American Geographical Society

(Anti)Social Capital in the Production of an (UN)Civil Society in Pakistan Author(s): Daanish Mustafa Reviewed work(s): Source: Geographical Review, Vol. 95, No. 3, New Geographies of the Middle East (Jul., 2005), pp. 328-347 Published by: American Geographical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30034242 . Accessed: 01/07/2012 09:30
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(ANTI)SOCIAL CAPITAL IN THE PRODUCTION OF AN (UN)CIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN*

DAANISH MUSTAFA
is hometo someofthemostwidely admired ofcivil-societyABSTRACT.Pakistan examples hasalsospawned somemuch-maligned andadvocacy Pakistan basedservice-delivery groups. Thisarticle usesthesocialcapital actors with violent nongovernmental agendas. /civilsocito lensto viewthemodesof (anti)social mobilization that contribute capital etyconceptual The case examples of Jamaat-e-Islami, an theciviland uncivil spacesof Pakistani society. of Pakistan areusedto and theHumanRights Islamic revivalist Commission organization, in Pakistan. It is argued thatthe thegeography of socialand antisocial forces understand orperverse-are multiscalar andthat, that mobilize socialcapital-whether processes positive for theascendance in thePakistani no compelling cultural or religious reason exists context, theother. socialcapital canbe mobilized tocontribofsocialcapital over Positive ofonetype civil in Pakistan, theright choices. uteto a morecivilsocialdiscourse Keywords: policy given Islamic social human revivalism, Pakistan, capital. society, rights,

of admired and emulated widely examples Pakistan is hometo someofthemost and such as the advocacy service-delivery groups, nongovernmental-sector-based theEdhiFoundation, and theHumanRights Commission of OrangiPilotProject, free ambuactivism, civil-society legalaid to abusedwomen, positive including lanceservices, and muchelse, is alsohometo a multiplicity ofvery visible nongovextremism and violence:2 ernmental actorsespousingreligious some religious Hizbul in Afghanistan seminaries from whichtheTalibanmovement emerged, violent activities around the world and others (Zaman Mujahideen, many supporting
1998; Rashid 2000).3 These groups challengesome of the fondlyheld notions by Pakistan(Ghafoor1987; UNDP 2000).1 Yetthe same societythathas generatedsuch

sector aboutthedesirability of thenongovernmental practitioners development manin the of health and environmental the lead care, education, delivery taking and an role for human services, rights, agement amongothers, playing advocacy environmental andother desirable women's goals(Farrington justice, socially rights, the whichto examine as a conceptual lensthrough literature civil-society-based ofdemocratic relative andinterplay and/or forces, developmentalist strength, impact, Twonongovernmenviolent forces in Pakistani and antidemocratic and/or society. an Islamicrevivalist tal organizations/movements-Jamaat-e-Islami, organization, as examples to investigate and theHumanRights Commission of Pakistan-serve in Pakistan. mobilization of (anti)social theprocess capital Theliterature on nongovernmental (NGos)andsocialmovements organizations "Socialcapital" of social and is often linked tothetwin capital civil concepts society.
*Thearticle benefited from reviews Chris I thank Sharon andtwo reviewers. Dona Meindle, Lash, by anonymous Stewart for her assistance the review through process.
4'-

and Bebbington1993; GOP 1993;Vetter1995). This articleuses the social-capital/

in geography of London, at King's LondonWC2R University DR. MUSTAFA is a lecturer College,

The GeographicalReview 95 (3): 328-347, July 2005 Copyright c 2006 by the American Geographical Society of New York

2LS,England.

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a buildingblock fora civilsociety. "Civil society"is conceptu1988) and constitute alized as a space occupied by social institutions and groupsbetweenthe state, marand individualhouseholds(McIlwaine1998).This conceptualization-although kets, it assumes civility and positiveinteractions withinthe civil society'-nonetheless allows manytypesof agendas to be subsumed withinthe (un)civil-society/socialsocial justice and empowcapital-baseddiscourse:forexample,wealthgeneration, also discrimination and violence. Considerableattention erment, and, technically,

is defined as normsof behavior and thesocialand functional relations between individuals andgroups, which facilitate theactions ofthesocialactors (Coleman may

is paid to questions ofhowto create and increase societies' stocks ofsocialcapital

research in theregion. Case studies oftheHumanRights Commission ofPakistan in thecivil, and Jamaat-e-Islami in theuncivil, arepresented here spacesofsociety toexplain theorigins, and reasons their for institutionalization within implications, Pakistani Eachofthese twoorganizations is highly influential in Pakistani society. and eachis relatively better documented thanmostcomparable society, organizationsin Pakistan.
and materialgoods and servicesfromthe restof theworld.Consequently, it is im-

civil society(Putnam, Leonardi, and Nanetti 1993; and, consequently, strengthen and Steer 1994; Ritchey-Vance Serageldin 1996; Narayan1999; Mohan and Mohan civilsocietyagainst 2002). But the unexploredquestionhas been how to strengthen uncivilsocial forces with(anti)social capital;thatis,social normsand networks that excessive financial or social crimiimpose obligationson actorsor further solidify nal and/orviolentforcesin a society(see Portesand Landolt 2000). A substantial of the nongovernmental body of literature speaks to the efficacy sector in service delivery(Lam 1995; Bebbington,Quisbert, and Trujillo 1996; and Bebbington1997; Buckland 1998; Bebbingtonand Perreault1999; Groenfeldt Svendsen2000) and in social mobilizationand voicingthe concernsof the vulnerable and traditionally underrepresented segmentsof a society(Rivera-Cusicanqui Escobar and Alvarez Johnson and Wilson 2000). Some literature 1992; sug1990o; citizengroups,and social movements have fallenshortof expectageststhatNGOS, tionswithrespectto theirexpressedmissionsand functions because of managerial and strategic missteps(Edwards and Hulme 1996; Edwards 1999) or hostilesocial and politicalenvironments (Fox 1996;Booth and Richard1998). But in veryfewof the cases is the balance betweenpositivesocial capital and what Mauricio Rubio social capital"and AlejandroPortesand PatriciaLandolt(2000) (1997)calls"perverse call "negativesocial capital" in a societyempirically and specifically investigated linkedto social contexts. The issue is of particular importancein the case of Pakistan,wherethe rise of religious-and ethnic-basedmilitancy and violence in discretesegmentsof the NGOsectoris threatening the veryexistenceof a reasonably focus on causes of functional, developmentalstate (Abbas 2005). In the post-9/11 in South Asia and WestAsia, insights froman investigation of religiousextremism mobilization can have for (anti)social capital far-reaching implications policy and

