/ GREEKS AND THRACIANS

,
, 26-27 2008
Greeks and Thracians
in Coastal and Inland Thrace
During the Years Before and After the Great Colonization
Proceedings of the International Symposium,
Thasos, 26-27 September 2008
/ Edited by
. / and Jacques Y. Perreault
2009
/ CONTENTS
7
. , Jacques Y. Perreault
11

:
27
Kamen Dimitrov
ON THE THRACO-GREEK CONTACTS IN THE VALLEY OF STRYAMA
DURING THE 5
TH
AND THE FIRST HALF OF THE 4
TH
CENTURIES B.C. 37
Krassimir Leshtakov
THE SECOND MILLENNIUM BC IN THE NORTHERN AEGEAN
AND THE ADJACENT BALKAN LANDS: MAIN DYNAMICS OF CULTURAL INTERACTION 53

:
83
,
7

. ..
97
Petya Ilieva
G 2-3 WARE AND THE NON-GREEK POPULATIONS ON THE NORTH AEGEAN COAST
(SOME PRELIMINARY NOTES ON ITS DISTRIBUTION PATTERN AND
CONTEXTUAL CHARACTERISTICS) 109

7

. .. 123
Arthur Mller, Dominique Mulliez
(8

-6

. ..):
135
Tony Kozelj, Manuela Wurch-Kozelj
UN TRONON DE ROUTE ANTIQUE A THASOS AU CAP AKROTIRI PRES DE GLYPHONERI 151
Lidia Domaradzka, Valentina Taneva and Alexey Gotsev
PISTIROS GREEK EMPORION IN INLAND THRACE. TWENTY YEARS OF STUDY 161
Veronique Chankowski
:
177

187

205

: 237
Rumjana Georgieva
CERAMIQUE GRECQUE DANS DES TOMBES THRACES DU VI
E
V
E
S.
AV. J.-C. DE LA REGION DE KARNOBAT (BULGARIE DU SUD-EST) 253
Martin Gyuzelev
THE SANCTUARY OF APOLLO AT SHILOTO HILL NEAR BURGAS 263
Maria Cicikova
INTERACTIONS THRACO-GRECQUES DANS LA DECORATION
DU TOMBEAU HELLENISTIQUE DE SVECHTARI 271
109
1







G 2-3 WARE AND THE NON-GREEK POPULATIONS ON THE NORTH
AEGEAN COAST (SOME PRELIMINARY NOTES ON ITS DISTRIBUTION
PATTERN AND CONTEXTUAL CHARACTERISTICS)

Petya Ilieva

A distinct group of high quality Early Archaic (in terms of chronology) pottery known after
its technical labeling as G 2-3 Ware, which has been found in several island and continental
coastal sites of the North / North-Eastern Aegean basin, has become a point of reference in
discussions on the communication network already in existence in the area in the late 8
th
/ early
7
th
c.
1
The distribution pattern of that ceramic group in relation to its finding contexts and
accompanying archaeological material is a focal point in the present discussion (fig. 1).
I have tentatively grouped the sites of provenance for G 2-3 Ware into two main cultural
areas, according to the nature of the pre-/non-Greek
2
archaeological record and its affiliation to
the native stratum of the population: North Aegean (Thracian) and North-East Aegean (North-
West Anatolian). These culturally defined areas are already in existence in the Early Iron Age
and multiple markers of their non-Greek inhabitants are still detectable in the Archaic Period,
after the establishment of Greek communities in coastal sites of that region. The conventional
dating of the G 2-3 Ware in the first half of the 7
th
c.
3
implies that for the sites of the North
Aegean (or South Thracian depending on the viewpoint) cultural sphere the presence of the G 2-
3 Ware relates, first of all, to the discussion on the pre-/ para-colonial contacts of the native
Thracian population and the initial arrival of the Greek settlers. For those of the North-East
Aegean (North-West Anatolian), where the establishment of Greek communities predates the
appearance of G 2-3 Ware (excluding Lemnos which stands alone), and where the Greek
presence was neither singular nor necessary dominant
4
its existence relates mainly to
discussions regarding the Early Archaic development of the local societies and their cultural and
trade exchange with neighboring areas.


1
All dates are BC unless otherwise stated.
2
I anticipate the term pre-Greek as having a more chronological implication, relating to the phase preceding the
establishment of Greek communities while non-Greek implies the same native stratum but in coexistence with
Greek settlers in colonial context.
3
The early 7
th
c. date of G 2-3 Ware suggested in earlier studies has recently been supported by its appearance in a
context belonging to a stratigraphic sequence in Troia, cf. Aslan 2002, 81-129.
4
Fisher 2000, 154.
110 111
1AAHNEL KAI OPAKEL / GREEKS AND THRACIANS

