with This contrasts it also differs transform a secu with from
interstate
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17
Design
cross-national data with a unit of
dyad-years. We results using politically sample, though same.38We base our analysis on Oneal the temporal and Russett's findings the attributes for temporal uses a limit domain and then
attributes Oneal
on IGO though data We first replicate additional variables the BTSCS technique
measuring to correct
of IGOs. We
employ
schema
38 All results mentioned but not published in the study are available from the authors. 39 collected data on institutionalization for 297 IGOs, coding 198 as Oneal and Russett (fn. 2).We for defunct IGOs are often unavail "minimal," 52 as "structured," and 47 as "interventionist." Details able. ^Nathaniel Cross-Section Beck, Jonathan N. Katz, and Richard Tucker, "Taking Time Seriously: Time-Series with a Binary Dependent 42, no. Variable,"American Journalof'PoliticalScience
4 (1998).
Analysis
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18 covering private
WORLD
POLITICS
states in cases where information, strategic especially resolve. benefits under sanctions, thus signaling forgo organizational IGOs should be most Institutionalized of international capable affecting IGOs are coded on a conflict. scale of institutionalization. three-point
1.Minimal bly and a secretariat information 2. Structured emonial), and rules. 3. Interventionist and ing adjudication, loans or aid), contain mechanisms for mediation, organizations to coerce state decisions other means and/or (such as well as means to enforce organizational decisions arbitration as withhold and norms. and/or contain organizations an extensive without gathering. organizations bureaucracy contain to structures executive of assembly, (noncer as well as formal policy, procedures plenary meetings, committees, beyond research, and possi
bureaucracy
planning,
implement
Dependent
data set
MID occurs ofWar by the Correlates produced Project.41 A or a state threatens, uses when force against another military displays, use Maoz's state. We version which also corrects for (DYMIDl.O), dyadic some errors in the basic MID data.42 MID Onset one for the only equals distinct conceptually in different very ways. Using processes might of the nonindependence of Onset also addresses the generic problem even ten the Of here, years. greater importance subsequent dispute to be IGO autocorrelated for conflict and serially dency membership a between the variables. could produce correlation misleading positive year to which IGOs contribute onset of a MID.43 Onset and duration are
Independent
We
Variables
IGO variables. The first measure analyze four different membership counts the number in which of intergovernmental both organizations a a are states of in members given year. We begin by replicating dyad IGO variable.44 The vari Oneal and Russett's aggregate joint replication
41 Interstate Disputes, 1816-1992: Daniel Jones, Stuart Bremer, and J. David Singer, "Militarized and Peace Science 15, no. 2 Patterns," Conflict Management Rationale, Coding Rules, and Empirical 1816-1976: and Zeev Maoz, "Militarized Interstate Disputes, Procedure, (1996); Charles S. Gochman Patterns, and Insights," Journal of Conflict Resolution 28, no. 4 (1984). 42 Zeev Maoz, Interstate Disputes (DYMID 1.1) Dataset, Version 1.1" (Code "Dyadic Militarized of Political Science, Tel Aviv University, 1999). book, Department 43 and of the debate over onset and ongoing MIDs, see D. Scott Bennett For a useful discussion Allan and Estimator Stam, "Research Design cisions Matter," Journal of 'Conflict Resolution 44 Oneal and Russett (fn. 2). Replication De in the Analysis of Interstate Dyads: When Choices 44, no. 5 (2000). in data and coding. is approximate given idiosyncrasies
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19
the for
set.45 Data
Organizations,46
45 Wallace and Singer (fn. 8). COW data are reported in five-year intervals. We interpolate missing values, as do Oneal and Russett (fn. 2). 46 Yearbook of International Organizations Union of International Associations, (Munich: K.G. Saur, various years). 47 Arthur Banks and Thomas C. M?ller, Political Handbook N.Y.: CSA of the World (Binghamton, various years). Publications, 48 in the General As Affinity provides annual measures of the similarity of dyadic voting positions is discussed elsewhere. See Erik Gartzke, "KantWe All Just Get sembly (1946-96). Data construction and the Origins of the Democratic F'eace,"American Journal of ~Political Along? Motive, Opportunity, Science 42, no. 1 (1998); idem, "Preferences and the Democratic Peace," International Studies Quarterly use the United States as the reference country to convert dyadic values to 44, no. 2 (2000). We state ideal points used in monadic values. We also examined a variable based on nominate coding of Erik Voeten, "Clashes in the Assembly," International Organization of 54, no. 2 (2000). Designation about state utilities that are not immune to controversy ideal points involves additional assumptions results in our analysis. and that yield nonintuitive