Pakistani likeanyother is influenced of ideas, society, society, byflows people,

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certaintypesof soportantto analyzethe discoursesthatpromoteand legitimate cial capital,especially because thosediscoursesare influenced conbyinternational textsand actors, such as thecold war,theIslamic revolution in Iran,and agendasof international donors. International contexts and actorsalso have important material effects on social-capital forexample,through international financial formation; and materialaid. This articlewill highlight the social-structural and discursivecontextof Pakistanthatdetermines The analysisseeksto address of civil and uncivil spaces society. threehypotheses: 1) the processesthatproduce and mobilizepositiveand perverse social capital are multiscalar, frominternational to local, and are not necessarily national in their 2) exclusively spatialscope; ascendancyof one typeof social capital over anotheris an outcome not necessarily of "culture"or religionbut, rather, of the contingent of government and the relations, convergence policy,international stateof socioeconomic development;and 3) in the Pakistanicontext, nothinginbecause both can be trinsically privilegesone type of social capital over another, or destroyed, constructed and fostered policychoices.A briefreview giventheright of the social capital / civilsocietyliterature withinthe disciplineof geography underscores the importanceof retaining a focuson social-structural factors to understandhow different typesof social capitalare mobilizedand to what effect.
SOCIAL CAPITAL AS NORMS SOCIAL AND VALUES STRUCTURES VERSUS EFFECTS OF

In thelate 199osa floodof literature on social capitaland itsimplications fordevelThis literature can be placed withinthenew,post-impasse opmentpraxisemerged. "agent-centered (Schuurmann1993;Peet analysis" paradigmin development theory and Watts1996; Preston1996). The term"social capital"was popularized in development-policy discourseby RobertPutnam,RobertLeonardi,and Raffaella Nanetti(1993),who defineit as the normsand networks ... thatcan improvethe [economic?]efficiency of soci"trust, coordinated action" This of social etyby facilitating (p. 167). concept capitalpoints to thenormsof behavior, and cooperationwithina population thatmaypretrust, and contribute to economic costs,improvegovernance, sumablylowertransaction This conceptof civilsocietyemphasizes"social capital"as a building development. block of the horizontalassociationof individualscalled "civilsocietyinstitutions,' with wealth generationas the main outcome of the functioning of such associations.Social capital is an internalattribute of societies, virtue of theirhistorical by and attribute (Putzel1997).Otherscholarsgo a stepfarther development trajectories the developmentof social capital-in a culturally deterministic mode-mainly to and morality within a society culture, (Platteau1994; Fukuyama200ool). religion, of social capital is open to Putnam,Leonardi,and Nanetti'sconceptualization criticismon many counts. It accepts the macrolevelsocioeconomic contextas a closed system 1999;Radcliffe (Bebbingtonand Perreault 2oo4), impliesthatcapital is somehow not inherently social (Fine 200oo2),is silenton issues of power differen-

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tialswithin societies(Harrisand de Renzio1997;Fine1999;Radcliffe and-most 200oo4), the negativeexternalities, such as terrorism, racism,and miimportant-neglects that come from associational life Berman (Levi sogyny, 1996; may 1997). JamesColeman gives a parallel,equally influential conceptualizationof social It is not a singleentity but a variety capital:"Social capitalis defined by itsfunction. of different withtwo elementsin common; theyall consistof some aspect entities, of social structures, and theyfacilitate certainactionsof actors-whether personsor actors-within the structure" This definition is less normacorporate (1988,S98).

tive in itsdesignation offunctions to socialcapital, and itexplicitly tiesin thecon-

Coleman's conceptualization,unlike cept of social capital with social structures. and Putnam,Leonardi, Nanetti's,considerssocial capital as an inherent aspect of individualsin societiessubjectto variousstructural constraints and catalysts. It follows thatwhatmaterialconsequencesresultfromsocial capitalwillbe mediatedby social structures, which may steerthe use of the social relationsand associations towardmore efficient servicedelivery, reductionof transaction costs,political acor motivated tivism,or conversely, violence and/orpromopolitically criminally

Berman1997),thata militarist statestructure argued(following mayhave promoted mobilization for a social-capital espousingreligiousextremism, thereby promoting of exclusion and violence. politics In theirreviewof forty-five empiricalstudiesemployingthe concept of social capital,Michael Foley and Bob Edwards (1999) endorsedthe social-structural apof the social-capitalconcept in practice.They argue that proach to employment social capitalneeds to be treated as a dependentvariablewherethesocial-structural context determines itsutility. theimportant Bourdieu Theyoffer insight(following 1986),that"access" to networks may not be enough foreconomic developmentor forfostering democracybut thataccess coupled with"qualityand quantityof resources"thatnetworks can mobilize will decide the qualityand quantityof social capital available to individualsand groups. If the ultimatefunctionof the social versusdestruction, inclusionversusdiscrimination-then capitalmatters-creation the concept needs to be critically reevaluatedand more firmly linkedto theoretiand so callygroundedconcernswithsocial structures, class,conflict, globalization, forth(Fine 1999). This raises the question, If structures continue to be the arbitersof material outcomes,albeit mediated by social capital in a civil society, why do we need to concernourselves withsocial capitalin the first not start withthesocial place?Why structures and conflict, ifthatiswherethecausal explanationlies?(Fine1999, 200oo2). Accordingto Anthony Bebbingtonand Thomas Perreault(1999), social capital remains relevant because itsorganizational in civilsocietyare an emmanifestations withvisibleimpactson everyday material as theyand others existence, piricalreality document (Beall 1997;Groenfeldt and Svendsen2oo000; Johnsonand Wilson 2000;

tionof politics of exclusion and discrimination. In thecase of Pakistan it can be

andWard2001). Theyfurther thatattention to socialcapital Pretty argue complementsthesocial-theoretical outcomes. approachesto understanding developmental

