ZAFIMANIRY DEBT AND CREDIT'

Maurice BLOCH
One of the most widely accepted notions in anthropology and sociology
is often traced back to Henry Maine's famous Ancient Law (1861). It is
the contrast between status and contract. Similar dichotomies used to
serve different purposes reappear in different forms in the work of such
writers as T6nnies, Durkheim and Morgan .
. According to Maine people in primitive societies find their place
according to statuses that are ascribed for them as a simple result
of their birth to particular parents. An obvious example of such a
status for Maine is kinship, more particularly membership of descent
groups. By contrast, according to him, in modern society, social ties
are mainly due to contracts, implicit or explicit, entered freely by indi-
viduals and regulated by law rather than nature; such contracts are
intended to achieve specific purposes. Typical examples of contracts in
Maine's sense are membership of associations and commercial contracts
involving debts and loans.
In this chapter, I want to argue that this universal evolutionary
scenario is not only wrong but is in fact merely a reformulation of a
culturally specific theory of the West based on the dichotomy between
the fixed nature of man and the arbitrary order of society or culture, a
contrast which has caused as much difficulty for the theorising of social
scientists as the fi-uicless distinction between nature and nurture has
caused for natural scientists (Strathern 1992a) . The specific and histori-
cally determined character of this representation is well illustrated by
Schneider (1968) in his discussion of folk representations of American
ur arricle a ere soumis il y a plusieurs annees ; I'aurew s' esr rourne depuis lors vers une
recherche difference. (NDE)
236
lA COHERENCE DES SOClETES
Kinship, where he points out how it rests on the con-
trast between blood and law. Such thinking insidiously underpms our
thinking even though it has recently been argued by such writers as
Marilyn Strathern that this dichotomy is now disappearing, or at least
changing, in its very heartlands (Strathern 199
2b
). .
In a slightly different form, this duality reappears in the economiC
field where production is seen as an extension of the nature of man,
somerhing that is given and, at a basic level, part of the necessary huo:an
condition, while exchange and contract are artificial supplements,
are therefore external. Then rhe contrast often takes on an evaluative
moral form, going back to Aristotle and emphasised in certain Christian
formulations, which represent the basis of society as a fixed and absolute
moral order relying on domestic subsistence production, while c?ntrac-
tual relationships, especially those involving trade, debt and credit, con-
stitute a dangerous relativist alternative, a potential acid which attacks
absolute natural moral relations (Hirshman 1977)'
Although in rhe nineteenrh century such writers as Maine
influenced by liberal economics, sometimes reversed rhe
value judgement since they tended to be on the side of contract,
seemed to underpin trade, rather than on the side of autarchy, whiCh
rhey saw as limiting to progress, they nevertheless did not challenge the
explanatory value of the opposition as such.
In Money and the Morality of Exchange (1989) Jonathan Parry and
I argued how misleading such a position was, at least when a?opted
several non-western cultures, and how it could never be a suItable baSIS
for a more general analysis precisely because it implied a culturally highly
specific representation of the person and indeed of the place of rhe person
in time and history (Bloch 199
2a
). .
In this paper, I am returning to the same point, focusing on the sIg-
nificance of debt in a number of Austronesian societies of Sourh-East
Asia and Madagascar. In many of these societies, far from credit being
considered as antisocial, it is seen as the very basis of the social and rhe
moral. I argue that such an evaluation of debt so
from the received Western view, is linked to theIr dIfferent notlon of
the person, kinship, procreation and of rhe place of people in history.
This means, once again, that there cannot be a straightforward, merely
technical, theory of the significance of debt or credit in general,
tive of a consideration of the specificity of the cultural context. ThIS IS of
course a familiar anthropological point, but it is not merely of
interest as the theme of 'freeing people from rhe grasp of money lenders
ZAFIMANIRY DEBT AND CREDIT
and rhe 'shackles of credit', an idea much coloured by the ideology just
discussed, animates strongly many development organisations and policy
makers operating in the third world in the present day.
That debt and credit are differently morally evaluated in rhese cultures
rhan the way they have traditionally been in the West is highlighted by a
number of ethnographic points amongst which are two common features
of Sourh-East Asian societies. The first is the significance attributed to
rhe often-discussed credit rings of many rural areas, which take in the
majority of local people. These, it turns out, are less a matter of organ-
ising savings or raising capital, than a way of giving moral expression to
the cohesion of the community; especially amongst women (e.g. Carsten
1997= 155-157).