2
The North Aegean (Thracian) cultural area

Samothrace

Two sites on the island are known to have produced partially preserved vessels and
fragments of G 2-3 Ware group: the Sanctuary of the Great Gods
5
and the ancient town,
6
both on
the North coast of the island.
A votive deposit found in a bothros in the Sanctuary of the Great Gods consisting mainly
of G 2-3 Ware represents the earliest datable archaeological evidence for cult activity at the site.
The group of fine vessels which indicates a dedicator/s preference to the kantharos shape,
comes, however, along with local Thrace-related hand-made pottery and a few Gray Ware
fragments. The fill of that structure represents a black layer with strong indications of burning
and includes a considerable amount of animal bones, mainly lambs, and pigs as well. I have
already argued elsewhere for the pre-colonial character of that deposit interpreting the presence
of G 2-3 Ware as an indication for the taste of luxuries of the native Thracians for whom it was a
high priced dedication, as well as a sign of their contacts with the immediately neighboring areas
of the North-East Aegean.
7
My reasons for believing in that scenario versus interpreting it as a
marker for the arrival of Aeolian settlers,
8
as it has been already suggested, are:
i) there is no other archaeological record from the island (finds, domestic and cult
structures, graves) chronologically comparable to and synchronous with the structure with G 2-3
Ware, indicating a permanent Greek presence in Samothrace in the first half of 7
th
c.;
ii) the earliest datable archaic finds from the South Necropolis and the Sanctuary of the
Great Gods indicate a date in the late 7
th
/ early 6
th
c. for the establishment of the Greek settlers
on the island when the pottery assemblage changes and Greek style ceramics become dominant;
iii) the earliest datable graffiti appear in the Sanctuary in the 6
th
c. on Greek style ceramics
and seemingly reflect the arrival of the Greek settlers who introduced a foreign (for the local
cultural background) custom of dedication in a pre-Greek cult place;
iv) the earliest Greek style pottery that appears outside the Sanctuary of the great Gods, in
the open-air Sanctuary at Mandal Panaya in the South part of the island, is also of 6
th
century
date.
The G 2-3 Ware from the pit deposit forms a homogeneous group of Early Archaic
imported ceramics apparently destined for cult use in the local context, as the selective repertoire
of shapes and the accompanying archaeological record suggest.
Far more limited in number are the fragments of G 2-3 style found in the ancient town in
Samothrace. As they come from a trial trench with disturbed fill a detailed account on their
context is not possible at present. It is worth to note, however, that these fragments originate
from the place where the later, Hellenistic temple of the city patron-goddess Athena,
9
stood.


5
Lehmann 1952, 19-44; Moore in Lehmann, Spittle 1982, 315-394. For recent discussion on the Samothracian G 2-
3 Ware, cf. Graham 2002, 221-260, Matsas 2004, 227-257, Ilieva 2005, 343-357; 2007, 212-227.
6
Karadima 1995, 487-497.
7
Ilieva 2005, 343-357; 2007, 212-227; Ilieva, in press.
8
This is how it has been interpreted by the excavation team, cf. Lehmann 1952, 19-44; Moore in Lehmann, Spittle
1982, 315-394. An earlier wave of Aeolian colonists followed by 6
th
c. Samian settlers is advocated in Matsas 2004,
227-257.
9
Apart from the foundation trenches and the leveling of the bedrock for the building, no other remains of the temple
are preserved today. Most probably it was used as a source of building material during Byzantine times and for the
nearby Gattilusi tower. A small church of Ay Giorgis is known to have existed on the site, but no building remains
of it are preserved today.
110 111
G 2-3 WARE AND THE NON-GREEK POPULATIONS ON THE NORTH AEGEAN COAST

3
Thasos

Compared to other sites where G 2-3 Ware has been imported (i.e. excluding the
production centers Troy and Lemnos), Thasos appears to be the one where the most considerable
amount of that pottery group, representing a variety of shapes closer to that known from Troy
and Lemnos, has been discovered to date. It comes from three different contexts: the so-called
Bernards trench in the ancient town (fig. 4),
10
the deepest strata of the Artemision
11
and a
single vase found in an EIA grave in Kastri cemetery in the south part of the island.
12

An apsidal building and the ceramic assemblage from stratum W
13
of the Bernards trench
is central to the ongoing discussion on the nature of that earliest settlement and its relation to the
Parian colonization. The pottery assemblage that represents different groups of mainly north
Aegean origin, including local hand-made vases, Grey and G 2-3 Wares suggests a date in the
second half of 8
th
c. to first half of 7
th
c. for that settlement phase. Its pre-colonial character has
been repeatedly advocated in recent years
14
but the chronology of the G 2-3 Ware in the first half
of 7
th
c. and probably slightly later than the mid-7
th
c. complicates the matter as it could be taken
as an indication of a para- instead of pre-colonial phase of the settlement, if the arrival of the first
Parian settlers is to be dated to the second quarter of 7
th
c.
15
Raising the onset of G 2-3 Ware to
the late 8
th
c., also suggested in recent studies,
16
provides a gap for the stratum W to be pre-
colonial and to date the Parian colonization to before mid-7
th
c. It seems more probably,
however, that it is mainly an early 7
th
c. pottery and, on the other hand, abundant Cycladic
pottery appears from mid-7
th
c. on. What is of importance for the present discussion is the
stratigraphical and contextual relationship of G 2-3 Ware to a pre-colonial (in cultural terms)
settlement phase which shows the native Thracians as part of a North Aegean communication
network prior, and probably slightly overlapping in its final stage, to the arrival of the Greek
apoikists.
Some G 2-3 Ware sherds emerged from the deepest levels of the Artemision where no
stratigraphical sequence exists and they have provoked quite different interpretations. N. Weill
17

