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COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL: MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED REPRODUCED CULTURE: OUR SECONDOR NATURE 1

Cultural Heritage and the Challenge of Sustainability

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Diane Barthel-Bouchier

Cultural

HERITAGE

SUSTAINABILITY

and the Challenge of

Walnut Creek CAlifornia

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Left Coast Press, Inc. 1630 North Main Street, #400 Walnut Creek, CA 94596 http://www.LCoastPress.com Copyright 2013 by Left Coast Press, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. isbn 978-1-61132-237-8 hardback isbn 978-1-61132-238-5 paperback isbn 978-1-61132-239-2 institutional eBook isbn 978-1-61132-678-9 consumer eBook Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Barthel-Bouchier, Diane L., 1949Cultural heritage and the challenge of sustainability / Diane Barthel-Bouchier. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-1-61132-237-8 (hardback : alk. paper) isbn 978-1-61132-238-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) isbn 978-1-61132-239-2 (institutional eBook) isbn 978-1-61132-678-9 (consumer eBook) 1. World heritage areasEnvironmental aspects. 2. Cultural propertyEnvironmental aspects. 3. Sustainability. 4. Cultural landscapes. 5. Heritage tourism. 6. Sustainable tourism. I. Title. g140.5.b33 2012 363.69--dc23 2012020774 Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi/niso z39.481992. Cover design by Jane Burton

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments
Chapter One

Culture: Our Second Nature 7


Chapter two

Is Heritage a Human Right?


Chapter three

27

Fighting Climate Change and Achieving Sustainability: Organizational Processes of Mission Change 53
Chapter four

Global Cities and Historic Towns: Rising Waters, Threatened Treasures 79


Chapter five

The Loss of Cultural Landscapes: Desertification, Deforestation, and Polar Melting 103
Chapter six

Heritage and Energy: The Interaction of Coercive and Normative Pressures


Chapter seven

129

Cultural Tourism and the Discourse of Sustainability 153


Chapter eight

Conclusion: The Future of Heritage 177 References 197 Index


223 235

About the Author

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Acknowledgments
I would like to acknowledge all those heritage managers and professionals who took time from their busy schedules to share their views and answer my questions. Research conventions prevent me from mentioning them all by name. However, I can and would like to thank those people who were instrumental in putting me in touch with others. This list would include Gustavo Araoz, Ned Kaufman, Neil Silberman, Victor Roudometof, and Michael J. K. Walsh. I would also like to thank Neil Silberman and Pamela Jerome for inviting me to participate in the Scientific Symposium of the ICOMOS Advisory Committee meeting in Dublin, Ireland, in 2010, and J. L. Putman and Willem Derde for the kind invitation to serve as a plenary speaker for the ENAME Center Conference on Climates of Conservation. This research, which involved considerable travel, would not have been possible without a sabbatical and subsequent research leave granted by Stony Brook University. Several Stony Brook colleagues, notably Crystal Fleming, Daniel Levy, Ian Roxborough, John Shandra, Daniela Flesler, Adrien Perez Melgos, and the late Donny George Youkhanna, either read chapters of the manuscript or otherwise helped me think through some of the issues involved. I also benefitted from the advice of Michelle Berensfeld, Sacha Kagan, Volker Kirchberg, and Haiming Yan. My students in courses on cultural sociology and the sociology of the arts served as an important sounding board, as did the students in Peter Mannings Mellon Seminar, presented in association with Stony Brooks Humanities Institute. I am also grateful to Ann Kaplan, the Director of the Institute, for sponsoring a colloquium dedicated to heritage and tourism, with myself and Professors Flesler and Perez Melgos as speakers. It was a pleasure to work with Jennifer Collier, my editor at Left Coast Press, and I am very grateful to her for her efficiency and overall professionalism. My greatest debt is to my husband, David Bouchier. He shared the travels and the travails, and served as my in-house editor, providing critique and encouragement. The book is dedicated to him; such errors as remain are mine.

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Chapter One

Culture: Our Second Nature

n the spring of 2008 heritage conservationists from around the world gathered in the peninsular city of Macao to discuss the global ecological crisis. Macao was an appropriate location, insofar as its historic center has achieved World Heritage status. But it is better known for its casinos, including the impressive Venetian Resort Hotela simulacrum of the original World Heritage site of Venice. Theres irony to be found in the fact that well-heeled delegates, disproportionately drawn from distant Europe and North America, added to carbon emissions through their long-distance flights in order to discuss climate change and to forge a common commitment to sustainability. Run by a professional conference organizer, this forum distributed the usual conference souvenir trinkets and relied on the usual seemingly endless supplies of paper napkins, plastic utensils, cups, and bags. Or, as one disgruntled conference attendee put it, all this garbage. The contradictions between the stated purpose of the conference and its actual environmental impact were all too apparent. As cultural heritage developed as an organizational field in the postwar period, it derived legitimacy from the idea that cultural heritage was a human right among other human rights, such as the right to worship freely or the right not to be tortured. This human right to heritage became embedded in a number of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) conventions and declarations. It served to justify the classic tasks associated with the conservation of heritage structures and sites, and to expand the definition of heritage to include not just sites but whole landscapes. In time, the definition was further expanded to encompass not just tangible heritage but also intangible cultural practices. Yet the very expansion of the heritage field created its own problems. In brief, it was easier to name sites to a UNESCO World Heritage List than to convince national governments to provide the necessary funds to look after all the sites on the list. It was easier to set up academic programs in historic preservation than to find well-paying positions for all the graduates; easier to identify sites that should be saved than to convince the public that it

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was their human right not simply to save the site, but to pay for the privilege. These challenges added to an underlying sentiment of status inconsistency, as many heritage professionals felt they did not receive recognition commensurate with their contributions when compared, for example, to their counterparts active in nature conservation. In this book I discuss how heritage organizations have responded to these challenges. I focus in particular on how the theme of sustainability has become an increasingly important consideration in the conservation of historic sites, monuments, and landscapes. Heritage proponents have created a discourse that views cultural heritage as contributing in significant ways to broader efforts to create sustainable societies. To some extent this new emphasis was forced on heritage organizations by governments who viewed historic structures as inherently wasteful of resources and energy inefficient. In large measure, however, the mission of sustainability was freely chosen by heritage conservationists, not only because of material considerations stemming from the tasks associated with their workthe very real threats to historic sites and landscapesbut also in response to the above-mentioned tensions relating to government and public support and to professional status. This new mission was meant to convince decision makers and publics that heritage conservationists were not woolly-headed idealists interested only in art and history, but pragmatic experts who could contribute scientific solutions to global problems of climate change and unsustainable social practices. However, although the new focus on sustainability solved some problems it created others, as contradictions emerged between this focus and the concurrent alignment of the heritage professionals and managers with tourism and development interests. Cultural heritage organizations and agencies had already significantly deviated from their classic mission of heritage conservation by altering their relationship with the tourism industry and by adopting heritage tourism as a major part of their activities. Over the course of the late twentieth century, heritage professionals moved from critiquing tourisms impact on cultural sites to the eager embrace of tourism through the formation of partnerships with travel-oriented corporations such as American Express, Expedia, and Royal Caribbean cruises. The funds provided by these major corporations shored up many a heritage project and provided career opportunities for many graduates of heritage conservation programs. It is nonetheless well recognized that global tourism is contributing to climate change and resource depletion, as when tourists from Europe or North America board planes to vacation in Africa, Asia, or Latin America. Heritage conservationists, well aware of the problem, have attempted to
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resolve such contradictions by promoting the concept of sustainable tourism. Yet, as the physical evidence of the costs of tourism and development to both the historic and the physical environment grows, so too do political tensions and a sense that heritage conservationists have not yet decided exactly how conservation of the past can contribute fully to a sustainable future. The analysis contained in this volume is thus significant both for what it reveals about the current state of heritage conservation and for its implications for other organizational fields embarking upon programs of mission change. The heritage professionals and others active in what I call the global heritage community have positioned themselves at the cutting edge of questions about how much the culture of the past will form part of a future increasingly subject to destructive environmental forces. By the term global heritage community I mean to include those who form part of a professional community dedicated to the values associated with a cosmopolitan approach to heritage conservation.1,2 The global heritage community draws on forms of expertise associated with a range of professions, including architecture, archaeology, history, material science, chemistry, law, urban planning, and public policy, among others. Viewed more broadly, the underlying question of what the role of heritage conservation should be concerns us all. We live in what has been called a world risk society where the discourses surrounding possible global catastrophes differ from those relating to earlier, more specific and localized forms of risk.3 It is not simply a question of the survival of old stuff and old ways, that is, cultural objects and ways of life to which each of us respond with varying degrees of attachment. Heritage professionals would prefer that we see cultural heritage embedded not simply in old objects and practices but rather as living history incorporating social processes of both continuity and change. The question then becomes whether and in what ways this living history can contribute to the creation of more sustainable societies. This involves an understanding not simply of the work of heritage professionals but of the definition and scope of sustainability. Some people prefer a relatively narrow definition that emphasizes the importance of living within the limits of our natural resources. Others believe the problem is not simply one of the levels of natural resources available but of their distribution. This argument holds that, in todays world, social inequality is itself unsustainable. Proponents of this latter view hold that any definition of sustainability must extend to cover issues of social justice, including recognition of the claims of disadvantaged populations, however constituted and defined.4 The challenge facing heritage
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conservationists in these first decades of the twenty-first century is thus to decide how to position themselves vis--vis the debate on sustainability; they must also decide whether to commit themselves to activities that contribute to possible solutions at the risk of straying further from their classic tasks of restoration, rehabilitation, maintenance, and interpretation, among others. Within the context of adapting cultural forms to environmental constraints, built heritage is of special interest because of the significant problems it presents. First, when compared to other cultural forms and artifacts, sites such as Machu Picchu, Philadelphias Independence Hall, and Chartres Cathedral are all exposed to the elemental forces of nature and are all highly susceptible to damage. The threats are even greater for earthen architecture or fragile archaeological sites. A second set of problems concerns the relative immobility of built architecture. Much of the cultural significance of a structure is linked to its physical site and therefore to the social groups and/or nations who value it for its role in their history and in their lives. Although a multinational effort in the 1960s and early 1970s did succeed in moving the Nubian temples when the Aswan Dam threatened to flood their site, few people want to contemplate moving whole cities like Amsterdam, New York, or Tokyo because of the risk of flooding. Third, many sites require vast sums for their initial stabilization and/or reconstruction, and then for their continued maintenance and interpretation to the public. Governments, faced with responding to a series of environmental crises, may be unwilling to accept the price tag for their continued conservation. Thus, after a half century of dramatic expansion,5 the conservation of cultural heritage may be entering an equally dramatic period of contraction and loss. This transition, I argue, necessitates a reconsideration of the fields historic development and a reevaluation of its public service mission or missions. Although damage to the tangible heritage represented by physical sites is usually visible to the naked eye,6 intangible heritage is also threatened. UNESCO defines intangible cultural heritage as the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skillsas well as the instruments, objects, artifacts and cultural spaces associated therewiththat communities, groups, and in some cases, individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage.7 Whereas UNESCO sees the major threat to intangible heritage as coming from globalization, I would argue, as others have,8 that globalizations impacts on intangible heritage are varied and complex (a subject to be treated in more depth later in this book), and that a more direct impact on communities is that made by environmental pressures,9 which threaten not just practices, representations [and] expressions but also livelihoods and group survival.10
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To engage fully with these issues, we need first to have a better sense of what we mean by heritage and culture, and of how nature is both natural and cultural.