The other is the common situation in, for example, Christian
Philippine society, where one finds new migrants to an area desperately
seeking patrons from whom rhey can borrow, not because they need rhe
money, but because this is how rhey can integrate into rhe social rela-
tions, which in fact are represented as almost nothing else than webs of
debts (Gibson 1986).
In order to understand the kind of factors rhat are linked to rhis rype
of moral economy, I turn for more detail to an example of a social group
from central Madagascar, another part of rhe Austronesian-speaking
world, where the same positive evaluation of credit and debt is found as
would be in the South-East Asian cultures just alluded to.
The Zafimaniry
The Zafimaniry are a small group of approximately 20,000 people who
live in rhe eastern forest of Madagascar (Verin 1964, Coulaud 1973,
Bloch 1995). They traditionally obtained their subsistence through
slash and burn agriculture, growing principally maize, sweet potatoes
and beans, complemented by forest products such as honey which they
sometimes sold to outsiders. Nowadays, as a result of deforestation they
are becoming more dependent on irrigated rice agriculture.
The environment which rhey exploit is highly specific, situated on a
long, yet narrow step, of rhe eastern escarpment of rhe island. To their
west, and higher up, live the Betsileo, who rely on irrigated rice agriculture
which rhey carry out in a colder and dryer environment and where tree
cover is scarce. To rheir east, and at a lower altitude, live orher forest-
dwelling slash and burn cultivators who traditionally grow dry rice and
237
238 lA COHERENCE DES SOClETES
sugar cane for rum, twO crops that do not thrive in the colder forest of
the Zafimaniry. Their type of montane forest is not, however, without
advantages in that it contains a number of highly valued hardwoods, even
though these are now becoming scarcer and scarcer as a result of over-
exploitation. These rare woods have been sold by the Zafimaniry to other
Malagasy peoples who, in their turn have sold them abroad, at least since
the nineteenth century, and they have always sold the skills that come
from the close association with hardwoods by taking on wage labour
as woodcutters, carpenters and carvers. The other economic benefit the
Zafimaniry draw from their geographical position derives from the fact
that they are ideally situated for the trading in which they indulge in to a
very large extent. This is because they can carry goods from the lower and
hotter regions to their east to the markets of the higher and colder central
plateau to their west and vice versa. Such trade seems very ancient. In the
past it consisted mainly of rice which, because it ripened at different times,
could be bought cheaply after harvest on the coast when it was scarce on
the plateau while the reverse operation was possible at other times. More
recently, the possibility of moving rice by lorry has made this commodity
less profitable but this has been replaced by the carrying of rum, a trade
which, because it is illegal, is better suited to forest path than road. Thus,
even though the Zafimaniry might appear a remote group of people living
from a simple form of agriculture, we should not forget that they are and
have for a very long time been involved in complex commercial networks
where trade was largely facilitated by the use of different forms of money.
In spite of this, however, the best place to start our understanding of
the role of debt in their society is to look at a debt that is not principally
thought of in monetary terms, the debt owed to previous generations.
The debt to the ancestors
For the Zafimaniry, life is dominated by an all pervading, even oppressive
sense of debt to one's dead ancestOrs. This takes twO forms. Firstly, they have
passed on life, skills and land to their descendants. Secondly, through the
mystical process of blessing, they enable their children to produce, multiply
and fructifY. They are therefore the 'root' or the 'cause' Jototra of one's whole
existence. Because of their goodness one owes an immense debt to them.
Normally, this debt is merely acknowledged by small offerings that
act as token repayments, as occurs before one drinks a bottle of rum and
one pours a little out for the ancestors either at the foot of the central
ZAFIMANIRY DEBT AND CREDIT
post or in the North East corner, which throughout Madagascar is asso-
ciated with them. In return for such small gifts, the ancestOrs continue
the normal flow of their blessing, which is essential for life to continue.
S?metimes, however, the ancestors make it felt that they want more sig-
mficant returns. They make these imperious demands by appearing in
dreams or more often by sending disease or other misfortunes to their
descendants: these misfortunes act as warnings and reminders of what
will happen if they were to withdraw their benevolence. Most often this
occurs when it is acknowledged that the living have committed a gross
offence against the ancestors for which punishment is required, or when
the continual acknowledgement of debt is not being observed. These
more pressing demands are made especially of those who have succeeded
well in life and who therefore owe most.
What the ancestors seek in these demands for more significant
acknowledgements of debt is sometimes directly revealed, or merely
inferred. These important, though never total repayments, are occasions
when all the beneficiaries of blessing should gather and share with the
ancestors the good things in life, especially those things that money can
buy: meat drink, cloth and rum.
