Divination and Interpretation of Signs in Ancient World

DIVINATION AND INTERPRETATION
OF SIGNS IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

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DIVINATION AND INTERPRETATION
OF SIGNS IN THE ANCIENT WORLD
edited by
AMARANNUS
with contributions by
AmarAnnus,FrancescaRochberg,JamesAllen,UllaSusanneKoch,
EdwardL.Shaughnessy,NiekVeldhuis,EckartFrahm,ScottB.Noegel,
NilsHeeel,AbrahamWinitzer,BarbaraBck,SethRichardson,
CynthiaJean,JoAnnScurlock,JohnJacobs,andMarttiNissinen
THEORIENTALINSTITUTEOFTHEUNIVERSITYOFCHICAGO
ORIENTALINSTITUTESEMINARS NUMBER6
CHICAGO ILLINOIS
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THEUNIVERSITYOFCHICAGO
ORIENTALINSTITUTESEMINARS NUMBER6
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TABLEOFCONTENTS
PREFACE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
INTRODUCTION
1. OntheBeginningsandContinuitiesofOmenSciencesintheAncientWorld. . . . . . 1
Amar Annus, University oj Chicago
SECTIONONE:THEORIESOFDIVINATIONANDSIGNS
2. 'IfP,thenQ:FormandReasoninginBabylonianDivination. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Francesca Rochberg, University oj Calijornia, Berkeley
3. GreekPhilosophyandSigns. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
1ames Allen, University oj Pittsburgh
4. ThreeStrikesandYou`reOut!AViewonCognitiveTheoryandtheFirst-
MillenniumExtispicyRitual. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Ulla Susanne Koch, /ndependent Scholar
5. ArousingImages:ThePoetryofDivinationandtheDivinationofPoetry. . . . . . . . . 61
Edward L. Shaughnessy, University oj Chicago
6. TheTheoryofKnowledgeandthePracticeofCelestialDivination.............. 77
Niek \eldhuis, University oj Calijornia, Berkeley
SECTIONTWO:HERMENEUTICSOFSIGNINTERPRETATION
7. ReadingtheTablet,theExta,andtheBody:TheHermeneuticsofCuneiform
SignsinBabylonianandAssyrianTextCommentariesandDivinatoryTexts . . . . . . 93
Eckart Frahm, ale University
8. 'Sign,Sign,EverywhereaSign:Script,Power,andInterpretationinthe
AncientNearEast. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
Scott B. Noegel, University oj Bashington
9. TheCalculationoftheStipulatedTerminExtispicy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
Nils P. Heeel, University oj Heidelberg
10. TheDivinePresenceandItsInterpretationinEarlyMesopotamianDivination. . . . . 177
Abraham Binit:er, University oj Notre Dame
11. PhysiognomyinAncientMesopotamiaandBeyond:FromPracticetoHandbook . . . 199
Barbara Bck, CS/C, Madrid
SECTIONTHREE:HISTORYOFSIGNINTERPRETATION
12. OnSeeingandBelieving:LiverDivinationandtheEraofWarringStates(II|. . . . . 225
Seth F. C. Richardson, University oj Chicago
13. DivinationandOraclesattheNeo-AssyrianPalace:TheImportanceof
SignsinRoyalIdeology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267
Cynthia 1ean, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, FNRS
14. ProphecyasaFormofDivination:DivinationasaFormofProphecy............ 277
1oAnn Scurlock, Elmhurst College
15. TracesoftheOmenSeriesSumma i:buinCicero,De divinatione. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317
1ohn 1acobs, Loyola University Maryland
SECTIONFOUR:RESPONSE
16. ProphecyandOmenDivination:TwoSidesoftheSameCoin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341
Martti Nissinen, University oj Helsinki
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PREFACE
This book makes available the revised versions of the papers read at the fifth annual
UniversityofChicagoOrientalInstituteSeminarScience and Superstition: /nterpretation oj
Signs in the Ancient Borld, which took place atMarch 6-7, 2009. The printed volume has
a slightly different title, and it includes two papers from scholars who were invited to the
seminar,butcouldnotcome-fromBarbaraBckandNiekVeldhuis,whiletwoparticipants,
Clifford Ando and Ann Guinan, have decided to publish their papers elsewhere. I remain
thankfultoallthecontributorsforaverysmoothandefficientcollaborationthatgavebirth
tothissizablevolume.
I am grateful to Gil Stein, who initiated this remarkable post-doctoral symposium pro-
gram, and to the OrientalInstitute for giving me the opportunity to organize this event, so
making one of my dreams a reality. I would like to extend my warmest thanks to Mariana
Perlinac, Kaye Oberhausen, and Christopher Woods for all that they have done to help me
organizethisevent.IalsothankThomasUrbanandLeslieSchramerfortheirhelpwiththe
printingandeditingofthisbook.IamalsothankfultoCathyDueasforherhelpineveryday
matters.