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the issues of how it is Social capital'srelevanceand functionality notwithstanding, of materialconditions,if at all, createdand how it can be createdindependently remainunresolved(Mohan and Mohan 2002). Fox (1996) took a "political-construction" Jonathan approach to explainingthe of positivesocial capitalin ruralMexico. He describedtheapproach as distribution to the emergence and an iterative assemblyof threebuildingblocksthatcontribute consolidationof social capital. The first buildingblock-political opportunity-is whichmay and allianceswithinthe societalelites, the outcome of shifting conflicts or elitebacklash in a lessprotectscaled-up collectiveaction againstgovernment than-democratic political context.The second buildingblock-social energy-refersto the storeof motivatedactivists who may be willingto bear the "irrational start-upcosts of mobilization" (p. 1091). The thirdbuilding block-scaling upinvolvesmoving beyond the "small-is-beautiful" stage and building connections across local, regional,and national scales. The political-construction approach is thedevelopmental one of themain theoretical tools used hereto understand trajectoryof Pakistaniorganizations. and is consoliFox (1996) concentrated on howsocialcapital Whereas emerges and Bebbington datedbystateaction,others(includingFarrington 1993;Evans1996; between Ostrom1996;WorldBank 1997;Narayan1999) discussedhow interactions the stateand civil societycan lead to positivedevelopmentaloutcomes.All of the between latterexceptElinor Ostrom emphasizedthe functional complementarity and whatcivilsocietyactorscan do best;Ostrom(1996) emphasized statefunctions with civil-society actors "coproduction," wherebyactors withinthe state interact across blurredboundaries to jointlyproduce social servicesand generatewealth. betweenthestateand civilsocietyis premisedupon The notion of complementarity actors can bring theirlocal the belief that,in many instances,nongovernmental leto government's and relative greater adaptability efficiency, greater knowledge, develstructures to ensure better and specializedmanagement resources, gitimacy, and complementarity opmentaloutcomes.The conceptsof politicalconstruction to theanalysisof (anti)social capitaland (un)civil society are particularly pertinent in Pakistan. As presentedin the literature cited above, social capital and civil societyare nested withinan actor-oriented approach that emphasizes agency and primarily more than social structures and necessaryrelationships in explaining contingency The of two in Pakiof social capital. organizations development following analysis but thisemphasison social-structural is explicitly stan,however, social-structural, explanationsdoes not denyagencyto social actorsand hence the use of the social is not limitedto material The concern with social structures capital framework. mode of discourseanalysis, relationsand practicesbut,in a more poststructuralist

ternof desirableversusundesirablesocial capitalin Pakistan. Many social scientists, of theMarxistor structuralist have recently called forgreater persuasion, previously and disto poststructuralist into attention how language,representations, insights

thepatand reproduce is also concerned with discursive constructs that legitimate

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courses contribute to our understanding material construction of and,sometimes, socialreality and Braun2001). (see Escobar1996;Peet1999;Castree Theanalysis ofthetwoorganizations inthecivil anduncivil spacesofPakistani seeksto explain how they have been constructed and in a society may politically role with the state. The will be notjuston material struccomplementary emphasis tures of globalization and capitalism butalso on thetension between legitimating discourses ofparticipatory humanrights, national secudevelopment, democracy, and religious in thecontext revivalism ofmodernity. rity, identity,
THE PAKISTANI HISTORICOGEOGRAPHICAL CONTEXT OF

SOCIAL-CAPITAL

MOBILIZATION

Sinceindependence and partition from British Indiain 1947, Pakistani inpolitical stitutions havebeen dominated Pakistan has had a military by themilitary. government for ofitsfifty-eight ofindependence. The Pakistani is thirty years military a descendent of theBritish IndianArmy and has retained theinstitutional strucand imperial ethosofitscolonial ture, culture, Cohen (Daechsel1997; predecessor observations can be madeaboutthenextmostpowerful institution 1998). Similar in Pakistan, thecivilbureaucracy of thePakistani 1987). Most analysts (Kennedy state and politics havedescribed thegovernance in thecountry structure as an olibetween thelandedfeudal elites and theciviland military bugarchic relationship Most accounts of the Pakistani state and have adhered (Malik 1997). reaucracy society toa narrative structured around civil andmilitary landedfeudal elites, bureaucracy, and ethnic and religious nationalist forces. The traditional narrative has also typiblamedtheasymmetrical structure forthe cally powerof thetripartite oligarchic attenuated ofthecivil-society institutions development (Kennedy 1987;Khan2000). I proposethatthehistory and geography of civilsociety in Pakistan can be discursive axes:identity national mappeddifferently, alongthree politics, security, and developmentalism. The interplay of thesethree discourses has produced the social-structural and discursive context fortheoperation of civilsociety in Pakistan.Theseaxessetup thecontext forthediscussion ofthecivil-society actors in Pakistan. The matter of identity has particularly resonance in Pakistani strong society, notonly becauseitis a developing economic and socialtransisociety undergoing butalso becauseof itsethnic and linguistic Pakistan has sixmajor tion, diversity. and Baloch,Brahvi, Sindhi, recognized ethnolinguistic groups-Pashtun, Punjabi, from Northern Indiawhoform in theurbanara majority Mohajir(themigrants eas of the southernSindh Province).Many major subgroupings and minor are largely concentrated in themountainous north of the ethnolinguistic groups Each of themajorethnic withitsdistinct and ethnic country. groups geography homeland to thePakistani state in itseffort to cobbletogether a posesa challenge modern national consciousness basedon theEuropean modelofnationalism. The hasbeenfaced withsometimes irredentist nationalist movements violent, country thePashtuns andtheBalochs on itswestern borders andwith internal strife among