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20
WORLD POLITICS
Power Contention, which reflects the degree of contentiousness Major to the the average position of all states in the IGO relative between mean the of members of IGO.49 major power position Our next teractions tionship contests. number variable explanatory with the international controls for the magnitude is likely system. There in IGOs and involvement IGOs to defend. potentially States that in conflict. of state in to be a rela in military a interact greater exten a
between States
have
of international
more sively also have and are more based value on Oneal for the
to engage
States with
that the higher missions. We the value of Diplo anticipate diplomatic a more MID matic Missions will occur. the Low, likely it is that Diplo matic Missions Low controls for international engagement.50
Oneal
and Russett
Control
Variables
other The variables studies, the remaining two additional of the Kant "legs"
To maintain
ian tripod for peace (alongwith IGOs)are joint democracy and trade in
Low use the Both Democracy Low and Trade Dependence terdependence. each "weak link" assumption. We measure regime type by subtracting as score from its state s autocracy in coded score, Polity III,52 democracy to +10 (most democratic). for an index from -10 (most autocratic) Democracy while Trade Low then equals Low the lower of the two state regime scores, the lower of the sum of a states ex
ports plus importswith its dyadic partner divided by its IGO. Again, the higher the lower value in a dyad, the less likely is aMID.
Oneal conflict. member portunity Capability
49 We
Dependence
equals
realist variables
sum contentiousness also created an alternative measure of IGOmember by inverting and IGO institutionalization variables. quartiles. The resulting variables correlate highly with the 50 In future research we plan to explore selection effects in IGOs using a different unit of analysis. 51 Oneal and Russett (fn. 2). 52 Keith Jaggers and Ted R. Gurr, "Transitions to Democracy: Tracking Democracy's Third Wave' with the Polity III Data," Journal of Peace Research 32, no. 4 (1995). ming
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21
since of the variable logarithm to scale. The greater the rela of conflict. States are
tive difference
Lastly, variables
Temporal
One
Dependence
of the primary functions of IGOs is to offer structures that encour a interstate interaction. time amicable becomes Thus, age ongoing, coex IGOs factor in the analysis of and peace. States that have major to remain at peace. IGOs isted amicably for many years are more likely to interactions between states, or they may simply may help regularize a status reflect and Davis fail to con quo. Russett, Oneal, cooperative trol for temporal Oneal dependence.53 find that, after controlling and Boehmer the Beck, Katz, and Tucker procedure, and Gartzke, Li, for temporal dependence with IGOs appear to increase the dis and Russett
Militarized states.54
violence appear
to be associated
V. Results
To of states, we first propensity 1 we use logistic re In Table and Russett.55 replicate analysis by Oneal to estimate MID Involvement, the Oneal and Russett gression depen for serial with and Tucker controls dent variable, the Beck, Katz, assess the effects of IGOs on the conflict
53 Russett, Oneal, and Davis (fn. 1). 54 (fn. 2). Ibid; Gartzke, Li, and Boehmer 55 to establish a Oneal and Russett (fn. 2). We use Oneal and Russett s data and statistical model are re baseline for comparison. The changes in data and variable construction mentioned previously ported in subsequent tables.We also replicated all regressions using the ReLogit procedure, but found no substantive differences in in results. See Gary King and Langche Zeng, "Explaining Rare Events in International Organization International 55, no. 3 (2001); idem, "Logistic Regression Relations," Rare Events Data," Political Analysis 98 (2001).