HERITAGE AND CULTURE Nietzsche argued, only that which has no history can be defined.11 The concept of culture has such a long and complex history as to render its definition highly problematic.12 In the nineteenth century a nations culture was seen as comprising its highest artistic and intellectual achievements: what Matthew Arnold called the best that has been thought and said.13 It was largely taken for granted that culture was the elevated product of rational thought, and that Western culture was superior to all other cultures. In response to the racism inherent in this widespread assumption, anthropologists active in the early twentieth century developed an alternative definition. This new definition viewed culture as the total way of life of a people, encompassing their patterns of thought and behavior, values and beliefs, and social institutions: in short, everything that is socially learned rather than biologically inherited. This definition meant that all societies had cultures and that these cultures must be studied on their own terms rather than viewed through the ethnocentric prism of Western values. In sociology, by contrast, the study of culture took a back seat to a midcentury focus on social structures. Culture became largely limited to the idea of a dominant set of values and norms that served to create social consensus and legitimate social institutions. But by the 1970s and 1980s, a younger generation of sociologists rebelled against this restricted definition. They argued that in addition to representing grounds for consensus, culture could provide tools for group conflict or for individual creativity. Culture was seen as an integral part of everyday practice as well as providing much of the form and content of social rituals. Ironically, even as younger sociologists were rediscovering and redefining the culture concept, their counterparts in anthropology were questioning whether it served any analytic purpose whatsoever. Anthropological critics saw it as a holistic, overly generalized term that explained everything and nothing. Yet since it would be hard to imagine any society without culture, they, like the sociologists, looked for other ways to define culture and to study cultures. They turned to the analysis of discourse and to examine the tensions between global and local cultures.14 In both disciplines, culture came to be
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seen as something that could be analyzed in terms of its symbolic complexity and as having causal force, that is, as capable of creating social change. At the same time, culture could be a tool wielded by individuals or social groups to attain specific ends. This multifaceted quality is now an implicit part of our understanding of the concept of culture and of any discussion of particular cultures. Cultures are intimately interwoven with and shaped by local and national history. History, however, is not the same as heritage. For cultural historian David Lowenthal, history and heritage are linked but separate phenomena, with history likely to be transformed through updating and upgrading. History explores and explains pasts grown ever more opaque over time, whereas heritage clarifies pasts so as to infuse them with present purposes.15 Although recognizing that conflict is endemic to heritage and that the historic representations of one social group frequently exclude other groups through a kind of selective memory, Lowenthal views the whole process of heritage as a creative act, one in which we can learn from each others efforts and experiences: In realizing how we variously affect these linked realms, we learn to relish, rather than resent, our own interventions and even to tolerate those of others . . . .16 However, there is little toleration evident in heritage disputes today, as demonstrated by the controversies over the wearing of the burqa or the erection of minarets, or over interpretations of the Holocaust or the United Statess dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Lowenthals presentation errs on the side of normalizing social conflict and social exclusion by stating simply that they are part and parcel of what is, in the end, an act of creation in which we can all participate. The idea that heritage implies a power relationship is more evident in the work of Brian Graham, G. J. Ashworth, and J. E. Tunbridge. They define heritage as almost any sort of intergenerational exchange or relationship, welcome or not, between societies as well as individuals.17 The phrase welcome or not is a key element of this definition, for it implies that heritage interpretations can be imposed by one social group on another. These scholars go on to assert that heritage is not created through the existence of the past as an objective reality, but rather through the present needs of people, who are neither passive receivers nor passive transmitters. However, they then tell us that the present creates the heritage it requires, thereby once again mystifying the human relationships of power that are contained in the present. The present does not create; rather it provides the context in which

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real people use heritage for a wide range of social purposes, many of which include furthering group advantage. Kenneth Burke was more to the point when he turned his critical attention to what he called societys symbolic bankers. Among different attitudes toward history, Burke detected a set of motives he considered extrinsic: those based on class relations and the need for the ruling class to ritualistically (re-)integrate the disparate world, at the expense of other social classes or races. As Burke argued, A complex symbolism is a kind of spiritual currencyand a group of bankers may arise who manipulate this medium of exchange to their specific benefit.18 Although worker history is now included as part of industrial heritage, and numerous sites are dedicated to the depiction of slavery and other forms of oppression, the concepts of symbolic bankers and spiritual currency still have value to the extent that specific social groups are holding heritage in trust, as it were, for the benefit of others, who lack either appropriate perspective or professional training or both.19 What exactly these symbolic bankers held in trustthat is, what sorts of things could be and were considered heritagegrew dramatically in scope over the course of the twentieth century. Originally focused largely on major monuments, heritage came to encompass a wide range of sites and cultural landscapes. To such tangible reminders of the past, heritage conservationists also added a proprietary regard for intangible values and practices, including oral traditions; performing arts; rituals and festivities; knowledge practices; and craftsmanship.20 Intangible heritage includes distinctive conceptions of and perceived relationships to nature. Different ethnic cultures have woven nature into a complex web of symbolism; this is a vast topic that extends far beyond what can be discussed here.21 What does concern us, however, is the evident contrast between the concept of a state of nature as originally put forward in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and the concept of a new state of nature to describe a different way of imagining the relationship between nature and society. The (old) state of nature, as elaborated by a number of leading Enlightenment theorists, was a hypothetical description of what life would be like if people lived without social controls and constraints. For some, notably Thomas Hobbes, the chaos and violence that would result from such a state would lead people to accept the constraints necessary for a peaceful and productive existence. For others, Jean-Jacques Rousseau first and foremost, people in a state of nature lived in peaceful coexistence, but then society inevitably introduced competition, envy, and the other human vices.
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Neither view, whether optimistic or pessimistic regarding human nature, offered profound insights into the nature of nature. Political philosophers were naturally more interested in using this abstract concept as a heuristic device on which to build their theories of state and society. These Enlightenment theories represent one of the pillars of Western civilization: a civilization that was dedicated to the concepts of progress, the generation of wealth, and the triumph of humanity over nature. The term human exemptionalism has been used to describe the deep cultural belief from the Industrial Revolution onward that the human species is not tied to the same natural limits and laws as other animal populations: that because of our cultural creativity and technological ingenuity we can rise above such limits.22 However, it is now increasingly clear that nature is presenting dilemmas to which technology has difficulty responding. The 2010 BP oil platform explosion and subsequent massive leak in the Gulf of Mexico is one example of what can happen when interested parties assume that any problems created by the relentless exploitation of the earths resources can be readily countered by a technological fix. The ongoing processes of climate change, resource exhaustion, and loss of biodiversity create what have been called tests to which state and civil society must respond effectively if they are to maintain the fundamental state of social order with which Hobbes was so concerned.23 In this context, it is worth noting that German social psychologist Harald Welzer has predicted that climate wars will be the dominant form of warfare in the twenty-first century. For Welzer, increasing numbers of people lack critical resources of water and food, and/or find themselves in competition for these resources with other peoples. The present conflicts occurring between nations in South America, the Middle East, Africa, and Asia over the resource consequences of actual and proposed dams on populations downstream are only one example. As climate change and resource depletion make whole areas of the globe uninhabitable, population movements will increase, and the existing distinction between political refugees and climate refugees will become more and more obscured. According to Welzer, the climate wars that will occur and are already occurring when populations are caught in unsustainable situations will cause further degradation of the natural environment, setting in motion a negative spiral of social and environmental interaction.24 The consequences for both natural and cultural heritage will be huge. If heritage is, as its proponents like to say, not about places but about people, then this is something with which they must be concerned.