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theSindhis between andtheMohajirs inthesouthern Sindh Province. Ethnonationin Pakistan alistelements havegenerally beenvery vocalabouttheir resentment of thepolitically and numerically dominant Punjabis. Ethnic movements inBalochistan andSindh have a secular retained charlargely whereas have beacter, amongthePashtuns ethnic-identity politics increasingly comereligious incharacter. Islamic revivalist were thepreserve politics traditionally of thelargely urban-based bourgeois, Mohajirs(Nasr1994).As Mohajirpolitics havebecomemoresecular Pashtun ethnic havemovedin the (Malik1997), politics to be closer to theTaliban-style ofthe1990sin Afextremism direction, opposite thedominant with their traditional (Rashid 2000). Even ghanistan among Punjabis, nationalist Islamic revivalist movements are serious inroads. outlook, making of The national-security discourse is another thedeveloppart understanding ment ofcivilsociety in Pakistan. To mostPakistanis, in the trajectory particularly andcivil theconflict with Indiaover theformer state ofJammu elite, military princely is atthecoreofPakistan's andKashmir senseofnationhood anditsterritorial secuthecountry's itsmuch ther accentuated sense ofinsecurity larger neighbor, vis-a-vis The obsession with the India. national with dominance Kashmir, coupled military's has ensured thatnational-security of thePakistani discourse structures, political a dominant role in the interactions with civil state's 1998) society (Inayatullah plays As willbe illustrated in the thespacesforcivil-society and in defining operations. individual casestudies, interaction between thenational-security discourse andidenhas also spawned thespecific ofciviland uncivil politics spacesin tity geographies Pakistani society. or development as modernization, is almost Developmentalism, universally aptothedeveloping butinPakistan ithasgenerated someuniqueorgaworld, plicable nizational for inKarachi theOrangi Pilot andthe experiments; example, Project Aga KhanRuralSupport MostPakistani state and civil-society in Programme. activity therealm ofsocialandeconomic is embedded intheunderstanding of development as modernization. as modernization and development Although development replicationoftheWestern has comeundersustained criticism development trajectory within (Peet1999; PeetandWatts development geography 2004), thegovernmental in Pakistan haveuncritically subscribed and nongovernmental sectors to thelinkin a recent "TheSenate Pakistani article: Comage,as reflected newspaper Standing on Thursday mittee on Cabinet, Establishment and Management Services observed and inculcate attithattheelectronic mediashouldpromote scientific patriotism for theyoung" this tudesand socialvaluesamong (Dawn 2005). Partofthereason of be the dominant role uncritical as modernization acceptance development might ofurban-based inthedevelopment-related Butitmay elites sector. nongovernmental in Pakialsobe a reaction to theexcesses oftheethnicand religious-based politics stani society. Pakistan is a country in an undeniable state of socioeconomic transition. The canalsobe readas the ofPakistani civil with developmentalism engagement society
has furrity(Mustafaand Murthy2000; Mustafa2004; Abbas 2005). The conflict

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totheoften ofthat transition. AlanWhaites alienating experience society's response viewof civil-society in Pakistan, (1995), in his relatively optimistic development and quality used thedensity of horizontal associations as an indicator of theviHe concluded ofPakistani civilsociety. in thedethat, alongwithchanges brancy mographicsand economyof the countryfromagrarianto urbanizingand associations industrial of bondedlabor, workwomen, voluntary industrializing, arebecoming and business moreindependent and effective in theface ers, groups ofstate power.
SPACES OF CIVIL AND UNCIVIL SOCIETY IN PAKISTAN

Each of thethree discourses of national and identity developmentalism, security, havepulledPakistani civilsociety in conflicting as has theprodirections, politics cessofmobilizing The twoorganizations socialcapital. discussed here-Jamaat-eIslamiand theHumanRights Commission ofPakistan-serve as exemplars ofthe tensions within Pakistani and notas moralopposites. All organizalarger society aredeemed to be partofcivilsociety unless tions/movements or their subsidthey iaries violence A civil noncombatant civilians. and/or espouse practice against society contain a rangeof agendas. a certain does,and should, by definition Promoting orvision ofreligion, and society is inherent to thedynamics of state, interpretation a vibrant civilsociety. Butwhensupport of an agendaleavesthepolitical sphere and becomes a violent armedstruggle, can legitimately be raisedabout questions itsplacewithin civil Theissueofwhat ofviolence willqualify a nonstate society. type actorto be excluded from theambit of"civil" is debatable and echoesthe society contentious debate on thedefinition ofterrorism. Without envery contemporary the literature on terrorism and versus gaging rapidly expanding legitimate illegitishould be noted ifnoncombatant that civilians arethemajor victims ofviolence by a nonstate the actor be classified as of the uncivil The debate actor, may part society. andambiguity on this issueareinherent inthetype ofdiscussion undertaken being here.
JAMAAT-E-ISLAMI

mate violence (Hewitt1987,2001; Crenshaw1995;Hoffman1998;Mustafa200oo5), it

Jamaat-e-Islami is probably one ofthemostinfluential articulations organizational oftheIslamic revivalist movements in Pakistan, in even the Islamic world perhaps scionofa prominent Muslim from northern for itstra1979), India,known family dition ofreligious as well as associations with the court and learning Mughal royal other Muslim housesofIndia.Mawdudi wasdeeply influenced inhisformaruling tive and theangst movement elites of years bytheanticolonial amongtheMuslim Indiaaboutthelossoftheir and to the British. The empire political power relatively and political status oftheMuslim economic, social, depressed populacein colonial Indiawasa further source ofresentment and reflection for thebright and studious Mawdudi Moten Armed witha classical in Isyoung training (Nasr1996; 200oo3). lamiclearning, command of important coupledwithhis considerable self-taught
Abu Ala Mawdudi (1903(Nasr 1994; Moten 2003). It was foundedin 1941by Sayyid