Finally,Ishouldmentionmyfamily-mywifeMerili,andchildrenKasparandKreeta,
whopatientlysharedhalfofmytimehereinChicago.Iamhappythattheywerewillingto
come with me to a far-away city, where Kaspar could satisfy his ever-increasing curiosity,
andwhereKreetaliterallymadeherfirststepsinlife.
AmarAnnus
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Seminarparticipants,fromlefttoright:Frontrow:JohnJacobs,AmarAnnus,JoAnnScurlock,
UllaKoch,MarttiNissinen,AnnGuinan,FrancescaRochberg,JamesAllen.Backrow:Edward
Shaughnessy,NilsHeeel,EckartFrahm,SethRichardson,ScottNoegel,CliffordAndo,
AbrahamWinitzer,RobertBiggs.PhotobyKayeOberhausen
viii
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ON THE BEG/NN/NGS AND CONT/NU/T/ES OF OMEN SC/ENCES /N THE ANC/ENT BORLD 1
1
ON THE BEGINNINGS AND CONTINUITIES
OF OMEN SCIENCES IN THE
ANCIENT WORLD
AMARANNUS,UNIVERSITYOFCHICAGO
INTRODUCTION
The study of signs, portents observed in the physical and social worlds indicating the
will of supernatural agents and the course of future events, was undoubtedly important in
all ancient cultures. The first written evidence for a concept of sign, however, comes from
cuneiformtextsofancientMesopotamia.Thestudyofsignsfromgodswasvitallyimportant
forancientMesopotamiansthroughouttheirhistory.Thefirstreferencestodivinersanddivi-
nationarealreadyfoundinthewrittensourcesofthethirdmillenniumB.C.,whichindicatea
numberofprofessionaltitles(seeFalkenstein1966|.Amongtheearlyexamplesofcelestial
divination one can point to the cylinders of King Gudea, who needed an auspicious sign
(iskim inSumerian|fromhisdivinemasterNingirsu,confirminghisconsentforbuilding
a new temple in Lagas. This evidence from the twenty-second century B.C. is the earliest
thatclearlyatteststotheideaofsignsinheavenandthatomensconveyeddivinedecisions
(Rochberg2006:337-38,346-47|.Subsequently,consultingthewillofthegodsisawell-
attestedpracticeinancientMesopotamia,accompanyingeverysignificantpoliticalorprivate
actionorundertaking.
TheomenloreofthethirdmillenniumB.C.musthavebeenoforalnature,becausetexts
recording omens do not appear in Mesopotamia until more than a millennium after the in-
vention of writing.
1
The first written samples of omen collections using the list format are
attestedinthetextsfromtheOldBabylonianperiodonward.AccordingtoN.Veldhuis,the
listasatraditionaltexttypeinMesopotamiawasputtoamuchwideruseinthatperiodthan
previously.Wordlistshadexistedfromtheverybeginningofcuneiformwriting,butinthe
OldBabylonianperiod
. an entirely new set of lexical texts was invented and put to use in the scribal
schools.. Lists are used to explain writing, Sumerian vocabulary, grammar, and
mathematics.List-liketextsareusedtorecordlaws,medicine,andomens.Thelist
becomestheprivilegedformatforrecordingknowledge.Thelist-likeformatofthe
omencompendium,therefore,indicatedthatthisisscholarlyknowledge. Itconnects
totheconventionalformatofaknowledgetext,aformatthatwasexpandedandex-
ploredinparticularintheOldBabylonianperiod(Veldhuis2006:493-94|.
By establishing the format of knowledge text, the systematic omen recording into
lists could begin. Under long processes of adding and editing, these collections grew into
1
1
Foradiscussionofthissituationinregardtoliver
divination,seeRichardson,thisvolume.
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AMAR ANNUS 2
compendiaofominousphenomena,wheresegmentsoforiginalobservationswereexpanded
intoverycomprehensiveomenseries,foundinthearchivesandlibrariesoffirst-millennium
B.C. Mesopotamia (see Maul 2003|. These omen compendia were given both practical and
theoreticalvalue,whichexplainscomprehensivenessofthephenomenarecordedinthecol-
lections,aspracticallyeverythingobservableintheuniversecouldhaveanominousimport
to mortals.
2
The holistic worldview of the ancientMesopotamians assigned a firm place to
everyobjectandeventintheuniverseaccordingtodivinewill.Thustheincipitofthecelestial
omenseriesEnuma Anu EnlilsuggeststhatthegodsAnu,Enlil,andEathemselvesdesigned
theconstellationsandmeasuredtheyearinprimevaltimes,therebyestablishingtheheavenly
signs.Accordingly,Mesopotamiandivinationwasanall-embracingsemanticsystemdesigned
tointerpretthewholeuniverse.
3
Thebeliefthattheentireuniverseiscausallyconnectedis
anIonianGreekinvention(Scurlock2003:397|,butaforerunnerofitisalreadyfoundinthe
BabylonianDiviner`sManual(ll.38-42|:
Thesignsonearthjustasthoseintheskygiveussignals.Skyandearthbothproduce
portentsthoughappearingseparately.Theyarenotseparate(because|skyandearth
arerelated.Asignthatportendsevilintheskyis(also|evilintheearth,onethatpor-
tendsevilonearthisevilinthesky(Oppenheim1974:204|.