The reason why the ancestors want such things is linked to an uncom-
fortable feeling one has about the ancestors' desires, an uncomfortable
feeling that seems to be found in many parts of Madagascar (Graeber
1995, Astuti 1994, Cole 2001) . The problem is that the ancestors who
should love you are actually sending harm. To accept this is not easy, at
least in terms of the emotions this realisation arouses. The only motiva-
tion one can attribute openly to the ancestors is their continual stern, but
which for their descendants involves their highly justified
action ID reminding the living of the debt they owe them and in their
gentle rebuke for some gross immorality. However, there is also the darker,
rarely formulated suspicion that the ancestors are actually acting out
of Jealousy towards the living: something that has been subtly described
by the three authors cited above for Madagascar, and long ago, by Fortes
(196 I) for the Tallensi. The basis of the suspicion is the obvious fact that
what the dead have lost are the sensual pleasures of life and that therefore
they probably desire these things. Such desires are inappropriate for ances-
tors, who should ideally have abandoned earthly cravings; however, it is
that their renunciation may not have been complete and so they
still seek sex, food, alcoholic drinks, fine clothes and luxury. This is what
explains the nature of what is offered to them: fatty meat, rum, money,
cloth, sociability and, in some parts of Ma,dagascar, sex (Astuti 1994).
239
240 lA COHERENCE DES SOCl ETES
The feeling of ambiguity among the living concerning the motivation of
the dead when they send such things as diseases, whether it is greed or
morality, is reflected in the nature of the feasts that are offered to them
in answer to the demands they make when they remind their descend-
ants of the debt they incur by their enjoyment of life. Feasts, lanonana in
the Zafimaniry version of Malagasy, are occasions for large numbers of
people to be invited, who will rejoice together through eating, drinking,
dancing, singing, etc. The ancestors are invited to participate, to come
back into the midst of the living and there assuage their desires. However,
what takes place in such communions between the dead and the living
seems to go well beyond simple enjoyment and indulgence: such feasts
are occasions for gross excess in which the ancestors are invited to par-
ticipate. Eating and drinking at such a feast is so excessive that it will
usually make you sick, and, in some cases, quite literally actually kill you
as a result of over-indulgence. Feasts are the cause of significant mortality,
and the satiety that they should cause is thus well known to be also dan-
gerous. The invitation to participate in such a feast is double-edged for
the living and this seems to me to be so for the ancestors as well. I would
argue, therefore, that such an occasion is both a matter of repaying the
ancestors but also of over-feeding them, over-indulging them, so that, in
the words of Shakespeare, through excess 'the appetite may sicken and
so die'. Feasts are surreptitiously intended to give the dead indigestion, so
that, for a while at least, they will go away and stop bothering you.
The debt to the ancestors becomes a debt to the elders
It might well be thought that the debt that exists between ancestors and
their descendants is quite another matter from plain monetary debt. In
fact, however, this mystical debt imperceptibly becomes part of a network
of debt that includes the most familiar type of monetary contract.
The promise to hold a feast is made by the elders of the village since the
young cannot come into direct contact with the dead. Offering a feast to the
ancestors, in order to repay their blessing or compensate them for offences
which have been committed, is, and should be, exorbitantly expensive. As a
result the promise to hold such a feast is just that, and it can only be fulfilled
a long time into the future, when the difficult and inevitably lengthy process
of accumulating the vast amount of money required can be completed.
Such a promise, often made at first in secret by the elders to the ancestors,
transforms a vague indebtedness into a clear commitment to repay, which,
ZAFI MANIRY DEBT AND CREDIT
ifit is delayed too long, will increase, quite literally through the interest the
ancestors will demand for having been made to wait, something which the
Zafimaniry call 'the child of the money'.
One of the reasons why it takes so long for the elders to gather the
money for the feast for the ancestors stems from a simple but funda-
mental fact. The promise to spend all this money is made by the elders,
but they themselves have little or no access to cash. This is because for the
Zafimaniry the main method of obtaining money is by going away and
working as wage labourers as wood cutters in remote parts of the country,
something which only young and fit males can do. And even if there are
other ways of obtaining cash, such as carrying heavy loads which enables
trading to take place or selling wood found in remote parts of the forest,
these other means are also, by and large, only open to young men.
The problem involved by a promise to repay a debt by means of a feast
to the ancestors is therefore that it requires the elders to somehow get the
money from the young.