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Mawdudi fancied segmentsof Westernand modern social and political thought, himselfto be an intellectualand political leader forthe Muslims of India (Nasr was his brainchildand was initially intendedto be a "holy 1996). Jamaat-e-Islami whose for the leadershiprole in members could themselves community" prepare the lost gloryof Islam in India by following the "true"path of Islam-as reviving interpreted by Mawdudi. The Islamicrevivalist messagethatMawdudi promotedwas based on his distillation of the teachingsof the Qur'an, the Sunnah (the way of the ProphetMuhamthosewithhis of theProphet)and on combining mad), and theHadith (the sayings withina deductivelogicalframework. His vision of readingsof Western philosophy Islam was deeplyhostileto theveryrichlegacyof Islamichistoricocultural development and, instead,insistedon a return to a "pure" Islam, forwhichthe lifeof the caliphs (A.D. 632-661)werethe model Prophetand the reignsof the fourrighteous thathe founded,lay(Mawdudi 1980;Nasr 1996). For Mawdudi and the movement needed to be peeled and more than 1,500 yearsof history ers of geography, culture, sharedthisattribute withmanyother awayto revealthepure Islam. Jamaat-e-Islami howIslamic revivalist and fundamentalist movements 2001). (Moghissi Inevitably, Mawdudi's conceptof pure Islam was verydeeplyembeddedin his subjectivity ever, withmodernity. He haranguedagainstthe shareda deeplyambivalent relationship borrowedmodernist influence of secularmodernity but simultaneously corrupting Even for on practically intellectual frameworks forhis prolific everything. writings folhis vision was not a politicalmovementin the liberalsense but rather, Jamaat, weapon" in the Bolsheviksense (Nasr 1994). This lowingLenin,an "organizational its role in notion of Jamaatas an organizationalweapon is key to understanding between civil and uncivil of Pakistani the boundaries society. spaces straddling concentrated on consolidatingand inDuring its initialyearsJamaat-e-Islami

andthemovement he founded incolonial India.Hiswritings as a Muslim bourgeois

itslimited in theteachings rankand file of itsfounder. the doctrinating Although

clearambitions in India,itlargely to politicalleadership groupharboredvery sought to do so by indoctrinating large segmentsof the Muslim population (unlike the populistpoliticsof its bete noire,the Muslim League,the largestMuslim communal party in colonialIndia). Soon after Pakistan was formed in 1947, Jamaat morphed froma religiousmovementinto a politicalparty. But even thistransition was not

without itschallenges. had never to beinga populist butwas Jamaat aspired party moreinterested in infiltrating thestructures ofpower, in order to imadmittedly
pose its conceptof an Islamic orderfromabove (Mawdudi 1984;Nasr 1994;Moten

it itsaversion to populist ofitsbasicideology despite 2oo3).But, politics, byvirtue

could not divorcereligionfrompolitics.Therefore, in additionto frequent demonstrations of street and of its the active literate power propagation ideologyamong

in electoralpoliticswas gencal power.Historically, however, Jamaat's performance on Pakistanisocietyhas been out of proportionwith erallydismal,so itsinfluence itslimitedvotebank. This influence flowsfromitsconsiderablepublishingactivity,

in electoral to politihad to engage themostobviousroute classes, Jamaat politics,

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in Afghanistan (Abbas 2005; ICG 2005). As millions jihad againstthe Sovietinfidels

within thecivil and military itsconnections and itsrolein organizing bureaucracy, ofPakistani from students tovarious various classes society, professional segments a of activities see the Jamaat Web Insofar as site, (for sampling [www.jamaat.org]). certain viewsabouttheroleofreligion in political itremains Jamaat life, supports within theambit ofcivilsociety. It is whenJamaat and itssubsidiaries enactively in violence that its civil credentials become suspect. gage society wasin opposition to allthegovernments ofPakistan, for most Jamaat-e-Islami ofitsexistence, until of theonset thebrutal ofGen.Muhammad Ziadictatorship Zia tookthetraditional ofPakistani tendencies ul-Haq in 1977. Islamizing military tonewlevels inorder tolegitimate hisregime He was (Daechsel 1997). governments an intellectual ofMawdudi hisgovernment, for thefirst and,under Jamaat, disciple time since itscreation, backdoor access tothecorridors ofpower (Nasr1994; gained has always beenone of themosthighly and disciAbbas2005).Jamaat organized in Pakistan. Itsstudent Islami-Jamaat-iplined religiopolitical organizations wing, Tulaba (IJT), ruledmajor Pakistani in the Punjab campuses, university mostly and was not averse to tactics stu(Figure usingstrong-arm against left-leaning 1), dentand political forces in urbanareasofPakistan. In 1979 theZia regime became themainfacilitator oftheAmericans' covert waragainst theSoviets inAfghanistan. Jamaat was tappedbytheZia regime to provide educational and training services forAfghan in addition to manpower from to wagethe refugee camps, IJT cadres ofdollars ofAmerican and Saudimoney ofJamaat pouredintothecoffers through Pakistani Jamaat and ITTbecamemorestrident in their Islamservices, intelligence istrhetoric, as wellas in perpetrating violence leftist students on Pakistani against Jamaat had historically financial from the university campuses. enjoyed backing oil-rich Persian Gulfmonarchies, SaudiArabia. Jamaat's involvement in especially theAfghan further solidified itsconnection to thosemonarchies Jihad (Nasr1994;

Abbas 2005).

thedeathofZia in 1988 and theSoviet withdrawal from Following Afghanistan in 1989, Jamaat-e-Islami's in the and its of of Jihad experience pool veterans Afghan thatwarwerediverted to fantheflames of an by Pakistani agencies intelligence armedinsurgency in Indian-administered Kashmir (Rana 2004). Once again,as switched between theopposition and thegovernment in thepost-ZiaseeJamaat sawdemocratic of with between thecenpolitics Pakistan, governments alternating ter-left and thecenter-right MuslimLeague, itsinvolvement in the People'sParty Kashmiri ensured that itcontinued to openly recruit and soinsurgency personnel licitfunds foritsmilitant activities there. In fact, HizbulMujahideen, thelargest Islamic militant in Indian-administered is a subKashmir, organization operating ofJamaat. In addition to itsregular attacks on Indiansecurity Hizbul forces, sidiary is in the of Kashmir Mujahideen implicated excesses against civilian population and thedestruction oftheshrine of thepatron saintof Kashmir at Charar Sharif a terrorist the U.S. De(Rana 2004).The grouphas beendeclared organization by ofState and continues to be active in Kashmir, eventhough, under partment pres-