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22 autocorrelation.56
WORLD POLITICS
a more constitutes regression Logistic demanding test than GEE, as the latter to our results friendlier theory and produces
can be is largely by states' international activity explained In model substantiated. the IGO makes 1-2, adding Diplomatic Missions In model variable all 1-4, using dyads, the ef statistically insignificant. to fect is similar, though not as strong. Joint IGO continues Membership
but with Onset as the dependent variable. The first column of gression, an aggregate variable 2 and 4 reports estimates Tables of a model using
in a dyad. The
variables
three remaining
disaggregated to interventionist 3 and 5 detail by
membership column
institutional
is no
IGOs in aggregate
(fn. 2).
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International
Model 1-1
Table Interactions
1 and Militarized
1-2
Model
Membership in All IGOs Politically Relevant Dyads S.E. Coefficient 0.005 0.009
-0.040 -33.610 -0.110 -0.232
Coefficient 0.008
Low -0.055 Low -18.253 -0.245 -0.301 0.757 -0.125 0.589 -0.106 0.164 -0.074 -0.033 -1.462 n = 33337 Missions, Low
S.E.
0.003*
Coef
006
002*** 012***
0.009*** 8.852* 0.040*** 0.154* 0.134*** 0.051** 0.155*** 0.008*** 0.016*** 0.016*** 0.053 0.408*** = -4267.
-0.0
Interdependence,
-31.0
-0.1
-0.36
0.588
-0.052 -0.017 -0.175
072 239
015*** 028*** 030***
-0.36
-0.10
0.282
-0.133
0.
-0.05
0.005
-1.516 n = 20708
057
641** = -2234.2
-0.13
-1.61 n
3 Log Likelihood
Lo
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igo institutionalization,
contentiousness,
Model 2-1
of militariz
Membership in
Minimal IGOs
Me
Coefficient - .0078
S.E. 0.0069
Coefficient
-0.0045
S.E. 0.0117
Coeffi
-0.085
0.0615 0.2128 0.0596 0.0083 -0.0353 -12.6852 -0.0393 -0.094 1.9279 -0.2922
0.
.0652 ,0875
0. ,0877** 0.
Interdependence,
-0.0253
-5.472
-O.037
-0.040
1.9381
-0.2965
0. 1869*** 0. 0711***
1.9
-0.3175
0.9416
-0.3580 -0.0012
0.9417
-0.3577 -0.0012 0.0003 0.0001 -2.3941 n = 109965 0 Log likelihood
0. 1882***
0. 0347*** 0. 0003*** 0.
0.92
-0.357
-0.001
0.0003 0.0001
-2.2606 n =109965 Log likelihood based on the Affinity data.
0002 0000**
7551*** = -2327.
0002 0. 0000**
0. 7447*** = -2327.6
0.00 0.00
-2.1044 n = Log
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25
3 and mid Onset % Change from Baseline -12.12 4.08 14.89 8.02 22.97 -15.41 -2.61 -5.45 -3.92 587.82 -24.83 152.71
if binary, in given x variable holding others
Contention, Probability" 0.0018 ? 0.0015 0.0018 0.002 0.0019 0.0022 0.0015 0.0017 0.0017 0.0017 0.0121 0.0013 0.0044
to peace,
but
some
IGOs
significantly
inhibit
conflict.
The
co
inminimal
ercive measures
are to take active, co institutions, likely only the latter to affect the states. 4 of behavior security Hypothesis be that we should again disaggregate the data, differentiating suggests tween IGOs on the basis of their mandate. Before proceeding, however, are consistent across
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institutionalization,
contentiousness,
Model 4-1
of
M S
Coefficient 0.1388
S.E.
Coeffic
-0.13557
0.0635* 0.0881
Contention
0690 0870
0. 0868** 0.