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ENVIRONMENTAL SOCIOLOGY AND CLIMATE CHANGE This research contributes to a growing body of sociological literature on environmental sustainability. Environmental sociology originally emerged out of the ecological movement of the late 1960s and 1970s. As the field developed, it found itself in opposition to key ideas in both society and sociology. In the 1970s, William R. Catton and Riley E. Dunlap proposed an alternative to the theory of human exemptionalism, an approach that they labeled the new ecological paradigm.25 While Catton and Dunlap believed in the power of human creativity to address many problems, they nonetheless argued that humans were still ecologically interdependent with other species and both caused and were affected by various ecological feedback mechanisms. Within their own disciplinary borders, many environmental sociologists found themselves taking issue with sociologists who took a radical constructionist approach. This latter approach denied the independent importance of natural or material facts: for such constructionists everything is based on social processes of interpretation. By contrast, environmental sociologists accepted the material reality and causal force of natural processes and events, but still showed marked interest in how social groups, organizations, and institutions went about defining situations and problems, and how these social processes interact with natural processes. Over the past decade, environmental sociologists have increasingly turned their attention to both global and local impacts of environmental change. Much of this research relates to the political, social, and economic organization of modern industrial societies. Such work is often highly quantitative, comparing statistics across a large number of nations, and frequently contains a specific concern with policy formation.26 Other sociologists have taken more of a human ecology approach, one based on understanding the relationship of humans to their natural environment. This approach emphasizes the sociospatial dynamic of environmental changes while providing opportunities for modeling their causes and consequences. For example, in a 2008 article, Thomas Dietz, Eugene Rosa, and Richard York sought to change the definition of sustainability from one based primarily on national resources and economic processes to one focused on the relationship between human well-being and environmental impacts.27 The extent to which environmental sociology has developed as a field was shown in 2008, when the National Science Foundation held a special

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two-day workshop to which it invited 40 sociological researchers. These distinguished academics were asked to speak to the questions of what we know and what we need to know about the social dimensions of climate change. On that occasion, JoAnn Carmin, a leading scholar of environmental organizations, called for analysis of the activities of nonenvironmental organizations that have adopted climate change as part of their mission.28 This research, which can be seen as a response to this call, in fact began many years earlier. It developed out of my long-running interest in how people interpret their past and how that past becomes integrated into political decision-making processes.29 Thus this analysis also contributes to a very different body of scholarship, namely the sociological literature on collective memories.

HERITAGE, MEMORY, GLOBALITY The topic of collective memory refers to the relations between history and commemorative symbols on the one hand and, on the other, individual beliefs, sentiments, and judgments of the past.30 For Barry Schwartz, collective memory represents both a model of society, a reflection of its needs, problems, fears, mentality, and aspirations, and provides a model for society, a program that defines its experience, articulates its values and goals, and provides cognitive, affective, and moral orientation for realizing them.31 Much of this literature, including Pierre Noras impressive seven-volume collective effort, Les lieux de mmoire, has equated collective memories with national memories.32 Noras work explores the diverse facets of tangible and intangible heritage in France; other examples (among many possibilities) include Jeffrey K. Olick and Jennifer A. Jordans examination of commemorative practices in Germany, Yael Zerubavels analysis of the formation of collective memories in Israel, and Anita M. Waterss critique of various heritage representations in Port Royal, Jamaica. Sometimes explicit comparisons are drawn between commemorative practices associated with different nations, as Lyn Spillman does for Australia and the United States, and as I did in my earlier book comparing heritage conservation in the United States and Great Britain.33 In contrast to these analyses of national collective memories and forms of commemoration, Daniel Levy and Natan Sznaider argue for the existence of cosmopolitan memories, which they view as constituting a process of internal globalization through which global concerns become part of the

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local experiences of an increasing number of people.34 Levy and Sznaider raise the questions of how transnational memories are formed and of what they consist. They argue that the Holocaust provides a drama of good and evil that has allowed it to transcend national boundaries, even as the drama assumes a particular narrative form and content in each national setting.35 Cosmopolitan memories of remarkable places can be formed either by direct knowledge, whether as a local or a tourist, or by mediated knowledge. Indeed, Maurice Halbwachs, one of the first theorists of collective memory, drew a distinction between social memories, which are shared by those who directly experience them, and historical memories, which are mediated by education, the mass media, or even hearsay.36 Levy and Sznaider emphasize that the fact of this mediation does not make historical memories in some sense second rate or spurious. They point out that Benedict Anderson, in his well-respected work on nations as imagined communities,37 makes it clear that it was precisely the now-lambasted media that produced the requisite solidarity for nation formation through a constant repetition of images and words.38 For Patrick Hutton, the interplay between repetition and recollection is of key importance in establishing the relationship between history and memory. He defines repetition as the moment of memory through which we bear forward images of the past that continue to shape our present understanding in unreflective ways.39 These moments of memory are like habits of mind that are readily associated with collective memories. Recollections, by contrast, involve the conscious, selective, reconstruction of the past to suit the needs of the present. This distinction between repetition and recollection, while of some heuristic value, nonetheless has the drawback of naturalizing the social processes through which social memories are formed. By speaking of living traditions and habits of mind that operate in unreflective ways, Hutton downplays the role of agency. By contrast, Olick and Levy provide a more subtle approach in viewing social memories as an ongoing process of negotiation through time, with memories neither totally durable nor malleable, but rather subject to the operation of cultural logics.40 Lowenthal also emphasizes the importance of revising as a process associated with social memories, and allows for its unintentional as well as intentional dimension.41 Here I argue that cosmopolitan memories are formed through the repetition of images provided by a number of social agencies, including heritage professionals, politicians, media professionals, advertisers, and tourism representatives, among others. Heritage sites provide the physical grounding for

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many such memories, and as such form part of the sociology of place.42 Some sites become the habitual televised backdrop for news emanating from a specific nation with, for example the Arc de Triomphe appearing as the backdrop for France, or the Houses of Parliament for England. Indeed, specific sites have become a metonym for nation-states or political offices, as when one speaks of the Kremlin, 10 Downing Street, or the White House. Other sites provide ready associations of travel (Venice, the Pyramids), public celebration (Times Square, Trafalgar Square), or protest (Tahrir Square, Tiananmen Square). Individual memories may also share a specific backdrop, as tour buses pull up at the exact same spot so that tourists can photograph each other in front of Mont St. Michel or St. Peters Basilica. Cosmopolitan memories associated with heritage sites help conservationists communicate the ecological risks faced by such sites. When Mount Olympus was threatened by fire in the summer of 2007, people the world over worried about the potential loss. When historic towns in Great Britain such as Oxford were hit by flooding, people in other nations watched the footage on television or read about it, and expressed their concern. Thus both iconic nature (the polar bear, the Antarctic penguins) and iconic culture (the Pyramids, Venice, Notre Dame Cathedral) draw attention to widespread threats. If, as Simon Schama has argued, many of our images of nature have acquired a sacred dimension, the same can be said of specific cultural sites.43 Indeed, Victor Turner and Edith Turner claim that a tourist is half a pilgrim, if a pilgrim is half a tourist. They continue, Even when people bring themselves in anonymous crowds on beaches, they are seeking an almost sacred, often symbolic mode of communitas, generally unavailable to them in the structured life of the office, the shop floor, or the mine.44 Dean MacCannell develops the parallel by discussing the processes of site sacralization and ritual visitation involved in tourism, and by seeing in the very diversity of sites a certain reflexive contemplation about the human condition.45 Even so, not all socially recognized sites are equally imbued with a spiritual dimension. As French historian Franoise Choay writes, The Parthenon, Saint Sophia, Borobudur, and Chartres recall the enchantment of a quest that, in our disenchanted world, is proposed by neither science nor critical analysis.46 But other sites on the World Heritage List, including Swedens Varburg Radio Station or Chiles Sewell Mining Town, might be less likely to evoke spiritual awe or enchantment. Be this as it may, the World Heritage List continues to grow by some 30 sites a year. Having identified the first 12 sites in 1978, by the summer of 2011 the list had expanded to 936 sites considered to be of universal significance to humankind.
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Does the presence of these less awe-inspiring sites devalue the World Heritage List as a whole? Or will the listing of lesser-known cultural sites increase public awareness of cultural diversity? More importantly, how will the global heritage community respond to the changing environment of the twenty-first century? After 50 years of dramatic expansion and development as a global organizational field, how will it respond to the cutbacks threatened by governments unwilling to commit scarce resources to the conservation of historic sites and cultural landscapes? These and other questions will be addressed in the chapters that follow.

METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH Several scholars working within the sociology of knowledge and intellectuals have called for a greater attention to the role of social experts and to the forms and modes of expert intervention, that is, to the different ways in which knowledge and expertise can be inserted into the public sphere.47 As Karin Knorr Cetina has pointed out, such experts exercise a form of power that remains relatively invisible, compared to the more obvious power exercised by politicians or the media.48 The heritage professionals with whom this book is concerned fit this description of significant shapers whose activities often go unexamined.49 In order to remedy their relative absence from intellectual discourse, I relied on several interlocking methods. Over the course of three years I have spoken with approximately 50 representatives of heritage organizations who see themselves as engaged in facing the challenge of sustainability, in one way or another. In some cases I contacted organizations directly, asking to speak to someone who could talk to me about the organizations mission and programs. In other cases I worked through a growing list of contacts. Most interviews took place in the experts office. When such personal contact was impossible because of distance or time conflicts, interviews were conducted by telephone or email. Each interview was tailored to the particular expertise of the individual and allowed opportunities for the interviewee to raise points that I had not suggested. The typical length of an office interview was one hour. I also attended a dozen conferences where I spoke with delegates who presented papers pertaining to this research, and closely followed discussions at meetings and workshops. Following usual ethnographic practice, I continued interviews and participant and nonparticipant observation at conferences until the information became simple reinforcement of information already gathered. In order to protect the
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anonymity of interviewees while avoiding the awkward s/he construction, I have randomly used the pronouns he or she when presenting interview data. I have also made extensive use of secondary and primary sources on heritage conservation. These sources range from academic analyses and monographs to newspaper articles. Much primary material is also now available online, including organizational and government documents. Researching the processes through which history is transformed into heritage meant understanding the role and operations of the major nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).50 My interest in NGOs is not, however, solely academic. As the founder of an international arts organization, I have direct experience with the issues facing nonprofits, including the need to increase funding and public support. I therefore have great respect for the people who work in these organizations and their dedication to their mission. Such respect has not, however, prevented me from being critical or from asking to what extent these organizations are effective in adapting their principles and programs to fit a changing social and physical environment. A note on terminology: throughout the discussion that follows I will favor the term heritage conservation over heritage preservation. Preservation is the more frequent term used within the States, whereas conservation is more widely used elsewhere. Since I am taking a global perspective and talking about the interconnections between natural and cultural heritage, conservation seems the more appropriate term. A more substantive difference may also be drawn between the two terms. According to a distinction found within the Burra Charter, created by the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) Australia in 1979 and later revised, preservation means keeping an object or structure in its original state, and thereby avoiding deterioration through maintenance and/or preventive measures. Conservation, by contrast, has more to do with the broader task of safeguarding the cultural significance of a structure or place, with cultural significance defined as the aesthetic, historic, scientific, social or spiritual value for past, present or future generations.51 Not only does the task of conservation recognize the need to incorporate a certain amount of change within sites, it also recognizes that the cultural significance of sites varies for different social groups and in different time periods.52 Thus the term conservation more aptly describes the broader issues to be discussed. These issues are not ones that I or others have imposed on the global heritage community. Rather, they are concerns that this epistemic community has freely and in some cases eagerly embraced as central to its mission. The chapters that follow consider how thoroughly the theme of
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sustainability has become integrated with the more traditional mission of heritage conservation. I begin in Chapter 2 by examining the traditional basis of legitimacy for cultural heritage, namely that it represents a basic human right, and compare that to more recent assertions that it represents not so much a universal right as a social value that is being spread by the emergence of a World Polity. I question how deeply these values are held, especially if one is speaking not of individuals but of national governments, and propose that their acceptance in many corners of the globe may be more reflective what has been called the banality of good.53 Having considered the question of values, in Chapter 3 I look at the structure of heritage as an organizational field. I analyze exactly why the theme of sustainability proved so attractive to major nongovernmental organizations and intergovernmental entities such as UNESCO and the Council of Europe, and provide a historical summary of some of their major programmatic efforts. Chapters 4 through 6 deal with the specific, substantive threats to cultural heritage posed by climate change and unsustainable social practices. Chapter 4 examines how historic towns and global cities are threatened by the dual phenomena of rising sea levels and incidents of river flooding. I argue that the destruction caused by some of the most dramatic weather events has resulted not simply from the forces of nature but from failures of stewardship. In Chapter 5 I move from towns and cities to examine the sustainability of whole cultural landscapes threatened by processes of desertification, deforestation, or polar melting. Diverse though these geographical settings may be, they all reveal the difficulties involved when one moves from being concerned with the conservation of isolated sites or monuments to that of whole landscapes. We also see how the indigenous population, whether living in the Arctic or the Amazon, become viewed as the exotic Other to heritage professionals. Chapter 6 reveals how energy conservation has become a veritable battleground between conservationists and governments in some instances, and between conservationists and private owners or developers in others. Here we see revealed how even the most technical controversies concerning energy production and use involve debates over aesthetic and social values. Cultural tourism is implicated in these all these phenomena, and Chapter 7 traces the changing relationship between heritage professionals and the tourism industry and how a discourse of sustainability developed to try to resolve the differences between the goals of the two organizational fields. Finally, in Chapter 8, I review the central argument regarding the tensions between competing missions and demonstrate how it relates to the
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current controversy within the global heritage community over its position vis--vis other social actors and organizational fields. I conclude by arguing for a commitment to sustainability broadly defined so as to include social justice, and propose several reasons why heritage can and should be seen as not just responding to societal conundrums, but as helping to resolve them. Notes
1In proposing this concept I am drawing on the work of Anthony King, who describes how members of the same profession in different countries come to resemble each other more than they do other people who presumably share their national cultures. For example, an architect in the Netherlands may well have more in common with an architect in Japan than she will with a Dutch farmer or floriculturalist. An Argentinian biochemist will resemble his Norwegian counterpart more closely than he does his next-door neighbor. King proposes the term global professional cultures to describe this phenomenon. See Anthony King, Architecture, Capital and the Globalization of Culture, Theory, Culture & Society 7 ( June 1990): 397411. 2Peter M. Haas, Introduction: Epistemic Communities and international Policy Coordination, International Organizations 46 (1992): 3. I should also emphasize that the global heritage community differs in scope and content from what the Council of Europe has defined as heritage communities, that is, people who value specific aspects of cultural heritage which they wish, within the framework of public action, to sustain and transmit to future generations. Unlike the global heritage community, a heritage community can be expected to include not just professionals but also amateurs. It may well also include people lacking in relevant expertise and interested only in local or national heritage manifestations. The concept is embedded within the Council of Europes Framework Convention on the Value of Cultural Heritage for Society, which is available at conventions.coe. int/Treaty/Commun/QueVoulezVous.asp?NT=199&CM=88CL=ENG. 3Ulrich Beck, World Risk Society (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999). 4See Sacha Kagan, Art and Sustainability: Connecting Patterns for a Culture of Complexity (Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2011). 5See Derek Gillman, The Idea of Cultural Heritage, rev. ed. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010), and Jukka Jokilehto, A History of Architectural Conservation (Oxford. UK: Elsevier, 1999). 6I say usually, because some of the threats to built heritage that have been associated with climate change are not readily visible including, for example, infestations by new insect populations. 7UNESCO, The Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, available online at unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001897/189761e.pdf. 8See Tyler Cowen, Creative Destruction: How Globalization is Changing the Worlds Cultures (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002); Marilena Alivizatou, Intangible Heritage and Erasure: Rethinking Cultural Preservation and Contemporary Museum

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Practice, International Journal of Cultural Property 18 (2011): 3760; and Michael F. Brown, Heritage Trouble: Recent Work on the Protection of Intangible Cultural Property, International Journal of Cultural Property 12 (2005): 4061. 9This is not to say that environmental decline is unrelated to aspects of globalization. See for example Paul Hawken, Blessed Unrest: How the Largest Movement in the World Came into Being and Why No One Saw It Coming (New York: Viking, 2007). 10See Ben Wisner, Climate Change and Cultural Diversity, International Social Science Journal 61: 199 (2010): 13140. 11Cited in Krishan Kumar, Utopia & Anti-Utopia in Modern Times (Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 32. 12Raymond Williams famously called culture one of the two or three most complicated words in the English language. He neglected to tell us what the other contenders were. See Williams, Keywords. A Vocabulary of Culture and Society, rev. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), 87. 13Matthew Arnold cited in Isaac Reed and Jeffrey Alexander, Culture in Bryan S. Turner (ed.), The Cambridge Dictionary of Sociology (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 111. 14See Robert Brightman, Forget Culture: Replacement, Transcendence, Relexification, Cultural Anthropology 10:4 (1995), 50946. 15David Lowenthal, The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1996), xi. On the general topic of history and heritage see also Margaret Macmillan, Dangerous Games: The Uses and Abuses of History (New York: The Modern Library, 2009) and David William Cohen, The Combing of History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994). 16Lowenthal, The Heritage Crusade, 250. 17Brian Graham, G. J. Ashworth and J. E. Tunbridge, A Geography of Heritage. Power, Culture, and Economy (London, Hodder Arnold, 2000). See also J. E. Tunbridge and G. J. Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1996). 18Kenneth Burke, Attitudes Toward History, 3rd Edition (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1984), 179. 19Pierre Bourdieu made a similar argument when he introduced the concept of cultural capital, which will be discussed in Chapter 3. 20See Thomas M. Schmitt, The UNESCO Concept of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage: Its Background and Marrakchi Roots, International Journal of Heritage Studies 14:2 (March, 2008): 95111; Gustavo F. Araoz, World-Heritage Historic Urban Landscapes: Defining and Protecting Authenticity, APT Bulletin 39:2-3 (2008): 3337; and Pamela Jerome, An Introduction to Authenticity in Preservation, APT Bulletin 39:23 (2008): 37. See also What is Intangible Cultural Heritage?, www.unesco.org/ culture/ich/index.php?pg=00002 (accessed 9/18/2012). 21See for example Shabnam Inanloo Dailoo and Frits Pannekoek, Nature and Culture: A New World Heritage Context, International Journal of Cultural Property 15 (2008): 2547; Giorgos Catsadorakis, The Conservation of Natural and Cultural Heritage