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FUNADAMENTALIST

TO BE PROUD

FIG. 1i-An Islami-Jamaat-i-Tulaba billboard with at theUniversity ofEngicorporate sponsorship and Technology ca. 1990o. L. Wescoat Pakistan, Jr.; neering campusin Lahore, (Photograph byJames ofthephotographer). reproduced courtesy

in 2002 the Pakistangovernment itspolicyof sure fromtheUnitedStates, reversed in Indian-administered Kashmir. Hizbul Mujahideen'sparent promoting militancy is at presenta junior partnerin the alliance of opposition organization,Jamaat, Islamistpartiesin the Pakistaniparliament, and it continuesto vocallyoppose the at rapprochement betweenPakistanand India. ongoingattempts in the waning formation was a case of politicalconstruction Jamaat-e-Islami's models werebeing daysof the British Empirein India, when fascist organizational movements in India, such as the Hindu mililiberally copied by religiousrevivalist tantorganizationRashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh. Mawdudi was clearly inspiredby these organizationalmodels, and Jamaat's continuedstrongorganizationalstructureis a testament to his attention a to organizationalaspects of institutionalizing movement.In the contextof the anticolonial nationalistmovepoliticoreligious mentdominatedby the secularist CongressPartyand the Muslim League in colonial India, Jamaat, likeotherminororganizations, managed to staybelow the radar until it had maturedenough to usher itselfonto the political scene in Pakistan. Mawdudi and otherfounding fathers bore most of the financial and social start-up costs of the organization.Subsequently, throughan adroit manipulation of allianceswithotherreligious and foreign as wellas through organizations governments, of the bourgeoisiegovernment and business elitesof Pakiideological infiltration itself as partof the Pakistanipoliticallandscape. stan,Jamaat managed to entrench

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The socialcapital thatJamaat itsmyriad and through cultivated subsidiary youth in making theorganization relevant professional paidrichdividends organizations to socialdiscourse in Pakistan. of itself Jamaat's to the as an lending government theAfghan and Kashmiri was a classic organizational weaponduring insurgencies case ofperverse Whenthegovernment couldnotwagean open complementarity. waragainst a muchstronger itdrew socialcapital and organizafoe, uponJamaat's tiontowagewarin itsplace.In fact, andthePakistani, Jamaat and Saudi American, moreor lesscoproduced thejihadin Afghanistan and Kashmir. governments aboutthegrowth and consolidation of Jamaat-e-Islami in thePakiNothing stanibodypolitic was structurally inevitable. On one hand,Jamaat mayhaveinidrawn most of its recruits from thesocially conservative in tially petite bourgeoisie thetransitional ofPakistan. on theother themilitant inits turn But, hand, economy activities was largely a function of external factors suchas theascencontingent of the Islamist Zia and theAfghan and Kashmiri wars. Jamaat dancy mayhavehiscatered totheidentity oftheMohajirs inurban Sindh whoclaimed torically politics to haveabandonedtheir homeland in India in thenameof Pakistan and Islam. Morerecently, socialpositionality hasbeencloser to thenational however, Jamaat's and Pashtun Islamist axesin thediscursive ofPakistan, security identity landscape as a result ofitsinteraction with thestate. In fact, Zia'srecruitment ofJamaat largely in theAfghan waropenedit up to ideological, and financial political, possibilities thedomestic ofPakistan hascometoview (Nasr2000). Jamaat beyond sphere jihad as a useful with which to its Islamist and its of paradigm explicate agenda concept action to the Pakistani political public(Nasr2000). Thecivil and the social inithavebeenconceptualized in an indesociety capital rolefrom thegovernment, butthecaseofJamaat-e-Islami draws attention pendent to theroleofthestate in manipulating thestrength and direction ofsocial-capital mobilization. Thecasestudy further illustrates structural factors like that, although and underdevelopment thecontext for globalization, capitalism, mayhavecreated Jamaat's itwastheagency ofJamaat's and membership that operations, leadership directed itssocialcapital in perverse, violent directions.
THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION OF PAKISTAN

inreaction totheexcesses oftheZia regime anditsallies, theHumanRights Partially Commission ofPakistan in 1986(see [www.hrcp-web.org]). In (HRCP) was formed thetwodecades sinceitsinception, theHRCP hasbecomethemostinfluential nonactor inthecauseofhuman in Pakistan (UNDP 2000). The imgovernmental rights mediate for theHRCP'S formation wasopposition to a battery ofregressive impetus lawspassedby theZia regime, theseparate electorate fornon-Muslim including minorities of Pakistan and theHudood ordinance, in addition to vastly enhanced ofthestate for ofthepress, and limiting arrests, powers arbitrary censorship politithemainvictims ofZia'sIslamization theprogressive elements in thesociety drives, were for state because were deemed tobe aligned especially targeted oppression they
cal dissent(Malik 1997; Abbas 2005)."Although womenand religious minorities were

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withthemain leftist It was in thisenvironment thata opposition,thePeople'sParty. Justice group of prominentcitizens,primarily lawyers, includingAsma Jehangir, Dorab Patel,Malik Qasim, and FakhruddinG. Ibrahimmet and decided to merge weretheMalikGhulamJilani Foundationfor Human Rights Amongtheorganizations and some political-prisoner-release and legal-aidcommittees.6

and prodemocracy of theHRCP. manyorganizations groupsundertheumbrella

cal partieshad been bludgeoned into oblivion" and, in the opinion of the HRCP "had also lost theirway" in the cause of fighting the forhuman rights, founders, need fora nonpartisan, but not apolitical,watchdogorganizationto speak up for therights ofthevictims ofstate was urgent (Rahman 2005). The three oppression resolutions adopted atthefirst meetingof theHRCP in1986weretheholdingof free and fairdemocraticelections,abolition of the separateelectorate forthe religious in Pakistanand bringing and abolitionof the minorities themintothemainstream, of the death penalty. The last was particularly ambitious,giventhatthe popularity in Pakistani is perhapsmatchedonlybySaudi Arabia deathpenalty stateand society and Texas! The HRCP was an avowed secular organizationin a time when secularismwas In thewordsof one of its in Pakistanisociety. equated withatheismand antireligion the HRCP and continues to be an members, organization representing founding was inthesociety revivalist a "liberal democratic movement" 2005). Religious (Jehangir

tionto bring aboutmeaningful Butin an atmosphere inwhich "thepolitichange.