0645
0879**
0866
0023*** 0115*** ,7941
-0.034
Interdependence,
0.0483 1.9383
-0.2998
-12.513
,0472 1863
,1850*** ,0670*** ,1849*** ,0346*** ,0003***
-0.037
-0.046
1.9087
-0.2932
1.9
-0.298
0.9343
-0.3552 -0.0012
0.9459
-0.3576 -0.0012
0.9
-0.357
-0.001
0.0003 0.0001
0002
0. 0000**
0.0003 0.0001
-2.4007 n =109965 Log likelihood
,0002
,0000** ,7208*** -2326.6
0.0 0.0
-2.333 n =
Log
data.
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27
3-4 Probabilitya
? 0.0013 -22.0
Floor Member Contention Major Power Contention Dif Floor?MP Contention Diplomatic Missions, Low
Democracy, Low Low Interdependence,
173.6 0.0047
increase, or max value if binary, in given x variable, holding others
While
contention
among
members
is
consistently
asso
increases the likelihood of militarized disputes. As reported in all four models of Table 2, dyads that share IGO memberships with a high de
are at gree of contentiousness among major power members higher risk a 15 in a dispute for involvement increase, as reported percent (roughly in Table for contention effect is much weaker between major 3). The our of IGOs. Thus, offer some sup powers and floor members findings on IGO effi for that bears the port argument major power cooperation an results also show, however, that IGOs have cacy The impact IGOs are more of major powers; than hollow pass independent simply for major power influence. throughs the control variables, Concerning extensive and states that maintain likely power to become involved The in a MID, impact appear minimal. note also that while diplomatic the effects of relative major powers are more ties globally of alliances and relative appears insignifi
power
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WORLD of which
POLITICS
estimation which technique, dependent are examined. set of in States that are more dyads international tend to be more conflict prone. system the or states most to likely join large numbers interests. Failing their global confounds structured efforts of IGOs in to iden the to control
safeguard in international
they a similar role. 4 organizations play Hypothesis a of action. The interventionist contains category large IGOs and other nancial that contain no organizations mission. For this reason, we test our models again, this tional
risk of interstate
interven a course of fi
minimally
discourages
IGOs (model 4-3) that possess codified rules and procedures facilitating
interaction, ordinary terventionist security a MID at conflict in resolution may fail. Only attempts IGOs reduce interstate conflict. Table significantly
or motives institu foundational by 22 percent. Without explicit IGOs lack the ability to intervene in crises in a man tional mechanisms, ner a to foster IGOs with resolution. security Conversely, likely dispute mandate and sufficient nature institutional but structure with contingent tional interpretations here. The ing common bonds of IGO effectiveness is consistent can promote peace. This to in tradi be lacking appears the argument presented on not so much forg as it does on anarchy interstate bargaining.
contribution conditions
creating
VI. Conclusions
The mental objective of this study has been to determine whether intergovern to interstate peace. Previous research contribute organizations
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29
produced disparate findings, including the troubling possibility that IGOsmight be associated with increased conflict. With several im
provements not without in theory and research design, we find reason for cautious
optimism. Although
basis, our results do not seem to be fully consistent with ei nature of IGO effectiveness ther classical view. Rather, the contingent IGOs can var best supports our alternative theoretical perspective?that
on the or exacerbate conflict or have no effect, depending iously reduce member and organizational level of institutionalization, cohesiveness, or inform if IGOs can constrain in mandate. they possess sophisticated or of interven structures of stitutional information managing capable a manner of power or interests without that shifts the balance ing in a mandate to shift as well. to en IGOs that possess demands allowing are also more effective. The role of IGOs as a gage in security diplomacy venue for deliberation does not in itself appear to be a direct contribu tor to interstate peace. IGOs can create conflict when they add Finally, to international uncertainty. This article demonstrates that not all IGOs contribute institutional institutionalized to interstate structure pose IGOs lack IGOs that lack extensive peace. In particular, no barrier to interstate conflict. Minimally