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in Europe and the Mediterranean: A Gordian Knot? International Journal of Heritage Studies 13:4 (2007): 30820; Heather Burke and Claire Smith, Vestiges of Colonialism: Manifestations of the Culture/Nature Divide in Australian Heritage Management, in Cultural Heritage Management: A Global Perspective, ed. Phyllis Mauch Messenger and George S. Smith (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2010), 2137; Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Vintage, 1995); and Simon Pugh (ed.), Reading Landscape: Country, City, Capital (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990). For an analysis of conflicting attitudes toward nature, see Dee Mack Williams, Representations of Nature on the Mongolian Steppe: An Investigation of Scientific Knowledge Construction, American Anthropologist 102:3 (2000): 50319 and Michael Goldsmith, Who Owns Native Nature? Discourses of Rights to Land, Culture, and Knowledge in New Zealand, International Journal of Cultural Property 16 (2009): 32539. 22William R. Catton, Jr., and Riley E. Dunlap, Environmental Sociology: A New Paradigm, The American Sociologist 13(1978): 449. 23See Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thvenot, Les conomies de la grandeur (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1987) and also their 1991 volume, On Justification: Economics of Worth, trans. Catherine Porter (Princeton, N J: Princeton University Press, 1991). 24See Harald Welzer, Les guerres du climat. Pourquoi on tue au XXIe sicle, trans. Bernard Lortholary (Paris: Gallimard, 2009). See also Christian Parenti, Tropic of Chaos: Climate Change and the New Geography of Violence (New York: Nation Books, 2011). 25Catton and Dunlap, Environmental Sociology: A New Paradigm, 1978, ob. cit. 26For an overview of the specific literature on global warming, see Constance LeverTracy, Global Warming and Sociology, Current Sociology 56:3 (2008): 44567. See also Steven R. Brechin, Ostriches and Change: A Response to Global Warming and Sociology, 46774; and Terry Leahy, Discussion of Global Warming and Sociology, 475484 in the same volume. For an examination of the relationship of different nations to ecological resources, see Andrew K. Jorgenson, The Sociology of Unequal Exchange in Ecological Context: A Panel Study of Lower-Income Countries, 19752000, Sociological Forum 24:1 (March 2009): 2245. 27Thomas Dietz, Eugene Rosa, and Richard York, Environmentally Efficient WellBeing: Rethinking Sustainability as the Relationship between Human Well-being and Environmental Impacts, Human Ecology Review 16 (2008): 11322. See also Richard York, Eugene Rosa, and Thomas Dietz, Footprints on the Earth: The Environmental Consequences of Modernity, American Sociological Review 68 (2003): 279300, and Richard York and Philip Mancus, Critical Human Ecology: Historical Materialism and Natural Laws, Sociological Theory 27:2 (2009): 12249. 28JoAnn Carmin, Governance for Achieving Urban Climate Adaptation, in Workshop on Sociological Perspectives on Global Climate Change, May 3031, 2008, ed. Joane Nagel, Thomas Dietz, and Jeffrey Broadbent (Washington, D.C.: Sociology Program, Directorate for Social, Behavioral and Economic Sciences; National Science Foundation; and American Sociological Association, 2010), 5962. 29See for example my volume, Amana: From Pietist Sect to American Community (Lincoln NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1984) and also my comparative study of conservation

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themes in the United States and the United Kingdom, Historic Preservation: Collective Memory and Historic Identity (New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996). 30Barry Schwartz, Kazuya Fukuoka, and Sachiko Takita-Ishii, Collective Memory: Why Culture Matters, in Mark D. Jacobs and Nancy Weiss Hanrahan (eds.), The Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Culture (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2005), 254. 31Barry Schwartz, Memory as a Cultural System: Abraham Lincoln in World War II, American Sociological Review 61 (1996): 910. See also Jeffrey K. Olick, The Politics of Regret: On Collective Memory and Historical Responsibility (New York: Routledge, 2007). 32This series was published between 1981 and 1992. Each volume had a different set of coauthors. 33Jeffrey K. Olick, In the House of the Hangman. The Agonies of German Defeat, 19431949 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005); Jennifer A. Jordan, Structures of Memory: Understanding Urban Change in Berlin and Beyond (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2006); Anita M. Waters, Planning the Past: Heritage Tourism and Post-Colonial Politics at Port Royal (New York: Lexington Books, 2006); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Diane Barthel, Historic Preservation: Collective Memory and Historic Identity (New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996); and Lyn Spillman, Nation and Commemoration: Creating National Identities in the United States and Australia (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For an overview of the field see Jeffrey K. Olick, Vered Vinitsky-Seroussi and Daniel Levy, The Collective Memory Reader (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2011). 34Daniel Levy and Natan Sznaider, Memory Unbound: The Holocaust and the Formation of Cosmopolitan Memory, European Journal of Social Theory 5 (2002): 87. For how global memories can be incorporated with national memories, see Brad West, Enchanting Pasts: The Role of International Civil Religious Pilgrimage in Reimagining National Collective Memory, Sociological Theory 26:3 (September 2008): 258270. 35No specific claims are made, however, that the event must have significance in all national settings. Nor is it to be misconstrued as an apologia for negationism. See Levy and Sznaider, Memory Unbound, 87. Also, Griswold provides a model that helps account for different national patterns of cultural reception. See Wendy Griswold, The Fabrication of Meaning: Literary Interpretation in the United States, Great Britain, and the West Indies, American Journal of Sociology 92 (1987): 10771117. 36Maurice Halbwachs, Les cadres sociaux de la mmoire (Paris: Presses Universitaires Franaises, 1952). 37Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983). 38Levy and Sznaider, Memory Unbound, 91. 39Patrick Hutton, History as an Art of Memory (Hanover VT: University Press of New England, 1993), xx. 40Jeffrey Olick and Daniel Levy, Collective Memory and Cultural Constraint: Holocaust Myth and Rationality in German Politics, American Sociological Review 62 (1997): 92136.

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41David Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 206210. 42For an overview of the field, see Thomas F. Gieryn, A Space for Place in Sociology, Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 46396. See also Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Cambridge, UK: Blackwell, 1991); John A. Agnew and James S. Duncan, eds., The Power of Place: Bringing Together Geographical and Sociological Imaginations (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Sharon Zukin, Landscapes of Power: From Detroit to Disney World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); John Urry, Consuming Places (New York: Routledge, 1995), and Rob Shields, Places on the Margin: Alternate Geographies of Modernity (London and New York: Routledge, 1991). 43Schama, Landscape and Memory, 1995. 44Victor W. Turner and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 20. 45Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, Schocken, 1976). 46Franoise Choay, LAllgorie du patrimoine, rev. Ed. (Paris: Seuil, 1996), 185. 47Gil Eyal and Larissa Buchholz, From the Sociology of Intellectuals to the Sociology of Interventions, Annual Review of Sociology 36 (2010): 117. See also Harry Collins and Robert Evans, Rethinking Expertise (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). 48Karin Knorr Cetina, Culture in Global Knowledge Societies: Knowledge Cultures and Epistemic Cultures, in The Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Culture, ed. Mark D. Jacobs and Nancy Weiss Hanrahan (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 2005), 6579. 49There are, of course, exceptions. Britains National Trust and English Heritage have received a comparably high level of attention, perhaps because of the extent of the Trusts holdings and English Heritages pivotal and powerful role as a quasi-governmental agency whose approval is needed for many projects. See Chapter 3 for more discussion of their significance. 50Diane Barthel, The Role of Fictions in the Redefinition of Mission, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 26 (1997): 399420. 51Michael Balston, Conservation versus Preservation, Europa Nostra Cultural Heritage Review 1 (2003): 915. 52This distinction reflects developments in other disciplines. See Kagan, Art and Sustainability, 2011. 53Ulrich Beck, The Cosmopolitan Perspective: The Sociology of the Second Age of Modernity, British Journal of Sociology 51 (2000): 79105.

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index
A Abbott, Andrew, 18990 aboriginal ceremonial landscapes, tourism and, 167 Aboriginal people of Australia, 107 Adaminaby, New South Wales, Australia, 106 Adlie penguins, Cape Adare, 119 aesthetic pollution, wind farms and, 131 aesthetic quality of historic structures, 142 Africa, 7172, 78n64, 105, 11214, 149n24 Aga Khan Foundation, 76n46 agriculture, 104, 106, 109, 113, 121n8 agrotourism, Cyprus, 123n29 airport expansions, 186 Akamas Peninsula, Cyprus, 111 Alexandria, Egypt, 95 Allen, Barbara, 92 Allianoi, proposed dam project, 66, 76n44, 110 Altai Mountains, 117 Amazon, 1034, 114 American Express, 157, 16566 Antarctica, 64, 11920 Antarctic Treaty System and Protocols (Madrid Protocol), 126n61 anthropologists, definition and study of culture, 11 APT Bulletin, 70 Araoz, Gustavo, 18187 archaeological research funding, 114 Arctic, the, 1034, 11519, 170 Arctic Circumpolar Route, 11718 Arendt, Hannah, 41 Argentina, 59 Ashworth, G. J., 1213 Asia, 29, 7172, 105. See also names of individual Asian countries Association of Preservation Technology, 70 Athens Charter (1931), 35 Australia Aboriginal people, 107 agricultural production decline, 106 carbon tax, proposed, 122n18, 122n20 desertification, 105 Great Barrier Reef, 170 greenhouse gas emissions, 1078 National Trust organization, 78n64 soil structure, 1067 solar power, 13637 wind farm industry, 13435 Australian Council of National Trusts, 135 Avila, Italy, 66 Ayutthaya, Thailand, 95 b Baltonea, Turkey, 122n10 Bamiyan Buddhas, destruction by Taliban, 38 banality of good, the, 28, 4143 Bangkok, Thailand, 95 Barragan house and studio, Mexico, 45 BATAN project, France, 143 Beck, Ulrich, 28, 4143 Belvedere Strategy, 99n12 Berenfeld, Michelle, 64 Bermuda, National Trust organization, 78n64 Bern Convention on the Conservation of European Wildlife and Natural Habitats (Council of Europe), 162 best practices, 53, 55 Binette, Michael, 129 biodiversity, risks to, 114, 131, 163 birds, wind turbines and, 131 Birol, Faith, 129 Borchgrevnik, Carsten, 119, 127n62 Bourdieu, Pierre, 182, 183 Bourges cathedral, France, 44 BP oil platform explosion, 14 Branagh, Kenneth, 119 branding concept, 50n47 Brint, Steven, 58 Brooks, Graham, 15960 building reuse, LEED system and, 14142 Bulgaria, 77n49 Bundheemschut, 82, 99n13 Burke, Kenneth, 13