Asthedivinatorytextstestify,notallomensoccurringinthecuneiformserieswereob-
servedintherealworld,becausemanyexamplesdescribephenomenathatareimpossibleand
couldneveroccur.
4
Thisindicatesthatsimpleobservationandrecordingwascomplemented
bytheorizationandsystematization.Theoriginalpracticalpurposeofomencollectionswas
laterexpanded,andevensuperseded,bytheoreticalaspirations(Oppenheim1964:212|.When
everysinglephenomenonintheworldcouldbeconsideredasapossibleobjectforrecording
in the spirit of examination and divinatory deduction, one can see in this attitude an early
exampleoftheencyclopaediccuriosity,whichisthebasisforallscientificendeavor(Bottro
1992:127|.Onceanelementofominousimportwasuncovered,Mesopotamianscholarswere
abletorecorditextensivelyinhypotheticallyvaryingcircumstances,sometimescreatingat-
tenuatedandincreasinglyarcanesequences(Guinan2002:19|.Theformatoftheknowledge
textendorsesspeculationinitsownright,whichcomfortablystepsovertheboundaryofthe
observable.
5
The worldview represented by the omen series is not irrevocable determinism, in the
sensethateveryeventiscausallydeterminedbyanunbrokenchainofprioroccurrences.The
2
The standardized omen compendia cover, in
J.Bottro`swords,'almosttheentirematerialuni-
verse:starsandmeteorites:theweatherandthecalen-
dar:theconfigurationoftheearth,ofwaterways,and
ofinhabitedareas:theoutlookofinanimateandveg-
etalelements:thebirthandtheconformationofani-
malsandtheirbehaviour,especiallyofmanhimself
-hisphysicalaspects,hisbehaviour,hisconscious
andsleepinglife,andsoon.Inadditiontothesephe-
nomenawhichpresentthemselvestoobservation,a
numberofotherswerelatentandhadtoberevealed,
suchastheinternalanatomyofsacrificedanimals.Or
theycouldbevirtualandneededtobeprovoked,such
astheshapetakenbyoilorflourthrowninwater
(Bottro1992:127|.
3
Koch-Westenholz1995:13-19:seealsoWinitzer,
thisvolume.
4
SeeBrown2000:109:andRochberg,thisvolume.
5
AsN.Veldhuispointsout,'.thespeculativeor
scholarlysideofdivinationisacontextanduseof
itsown,withitsownrelevance..Speculationdoes
notstopattheborderofthepossible:thesystematic
characterofcompendiaactuallyencouragescrossing
this border, exploring the observed, the likely, the
unlikely, and the impossible on an equal footing
(Veldhuis2006:494|.
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omens revealed a conditional future, best described as a judicial decision of the gods, who
gave'averdictagainsttheinterestedpartiesonthebasisoftheelementsintheomen,justas
eachsentencebyatribunalestablishedthefutureoftheguiltypersonbaseduponthedossier
submittedtoitsjudgement(Bottro1992:142|.Itisbestdescribedasanassemblyofgods
makingdecisionsconcerningthecourseofworld`saffairsandthefateofhumanbeings.In
the Mesopotamian system of sign interpretation, the portent which predicted, for example,
theking`sdeath,wasnotthecauseoftheking`sdeath,butonlythesignforit.Theprediction
was considered solely a warning that could be diverted by ritual measures provided by the
seriesNamburbi.
6
Theheartandcoreofthesereleaseritualsisanappealfromthepartofthe
personaffectedbyanevilomentothedivinejudicialcourt,inordertoeffectarevisionof
theindividual`sfate,announcedbyasinisteromen(Maul1999:124-26|.Themetaphorof
thecourtoflawpromotesthepresentationoftheomenasacommunicativesignsentbyan
angrygodwhomtheritualservestoappease(Koch,thisvolume|.TheMesopotamianomen
textshaddiverseorigins,andamongseveraloftheirfunctionswastorepresentthegod-given
'lawsofdivination(Fincke2006-2007|.
ItseemsreasonabletoinsistthatforancientMesopotamiansocietiestheomensrecorded
incompendiaenjoyedthestatusofthe'lawsofthedivineworldorder.Asaconsequence,
theprocessofinterpretationofasignwasunderstoodasaperformativeactthatempowered
theinterpreter,whilesimultaneouslypromotingthecosmologicalsystemuponwhichmantic
exegesiswasbased(Noegel,thisvolume|.Theuniquewindowintohoweverydaydivination
workedinaframework of royalpoweris providedbynumerous lettersandreports sentby
theNeo-AssyrianscholarstothekingsEsarhaddonandAssurbanipal.Theomensandother
lore of theMesopotamian scholars represented divine wisdom that ideologically originated
inprimevaltimesoftheantediluvianperiod,butwhichwasbeingcontinuouslyupdatedand
outlinedbythescientificmethodsoftheday(Veldhuis,thisvolume|.Theomencompendia
andtheircommentariesrepresentedbothspeculativesciencesandthemostvaluablepractical
means for predicting what was about to happen.