believes that the phase represented by the G 2-3 Ware in the Artemision is contemporary with
the habitation levels in Bernards sounding and indicate an early 7
th
c. date for the establishment
of the colony and the Artemision. Based on the abundance of G 2-3 Ware in Bernards trench
versus its limited presence in the Artemision, Graham
18
rejects the idea of contemporaneity. M.
Tiverios
19
equates the earliest phase of the Artemision and at least part of the habitation phase in
Bernards trench with the initial arrival of the Parian Greeks before mid-7
th
c. While the presence
of G 2-3 Ware appears to bridge the earliest levels of the Artemision with the pre-colonial

10
Bernard 1964, 77-164.
11
Weill 1985, 56-57; discussion in Graham 2001, 375-378.
12
Koukouli 1992, 572-575.
13
It has been proved recently that this stratum is not homogeneous and consists of more stratigraphic units; cf. Kohl
et al. 2002, 58-72; for re-examination of the ceramic assemblage, cf. Gimatzidis 2002, 73-81.
14
See Graham 2001, 366-378; Koukouli 1993, 681; Kohl et al. 2002, 70; Gimatzidis 2002, 74, 78; Tiverios 2006,
78.
15
Based on the appearance of abundant Cycladic pottery, Graham 2001, 366-378 dates the Parian arrival on Thasos
to the mid-7
th
c. A Parian colonisation prior to the mid-7
th
c. is supported in Martin 1980, 1435-1445, 1983, 171-
177; Pouilloux 1982, 91-101; Grandjean 1988, 439, 465-466; Weill 1985, 1990, 491-492; Koukouli 1992, 717-722;
and recently Tiverios 2006, 78 who suggests a chronological overlap of at least some part of G 2-3 Ware with the
arrival of the Parian Greeks.
16
Koukouli 1992, 717-722. For possible dating of the beginning of G 2-3 Ware in late 8
th
c., cf. Messineo 2001,
123; Gimatzidis 2002, 77; Aslan 2002, 86-87.
17
Weill,1990, 491-492.
18
Graham 2001, 377.
19
Tiverios 2006, 78.
112 113
1AAHNEL KAI OPAKEL / GREEKS AND THRACIANS

4
habitation stratum in Bernards sounding I wonder why it should be taken for granted that the
beginning of cult activity at the site of the Artemision is necessarily related to the Greek settlers.
An earlier use as a native Thracian cult place immediately prior and/or parallel to the initial stage
of Parian arrival could equally be imagined. My reason for such hypothesis is based on the
contextual and distribution pattern of G 2-3 Ware: it appears often in association with
contemporary cult structures or in sites where in a later phase a Greek sanctuary has been
erected.
An EIA grave from the cemetery at Kastri in the south part of Thasos has produced a G 2-3
Ware jug along with local hand-made vases and metal finds.
20
The non-Greek, Thracian
character of the necropolis is without doubt and gives additional support to the observation that
the Thracians living in North Aegean island and coastal sites used that pottery, probably as a
kind of luxury.

Neapolis

A deposit of G 2-3 Ware coming together with local handmade pottery and sherds of north
Aegean subprotogeometric style was found at the site of the Parthenos Sanctuary in Neapolis
(fig. 3).
21
It appears to represent a phase of activity that precedes the appearance of Cycladic
pottery in the Sanctuary dated to the last quarter of 7
th
c.
22
The co-existence of these three
ceramic groups strongly resembles the situation in stratum W in Bernards trench on Thasos, and
its pre-colonial character has already been suggested.
23


Eion

A trial sounding at the top of Profitis Ilias Hill identified as the acropolis of ancient Eion
revealed a stratum containing G 2-3 Ware, local hand-made ceramics, fragments of north Aegean
subprotogeometric amphorae and Olynthos pottery group.
24
The cultural characteristics of that
stratum do not seem to differ considerably from those known from Bernards trench on Thasos
and the Parthenos Sanctuary in Neapolis and a stratigraphic relationship between these,
seemingly contemporary, strata has been proposed.
25
A historical connection to that phase with
the earliest colonising attempts in the lower Strymon valley has also been suggested
26
but the
nature of the archaeological material implies a pre-colonial phase immediately preceding the
permanent Greek establishment in the area rather than the presence of Parian settlers on the
continental coast at such an early date.
The existence of that stratum, detected at present on Thasos and the opposite coastal sites
of Neapolis and Eion, seems to reflect a late 8
th
to early 7
th
c. development of the coastal
Thracian tribe(s) and their pre-colonial contacts with the area around the Thermaic Gulf and the
North-Eastern Aegean where a permanent Greek establishment is already a fact.