not information avail the ability to collect and disseminate commonly in security-oriented able to belligerents. The effect ismost pronounced IGOs where for peace increase only for those organiza the prospects structure. We tions that contain extensive also show that institutional levels of contentiousness, particularly high con are at interstate less effective among major powers, ameliorating about the effect of IGOs on peace flict. Disparate claims and findings can in to treat all IGOs as to the tendency equiv large part be attributed now to relax of IGO unifor alent. Having rigid assumptions only begun mity, we find Returning IGOs matter results.58 encouraging to the traditional debate, on what our that whether study suggests to accom IGOs are intended IGOs confronted with
depends have tended to of IGO effectiveness intuitive, discussions plish. While some IGOs make a difference, whereas others that the ignore possibility does relatively little do not. The presence of IGOs in and of themselves norms to influence IGOs may extend common conflict. international
it is that
and enhance global prosperity, but these objectives differ from a direct
contribution structivist to peace. IGOs are treated as a panacea in liberal accounts. We that we have demonstrated believe and con that the
58 at the level of the dyad is far from ideal.We use the dyad as the unit memberships Aggregating studies of IGOs. of analysis to facilitate comparison of our results with other quantitative
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30 mere presence
WORLD POLITICS
of IGOs in the absence of extensive institutional structure
and amandate has little significance forwhether states fight. The abil ity of IGOsto impinge on warfare is limited by the causes of war and by
the resources of the IGO. a useful counter realist criticism of IGOs, while Conversely, offering out that and flawed. Realists point, is equally categorical correctly point the countries that are most active in IGOs are also most active interna tionally. We between have shown that the positive correlation found in previous
Appendix
Analysis
This
formal arguments the six proposi appendix provides supporting are au in the text. Many interaction of patterns possible between a model a tonomous actors. of bargaining would incorporate Ideally, in which is de the structure of interaction framework among players over how in the termined States real world endogenously. negotiate tions
such a framework for they will negotiate. Unfortunately, mimicking is somewhat Further, mally extremely arbitrary assumptions complex. are still to model about structure negotiations, required preliminary in turn determine which patterns. A second best bargaining subsequent em we observe be to mirror the patterns of bargaining over what remains debate best There considerable assumptions pirically. interstate negotiations. Several authors argue that iterated characterize see iterated static games.59 We games are more realistic than single-shot option would games as duration, solve for subsequent advantageous such as the primarily insight that bargaining.60 when states issues of timing or addressing can re to signal fight initially or terminate that preempt Factors
59 Powell (fn. 28, 2004); idem, "Bargaining and Learning while Fighting," American Journal of Po litical Science 48, no. 2 (2004); Slantchev (fn. 22). 60 R. Harrison Wagner, 44, no. 3 (2000). "Bargaining andWar,"American Journalof'PoliticalScience
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31
bargaining time is precious when particularly can states in in practice While wings. theory bargain indefinitely, they to seek confine and The negotiations frequently temporally spatially. for example, occurred over a specified three-week Accords, pe Dayton riod in November 1995. At least one key participant credits success at to a finite game structure; last-minute that resulted Dayton bargaining some terminus to in an agreement required that there be bargaining.61 s demands At some point, failure to accept an opponent implies that games, a a must will not continue. The target of bargaining challenge provide to accept a com final answer, and the challenger must decide whether or back down. Static models moment this of cri represent promise, fight, sis in dynamic games and in real-world negotiations. are The chief virtue of is practical. They games, however, non-sequential to solve than are games and they avoid dynamic In the present application, temporal discounting. considerably easier about
states themselves Indeed, type single shot ultimatum or when war waits in the
extensions dress multiple of the basic model, is an important simplicity use an virtue. We it is simple and similar to Fearon because approach more elaborate creates a foundation it for and logical explanations.