7
The speculative and practical aspects are
alsopresentside-by-sideinMesopotamianlawcodes,andsimilarcyclicprocessesofomen
collecting and law collecting may have applied to the creation of both kinds of compendia
(seeWestbrook1985|.
THEFORMANDUSEOFANOMEN
ThesentencesintheMesopotamianknowledgetextsorscientifichandbooksalmostal-
waysoccurinthespecificformatofconditionals(seeRochberg,thisvolume|.Thefirstpart
ofasentenceiscalleda'protasisinmodernscholarship,andisintroducedbytheindication
ofanobservationorahypothesis-'if(somethinghappens|.Thesecondpart,the'then
clause,iscalledthe'apodosis,whichshowsthepartofthefuturethatcanbederivedfrom
6
For an edition of these texts, see Maul 1994. In
additiontoNamburbis,someomensderivedfromhu-
manvoluntaryactswithfavorableoutcomemayalso
reflecttheirdeliberateuseforrevokingillomens,for
example,Summa lu10.161:'Ifsomebodyrenovates
(thefigure|ofGilgamesh,theangerofhisgodwill
bere|leased](Freedman1998:168|.
7
For an analysis of the full support divination en-
joyedintheNeo-Assyriansociety,thatis,political,
social, and psychological validation, see Jean, this
volume.
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AMAR ANNUS 4
theomen,theprognosis,ortheprediction.ItistheuniversalformformanyMesopotamian
scientifictreatises,whereconcretecircumstancesarealwaysdescribedasleadingtoaspecific
outcome.LikeMesopotamianlawcodesandmedicaltreatises,Babylonianomentextsnever
outlinetheprinciplesbehindtheconcrete'if.thensentencesandobservations.Thenature
ofprinciplesbehindtheconcretestatementsshouldbereconstructedonthebasisofwritten
examplescontainedinthelawcodesandomentexts,assumedthatthesetextsrevealonlysome
parts of the oral lore they are based on. The oral background of the ancientMesopotamian
celestialomenliteratureisemphasizedbyD.Brownasfollows:
.notonlythecategorisationofcelestialphenomena,buttheestablishmentofasim-
plecodeandaseriesofrules,whichenabledthemtobeinterpreted,hadtakenplace
beforethewritingdownofthefirstcelestialomenstookplace.Someoftheseprem-
isesmust,toalargeextent,beunderstoodtobegiven - orinotherwordsrecognised
thattheyderivefromanoralbackground,orare'traditional(Brown2000:112|.
Whencelestialomensfirstappearinwriting,somealreadydemonstratetheeffectsoftheir
literateproduction(Brown2000:112|.TheBabylonianomencompendiarepresentpartsof
the ancient Mesopotamian worldview and are by no means separated from other genres of
literature.Thus,theobservationofAnzu`sfootprintsinahouseorinacityisanillomenac-
cordingtoterrestrialomenseriesSumma lu1.155and19.38,remindingusofAnzu`ssinister
roleintheAkkadianEpicofAnzu(Freedman1998:38,278|.Also,thecitymakingnoiseis
pronetodispersal,whilethequietcity'willgoonnormally(Summa lu1.8-13|,reminding
usoftheBabylonianEpicofAtrahasis,wherethedisturbedgodsattempttodestroymankind
onaccountofthenoisetheymake.Accordingly,studiesinintertextualityindicatethatthere
isnoseachangeintermsofcontentbetweentheomensandotherMesopotamiantexts:
Asforsubjectmatterandstyle,theapodosesoftheomenliteraturearecloselylinked
toliterarytextsofthelateperiodsthatdescribetheblessingsofpeaceandprosperity
orthehorrorsofwar,famine,andrebellionaswellaselaborateblessingsandcurses
similar to those found in certain Mesopotamian royal inscriptions and public legal
documents(Oppenheim1964:211|.
Therearesomehistoricaltextsthatextensivelyrecordomensorominoushappenings-
theChronicleofEarlyKingsandtheReligiousChronicle.Thematerialcontainedinthefirst
gatherstheapodosesofhistoricalomensaboutthekingsNaram-SinandSargon.Thesecond
chroniclecollectsbizarreeventsobservedduringNewYearfestivalsinBabylon,suchaswild
animalsappearinginthecity,statuesmoving,andastronomicalphenomena.Thisrecordingof
bizarrephenomena,whichhavesomesimilaritytoomens,wasamajorconcernfortheauthor
oftheReligiousChronicle(Grayson1975:37|.ThecontentoftheChronicleofEarlyKings
findsitsorigininprognosticliterature,asitconsistsofomenapodoses,whilethecontentof
theReligiousChronicleissimilartoomenprotases.However,theReligiousChronicledoes
notmentionanyeventswhichcouldbeconstruedasresultsoftheprotases,andtheseprotases
seemnottooccurinomencollections.Ontheotherhand,theChronicleofEarlyKingsused
theso-calledhistoricalomensassourcematerial(Grayson1975:37,45|.Thehistoricalomens
oftensummarizeanecdotalstoriesorlegendsaboutkings,andthereforetheyareofverydubi-
oushistoricalvalue(seeCooper1980|.Alessontolearnfromthesehistoricalomensisthat
certain omens were written down to record legends about eminent historical personages.It
findsaparallelintheHebrewBible,wherecertainhistoricaleventswerepresentedashighly
ominousonaliterarylevel(Scurlock,thisvolume|.
