Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
41
42 Secularism & Secularity
Estimated Numbers
Most survey research does not break out the Pacific Northwest from the much
larger Western region. Available data are far from definitive, but suggest a sub
stantial presence of Nots in the Northwest. Although regional samples are small,
4. The Nonreligious in the American Northwest 43
the American Religious Identification Survey (ARIS) 3 data indicated that 2.8
percent of respondents in Oregon and Washington strongly disagreed that
“God exists,” and another 3.8 percent disagreed somewhat. This compares with
2.4 and 2.2 percent of the national sample. Similarly, 14.5 percent considered
themselves “secular” and 9.4 percent more “somewhat secular,” compared with
10 percent and 6.2 percent in the national sample. Based on a population of 9.7
million (per 2004 Bureau of the Census estimates), this suggests some 640,000
individuals in these states who strongly or somewhat disagree that God exists,
and 1.4 million who consider themselves “secular” (whatever this may mean).
Data on Nones who are Atheist or Agnostic from the ARIS and General
Social Survey (GSS)4 yield similar numbers. The ARIS data showed that 21
percent of Oregonians and 25 percent of Washingtonians were Nones (pro
fessing no explicit religious affiliation or identity). Data from the GSS showed
that 31.2 percent of Nones were “not spiritual.”5 In several surveys, 13.8 percent
of Nones did not believe in God (Atheist) and 18.7 percent did not know and
don’t think there is anyway to find out (Agnostic). Applying these numbers to
the regional population data,6 some 700,000 Oregonians and Washingtonians
are likely Atheist or Agnostic Nones and a similar number are “not spiritual.”
In the most direct study of religious beliefs and behavior in the region—
unfortunately more than 20 years old (1985)—The (Portland) Oregonian
commissioned a telephone survey of 600 Oregon residents. Selected results are
presented in Figure 4-1:
Figure 4-1
Religiosity Among Oregon Residents, 1985
7.1 percent in 1985 to 14.4 percent in 2004, much as the ARIS found between
1990 and 2001. Those giving atheistic or agnostic responses concerning belief in
God have also increased from 5.3 percent in 1988 to 7 percent in 2002.
In general, these data suggest that at least 500,000 residents of Oregon
and Washington are substantially or affirmatively not religious with respect to
beliefs, identity, affiliation, and behavior.
Figure 4-2
Self-Descriptions Among Humanist Group Members
Descriptors respondents Percentage of respondents Mean self-description as “religious”
apply to themselves who chose the term (0=not at all; 8= very)
Humanist(ic) 89 .97
Atheist(ic) 55 .81
Scientific 54 .95
Secular(ist) 53 .89
Skeptical 42 .86
Naturalistic 36 .84
Agnostic 32 1.03
Anti-religious 26 .78
Affiliated Nots
There is a representative array of relevant groups and organizations in the
Northwest, although memberships are small (in the tens or hundreds for each):
• Corvallis Secular Society (Oregon)
• Humanist Association of Salem (Oregon)
• Humanists of Greater Portland (Oregon)
• Humanists of The Rogue Valley (Oregon)
• Kol Shalom, Community for Humanistic Judaism (Portland)
• Oregonians for Rationality
• United States Atheists (Portland)
• Ethical Culture Society of Puget Sound (Seattle, Washington)
• Humanist Society of South Puget Sound (Washington)
• Humanists of North Puget Sound (Washington)
• Humanists of Washington (Seattle)
• Secular Jewish Circle of Puget Sound (Washington)
• The Society for Sensible Explanations (Washington)
• Inland Northwest Freethought Society (Spokane, Washington)
• similar groups on some college and university campuses in the region
• “humanist” subgroups in selected Unitarian Universalist fellowships.
46 Secularism & Secularity
Figure 4-3
Group Characterizations from “Soft” to “Hard”
“Soft” “Hard”
UU humanists Atheism
Humanistic Judaism Skepticism/rationalism12
Ethical Culture CSH/CFI-style secular humanism13
AHA-style “H”umanism14
Societal Skepticism
Metaphysical skepticism is, of course, a defining theme among Nots. An
equally pervasive theme in interviews might be called “societal skepticism.” The
destructive potential of human beings in groups and institutions, and how to
overcome this, is a pervasive preoccupation. Theirs is often a conscious and critical
posture toward uncritical group or institutional participation or immersion. This
is equally true among both affiliated and unaffiliated Nots, but while the former
direct this attitude more toward the religious, the latter often direct it toward
both religious and irreligious (or other ideologically based) groups. Interviewees
make frequent reference to “brainwashing,” “demagoguery,” “mind control,”
“the psychology of groups,” “tribalism,” “herd behavior,” “totalitarianism,” and
so on. “Religion” (or metaphysical thinking in general) is viewed as one of the
more powerful forces in human affairs that fosters uncritical group participation
or immersion. Some are monolithic in this view of “religion;” others discriminate
among distinguishable forms, some of which are held to foster “blind” group
immersion more than others.
Societal skepticism is often obscured by reference to individualism or low
sociability or social need. Among some, societal skepticism may well be an
ideological rationalization for limited sociability, but this is by no means true of
all. Most interviewees and survey respondents describe active family and social
lives, as well as organizational involvement.17 In response to a query about the
most important sources of meaning in life, secular humanist survey respondents
most often cited family, friends, and general social relations. Even among the
most socially and organizationally active Nots, however, one finds notes of
societal skepticism. One interviewee, a community leader and self-described life-
long Atheist with an impressive record of formal organizational roles and one of
the most extensive friendship and acquaintance circles in his city, stated that:
[Despite all my involvements] it may be that my nature is such that
I’m not somebody who is a true believer in anything that I join....I
may just have a skeptical turn of mind that goes back to an early age.
I can be enthusiastic, but not committed to do something on the basis
of a doctrine.
4. The Nonreligious in the American Northwest 51
Figure 4-4
“Spirituality” and “Religiosity” Among Humanist Group Members
Endnotes
1. Killen, Patricia O’Connell and Mark Silk, eds., Religion & Public Life in the Pacific
Northwest: The None Zone. (Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press, 2004).
2. Sample characteristics: 24 male, 25 female; age range: 16-87; mean age = 62.4 years;
25 unaffiliated “nots.”
56 Secularism & Secularity
% of category with
membership in:
Professional societies 24.6 29.4 22.9 16.7 17.9 13.5
Sports clubs 20.0 20.5 23.8 23.3 24.7 16.2
Literary or art groups 15.4 11.8 17.5 8.3 6.9 9.9
Youth groups 10.8 7.1 7.1 10.0 10.4 10.4
School service groups 7.1 15.1 11.2 9.2 14.2 15.0
Political groups 4.6 10.2 4.6 7.5 4.1 2.9
Service groups 4.6 9.5 15.9 7.6 11.9 10.6
18. There are some notable differences concerning children’s education among nonre
ligious organizations. Great store is placed on children’s guidance in Humanistic
Judaic groups. Paralleling their ritual emphasis, this focuses on Judaic heritage and
ethical guidance sans supernaturalism. Other regional humanist groups vary: one
has emphasized humanistic children’s education in the past, but this has faded as the
founders’ children have aged; others have not pursued such programs due to disin
terest or divided opinion. The rise of humanist and atheist summer camps in the
U.S. has rekindled interest in educational programs among members of local
groups. There seems to be general agreement among most nonreligious groups
on the value of educating for ethics and critical thinking, but I know of no formal
programs in the region.
19. Killen and Silk.
58 Secularism & Secularity
“Pantheistic” 1 3 Humanist,
Scientist