issue or good (k, where 1 > k > 0). States keep any division of the stakes
but forfeit the game contest simple, costs
begin with,
imagine
that
two
states
(A and B)
compete
over
some
c. > 0 and where / G [A,B]). To (c., where keep a take-it-or-leave-it A that makes offer (dy imagine
and (1-p) is the probability that B wins (where 1 >p > 0). Thus, fight * = + ing has an expected value of [p k (1-p) 0-rJ [p k-cA] forA and = + 0 for B. list below utility func We [( 1-p) k-cB] [p (1-p) k-cB] tions for each player,where/is fis dichotomous fight decision.62 = UA (1-/) = UB (1-f) (k-d) +/ -d+f-[p-0 + [/> -k (1-/-) 0-cJ (1) + (1-p) k-cB] (2)
61 To End a War (New York: Random House, Richard Holbrooke, 1998). 62 treat the status quo as a Game-theoretic models often include the status quo as an outcome. We case of the inwhich the bargain in the game equals the bargain ex ante. special equilibrium
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32
WORLD POLITICS
and B fight depends on d. If d < [(1-p) 'k-cB]y Obviously, whether^ then B prefers to rejectA's offer. If d> [(1-p) k-cB]y then B accepts
Ays offer peace, jargon * of bargaining theory, [(1-p) k-cB] isB's reservation price. Similarly,^ iswilling tomake an offer ?/such that (k-d) > [p k-cA] => d< [(1-p) k + price, willingly Cj]. ' * offer d > [(1-p) k + c ].The region between [(1-p) k + cj and [(1-p) ' + = ?-cB] k-cB] is the bargaining space of size [(1-p) k cA]-[(l-p) r, + or risk-averse space is a positive actors with costs for positive interval. There always exists This isA's reservation since A cannot make an and or at least an absence of war, obtains. In the
some bargain that ismutually preferred to fighting. What does A's offer look like? Payoffs forA are strictly decreasing in d, [(^LQ/(dd)] < 0, up to the point where B prefers to fight rather than = accept d. Thus, A optimizes by just meeting 5s reservation price (d*
' [(1-p) k-cB]). Since B must be indifferent over equivalent outcomes,
that maximizes
A must estimate the probability that B will fight as the portion of types where cB= (1 thatwill reject a given offer dyProb(/= 1) = [(c*B-0)/(cj?-0)], or -p) k-d is the value of cB the "type"player B that is just indifferent
between fighting and accepting a given offer d. Substituting^ s estimate
of/into equation (1) and solving for [(dU?)/(dd)], gives [(2 ??-d-k- (1-p)) + to 0 and solving for ?/as an op cA-cB)/(cB)]. Setting [(dU?)/(dd)] equal timal offer yields the following (where k>d*>0): + d*=\[2k-{\-p)
63 Having to A sweeten
cA-cB] (3)
fighting. However,
its offer by making an arbitrarily small concession ? leads B to stricdy prefer d this clutters the model while yielding no new substantive conclusions.
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ORGANIZATIONS& PEACE INTERGOVERNMENTAL = < then B rejectsA\ get cB [l/2](cB-cA). lfcB cBy
Setting fis reservation price equal to equation 3 and solving for
33
we cB,
now have an B A 's bargain. We if cB > Otherwise, equilib c'B, accepts rium solution for a game that involves both war or peace. The next sec to derive the ten tion uses this basic model in the offered propositions body of the text.
Sketching
Proofs
of the Propositions
by IGOs that alter the bargaining power between two
knowledge, encourage revised demands rather than
Proposition
competitors,
1.Actions
common
when
just a change in decisions to fight. Suppose that some third party /raises fis war costs or lowers fis prob
We can ability of victory (1-p). We examine each possibility in turn. treat this added cost (h,where h > 0) as a dead weight loss for fighting. Where the distribution of types B was originally bounded [?^,0], it is + now bounded fis reservation price becomes [(1-p) [cB h,ti\. Similarly, A If offers k-d-h]. again equation 3 to the distribution of types B, = < =? 1 Ih > 0) < 1 Ih then ?lh [l/2](c5Prob(/= cA-2h) ?B Prob(/= =
of third-party intervention, 0). In this conception in J's B accepts A's demand is strictly increasing costs of the h. through impact the probability that on fis war influence
A is strategic, it no longer prefers its original demand.We can Yet if recalculate a solution to the modified game based on adding h. Vrob(fh = = = 1) [(C?-h)/(cB + h-h)]y where chB (1-p) k-d-h. Substituting into themodified equation (1) and solving for [(dUA)/(dd)] yields [(2-(-d-h + to 0 and solving for d, we -k (1-p)) cj-cB)/(cB)]. Setting this equal = + for U?f=1} = t/5(/=0) re d*h [l/2][2? get (1-p) cA-cB-2h\ Solving
veals that cB = cB = [l/2](
boundary conditions limit the offer), the effect of h tends to be felt in terms of the bargains without reducing the likelihood of a contest. The
as types of B reject d*h reject d*. Fs the chances for peace.64 same intervention does not increase
cB-cA).