Indeed the fact of entering into a specific debt relationship with the
ancestors through a promise of a feast is preCisely one of the main ways
in which the old can obtain money from the young, since, in asking for
money for that purpose, they are making a request, the refusal of which
would lead to the interruption of the flow of blessing on which all rely.
This is so for two reasons. Firstly, blessing comes from the ancestors,
and this is why the money is needed. Secondly, the elders themselves are
also a source of blessing and therefore, through that fact, the young are
in debt to them for their very life. This debt is incurred by descendants
towards ascendantS but also, and especially, by sons-in-law towards their
parents-in-law, since parents-in-law are considered as quasi parents who
have been offended by the taking away of their daughter but who have,
nonetheless, made possible the production of their sons-in-Iaw's children.
The specific debt incurred towards the ancestors by making a promise to
hold a feast becomes the occasion for the elders to cristalize and define
the debt of the young towards them in clear monetary terms.
For, like the ancestors, the elders and parents-in-law have diffi-
culty ensuring sufficient repayment for their benefactions. Indeed, in
Zafimaniry villages there seems to be continual haggling between the
young and the old over how much is due to the latter. This is particularly
acute, when the young have obtained money, such as through waged
work, when lengthy negotiations take place over how much will be given
to parents, grandparents and parents-in-law in return for their blessing.
Nowhere better can the tension of this relationship be seen than when
241
242
LA COHERENCE DES SOClETES
the young wage labourers return. The first thing they must do on such
occasions is to ask their parents to bless them, but after that a tense and
frankly very unpleasant negotiation begins, often lasting one or several
nights (one cannot do this sort of thing in the open) when parents and
elders try to wheedle or threaten their children so that they hand over
more cash, and these latter resist as best they can.
This sort of situation is problematic enough, but it only occurs when
the young have actually gone to work for wages. Even more difficult .for
the elders is how to force the young to go in the first place, something
they are naturally unwilling to do in the light of the extreme hardship
such work entails. The surest way to do this is to inform the young of
the debt that has been contracted towards the ancestors, which becomes
their debt towards their elders so that these can hold a feast. This is par-
ticularly incumbent on the young if the reason why a feast must be held
is that it has become necessary as a result of the ancestors being offended
by the misbehaviour of these young men who will have to supply the
money. They may have committed incest (which because ?f the nature
of the kinship system is a danger in almost any sexual relation) or when
drunk behaved in one of the many sacrilegious ways that anger the ances-
tors and for which they seek retribution through sending misfortune.
Now they must pay. Indeed I have suggested elsewhere (BI.och 199
6
)
that the old actually surreptitiously encourage the young to misbehave so
that they might be punished: so that the community represented by
elders becomes indebted to the ancestors; this leads to the young bemg
indebted to the elders who are thereby able to pressurise them to leave to
do wager-earning work so that they will return with money that will be
used for a feast, and other purposes.
This is a somewhat machiavellian scenario, but it is well understood by
everybody and so the normally unformulated suspicion is that for
the feasts that will be held, ostensibly so that the ancestors Will continue
to send their blessing and will not send diseases, may indeed be motivated
by the greed of the elders for the rich food and drink of the feasts even
perhaps through the jealousy they feel the young who dispose of
the cash and are able for various reasons to mdulge themselves.
The ambiguous relationship between the living and the d.ead, :v
hich
was discussed above, is thus reproduced between the generatIOns, Just as
Fortes would have expected. .
The debt of the guilty young towards the elders, who, for. then part,
have committed themselves to supplying the money for a feast IS, however,
ZAFIMANIRY DEBT AND CREDIT
much more specific than the debt to the ancestors. The sum will be quite
specific as well as the term and, if it is not repaid on time, interest will be
paid at a rate upon which everyone agrees, and includes both an element
to counter inflation, which the Zanmaniry understand admirably, and also
to compensate for the delay.
This monetary debt often leads to a further network of other debts: to
relatives from whom the young person will borrow in order to amass the
sum owed to the elders, to traders who will be promised goods bought and
carried from other areas and finally to potential employers, often Indian
entrepreneurs and exporters of rare wood and their middlemen, who are
eager to lend to these young men in order to make sure of future labour.
In this way what originated in a ritual or a religious debt, contained within
the community, becomes totally mixed up with quite secular trading and
invesunent relationships, governed by national laws, stretching beyond
Zafimaniry country and even beyond Madagascar, without the two types
being clearly distinguishable, especially since all these promissory relation-
ships are governed by a strict and unsentimental economic rationality.