20
Koukouli 1992, 63, pl. 23B, 572-575
21
Lazaridis 1961/ 2, 235-238; Koukouli 1992, 774, 1993, 686-687.
22
Koukouli 1992, 574
23
Koukouli 1993, 687.
24
Koukouli 1992, 574, 1993, 684-685.
25
Koukouli 1992, 574.
26
Koukouli 1993, 685.
112 113
G 2-3 WARE AND THE NON-GREEK POPULATIONS ON THE NORTH AEGEAN COAST

5
Karabournaki (Therme)

A kantharos of probably G 2-3 Ware group is known from the settlement mound at
Karabournaki, Thessaloniki.
27
A domestic context for the vase is most probable. The cultural
profile of the settlement reveals a complex mix of native, Thracian and Greek elements and
demographically it seems to represent a multi-ethnic habitation with strong trade-oriented
relationships.
28


Lemnos

Ancient written testimonials recognise the Lemnian inhabitants, before the establishment of
the Athenian cleruchy on the island, as Tyrrhenian and the rich archaic material record links the
island with the North-East Aegean cultural area. The appearance of handmade, Thrace-related
EIA pottery in the town of Hephaestia
29
complicates the issue and should probably be viewed in
the context of the substantial interaction
30
between Thrace and Anatolia evidenced in the
LBA-EIA levels of Troy and Gordion.
31
A clear-cut answer as to whether it indicates a
commercial exchange or population influx is not possible. In the case of Lemnos, which was
probably also part of that communication corridor connecting Thrace with the Anatolian plateau
in the EIA, any interpretation should wait for a fuller publication of the excavation results.
The Early Archaic ceramic assemblage of the island reveals a strong presence of G 2-3
Ware and Lemnos appears to be one of its production centers.
32
Similarly to its contextual
position in Troy, the discovery sites of G 2-3 Ware on Lemnos support its domestic as well as
cultic usage. It seems to represent the main corpus of Early Archaic fine pottery discovered
along with Gray ware vases in habitation levels in Hephaestia.
33

A particularly rich votive deposit in which the Early Archaic ceramics seem to be
consisting mainly of G 2-3 Ware has been revealed in the Kabeirion on the north part of the
island.
34
It represents a dump in association with a terrace wall outside the main sanctuary
building and appears in association with the Late Archaic destruction level at the site.
35
A
considerable amount of the G 2-3 Ware vases from the sanctuary bear votive inscriptions
(graffiti) using Greek characters for a non-Greek language, a feature not paralleled in vessels of
the same pottery group from other sites up to date.
G 2-3 Ware also appears as part of the grave equipment in the archaic cemetery of
Hephaestia along with some Gray ware vases.
36



27
Tiverios et al. 2001, 259, 262,fig. 6.
28
For the excavation results see the annual reports of Tiverios, Manakidou, Tsiafaki in .
29
Cultraro 2004, 215-223.; Greco et al. 2004, 817, fig. 7, down row.
30
Rose 1998, 420.
31
The statement finds support mainly in the appearance of new ceramic groups, the handmade Burnished Ware that
appears in Troia VIIb1 and the handmade Knobbed Ware accompanied by some changes in the Troia VIIb2
assemblages, including molds for tools and weapons paralleled in south-eastern Europe and preference for orthostats
in domestic structures, cf. Blegen et al. 1958, 141-148; Kopenhoefer 1997, 316-347; Rose 2008, 410-411. Variants
of Knobbed Ware are also known from Daskyleion, cf. Bakir-Akbasoglu 1997, 231. Handmade Burnished Ware
appears in Gordion in the EIA levels, cf. Gordion IV, 20-22; Henrickson, Voight 1998, 101; Sams 1992; and in
Kaman Kalehuyuk, cf. Omura 1991.
32
See Beschi 1994a,69; 1994b, 35 who reports on misfired pieces. The quantity of G 2-3 Ware found on Lemnos
and the diversity of shapes repertoire parallel that of Troy and also support a local manufacture.
33
Messineo 2001, 123-154.
34
Beschi 1993, 23-50, 1996-97, 24-100, 2003, 303-349, 2005. 58-63.
35
Beschi 1994a, 69-70, 1994b, 35-36.
36
Mustilli 1932-33.
114 115
1AAHNEL KAI OPAKEL / GREEKS AND THRACIANS

6
North-East Aegean (North-West Anatolian) cultural sphere

Modern studies on the EIA occupation on the North-West Anatolian coast traditionally
attribute the existing material evidence to Greek colonists, based on ancient literary accounts on
the early (post-Bronze age) Greek colonisation of the area. Recently proposed examinations of
the archaeological record, however, question the tradition of widespread colonisation and stress
that material remains reveal much more complex continually changing blend of Luwian,
Lydian, Phrygian, and Greek.
37
Archaeologically detectable presence of the native, Anatolian
stratum of the population during the Archaic Period, beside Greek settlers, can be supported by
numerous elements in the culture of Lesbos, Troad and Aeolis.
38
It is in that cultural background
of mixing Anatolian and Greek traditions where G 2-3 Ware emerges as an Early Archaic local
response to the ceramic development further south.