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Burkina Faso, 113 Burra Charter (ICOMOS, 1979), 20, 36 c Calimani, Riccardo, 89 Cambodia, 114 Canada, 6465, 70, 11617, 126n39 carbon costs of tourism, 163 Carmin, JoAnn, 16 Carraro, Carlo, 90 Cassar, May, 68, 103 Catton, William R., 1516 Causse Mjan, 109 Cedars of Lebanon, Qadisha Valley, 109 Centre for Sustainable Heritage, University College of London, 77n52, 78n63 Cetina, Karin Knorr, 19 Cevennes and Causses region, France, 109 CFS Venise (Le Comit franaise pour la sauvegarde de Venise), 85 change tolerance, controversy over, 18187 Charter on Cultural Tourism (ICOMOS), 15860 charters, declarations, and resolutions on cultural heritage conservation, ICOMOS, 3536 Chartres cathedral, France, 44 China, 78n65, 104, 121n6 Chinguetti Mosque, Mauritania, 64, 112 Christoff, Peter, 108 Cinque Terre, Italy, 97 City of the Dead, Cairo, Egypt, 188 climate change in the Arctic, 11617 effect on heritage sites in urban areas, 111 efforts to fight, in Europe, 6569 environmental sociology and, 1516 frequency of extreme weather events and, 97, 106 global and local impacts of, 15 global tourism as contributor to, 89 heritage professionals and theme of, 6164, 17980 heritage work materially affected by, 57 human suffering due to, 95, 18788 indigenous people in discussion on, 118 Inuit petition to Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, 120 lack of political will to take effective measures against, 1078 population movements in response to, 14 women as pioneers on, 72n6 Climate Change and Cultural Heritage, Oslo, 67 Climate for Culture project (European Union), 66 climate refugees, 14, 105, 18788 climate tourists, 170 climate wars, 14 coastal erosion, and destruction of coastal villages, 116 coercive pressure on heritage organizations, 5455, 129 collective memory, 16 competition, in heritage organizational field, 39, 18283 conservation. See cultural heritage conservation Conti, Alfredo, 59 Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (UN), 3031 conventions on cultural heritage conservation, UNESCO, 3032 Copenhagen Climate Conference (2009), 39, 42, 71 corporate funding for heritage conservation, 114, 164 corporations, tourism-related, 180 cosmopolitanism, 4142, 154, 190 cosmopolitan memories, 1618, 18 Council of Europe, 35, 162 CRATerre-EAG, University of Grenoble, 112 Croatia, 165 cruise ships, 87, 166, 174n34 Cultural Emergency Response program, 66 cultural heritage authenticity of, 36 and barriers to adaptation, 113 destruction of, during World War II, 30 global dimension in ways of seeing, 2728 as human right, 7, 2934, 46 as living history, 9 and world polity, 3441

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cultural heritage conservation challenges in early 21st century, 10 contradictions in field of, 178, 18687 extent of international acceptance, 3739 as global organizational field, 7, 5455, 6165, 177 heritage preservation vs., 20 moral component in early movement, 5859 political context, 36 private sponsorship of, 17879 professionalization of, 53, 5758, 61 role in world risk society, 9 Cultural & Heritage Tourism Alliance, 158 cultural landscapes, 103, 11012, 146, 185 cultural sustainability, 145 cultural tourism, 8, 32, 15760, 16869, 18081 culture, concept of, 1112, 29 Culzean Castle, Scotland, 133 Cyprus, 11011, 123n29 Cyrene, Greek ruins of, 153 d dam projects, proposed, 66, 76n44, 110, 121n6, 125n45 Davenport, Iowa, 96 deforestation threats, 11315 Delhi, India, 166 Denmark, 134 Desertec Industrial Initiative, 149n24 desertification threats to cultural heritage, 62, 1046, 112, 121n4 development initiatives, heritage organizations and, 16264, 18485. See also sustainable development Dietz, Thomas, 15 Die Wies church, Germany, 44 DiMaggio, Paul J., 5455 disasters, tourism and, 169 discourse, defined, 156 Djenn, Mali, 189 Dramatse Lhakhang monasteries, 76n45 drought, 1089, 112, 122n10 dryland ecosystems, vulnerability of, 104 Dublin Declaration (INTO), 71 Dunlap, Riley E., 1516 e Earthcraft Historic program, 142 earthen architecture, 70, 112, 124n31 Easter Island, Chile, 16162 eastern Europe, protection for cultural heritage in, 67, 77n49 economic development, and cultural heritage conservation, 16263, 18485, 189 economic recession, and restoration of existing housing stock, 144 economic sustainability, 145 Egypt, 95, 134, 188 Eifler, John, 144 El Salvador, 95 embodied energy of historic vs. new structures, 13839 Emerging Green Builders, U.S. Green Building Council, 93 energy, sustainable, 12931, 137 energy conservation, 13745, 146 energy efficiency in historic structures, 57, 13745 English Heritage, UK energy efficiency of historic buildings and, 13940 Hearth and Home project, 143 role of, 26n49 sustainability and, 6768 Wind Energy and the Historic Environment, 148n9 wind farms and, 13032 Enlightenment philosophers, 1314, 29, 154 environmental sociology, climate change and, 1516 environmental sustainability, 145, 180 Europa Nostra, 66, 76n44, 16364 Europe efforts to fight climate change and achieve sustainability, 6569, 77n49 focus on sustainable tourism and development, 35, 162 grand tour compared to mass tourism, 15356 retreat of glaciers, 105 See also names of individual European nations European Commission, 173n22

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European Union, 6567, 138 extinction threats due to climate change, 95 extreme weather events, 97, 106 f Famagusta, Cyprus, 111 farming, 104, 106, 109, 113, 121n8 Faro Convention (Framework Convention on the Value of Cultural Heritage for Society), 77n49, 162 Fedden, Robin, 59 federal investment tax credits, 57 Finland, 11819 flood control, in Netherlands, 8081 flooding, 6263, 7980, 84, 9698, 186 Florence, Italy, 84 Forest of the Cedars of God, 109, 123n23 forestry, 109, 113 France BATAN project, 143 Bourges and Chartres cathedrals, 44 budget for culture, 185 Cevennes and Causses region, 109 and cultural heritage, 33 efforts to safeguard Venice, 85 G8, 76n47 leadership on sustainability, 6667 Paris, 79 threats to cultural landscapes, 18586 Vaison la Romaine, 96 Friends of the Earth Cyprus, 111 Fulbe people, Burkina Faso, 113 g Galapagos, impact of tourism on, 169 Gardening in the Global Greenhouse project, 68, 77n54 gaze, power of the, 32 gender, and issues of climate change and sustainability, 72n6 Georgia Trust, 14243 Germany, 41, 67, 77n54, 13334, 138, 148n14 Getty Conservation Institute, 7071, 78n63 Gibson Mill, Yorkshire, England, 143 global cities facing threat of flooding, 7980, 9798 global climate change. See climate change global heritage community, 9, 22n2, 4647, 7172, 113 Global Heritage Fund, 65 Global Heritage Network, 65 globalization, protection against homogenizing forces of, 3233 global South, 9495 global warming. See climate change Goldman, Michael, 184 Grafton, Illinois, 96 Graham, Brian, 1213 Grand Mosque restoration, Djenn, Mali, 189 Great Barrier Reef, Australia, 106 Great Mosque, Djenn, Mali, 112 Great Wall of China, 44 Green Building Rating, 141 greenhouse gas emissions, 77n54, 1078, 155 Green Lab (NTHP), 145 Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development (Portugal), 67 groundwater, diminishing, 105, 121n8 Gulf of Mexico, BP oil platform explosion, 14 Guyana, 95 h Habana Vieja, Havana, Cuba, 165 Hague Convention (UN), 3031 Haiti, 76n45, 18889, 194n35, 194n37 Halbwachs, Maurice, 17, 29 Hall, Stuart, 156 Hari, Johann, 164 Hearth and Home project, 143 heritage and culture, 1114 expansion in scope of, 13 implied power relationship, 1213 intangible, 1011, 13, 32, 48n20, 109, 177 as justification for ethnic conflicts and ethnocentrism, 46 memory, globality, and, 1619 See also cultural heritage Heritage Canada Foundation, 70 heritage conservation. See cultural heritage conservation Heritage Council, Republic of Ireland, 69