The debt to the ancestors becomes a debt
to relatives and neighbours
The continual expansion of the network of debts originally caused by the
relationship of the living to the dead actually goes much beyond this and
irrigates the whole local community and beyond.
This becomes particularly clear when the kind of ancestral feast referred
to above actually takes place. The hosts of the feast will have gathered a
considerable sum of money through the contributions of the young whom
they have caught up in the system of ancestral debt, from their wife-takers
who, as we saw, are in a kind of permanent debt to their wife-givers, from
other relatives who are associated with the main sponsors and who have
probably made their contribution by mobilising a similar set of relation-
ships, from more distant kin from whom they have borrowed, and finally
by obtaining small contributions from all those who attend.
All guests are expected to contribute a small sum towards the general
expenses; this they give on arrival. This sum will be noted formally in a
notebook. These small contributions added up, in the end, amount to
quite a considerable sum so that people often find themselves with more
money after a ritual than before. This fact, however, does not fundamen-
tally alter the general situation between the generations by constituting
243
244 lA COHERENCE DES SOClETES
a lateral rather than a vertical link since these contributions from guests
will, themselves, have to be repaid when those who have brought the
money hold feasts and then the money will also most probably come
ultimately from the young. Not only will the small sums have to be
repaid but they will also have to be repaid with interest at a rate that is
again finely calculated by taking into account both the time elapsed and
the rate of inflation. Every household in a Zafimaniry village is therefore
in debt to every other, probably several times over.
Conclusion
In this way, the relationship with the ancestors in all its religious ambi-
guity leads and follows a complex network of credit and debt which irri-
gates throughout the whole community and well beyond. Investigating
debt and credit in a society such as this is an extraordinarily complex
task since every social relation is accompanied by a multitude of mini
contracts. I want to argue, however, that putting the matter in this way
obscures the situation.
Why this is so becomes clearer when we realise that, in spite of the
impression given above, it is possible, if not common, for the young
to avoid the demands of the elders and the ancestors, it is possible for
invitees not to come to feasts, it is possible to leave certain people out
of the invitation list and thereby keep them out of the network of debt
relations. What happens however in such cases is that kinship and social
relations are thereby ended. Or to put it the other way round, it is not
possible to have a relationship with someone without becoming involved
in ties of monetary debt and credit. It is not possible to be a descendant
of certain ancestors without having to reimburse them. It is not possible
to be a legitimate parent without being in debt to parents and parents-
in-law. It is not possible to be a neighbour to someone without owing
them cash. One is either in a social\religious\kinship and monetary debt
relationship or not.
This of course is exactly the opposite to the situation envisaged by
Maine. Contract here is not an alternative to status, it is the very stuff of
status. In such a society debt and credit are not part of an economic anti
social or para social, governed by a different rationality to the world of
kinship and family, they are the social. Leach, quoted recently by Testart
for a related argument (Testart 1993: 109ff.) made the same point for
the Kachin. 'When a Kachin is talking of debts he owes or which will
ZAFIMANIRY DEBT AND CREDIT
be reimbursed to him he is talking precisely of what an anthropologist
means by "social strucrure"'(Leach 1954: 170).
That it is possible to say such a thing of the Zafimaniry or the Kachin
raises an interesting question. Why this difference between societies such
as the Kachin and the Zafimaniry, on the one hand, and European socie-
ties, on the other?
The answer lies, it seems to me, in the different concept of the person
found in these two cases. The Zafimaniry, like other Malagasy people and
other Sourh-East Asian people, do not think of the body and the person
and its social relations as simply determined by birth (Bloch 199
2
b).
Rather, for them, the body and the person have to be built through life,
through negotiations and contacts of which monetary debts are some of
the most important. In such a case contract creates the person and the
body. It is as a result of whom one interacts with that one is. These are
cultures without transcendental subjects for whom interpersonal involve-
ments would be a threat. By contrast the Western, Aristotelian view of
debt depends on the notion of an essential and unalterable autarctic
person or household who is therefore always potentially compromised
by lasting contacts with others, i.e. through contracts. Such an under-
standing of the person leads inevitably to evolutionary theories such as
those of Maine or the popular, though misleading, representations of
those of Mauss (see Parry 1986) where a pristine pre-commercial, pre-
contact state was later corrupted by commerce, credit debt and contract.
By contrast, among the Zafimaniry, debt and credit, including monetary
debt and credit, are the very mechanisms by which one becomes inte-
grated into kinship systems and linked to ancestors, two aspects of life
which we normally think of as typical of the non-transactional, the fixed,
the interest-free aspects of life in traditional societies.
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