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Itseemsthatthe'if.thenscientificformatisonlyapragmaticcharacteristicofomen
sentences,whichdoesnotprescribeanyspecialtypeofcontent.Onecouldeasilytranscribe
differenttypesoftraditionaloralloreandteachingsintothishandbookformatofconditional
sentencesforitsusebytheomeninterpreters.Forexample,thetabletspertainingtohuman
behaviorintheseriesofphysiognomicomensAlandimmwerecalledbyitsfirstmodernedi-
torF.Krausas'einSittenkanoninOmenform,acanonofgoodmannersintheformofomens
(Kraus 1937|. This circumstance indicates that omen compendia occasionally collect and
containsomeitemsoforallore,especiallyofwisdomliterature.Theinevitableconclusionis
thatthematerialincludedintheomentextsisofdiverseorigin,includingproverbs,parables,
fables,andperhapsalsoothertypesoflearnedfolklore.Accordingly,itisofheterogeneous
origins, culled from the accumulated oral wisdom, from an 'inherited conglomerate of a
community(Bck,thisvolume|.
FABLES
EricaReinerhaspointedoutthatapodosesofsomeomens'readasiftheywerethesum-
mary or the moral of a story (1998: 651|. Her observation can be complemented because
someprotases,especiallyinhumanbehavioralomens,alsolooklikeabbreviatedstories.
8
In
theBabylonianDiviner`sManual therearemanyincipitsoftheomenseriesforwhichwelack
textualevidenceincuneiformtexts.Someoftheprotasesgiveanimpressionofanunderlying
fairytaleorapopularstory,forexample'Ifbundlesofreedswalkaboutinthecountryside,
or'Ifawildcatopensitsmouthandtalkslikeaman,or'Ifagreatbeastthathastwolegs
likeabird.,etc.(Oppenheim1974:203,lines11-12,20|.Suchomensprobablysummarize
certainpopularstorieswithapedagogicalimportbelongingtotherepertoireofBabylonian
wisemen,andtotheteachingexampleisgiventhescientificformofanomen.
PARABLES AND LOGIA
ReineralsodemonstratesthatsomeBabylonianomensremindthehearersoftraditional
stories,someofwhicharepresentintheNewTestament.Sometimesanomenapodosiscor-
respondstoa saying that we findin the New Testament logia,like'Hewho exaltshimself
willbehumbled,andhewhohumbleshimselfwillbeexalted(Reiner1998:652|.Theintro-
ductorystatementoftheparableoftherichfool(Luke12:16ff.|,whodoesnotknowwhere
tostore hiscrops,finds aforerunnerinaBabylonianomen. Inbothinstances therichman
needstofindstorageplaceforhisharvest,butonlytheNewTestamentrelatesthefullstory
abouthisdeathbeforehecouldenjoyhisriches.Boththecanonicalandapocryphalgospels
containsayingsthatarecomparabletopartsofwisdomrecordedintheMesopotamianomen
compendia(seeReiner1998:653-54|.Itisintriguingtocompare,forexample,thebeginning
ofthefirst line in the Babylonian compendium Summa lu 'If a cityisseton high. toa
logionfoundintheGospelofThomas(no.32|,'Acitybuiltonahighmountainandfortified,
itcannotfall,norcanitbehidden(cf.Matthew5:14|.Theimageofacitysituatedonahigh
8
For example, the following omen may have
been based on a well-known story or a popular
'Decameroniannovella:'Ifamantalkswithawom-
anonabedandthenherisesfromthebedandmakes
manhood(=masturbates?|,thatmanwillhavehap-
pinessandjubilationbestoweduponhim:wherever
hegoesallwillbeagreeable:hewillalwaysachieve
goal(seeGuinan1998:43|.
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AMAR ANNUS 6
placewasprobablyusedasametaphorforseveralthousandyearsbeforethegospels,beingan
imageusedinwisdomsayings.Moreover,thefirstomenofthecompendium Summa lu,'If
acityissituatedonahill,theinhabitantsofthatcitywillbedepressed:ifacityissituatedin
avalley,thatcitywillbeelevatedisnonsense,becausemostcitiesintheancientNearEast
weresituatedonahill,asN.Veldhuisobserves(1999:170|.Hecontinuesthat'acityona
hilland'acityinavalleymaywellbeunderstoodasreferringtomoralmaximsconcern-
ingprideandmodesty(Veldhuis1999:170|.WhenintheparallelpassageMatthew5:14the
teachersaystohisdisciples:'Youarethelightoftheworld.Acityonahillcannotbehid-
den,thesayingfollowsthesamepatternofexaltingthehumbledones,whichisalsoonthe
backgroundoftheBabylonianomen.