Troia

As Troia is one of the manufacture centers for G 2-3 Ware
39
its record seems to be far
richer, in regard to the quantity and diversity in shape repertoire, compared to sites where the
same pottery group appears as an import. Domestic as well as cult contexts are sources of G 2-3
Ware indicating its multiple usages at the site. The greatest amount of G 2-3 discovered during
different campaigns comes from the mound and supports a domestic function. Of particular
importance is its appearance in stratified levels in square D9 on the southern side of the mound.
It has been noted, however, that the wares and forms deposited in D9 differ somewhat from
those of the contemporary date in the West Sanctuary.
40

Different areas in the West Sanctuary, which is the area including what Blegen calls Upper
and Lower sanctuaries, three successive cult buildings at the north end of the complex and the
area of stone-paved circles in between, have produced G 2-3 ware
41
suggesting that its use was
not strictly confined to domestic activities but served the cult as well. Worth mentioning is the
proposed identification of the West Sanctuary with the Ilions sanctuary of the Samothracian
Gods, known from Late Hellenistic epigraphic testimonia,
42
where probably coexisted the
worship of Dardanos and Cybele. The Samothracian link goes beyond shared myth and the
mystery cult to the Great Gods. In both cases an extra-mural sanctuary complex is housing the
cult and G 2-3 Ware appears to be the fine painted ware, along with local traditionally produced
ceramics,
43
associated with the earliest Archaic deposits. In both places, also, the other known
existing sanctuary was that of Athena, situated on the acropolis and in the case of Samothrace G
2-3 Ware was found in association with the Athena sanctuary indicating an activity synchronous
with the 7
th
c. phase of the sanctuary of the Great Gods.
In stratified deposits in Troy G 2-3 Ware is consistently accompanied by grey and tan
wares
44
but does not come along with imported fine ceramics. This might be due to its date as

37
Rose 2008, 421.
38
For a summarising account on early Lesbos see Spencer 1995, 269-306. Troy, cf. Fisher 2000, 154-158; re-
examination of the archaeological record in relation to the ancient statements which support a considerable wave of
Greek settlers in Aeolis and the Troad, see Rose 2008, 399-430.
39
For NAA supporting a local production of G 2-3 Ware in Troia, cf. Mommsen et al. 2001, 169-211; For Troian
G 2-3 Ware, Schmidt 1902, 180-183; Boulter in Blegen et al. 1958; Fisher 2000, 78-87; Aslan 2002, 92-93.
40
Aslan 2002, 83.
41
Boulter in Blegen et al. 1958, 273-275, 277-278; Fisher 2000, 80-84; Aslan 2002, 96.
42
Rose 1998, 87-90; Lawall 2003, 81-84
43
For Troia it is the Gray Ware and in Samothrace it is the handmade pottery characteristic for the native Thracian
inhabitants prior to the Greek arrival.
44
Fisher 2000, 82.
114 115
G 2-3 WARE AND THE NON-GREEK POPULATIONS ON THE NORTH AEGEAN COAST

7
some stratified contexts in Troia suggest, where imported archaic fine wares seem to have been
introduced in the last quarter of 7
th
c. while the local production of G 2-3 Ware has been replaced
by simpler, banded wares at the same time.
45


Tenedos

A single G 2-3 Ware globular kantharos is known to date and it comes from a grave
excavated in an EIA (8
th
-7
th
c.) cemetery
46
on the island. The kantharos was part of the grave
equipment along with Troad-related Gray ware vases and fibulae. The rest of the EIA graves
were also equipped with similar types of Gray ware and fibulae which ultimately position the
island in the cultural orbit of the North West Anatolia.


Lesbos

Some G 2-3 Ware sherds (fig. 2) along with a considerable amount of bucchero, some
Protocorinthian fragments and East Greek pottery come from the historic settlement of Antissa
known through Lambs excavations of 1931-33.
47
Two apsidal buildings discovered at the
northern foot of the acropolis represent the earliest Iron Age activity at the site.
48
The
provenance of the above mentioned ceramics is the second apsidal building which exhibits
Lesbian masonry. Its 8
th
c. construction date proposed by Lamb has been lowered to the very
end of the eight century at the earliest.
49
Later strata overlaying the building (dated well before
600
50
) suggest a 7
th
c. date for the structure. Its functional characteristics are not clear but the
excavator suggests that the two apsidal buildings were housing cult activities. Her reasons, apart
from the apsidal form repeated in the two structures, are the large deposit of fine bucchero
(including phialai) in the early building,
51
the considerable presence of imported pottery, the
occurrence of fibulae as well as a burnt area of very hard earth in the second building, that might
have been a hearth or altar. It is worth noting that the bucchero and the imported ceramics
52

come from some undisturbed areas inside the second apsidal building. The absence of other
votives, on the other hand, is conspicuous and it could be partly explained with later activities
(building or plunderers) at the site detectable in some disturbed sections of the fill containing
Hellenistic ceramics along with Archaic wares, probably from the original deposit.
53