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Heritage in Peril program, 66 heritage organizational field, 78, 39, 130, 17879, 18283 heritage professionals and organizations climate change theme and, 17980 development initiatives and, 16364 partnerships with protourism corporations, 16566 pressure toward isomorphism, 5455, 129 scientific expertise, 5961, 179 social activism, 65 social activism by, 5354 sustainability interest, 9 ties to for-profit organizations, 163 tourism and, 164, 16768 heritage sites, cosmopolitan memories and, 17, 18. See also World Heritage List heritage tourism, 8, 32, 153, 15760, 16869, 18081 Herschel Island, Yukon Territory, Canada, 6465, 116 heteronomy, tension between autonomy and, 182, 185 Himalayan glaciers, 1056 Historic Green, 9293 historic neighborhoods, destruction of, 186 Historic Route 66, 166 historic structures green building movement and, 129 preservation of, as ultimate recycling, 13839 retrofitting, Green Lab and, 145 solar panels and, 13536 historic urban landscapes, 181 history, as phenomenon separate from heritage, 12 Hobbes, Thomas, 1314 Holocaust, 17, 29 Home Again! program, 9293 Hooper, John, 89 Hui, Ming Min, 43 human exemptionalism, 1415 human loss, climate change and, 95 human rights concept of, 27 to cultural heritage, 7, 28, 31, 33 particularistic cultures and, 29 universalism within discourse on, 59 Hurricane Katrina (2005), 9194, 100n27 Hutton, Patrick, 17 i ICCROM. See International Center for the Study of Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM) ICOMOS. See International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) ICOMOS Bulgaria, 77n49 ICOMOS Canada, 70 IGOs. See International Government Organizations (IGOs) India, 44, 64, 1045, 166 indigenous peoples, 1034, 107, 11719, 167 Indonesia, 76n45, 114 Indus Waters Treaty, 1045 inequality issues, 111, 172, 172n5, 18789 INGOs. See International nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) intangible heritage, 1011, 13, 32, 48n20, 109, 177 Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, 126n39 international aviation, expansion of, 154 International Center for the Study of Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM), 6364, 7475n27, 162 international cooperation, state sovereignty and strength through, 4142 International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) Burra Charter (1979), 20, 36 change-oriented theme at Malta (2009), 182 charters, declarations, and resolutions on cultural heritage conservation, 3536 earthen architecture of Timbuktu, Mali, 112 on ecological risks to Venice lagoon and town, 90 engagement with issue of climate change, 6364 International Polar Heritage Committee, 11518 objectives of, 75n32

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participation in, 177 relationship between cultural conservation and tourism, 162 Scientific Committee on Cultural Tourism, 15860 sustainability mission, 55 UNESCO World Heritage Center and, 74n27 World Bank and, 184 international government organizations (IGOs), 3435 international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), 3435, 39, 125n45 International Polar Heritage Committee, ICOMOS, 11518 International Style architecture, 140 INTO (International National Trusts Organization), 7172 Inuit Circumpolar Council, 118, 120, 126n39 Inupiat villages, destruction of, 116 Ireland, 69 Irish Georgian Society, 69 isomorphism, 5455, 56, 72, 130 Istanbul, Turkey, 122n10, 186 Italia Nostra, 66, 87 Italy, 6667, 84, 90, 97, 134. See also Venice, Italy IUCN (World Conservation Union), 74n27, 75n35 j Japan, 79 Jenkins, Sir Simon, 120 Jordan, 1089 Jordan River, 123n22 k Kalahari, effects of tourism, 165 Kanyaka, South Australia, 107 Karak, Jordan, 1089 Kaufman, Ned, 53 Kay, Sir John, 88 Khadafi, Saif al-Islam, 153 King, Sir David, 88 Kivalina, Alaska, 116 Kyoto Protocol, 107 l Lake District, England, 13031 Lake Eucumbene, Australia, 106 Landrieu, Mitch, 9394 Laona Foundation, 11011 Latin America, 7172, 165 Lebanon, 109 Lee, Antoinette, 57, 58, 61 LEED (Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design), 69, 14142 Leh, India, 64 Leniaud, Jean-Michel, 186 Levy, Daniel, 1617 Liberia, 115 Les lieux de mmoire (Nora), 16 Life Beyond Tourism, 155 life cycle analysis of existing vs. new buildings, 139, 149n31 Lifu, Meun, 167 Lincolns Cottage, Washington, D.C., 150n43 List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding, 48n20 List of World Heritage in Danger, 37 Liverpool, England, 4445 local residents alliances with INGOs, 125n45 development interests and, 185 heritage tourism and, 165 impact of preservation guidelines on, Djenn, Mali, 189 Rimaiibe people, Burkina Faso, 113 as stakeholders and resource for conservation, 190 London, 143, 166 Louisiana Landmarks Society, 91 Louisiana Trust for Historic Preservation, 91 Low Energy Victorian House project, London, 143 Lowenthal, David, 12, 61 low-income housing, historic structure renovation for, 8687 Luang Prabang, Laos, 16869 Lynge, Aqqaluk, 118 Lyotard, Jean-Franois, 156 Lyveden New Bield, 131

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m Macao conference on global ecological crisis (2008), 7, 167 MacCannell, Dean, 18 MacDonald, Christine, 164 Madrid Protocol, 126n61 Maheu, Ren, 84 Mak, Geert, 94 Make It Right Foundation, 100n34 Maldives, 94 Marrakech Task Force on Sustainable Tourism, 161 Matelly, Sylvie, 108 Mauritania, 64, 112 McIntyre, Susan, 167 Mediterranean basin, 105, 10811, 123n23 memories, historical, 17 metanarratives, defined, 156 methodological approach, 1922 Mexico, 105 Mexico City, 166 Meyer, John W., 34 mimetic processes, 130 mining industry, heritage attitude toward, 167 mission change, logic of, 5561 Mississippi, 92 mitigation, defined, 149n26 Moe, Richard, 69 Monneti, Jean, 177 Monogaga coastal forest, Ivory Coast, 11415 moral pressures, on heritage organizations, 5455 Mouton, Benjamin, 27 Murray Darling river basin, Australia, 107 Musitelli, Jean, 40, 183 Myanmar, 39 n Nkkljrvi, Juvv Lemet-Klemetti, 118 Nantucket Sound, 131 Nasheed, Moahammed, 94 National Assembly of State Arts Agencies, 157 National Council for Preservation Education, 58 National Endowment for the Arts (NEA), 157 National Historic Preservation Act (1966), 5758 National Park Service (NPS), 57, 70, 136, 166 National Service for Archaeology, Cultural Landscape, and Built Heritage (RACM), Netherlands, 8182 National Trust, UK, 26n49, 6769, 77n53, 13032, 143, 177 National Trust for Historic Preservation (NTHP) campaign to fight sprawl, 14445 Green Lab, 145 Hurricane Katrina and, 9293 LEED certification and, 150n43 reason for founding of, 178 sustainability issue and, 5556, 6970 wind farms and, 132 National Trust for Scotland, 133 National Trust organizations, 78n64 natural environment, 1314, 107 nature conservation, divisions within field, 131 Nauru, 9495 Nazi Germany, and banality of evil, 41 NEA (National Endowment for the Arts), 157 Netherlands coastal flooding (1953), 79, 80 flood control, 8081 heritage conservation, 8182, 99n13 Newer Orleans symposium, 100n27 New Orleans compared to, 91 state of denial in, 94 sustainability issues and, 8284 wind farm industry, 134 Newer Orleans symposium, Netherlands, 100n27 New Guinea, 39 New Orleans, Louisiana, 80, 9194 New Zealand, 95 NGOs. See nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) Nicosia Master Plan, 111 Noahs Ark initiative (European Union), 6566, 138 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) authors interest in, 20 international (INGOs), 3435, 39, 125n45

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involvement in sustainability issues, 66 and rebuilding of New Orleans, 91, 9293 world polity theory and, 34 See also names of specific NGOs Nora, Pierre, 16 normative pressures, on heritage organizations, 5455 North America, 6971 Norway, 116, 11819 Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage (NIKU), 67 NPS (National Park Service), 57, 70, 136, 166 NTHP. See National Trust for Historic Preservation (NTHP) o Ogallala Aquifer, 105, 121n8 Olick, Jeffrey K., 16, 17 olive trees, 1089, 123n24 Olynyk, Douglas, 11516, 117 organizational fields career advancement in, 171 concept, 183, 192n14 defined, 54 global, 7, 5455, 6165, 177 heritage, 78, 39, 130, 17879, 18283 Organization of World Heritage Cities, 97, 1012n50 ORourke, Eileen, 109 p Paris, 79 partners in preservation, discourse and practice, 16467 Partners in Preservation Program, American Express and, 16566 Passive House (Passivhaus) movement, Germany, 150n41 Patrimoines program, 185 Pearson, Michael, 1067 permafrost changes, 117 Perth, Australia, 136 Petzet, Michael, 181, 182 phosphate mining, Nauru, 9495 Phuket, Thailand, 169 Pickens, T. Boone, 105 place attachments, and mental health, 93 Plan of Implementation of the World Summit on Sustainable Development (UN), 160 plants, Mediterranean basin, 108 polar heritage, 11516 political instability, tourism and, 169 political refugees, 14 population movements, in response to climate change and resource depletion, 14 Portugal, 67 poverty, and heritage preservation, 169 poverty tourism, 175n39 Powell, Walter W., 5455 power generation, 143 Preservation Resource Center, 91 Preservation Trades Network, 9293 Pretoria Recommendations (ICOMOS, 2007), 63 Prince Albert Foundation, 66 Prince Charles Foundation, 66 Prince Claus Fund, 66 professional cultures, global, 22n1 professionalization, use of term, 73n10 public opinion, cultural heritage and, 28 r race, 92, 1034, 107, 11719, 167 RACM (National Service for Archaeology, Cultural Landscape, and Built Heritage), Netherlands, 8182 Rapa Nui National Park, 161 regime, defined, 29 Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, 32 resource conservation, technological fixes vs., 146 resource depletion, and cultural disintegration, 115 responsible tourism, 17071 restoration development, 151n48 reuse of old buildings and, 69, 144 Rimaiibe people, Burkina Faso, 113 Risk Preparedness: A Management Manual for World Cultural Heritage (ICCROM, 1998), 63 Roman Colosseum, 17879, 185, 193n23