Unless
the change
is very
large
(where
one side or Suppose instead that /alters the probability of victory for a the other. Equation 3 is function of relative capabilities (the size of^>), but the probability of fighting depends only on the relationship be
tween
bility of victory have little impact on whether bargaining fails. Since A's
64 Actors may be limited in their ability to optimize by the bounded nature of parameter values or are restrained from altering demands). by constraints imposed by third parties (assuming opponents
interventions
that change
the proba
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34 probability of victory,^),
WORLD POLITICS
is a parameter, we can substitute some other
(1-p)
provides
>
to influence that /attempts the probability of way. Imagine for both parties. Trivially, of relative power the zero-sumness > means is futile. that such an attempt that p Increasing^) topf
(1-p)-
(1-/).
Finally,
m > 0) to accept A's offer. IfA makes its original offer, the probability that B rejects d will of course go down, but A again has incentives to alter its demand. It is easy to show that inducements (m) not to fight and punishments (h) for fighting are equivalent in expected utility
terms. We omit the proof
2. states. IGOs
to appease B. that an effort is made that I suppose Imagine B with an inducement in the form of a side payment (mywhere
here
to save space.
peace by revealing private information about
Proposition competitor
promote
that both B and /learn the value of c?y but not A. If/can reveal Imagine this information, then A can make an offer that B will accept, leading to that /is fully peace. The argument holds even ifwe relax the assumption informed. 5s costs, Suppose say along some that / can only provide A with interval where [cBl(ywycBhig^y = an of approximation < < < (0 cB/ow cmh cB).
Prob(/= [([l/2](^r^-r,J/(g]. -[(^?-^)/fe-0)] = > c [([l/2](r5 0)/(cB 0)] cJ)/(cB)] and since, by definition, cB < follows that Prob(/= 1 I Prob(/= 1). [W^])
Since
1) [(c'B
yit
Proposition 3. IGOspromote peace by intervening secretly or by constrain ing states that stand to benefit from IGO intervention. We can return to the setup for 1. Suppose that /imposes h proposition which this from^i. Stated offers ?ffrom equation 3,
is now accepted by more types of stateBy [cB+ hyh\=> c'Bh< ?B =?Prob(/ = 1 Ih > = 0) < Prob(/= 1 Ih 0), as in proposition 1.
Alternatively, w = \l if h cannot be concealed > 0 scales from^i, /can potentially
force
A to retain the default offer (d*). Suppose that /imposes (d*-d*b)y onAy where |X the magnitude
a punishment,
of the punish
ment for an offer less than d*. Solving for^f s optimal offer produces d*^ = [1/2] [2k (1-p) -2h + c4-cB (1- |ll)]. If 1wants to exactly cancel the
effect
of punishment
of B onA's
offer,
then
it should
impose
sanction
|l
[1/2]^
(l-|l)-^-2^],
the prob
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35
of
institu
help
from major
powers.65
among through IGO members intervention and increases secrecy. the
4. Preference of efforts to
Suppose equation
that 4:
n members
of an IGO have
preferences
as
specified
by
a = (i-/)[z;. +o
Let / G [1,?]
(k-d)] +/
[/ (? *) + (i-/)
of/. The
o] (4)
lowercase v., (v > 0)
represent
each member
com
incur h
Second, precisely because the first condition is not true for high war
types By embracing set with low war can prove high war
lor its offers to each group, reducing the range of types that reject both offers. Equations 5 and 6 below detail players' utility functions.