The foundingmembersof the HRCP were mindfulof the need forpoliticalac-

and have wereparticularly hostile to theHRCPS secularist message organizations from itsinception beena source ofharassment to theHRCP membership (Jehangir
2005). Althoughthe HRCP is not a directcompetitorin the electoralarena with Islamist movements,its activismagainst instancesof religiotribalist injusticetorankled many Islamists,who tend to equate many ward women has particularly tribalculturaltraditions withIslam.

the HRCP has not limited Unlikemanyof itsWestern counterpart organizations, of human itselfto a legalisticinterpretation althoughthatis an important rights, elementof itsadvocacyagenda. The annual human rights reports publishedby the the arena of HRCP are notable fortheiruniquelypoliticalview of what constitutes close with trade and worker human rights. The HRCPhas cultivated partnerships forsuch diverseissues as unemployment, unions in Pakistanand has highlighted and of civilian militarization health, education, media, eign policy, organizations, statein its widelydisseminatedannual reportsand council-meeting youthaffairs ments (HRCP 2003, 200oo4a, 2004b). The activist backgroundof some of the HRCP'S membersand theorganization's declaredallegianceto seculardemocracy founding and improving human welfare justicehave induced it to takea verybroad through adin Pakistan,despitecontrary and admittedly politicizedview of human rights vice fromsome of itsWesterndonors (Rahman 2005). electionmonitoring, publitigation, ing seminarsand trainingsessions,research,

itsmission include holdtheHRCP fulfills Someoftheactivities which through

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341

ofthree anda hostoftopical and,occasionlishing regular publications pamphlets, street TheHRCP'S founding members contributed an average of1 milally, agitation. lionrupees the for the rate)annually (approximately u.s.$6o,ooo by 1986exchange in thefirst three ofitsformation. Subseoperational expenses organization's years donors from countries and Canada havebeenmeeting of quently, European parts theHRCP'S operational as havemembership contributions. The organization costs, is in theprocess ofbuilding an endowment basedon donations byAsmaJehangir and others, who havebeen donating the prizemoneyfrom theirinternational awards.' The HRCP has scaledup from itshumble in a smalloffice in beginnings Lahoreto a district-level network of 3,500oo members in 78 of the103 districts in itisstill far from a grassroots Pakistan, (Rahman although being organization 200oo5). In addition to scaling theHRCP hasalsobuilt valuable up domestically, partnerwith theInternational Commission ofJurists, theInternational ships internationally Federation of Human Rights, and "ForumAsia," a coalition of AsianNGOs. The of itsboardmembers-as retired Courtof Pakistan journalists, lawyers, Supreme andretired officers-has cushioned theimpact oftheopposition it justices, military has received from varioussegments of thepopulation, exparticularly religious tremists. theorganization individual Although mayhaveescaped beingshutdown, members havebeenarbitrarily and subjected to assassination arrested, threatened, The HRCP'S friendly connections in thepress, thePakistani attempts. particularly which is read the have served itwellin elite, press, English-language by country's times ofstress under theauthoritarian and elected military regimes. The HRCP'S socialcapital hasretained a very distinct onethat is congeography, withtheuniqueethnic of thecountry. in thepolitically Whereas gruent diversity dominant Frontier Provinces thebulkoftheHRCP's memPunjaband North-West comes from urban in Sindh and Balochistan Provinces and in the areas, bership Administered TribalAreasthe membership is largely rural.Similarly, Federally whereas thenational Urdupress, which caters totheurban middle andlower classes, is generally indifferent ifnothostile to theHRCP'S agenda, theregional vernacular Partof thereasonforthis press has been an enthusiastic allyof theHRCP'S work. is thewayinwhich distribution theHRCP's unqualified commitment to democracy and democratization ofthePakistani resonates with the ethnic nationalists' polity claims for democratic a rights vis-a-vis Punjabielite. The HRCP is closestto the developmentalist axis of the Pakistani discursive somegravitational theidentity axis-becauseof itscomsociety--with pull from mitment to democratization ofthePakistani The organization's socialposipolity. can further be as in to the national tionality conceptualized being opposition security in thesociety discourse evident from itsanti(Nizamani1998), as is particularly nuclear stanceand aggressive to promote beattempts peace and understanding tween Pakistan and itsarchrival, India. The organization draws itsintellectual from suchmodernist as capital concepts individual before thelaw,and secularism. Butitsinterrights, democracy, equality
at theinternational level,coupled withtherelatively highprofile HRCP'S networking

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basisfor itsvarious edgeto seektheintellectual positions. The HRCP'S formation was a case of political in opposition to an opportunity and administrative of civil In the late oppressive regime's legal silencing society. seemed to be on an inexorable march toward and urban Islamism, 1980sPakistan and ethnonationalist secular elements weregenerally demoralized. Withitsrelaon thescene, theHRCP to givea voiceto tively high-profile entry was also meant in Pakistan secular elements and success can 2005). The HRCP5S founding (Jehangir in large be attributed and socialenand membership's partto itsfounders' agency Butthestructural factors of cold warand Islamicrevivalism cannot be disergy. countedin creating a vacuum forthe HRCPto fill.The global structures of bilateral donorsand international "development," comprising were also a NGOS, somebilateral from donoragencies and oped and thefinancial helpithas secured itsposition hostile state action or international NGOshashelped consolidate against from moreregressive in thesociety. backlash elements
WHO HOLDS THE BALANCE OF POWER CIVIL BETWEEN THE STATE AND THE SOCIETY?