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Rosa, Eugene, 15 Rosetta, Egypt, 95 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 13 Royal Caribbean Cruises Ltd., 166 Royal Geographical Society debate, London, 88 Rykwert, Joseph, 88 s Saami people and cultural heritage, 11819 Sahara desert, proposed solar panel construction, 137 Saint Louis, Senegal, 95 Sams island, Denmark, 134 Save Venice, 86, 89 Saving Our Vanishing Heritage (GHF), 65 Scandinavia, 67. See also names of individual Scandinavian nations Scarpaci, Joseph, 165 Schama, Simon, 18, 81 Schwartz, Barry, 16 science, heritage professionals and, 5961, 179 Scientific Committee on Cultural Tourism, ICOMOS, 15860 Scotland, 6869, 133 Scotts Hut, Antarctica, 64 Scythian burial mounds (kurgans), Altai Mountains, 117 sea ice, loss of, 11517 sea level rise, 8889, 95 Seth Peterson Cottage, Lake Dalton, 144 Shetland Islands, 133 Shishmaref, Alaska, 116 Smithsonian Institution, 39 social activism, by heritage professionals, 5354 social class and access to water, 111 connoisseurship and, 154 cultural tourism and, 32 distinction between locals and occupational cosmopolitans, 190 and human suffering from climate change, 18788 inequalities in benefits and costs of tourism, 172n5 urban renewal and, 145 social engineering, 181 social justice, sustainability and, 9 social memories, 17 social sustainability, 145 sociology, and study of culture, 11, 15 soils, 95, 1067, 117, 122n13 solar power, 13537, 149n24 Sonargaon-Panam City, Bangladesh, 64 Soviet Union, former, 105 Spain, 17475n36 spiritual currency, heritage and, 13 Spring Greening, 93 Sri Lanka, 169 Standards for Rehabilitation of Historic Structures (U.S. Department of the Interior), 35 status signaling, 156 Stephen, Marcus, 9495 stewardship failures, and exacerbation of flooding, 80, 96 St. Marks Square, Venice, 17879 Strtkuhl, Beate, 59 St. Pauls Cathedral, London, 166 sustainability broadening definition of, 141, 145, 188 definition and scope in heritage work, 9 European efforts to achieve, 6569 gender, and issues of, 72n6 heritage organizations and, 5354, 6670, 17980 hope for, as new metanarrative, 15657 impact of tourism in discourse of, 167 Netherlands and, 8284 projects, 143 as question of justice, 118 as theme in cultural heritage conservation, 8, 55, 5658, 61, 159 sustainable development, 153 sustainable energy, 12931, 137 sustainable farming, 124n40 sustainable tourism Akamas villages, 111 concept promotion by heritage conservationists, 9 defined, 160

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ecological costs of, 161 European Commission and, 173n22 European IGOs and INGOs and, 35 Europes focus on, 162 individualization of responsibility for, 17071 rise of discourse of, 15664 Svalbard, Norway, 116 Switzerland, 85 Sznaider, Natan, 1617 t Taiwan, 78n64 Taj Mahal, 44 Taliban, destruction of Bamiyan Buddhas, 38 Tanzania, 64 technology, limitations of, 14, 146 Tel Aviv, Israel, 140 terrorist attacks, tourism and, 169 Thailand, 95 thatched roofs, 14041 Thule people, 116 Timbuktu, Mali, 112 Tocca da Casuria, Italy, 134 tourism agro-, 123n29 contributions to climate change and resource depletion, 89, 123n26, 163 cultural heritage conservation and, 64, 153, 15960, 162 cultural landscape reshaping by, 109 democratization of, 15455 disasters and, 169 hit-and-run, 174n34 inequality in benefits and costs of, 172n5 as liberating experience vs. plague, 15556 negative impacts on cultural heritage sites and local residents, 116, 165, 16770, 18689 poverty and hardship as reason for, 175n38 process of site sacralization and ritual visitation in, 18 in Venice, 87, 8990 world heritage status and, 45 See also heritage tourism; sustainable tourism tours, upmarket, 16364 traditional building techniques, 14041 Trahigang Dzong fortress, Bhutan, 76n45 transnational memories, 1617 Travel Industry Association, 157 tropical rainforests, and biodiversity, 114 Tunbridge, J. E., 1213 Tung, Anthony M., 81 Turner, Edith, 18 Turner, Victor, 18 u UK. See United Kingdom (UK) UN. See United Nations (UN) UNESCO. See United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) United Kingdom (UK) Climate Impact Program, 68, 77n54 efforts to safeguard Venice, 85 energy efficiency in historic structures, 13738 Gibson Mill, Yorkshire, 143 Lake District, 13031 Liverpool, 4445 London, 143, 166 Scotland, 6869, 133 See also English Heritage, UK; National Trust, UK United Nations (UN) Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (Hague Convention), 3031 Convention to Combat Desertification, 104, 121n4 creation of human rights regime concerned with cultural heritage, 30 promotion of sustainable tourism, 160 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), 27, 29 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Arctic, 118 conventions on cultural conservation, 3032 and human right to cultural heritage, 7 mission of, 6162

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pilot projects, case studies, and regional workshops, 75n31 role in cultural heritage organizational field, 6165 Scythian burial mounds, 117 See also World Heritage entries United States (U.S.) Army Corps of Engineers, 101n41 Department of the Interior Standards for Rehabilitation of Historic Structures, 35 efforts to safeguard Venice, 8586 global cities facing threat of flooding, 79 Green Building Council, 69, 14142 Hurricane Katrina, 9194, 100n27 levees at risk, 101n41 Nantucket Sound, 131 National Park Service (NPS), 57, 70, 136, 166 New Orleans, Louisiana, 80, 9194 resistance to universal norms in heritage conservation, 3839 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, 1948), 27, 29 universalism, within human rights and scientific discourse, 59 University College of London, 77n52 University of Florida College of Design, Construction, and Planning, 92 urban renewal, 145 v Vaison la Romaine, France, 96 Vanishing Treasures Program, NPS, 70 Varberg Radio Station, Sweden, 45 Venice debate over, 8890 flooding (1966), 7980, 84 as metaphor for failure to confront problems, 90 New Orleans compared to, 91 rationale for inaction, 8485 safeguarding efforts, 8488 St. Marks Square, 17879 Venice Charter (1966), 35 Venice in Peril, 85, 86, 8889 Verrier, Robert, 129 w water management, 8084, 105, 10911 water wars, 1045 Welzer, Harald, 14 Wildlife Conservation Society, 39 Willandra Lakes World Heritage Area, Australia, 106 Wilson, A. N., 88 Wind Energy and the Historic Environment (English Heritage), 148n9 wind farms, 13036, 147n8, 149n24 Wise Use movement, 49n38 WMF. See World Monuments Fund (WMF). WMF Watch List, 64, 112, 119 World Bank, heritage organizations and, 184 World Conference on Sustainable Tourism, Canary Islands (1995), 160 World Conservation Union (IUCN), 74n27, 75n35 world heritage, public attitudes toward, 4347 World Heritage Alliance, UNESCO, 170 World Heritage Center, UNESCO, 74n27, 161, 183 World Heritage Committee, UNESCO, 31, 4445, 60, 6263 World Heritage Convention, UNESCO, 42, 5960, 74n21, 177 World Heritage Fund, UNESCO, 4243 World Heritage in Danger List, UNESCO, 112 World Heritage List, UNESCO addition of Venice to, 90 competition for, 18283 and concept of universal ownership of sites, 3132 desertification threats to sites on, 62 expansion of, 1819, 36, 43 flooding threats to, 6263 growth in, 177 growth in, and status of, 40 pros and cons of designation, 4041 Rapa Nui National Park, 161 status and benefits of, 4243 Tel Aviv, Israel, 140 tourism and, 45 transformation of, by tourist presence, 16869

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underrepresentation of polar heritage, 11516 world heritage regime, tensions in, 40 world market of heritage, 18384 World Monuments Fund (WMF), 64, 66, 9293, 166 world polity (world society) theory, 28, 3441, 192n14 World Tourism Organization (WTO), 33, 155 World War II, cultural destruction caused by, 28 Wright, Frank Lloyd, 144 y York, Richard, 15 York Factory, Manitoba province, Canada, 117

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about the author Diane Barthel-Bouchier received her doctorate from Harvard University and is currently Professor in the Department of Sociology at Stony Brook University, Stony Brook, New York. She has also taught at Boston College and the University of Essex, England, and been Visiting Research Professor at the Martin Centre for Architecture and Urban Studies, Cambridge University. A recognized expert in the sociology of heritage, art, and culture, she is the author of Amana: From Pietist Sect to American Community (1984), Putting on Appearances: Gender and Advertising (1988), and Historic Preservation: Collective Memory and Historical Identity (1996), as well as more than 40 articles published in professional journals and edited volumes.

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