PROVERBS AND COUNSELS
Someomenslistedinthecompendiamayhavehadacurrencyasproverbsandmayhave
eventheirorigininproverbs.Theproverbsorsimilesweretraditionaltoolsofancestraland
fatherly instruction in ancientMesopotamian literature, from theSumerian Instructions of
ShuruppaktotheAramaicTeachingsofAhiqar.Someproverbstendtorelatespecificactions
toequallyspecificprognostics,whichisafeaturecommontoomencollections,withthedif-
ferencethattheproverbsarecharacteristicallyadmonitory,ratherthancasuistic.Thusinthe
InstructionsofShuruppak,onefindsawarning,'Donotcurseaewe,youwillgivebirthtoa
daughter:donotthrowalump(ofclay|intoamoneychest,youwillgivebirthtoason(lines
256-57|.Thisexample,whichdoesnotexhausttheavailablewitness,istobecomparedto
manyomensthatbearonthequestionofthesexoffutureoffspring(Cryer1994:192|.The
omenformatismosttransparentlyusedbythefamousAkkadianliterarytextknownasAdvice
toaPrince,whichlistsanumberofinstancesofprincelybehaviortobeapprovedorcensured,
like'Ifthekingdoesnotheedjustice,hispeoplewillbecomeconfused,andthecountrywill
bedestroyed.Ifhedoesnotheedhismagnates,hisowndayswillbeshortened.Theseare
statements of instruction, but they sound very much like conditionals used in omens.
9
The
Advice to a Prince is a text in which didactic and ominous traditions flow together in the
interestsofpoliticalideologywhichbordersonformingaconceptofnaturallaw,abovethe
demands of which not even the king is elevated (Cryer 1994: 193|.More generally, many
omensfoundinthecompendiahavetheirmorenaturaloriginsineverydaycommonsense,in
theinstructionofproperbehaviorandthemoralsoftheday.
LAW STIPULATIONS
Manyscholarshavenotedtheformalsimilaritybetweenthecasuisticformofomensand
thelawstipulationsinso-called'lawcodesofancientMesopotamia(Bottro1992:187-94|.
AccordingtoA.Guinan,thissimilarityisdeceptivebecauseinindividuallaws'wecanunder-
standtheconnectionbetweenprotasisandtheapodosis.Wecanalsodeducetheunderlying
principlesthatgovernthestructureofthetext(Guinan2002:19|,whichisnotalwaysthe
casefortheomentexts.However,J.Finckehasrecentlyputforwardastrongerargumentfor
9
As Veldhuis observes: 'The text differs from the
omen collections proper by a few formal features
-thesentencesdonotbeginwithsummaif,èven
thoughtheseifs`mustbesuppliedtomakethetext
intelligible.AdvicetoaPrinceisaliterarycomposi-
tionanddoesnotbelongtotheinnercoreoftheomen
compendia.Yetgivenitscontentstheomenformatis
understandable(Veldhuis1999:170|.
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defining the omens as laws, namely, as 'the god-given laws of divination (Fincke 2006-
2007|.Asispointedoutabove,thereissomeevidencethatancientMesopotamiansconsidered
the future predicted by observed omens like sentences handed down by a divine court, and
accordingtothetextspertainingtothereleaseritualsNamburbi,theeffectsofsinisteromens
couldbetemporarilyrevokedbyappealingtoahigherdivinecourt.
AccordingtoNamburbis,thepersontowhomtheevilomenwasannouncedhadtoplacate
theangerofthegodsthathadsentittohimandeffectthegods`revisionoftheirdecision.By
sodoing,thepersontriedtoachieveacorrectionofhisfatewhichthegodshaddecreed.Heor
shehadtoappealtotheJudgeofHeavenandEarth,thesun-godSamas,whowassupposedto
revoketheeviljudgmentagainsthim(Maul1999:124-25|.ThedivinetriadSamas,Ea,and
Asalluhiformtheassemblyforthepersonwhomasinisteromenhadthreatened.Hecomesas
plaintiffbeforethegodstoimplorethemtochangetheevilfatewhichtheyhadallottedhim,
arevisionofthejudgment.Thenextpartoftheritualisatrialinwhichtheaffectedperson
aswellashisopponent,theomencarrieroritsimage,appearbeforethehighestdivinejudge.
TheritualbeforeSamashadalltheelementsofaregularearthlytrial,wherethesun-godplays
thepartofthejudge,whereasthepersonandthecarrierarethetwosuitorsofequalrights.
Therecouldbenoappealbeyondthedecisionofthiscourt,noothergodcouldchallengeor
alterSamas`sfinaljudgmentonceitwasrendered(Maul1999:126|.Accordingly,theancient
Mesopotamiansreactedtosomeevilomensastheywereunfavorablejudgmentsmadebythe
courtofgods,whichmaybesimilartooreventakenfromthecontemporarypracticeoflaw
(Koch,thisvolume|.