to suggest thatthe HRCP has looked outsidethe canons of modernWestern knowl-

and operationalization ofthosemodernist is still within thePapretation concepts kistani and South Asiancultural andpolitical context. The HRCP does notdraw any distinctions between thespheres ofpolitical, and economic and cultural, rights issues of local,national, and international them all to be partof politics-deeming thepolitical context within whicha broadspectrum of humanrights issuesare and contested. Thevision ofdevelopmentalism for theHRCP produced, negotiated, is still closer to development as modernization andsocialjustice. No evidence exists

factorin the HRCP'S prominence.The international networks the HRCP has devel-

As thecase studies and theliterature thethrust ofthedominant socialillustrate, literature hasbeenon theindependent roleofsocialcapital inbringing about capital whereas case studies demonstrate the positive developmental changes, dependent nature ofthesocial-capital and thecontingency ofitsrolein contributing variable to civil oruncivil From theoppositional mobilization of spacesinPakistani society. socialcapitalin thecase of theHRCP to complementary in case of mobilization therolesofthestate and socialand economic structures ofmodJamaat-e-Islami, and globalgeopolitics in defining arepivotal theparameters ernization, capitalism, forcivil/uncivil-society operations. The social-capital and political literature, despiteits conceptual ambiguities intoprogression thecrudestructural pitfalls, provides beyond intriguing insights ofthepast,butnotto theextent withstructures altodeterminism ofdispensing and the cruder neoliberal celebration of individual and collecgether embracing Allhuman andhorizontal associations societies havenorms, tive networks, agency. The moreimportant theagendasof individuals and groups. thatfacilitate quesand networks mobilized to achieve? How do certain tionis,Whatarethosenorms becomemoreascendant thanother suchas exclusivist and violent norms norms,

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343

versus tolerant and nonviolent or discrimination versus democreligiosity piety, racy?

in the case of both the HRCP and Jamaat-e-Islami, Social-capitalmobilization, reflects and political withsocialenergy and scaling politicalconstruction opportunity, for and consolidation. In both cases, up being important organizationalgrowth thedirection of social-capital mobilization was determined however, bysocial-structuralfactors as well as contingent acrosslocal, regional, national,and developments international scales.The cold war mayhave consolidatedZia's dictatorship and promoted his Islamist rhetoricand policies, thus elicitinga response fromthe civil in theformoftheHRCP. But theHRCP emerged from theranksof theurbansociety based middle and upper class and has had limitedsuccess expandingits social base

itsorigins, where itsmessage ofdemocratic resonates beyond except development withtheethnic of Sindhand Balochistan. on theother Jamaat, identity politics
and politically fromthe cold war.Althoughit initially hand, benefited financially drewupon theconservative sensibilities of itsurban-bourgeoisie Jamaat supporters, subsequently had to align itselfwith the national-securitydiscourse and the Pakistanfor ethnoreligious identity politics in the Pashtun areas of northwestern consolidation ofthegainsitmade duringtheZia regime. In both cases,policychoices and civilsocietyplayeda role in by the Pakistanistate,international governments, deciding the polarityof social-capitalmobilization in the transitionalsocietyof Pakistan. Social capital is a usefulconceptuallens when investigating reasonsforthe rise of religiouslyinspired,violent movements in Southwestand South Asia. How

multiscalar social-structural forces and discourses areconcretized in spaceis mediatedbysocialcapital and itsorganizational manifestations. Butsocial-capital mobilization itself hasa regional even atthenational scale. Asvarious inflection, agendas within a society forgreater discursive is great thatone compete space,thedanger
ascendant over othersbecause of backing fromthe agenda will become violently stateor international and practically, social capital's powerstructures. Conceptually neutralpolarity lends greater valence to its instrumentality-for good and forevil. and enthusiasts of social capitalwould do well to remember that. Policymakers
NOTES

1. The OrangiPilotProject is one of thelargest in Asia employing nongovernmental projects fortheprovision of sanitation and microcredit facilities to thehalf-million participatory techniques residents of thelow-income in Karachi. The EdhiFoundation is a naOrangiTownneighborhood tionwide network of ambulance disaster and shelter forabusedand abanservices, relief, voluntary donedwomenand children in Pakistan.
2. Herethenongovernmental sector is understood to include thelitany ofdifferent ofhoritypes zontal associations ofindividuals andgroups, outside thestate or market includrelations, apparatus at various formal and informal and socialmovements. scales, ingformally registered NGOs networks, is a Jamaat-e-Islami-affiliated 3. HizbulMujahideen active in Indian-adjihadist organization ministered Kashmir. is one of themostactive in IndianLashkar-e-Taiyeba jihadist organizations administered eventhough itis basedin Pakistan. Kashmir, Banned Musharraf in 2002, bythePrevez itcontinues toexist under thenewname"Jamaat-e-Dawa,' which isalsoon theU.S.State Department's listofterrorist organizations.

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con"civil and "civilinteraction" haveoverwhelmingly 4. The terms positive society," "civility," with"un" in parentheses, is meantto challenge notations. The use of "(un)civil," thattraditional and hencetheconcept. connotation ofthese terms positive electorate disenfranchised non-Muslim becausethey could minorities, 5. Theseparate essentially voteonlyfor seatsreserved for minorities. their to playa political rolein special Consequently, ability and national and to influence thepolicies ofthedominant provincial regular politics political parties was effectively curtailed. The Hudood ordinance, issuedbytheZia regime, prescribed punishments foradultery. One of theperverse in thelaw was thattherulesof evidence admissible to provisions ofadultery convict thepresence ofthree maleMuslim witnesses at thetime ofthe somebody required actbutthat a female toconvict therapist. wasnotgoodenough Anda woman rapevictim's testimony whobecamepregnant as a result ofbeingrapedwasdeemed ofadultery! In many at the cases, guilty behestof their womenwho married without their consent werealso arrested for families, family's Hudoodviolation. offemales incarcerated inPakistan were arrested under theHudood Up to90 percent The ordinance in force in ordinance. is still despite repeated attempts byopposition parliamentarians thePakistani to amendor revoke it. National Assembly thecommittee inthecaseofJam who 6. Forexample, that wasinvolved Saqi,a political prisoner The pursuit ofhis release had losthismemory becauseofpolicetorture in 1985-1986. was themain thefounders oftheHRCP. rallying pointfor therecipient ofAmerican BarAssociation, Martin andRamon Asma has been Ennals, 7. Jehangir of humanrights, in addition to Sitara-e-Imtiaz, a highPakistani Awards forthedefense Magsaysay civilian award.
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