45
Imported ceramics of different groups such as Wild Goat Style, Rosette bowls, and Ionian cups appear in Phase
5 in the stratigraphy of square D9, dated to 625-600/ 575, cf. Aslan 2002, 88.
46
Arslan, Sevinc 2003, 229, fig. 6, n. 1.4.
47
Lamb 1930-31, 166-178, 1931-32, 41-67.
48
Lamb 1931-32, 41-48. For recent examination of the archaeology of early Lesbos with comment on the Antissa
apsidal buildings, cf. Spencer 1995, 285.
49
Spencer 1995, 285. His revision of the chronology of the two apsidal buildings is based on stratigraphic and
ceramic evidence.
50
Lamb 1931-2, 44-5
51
Lamb 1931-2, 45
52
Apart from the Protocorinthian, the rest of the painted pottery is designated by Lamb as East Greek, 1931-2, 47.
53
Lamb 1931-32, 47.
116 117
1AAHNEL KAI OPAKEL / GREEKS AND THRACIANS

8
Conclusions

The distribution pattern of G 2-3 Ware indicates that it does not appear in a purely Greek
context. It repeatedly comes from sites and contexts where a strong non-Greek element in the
population can be detected: Thracian on the North Aegean coast, Tyrrhenian on Lemnos and
Anatolian in North-West Asia Minor and Lesbos. It also consistently appears accompanied with
local ceramics represented by dominantly Grey Ware in Troia and Lesbos and handmade Thrace-
related pottery in the north Aegean sites (Samothrace, Thasos, Neapolis, and Eion).
Apart from its registered domestic use in centers of manufacture like Troia and Lemnos,
and most probably in the habitation levels revealed in the ancient town of Thasos, where it
occurs in association with an apsidal structure, the contextual position of G 2-3 Ware relates to
cult activities as well. The cases of the Samothracian Sanctuary of the Great Gods, the Lemnian
Kabeirion and the West Sanctuary complex in Troia, identified with the later Sanctuary of the
Samothracian Gods, suggest its role in the Early Archaic cult practices in the North Aegean area.
In the case of Antissa the function of the apsidal building is not clear-cut but it may have been a
focus of religious activities as well. In other instances G 2-3 Ware originates from places where a
Greek sanctuary has been erected in a later period (i.e. Athena sanctuary in the ancient town of
Samothrace, the Thasian Artemision, the sanctuary of Parthenos on the Neapolis acropolis)
suggesting a possible pre-Greek cult area and continuity after the colonisation.
The single graves on Thasos and Tenedos and the far outnumbering graves on Lemnos
where G 2-3 Ware forms part of the burial equipment additionally support its role as not
restricted to daily needs only.
All this construction might reflect just a state of research and is therefore open to
modifications but it seems to represent a picture emerging from the currently existing evidence.



116 117
G 2-3 WARE AND THE NON-GREEK POPULATIONS ON THE NORTH AEGEAN COAST

9
REFERENCES

Gordion IV. = Sams, G. K. 1994. The Gordion Excavations, 1950-1973, Final
Reports IV: The Early Phrygian Pottery, Philadelphia.