65 In an iterated game, B could use This result depends on the inability of B to make a counteroffer. 1. the vulnerability of A to extract additional concessions, much asA does to B in proposition 66 as the upper bound would both allow that the third party ismore eager for a contest than Using 1 A (not likely) and eliminate the possibility that /values the stakes more than A.
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+(i-*)[(i-?o) (*-O
+(1-J)[(1-/J ' <=0 +/'
= as the type of player B such that Define cBCRrr C//1 ?7/?. Let ?=? and be the type of player B indifferent between fighting and not fight c^=1
in each ing 0 subgame
= ously forA s optimal offer in each subgame yields d*^ [1/3] [3^ (1-p) = + + + and The probability [l/3][3? (1-p) ?/*0 2cA-cB h] c4-2cB-h]. = + + 2?)]. Prob(? s 1 subgame is [(2?^- c5 of a contest in the h)/(c-2cB = = 1) [(2c- cA-2h)/(3cB)]y so that the probability of a contest given = = = = Prob(j 1) Prob(? 1) [(c signaling, Prob(/= 1 Is 1), equals = < 2cA-h)/(3cB)] Prob(/= 1) [(cB cA)/(2cB)l
Proposition and 6. IGOs with a mandate as security organizations are more effec
= since types B that will fight subgame. c'Bs=0 cBCRITy s = 1 at least weakly subgame. Solving prefer the
in the s = previ
as
tive at promoting peace through costly signaling than those with non-security
objectives interests.
Up to this point we have assumed that it is costless for / to impose sanctions. Imagine that the price for /of imposing h on B is p h where y < < 0 p 1. Equation 7 below is /s utility function:
P *) +X=o o]
(v is / s dichotomous
(7)
sanc
tion decision). Substituting the probability of fighting, Prob(/= 1), from proposition 1, and the probability of fighting with signaling, s= Prob(/= 1 I 1), from proposition 5 for /'s estimates of the probabil the partial with respect to the sanction decision, we get [(dty/Cdv)] = = 0 and [(* (ci+ cB+ 2h)-3ph (cA+ cB))/(6 cB)l Setting [(dU^dv)] = + + + [(i (cA cB 2h))/(3h (cA c^))] such solving, we are able to define p' that ?7/^?= I//-1. Values of p > p' => t//"0 > U^1 and vice versa. The
a contest ity of in the v = 0 and v = 1 subgames, respectively, and taking
is thus a function of the relative size oft and likelihood that /sanctions * > sanction, pursuing (/ p h) more willingly p h. Security organizations cost at But for the of organ non-security peace example. prosperity, as izations may have mixed (i < p h)y considering prosperity objectives or more as conflict. than much political part of their mandate
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37
A joint as an in
Minimal
This is composed of two IGO types. First, some organizations category on exist almost exclusively of any appara is little evidence paper. There
example, to hold states. These meetings organiza only of heads of or tions lack any bureaucratic, that executive, any organs possess judicial formalized power. Second, committees some IGOs contain or councils states meet as structure, often organizational or ministers of where other representatives issues. There may be a few rules on and discuss that are nonbinding to enforce or do not states compel and the implementa agreements states. The most for member centralized is often a secretariat or similar executive few autonomous or functions minimal
or regular basis, whether annually, biannually, the Central African Customs and Economic
member
such procedures, to take action. The tion of decisions feature organ yond There in these the
voting,
ability is optional
organizations
that generally
be powers possesses communication. of and logistics meetings organizational are many of this type of organization, among them, the examples
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bodies
or organs
concrete directly
Interventionist
These behavior. or IGOs possess state clear mechanisms for coercing influencing in several ways. First, these IGOs include This can be realized with missions overt or conflict-resolution statements in security that allow them to inject themselves into inter
structures and mechanisms of medi through established These and adjudication. also ation, arbitration, organizations typically of the institutional extensive characteristics possess many regarding codification of rules and procedures between and within the executive, legislative, one (more such and judicial example. structures. Any organization that possesses a ju
is
is the League of Arab States example as the Arab some of these Second, League).
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