ISTHEREABABYLONIANTHEORYOFSIGNS?
As discussed above, the material gathered into Mesopotamian omen compendia is of
heterogeneousorigin,andconsequentlydifferentgroupsofomensshouldbeinterpretedwith
differentmethods.Therefore,insteadofattemptingtodiscoveronesingularBabylonianomen
theorywhichunifiesallmethodsofdivination,itseemsmorefruitfultogiveanaccountof
many.Inthefollowingdiscussion,omensrecordingtraditionalwisdomorrepresentingpieces
ofcommonsenseintheancientMesopotamiaareleftoutfromconsideration.
Mesopotamian scribes never expressed general principles of sign interpretation in ab-
stract terms. Only when individual and groups of omens are contrasted and compared do
systematic patterns of positive and negative meaning emerge (Guinan 1998: 40|. Much of
thelearningoftheBabyloniandivinationpriestinvolvedtechnicalobservationalknowledge,
suchassectorsandzonesinheaven,liver,orlung.TheBabylonianscholarsstrovetocover
therangeofinterpretationofthesignsobservedtherebymeansofsystematicpermutationsin
pairs-suchasleftandright,aboveandbelow-orinlongrows(Oppenheim1964:212|.
Despitesometransparentprinciplesofinterpretationthatscholarshaveidentifiedinancient
omentexts,thesetextsarestilloftenquiteobscure.Themostdifficultproblemstosolvein
the Mesopotamian divination are the theoretic and hermeneutic principles underlying the
interpretationofomentexts,namelythekindofthinkingorthesystemofideasthatconnects
protasiswithapodosis.AsOppenheimwroteaboutahalfofcenturyago:
Onlyexceptionallyareweabletodetectanylogicalrelationshipbetweenportentand
prediction, although often we find paronomastic associations and secondary com-
putations based on changes in directions of numbers.In many cases, subconscious
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AMAR ANNUS 8
associationseemstohavebeenatwork,provokedbycertainwordswhosespecific
connotationsimpartedtothemafavorableoranunfavorablecharacter,whichinturn
determinedthegeneralnatureoftheprediction(Oppenheim1964:211|.
InvariousbranchesofMesopotamiandivination,somemoreorlessuniversalprinciples
apply that can easily be outlined. In general, the right side or part in Mesopotamian omen
theorywasconsideredtoberelatedtogoodomens,andtheleftsidetonegativeones.Signs
were divided into good, bad, and neutral. In some branches of divination, like Babylonian
extispicy,signswereclassifiedaccordingtotheirintensityintostrongerandweaker.Thus,a
strongsignintherightsideofthesacrificialanimalwasafavorableomen,butthesamesign
intheleftsidewasunfavorable.Theoppositionoflightanddarkwasalsomeaningful:alight
color of the ominous organ conveyed favorable significance and dark color an unfavorable
one. Dark color was essentially connected with the left side, and a light hue with the right
side of the sacrificial animal`s parts under examination. These principles were universally
applied(Starr1983:18-19|.
It is striking, however, how often - for example, in the physiognomic omen series
Alandimm - the right side is ill-omened and the left side favorable, and cases also exist
where both sides are equally good or bad. Why is the usual pattern reversed? J. Scurlock
suggests:
.thereareinfactfourtypesofsigns,thosethataregood(andthereforegoodon
eitherside,althoughusuallysomewhatlessgoodontheleft|,thosethatarebad(and
thereforebadoneitherside,althoughusuallysomewhatlessbadontheright|,those
thatareneutral(andbecomegoodonlywhenplacedontheright,andbadonlywhen
placed on the left|, and those that are bad but not irreversibly so (that is, they are
badwhenplacedontheright,butaretransformedintogoodwhenplacedontheleft|
(Scurlock2003:398|.
Theoppositionof'rightand'leftisobserveddifferentlyinomentextsandinscientific
handbooks.Inthescientificcompendia,thesignsareobservedfromtheobserver`spointof
view. In the physiognomic omen text Alandimm, the 'right and 'left of the body of the
observedhumanbeingismeasuredfromtheclient`spointofview,butinthediagnosticseries
Sakikkusignsareinfluencedinagoodorbaddirectionfromthephysician`s,notthepatient`s,
pointofview:
It follows that neutral signs are good on the observer`s left (which would be ob-
served`sright|andbadontheobserver`sright,whichwouldbetheobserved`sleft-
apparentlyaninvertedpatternbutactuallynormalforAlamdimmu.Conversely,signs
thatarebadbutnotirreversiblysoaregoodontheobserver`sright(whichwouldbe
theobserved`sleft|andbadontheobserver`sleft(whichwouldbetheobserved`s
right|,apparentlyanormalpatternbutactuallyinvertedforAlamdimmu.Itfollows
thatthepictureoftheidealwomanshouldbemodifiedtoincludeonlysignsthatare
goodonbothsides,since.allothersignsareeitherbad(i.e.,undesirable|orneutral
(Scurlock2003:398|.