Arslan, Sevinc 2003. Arslan, N., Sevinc, N., Die eisenzeitlichen Graeber von Tenedos ,
IstMitt 53, 223-249.
Aslan 2002. Aslan, C., Ilion before Alexander: Protogeometric, Geometric, and Ar-
chaic pottery from D9 , Studia Troica 12, 81-127.
Bakir-Akbasoglu
1997. Bakir-Akbasoglu, T., Phryger in Daskyleion . In: Gusmani, R.,
Salvini, M., and Vannicelli, P. (eds.) Frigi e frigio, Rome, 229-238.
Bernard1964. Bernard, P., Cramiques de la premire moiti du VIIe sicle Thasos
, BCH, 88-1, 77-146.
Beschi 1993. Beschi, L., I Tirreni di Lemno alla luce dei recenti dati di scavo ,
Magna Grecia Etruschi Fenici, Napoli, 23-50.
Beschi 1994a. Beschi, L., H iotopikq oquoiu tou icpou tev Kucipev otq Aqvo .
In: Apvo i:o:p, A0qvu, 65-76.
Beschi 1994b. Beschi, L., To icpo tev Kucipev otq Aqvo , Ao,oiooyio 50, 31-
37.
Beschi 1996-97. Beschi, L., Cabirio di Lemno: testimonianze letterarie ed epigra-
fiche, ASAA LXXIV-LXXV, 7-192.
Beschi 2003. Beschi, L., Ceramiche arcaiche di Lemno: alcuni problemi , ASAA
LXXXI, 303-349.
Beschi 2005. Beschi, L., La ceramica subgeometrica di Troia VIII e di Lemnos ,
In: AEMNESTOS. Miscellanea di scritti in memoria di Mauro
Cristofani, Prospettiva II Suppl., 58-63.
Blegen et al. 1958. Blegen, C., Boulter, C., Caskey, J., Rawson, M., Troy, Settlement VIIa,
VIIb and VIII. Vol. IV. Princeton.
Cultraro 2004. Cultraro, M., The Northern Aegean in the Early Iron Age: An
Assessment of the Present Picture, In: Stampolidis, N., Giannikouri, A.
(eds.) To Aiyoio o:pv aocip cao,p :oc liopooc. A0qvu, 215-223.
Fisher 2000. Fisher, S., Ceramics and Culture: the Archaic Finewares of Ilion, PhD
dissertation, University of Cincinnati.
Gimatzidis 2002. Gimatzidis, S., O uaoikioo tq Ouoou: H cauvcctuoq tq kcpu-
ikq apeiev uocev tq upuiu aoq , AEMO 17, 74-81.
Graham 2001. Graham, A. J., Thasian Controversies . In: Collected Papers on
Greek Colonization. Mnemosyne suppl., Brill, 365-402.
Graham 2002. Graham, A. J., The Colonization of Samothrace , Hesperia, 71, 3,
231-260.
Grandjean 1988. Grandjean Y., Recherches sur lhabitat thasien lpoque grecque,
EtThas XII, Paris.
Greco et al. 2004. Greco, E. et al., Hephaestia 2004 , ASAA LXXXII, s. III, 4, t. II, 814-
817.
Henrickson,
Voight 1998. Henrickson, R., Voight, M., The Early Iron Age at Gordion: the
Evidence from the Yassihoyuk Stratigraphic Sequence . In: Tuna, N.,
Akture, Z., Lynch, M. (eds.) Thracians and Phrygians: Problems of
Parallelism, Ankara 79-106.
118 119
1AAHNEL KAI OPAKEL / GREEKS AND THRACIANS

10
Ilieva 2005. Ilieva, P., Greek Colonization of Samothrace: Problems of the
Investigations and Interpretations . In: Stephanos Archaeologicos in
honorem Proff. L. Getov, Sofia, 343-357.
Ilieva 2007. Ilieva, P., Thracian-Greek ouieoi on the shore of the Aegean . In:
Iakovidou, A., (ed.) Thrace in the Graeco-Roman world. Proceedings of
the 10
th
International Congress of Thracology, Athens, 212-226.
Ilieva **** Ilieva, P., Samothrace: Samo or Thrace? In: Hodos, T. and Hales,
Sh. (eds.), Visual Culture and Social Identity in the Ancient
Mediterranean, in press.
Karadima 1995. Karadima, Ch., Apuiooikc cpuoic otq Mupevciu kui tq Luo-
0pukq to 1995 , AEMO 9, 487-497.
Kohl et al. 2002. Kohl, M., Mller, A., Sanidas, G., Sgourou M., O uaokioo tq
Ouoou: q cauvcctuoq tev upuiooikev ocoocvev , AEMO 16,
58-72.
Kopenhoefer 1997. Kopenhoefer, D., Troia VII: Versuch einer Zusammenschau ein-
schliesslich der Ergebnisse des Jahres 1995 , Studia Troica 7, 295-353.
Koukouli 1992. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Ch., Hooo:ooikp Oooo. To vckoo:ocio :oc
oikioo Koo:oi, Athens.
Koukouli 1993. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Ch., H apeiq caoq tou oioqpou otqv Avu-
toikq Mukcooviu , Ancient Macedonia, Vol. 1, 679-733.
Lamb 1930/31. Lamb, W., Antissa , ABSA 31, 166-178.
Lamb 1931/32. Lamb, W., Antissa , ABSA 32, 41-67.
Lawall 2003. Lawall, M., In the Sanctuary of the Samothracian Gods. Myth,
politics and mystery cult at Ilion. In: Cosmopoulos, M. (ed.), Greek
Mysteries. The Archaeology and Ritual of Ancient Greek Secret Cults.
London and N.Y., 79-111.
Lehmann 1952. Lehmann, K., Samothrace: fifth preliminary report , Hesperia 21, 19-
44, pl. 3-11.
Lehmann,
Spittle 1982. Lehmann, Ph., Spittle, D.. (eds.), Samothrace. Vol. 5. The Temenos.
Princeton.
Martin 1980. Martin, R., Relations entre mtropoles et colonies: aspects institu-
tionnels . In: viio ,ooiv. Miscellanea di studi classici in onore di
Eugenio Manni, Rome, 1435-45.
Matsas 2004. Matsas, D., H Luo0pukq otq apeiq caoq tou Lioqpou . In:
Stampolidis, N., Giannikoyri, A., (eds.) To Aiyoio o:pv aocip cao,p
:oc liopooc. A0qvu, 227-257.
Messineo 2001. Messineo, G., Efestia. Scavi Adriani 1928-1930. Monografie della
Scuola Archeologica di Atene e della missioni Italiane in Oriente XIII.
Padova.
Moore 1982. Moore, M., Ceramics . In: Lehmann, Ph., Spittle, D., (eds.)
Samothrace. Vol. 5. The Temenos. Princeton, 315-394.
Mommsen et al. 2001. Mommsen, H., Hertel, D., Mountjoy, P., Neutron activation Analysis
of the pottery from Troy in the Berlin Schliemann collection , AA, 169-
211.
Mustilli 1932/33. Mustilli, D., La necropoli tirrenica di Efestia , ASAA, XV-XVI.
Omura 1991. Omura, S., 1990 yili Kamankalehoyuk kazilari , Kazi Sonuclari
Toplantasi 13, 319-336.
118 119
G 2-3 WARE AND THE NON-GREEK POPULATIONS ON THE NORTH AEGEAN COAST

11
Pouilloux 1982. Pouilloux, J., La foundation de Thasos: archologie, littrature et
critique historique . In: Rayonnement grec: hommages Charles
Delvoye, Brussels, 91-101.
Rose 2008. Rose, Ch. B., Separating fact from fiction in the Aiolian migration ,
Hesperia 77, 399-430.
Sams 1992. Sams, G. K., Observations on Western Anatolia . In: Ward, W.A.,
Joukowsky, M.S., (eds.), The Crisis Years The 12

th c. B.C.: From
Beyond the Danube to the Tigris, Dubuque, 56-60.
Schmidt 1902. Schmidt, H., Schliemans Sammlung Trojanischer Altertuemer. Berlin.
Spencer 1995. Spencer, N., Early Lesbos between East and West: a Grey Area of
Aegean Archaeology , ABSA 90, 269-306.
Tiverios 2006. Tiverios, M., Hupo- Ouoo-Euoiu. In: Icv/0iov. A0qvu, 73-85.
Tiverios et al. 2001. Tiverios, M., Manakidou, E., Tsiafaki, D., Avuokuikc cpcuvc oto
Kupuaoupvuki kutu to 2001: o upuio oikioo , AEMO 15, 255-
262.
Weill 1985. Weill, N., La plastique archaque de Thasos : figurines et statues de terre
cuite de l'Artmision, EtThas XII, Paris
Weill 1990. Weill, N., Remarques sur les origins de Thasos: HOAIL, XOPA,
HEPAIA , In: Mvpp Aoooiop. Hoi koi ,coo o:pv Ao,oio
Mokcoovio koi Oookp, Ocoouovikq, 491-492.
120 121
H kcotkq "G 2-3" kot ot q cqvtko nq0voo oxq cto okxq xov
Atyoov (nokoxokxtkc nooxqqoct ocxtk c xo ovxco toono
kot xo ovookotk xq ovocvo)

Petya Ilieva

H epikq uvuuoq kui q cctq tev uvuokuikev ouvcupqutev tq kcpuikq G 2-3
uaoocikvuouv cpiku oquvtiku upuktqpiotiku tou ovtcou oiuoooq tq otqv acpioq tou
opciou / opciouvutoikou Aiuiou. Euvictui oc ouo cuc aoitioikc acpioc aou
opiovtui uoci tev apocqvikev kui q cqvikev upuiooikev kutuoiaev kui tq
ocoq tq c to vtoaio aq0uoiuko otoicio: tqv acpioq tou opciou Aiuiou (Opukq) kui
tqv acpioq tq opciooutikq Avutoiu. H kcpuikq G 2-3 cuvictui ouotqutiku oc
0coci kui oc uvuokuiku oupuocvu c cvtovo to q cqviko otoicio tou aq0uoou kui
ouvq0e ouvoocuctui uao vtoaiu kcpuikq, kupie kpiu kcpuikq otq opciooutikq
Avutoiu kui cipoaoiqtq kcpuikq tq HEL otq Opukq. H ouvq aupouoiu tq oc icpu kui oc
acpioc tev , oaou upotcpu iopu0qkuv cqviku icpu, uaovoci tqv ai0uvq apotcpq
uaupq vtoaiu 0coq utpciu kui tq ouvcciu tq pqoq tq 0coq ctu tqv uiq tev
Eqvev uaoikev.
120 121
1AAHNEL KAI OPAKEL / GREEKS AND THRACIANS

12


Fig. 1: Distribution map of G 2-3 Ware with place names mentioned in the text.











Fig. 3: G 2-3 Ware sherd from Neapolis, Parthenos
sanctuary. Archaeological museum Kavala,
n. A5080.


Fig. 2: . G 2-3 Ware sherd from Antissa,
apsidal building. Archaeological
museum Mytilene, n. 9739.




Fig. 4: . G 2-3 Ware sherd from Thasos, Bernards
Trench , Archaeological museum Thasos,
n.60.111.