Thuseventhenotionsof'rightand'leftarenotwithoutdifficultiesandcomplexities
intheknowledgetexts.Ambivalencesofreadingthesignsdifferentlyindifferentlightsand
contexts are deliberately used by the Babylonian diviners (Heeel, this volume|. This also
appliestothemediumofwriting,becausemostofthecuneiformsignsarepolyphonous,and
a different reading of the sign used in protasis could provide its interpretation in apodosis,
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thuscreatesameaningfulprotasis-apodosisstring(Frahm,thisvolume|.Thehermeneutical
method of giving speculative Akkadian values to Sumerian logograms is well attested in
Babylonianphilology,mostnotablyinthelasttwotabletsoftheBabylonianCreationEpic
(Bottro1992:87-102|.
Punsandwordplaysalsoplayedaroleinomeninterpretation.ThustheAssyrianDream-
Booksays:'Ifamandreamsthatheiseatingaraven(ribu|,hewillhaveincome(irbu|.If
amandreamsheiseatinghumanflesh(sru|,hewillhavegreatriches(sar|.Suchword-
playsarealsousedinexplainingdreamsintheBabylonianTalmudandintheOneirocritica
of Artemidorus Daldianus (Noegel 2002: 168-69|. Rhyming or juxtaposition of similarly
soundingwordsinoracularcoupletswasawell-knownpracticeofdivinationinearlyChina.
The verbal methods of divination may easily become linked to poetry, in which an arousal
of one poetic image, drawn usually from the animal or botanical world in China, associa-
tively prepares the ground for another image that describes an event in the human world
(Shaugnessy,thisvolume|.
DIFFUSIONOFBABYLONIANOMENSINEASTANDWEST
ThedivinersofMesopotamianextispicyandlecanomancywereideologicallydescendants
oftheantediluviankingEnmeduranki,wholearnedtheartdirectlyfromthegodsSamasand
Adad at an audience in heaven (Lambert 1998|. Biblical scholars generally agree that the
religious-historicalbackgroundofthefigureofEnoch,theseventhantediluvianpatriarchin
Genesis 5:23f. and subsequently the apocalyptic authority in Enochic literature, lies in this
seventhMesopotamianantediluvianking(Collins1998:26,45-46|.Enmeduranki`sconnec-
tionwithEnochestablishesacontinuityoftraditionfromMesopotamiandivinationtoJewish
apocalypticliterature,whereEnochoccursastheseerandknowerofdivinesecrets.Evenin
muchlaterstrataofEnochicmysticism,asinthethirdbookofEnoch,tracescanbefoundof
theMesopotamiandivinatorytraditions(Arbel2008|.
ApartfromthefigureofEnochinJewishliterature,theomenbranchofcuneiformsciences
extensivelyinfluencedmanyotherpartsofancientworld.ThereisevidenceinAramaic,Greek,
Hittite, Latin, Sanskrit, Sogdian, and in other languages that knowledge ofMesopotamian
omencompendiawaswidespreadbothinspaceandtime.
THE ARAMAIC WORLD
TheAkkadianomencompendiamusthavebeentranslatedintoAramaicquiteearly,while
theformerwasstillalivinglanguage,andtheAramaicformgavetothesetextsmuchwider
circulation.EvidencehasbeenfoundforMesopotamianphysiognomicandastrologicalomens
inAramaicfromQumran(GreenfieldandSokoloff1995|,andforcelestialomensinthetexts
of the CairoGenizah (Greenfield andSokoloff 1989|. Jewish Aramaic parallels have been
foundtosuchomenseriesasSumma i:bu,Summa lu,dreamomens,physiognomicomens,
and astronomical omens. Rabbinic literature records many omens listed under the rubric
Darkei ha-Emori'AmoritePractices,wherethe'Amoriteprobablystandsforspeakersof
amoreancientAramaic.ManyTalmudicomenshaveclearlyMesopotamianorigins,suchas
oneregardingasnake:ifasnakefellonthebed,itsays:'heispoor,buthewillendupbe-
ingrich.If(thewoman|ispregnant,shewillgivebirthtoaboy.Ifsheisamaiden,shewill
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AMAR ANNUS 10
marryagreatman(ToseftaShabbat6,16|.Thetwenty-secondtabletoftheseriesSumma
luconcernsitselfwithomensderivedfromsnakesinthehouse,amongwhichareomensin
abrokenpassagewhichrefertoasnakewhichfallsuponaman`sbed(Geller2000:3-4|.
The later form of Aramaic, Syriac, preserved many forms of divinatory texts of
Mesopotamianstyle,andtherichomenliteratureinArabicmostlyderivesfrom Syrianan-
tecedents.ThemostcompleteSyriacsourceistheBookofPrognosticationsofal-Hasanben
Bahlul, dating from the twelfth centuryA.D. (Fahd 1991|.
10
There are Arabic manuscripts
of malhama literature, some of the Ottoman period, which attest to the practice of reading
astralandmeteorologicalomensofanancientBabyloniantype.Othertypesofomensarealso
representedinArabdivination-fromphenomenaofanimals,ofhumanbeings,ofbirds,the
physiognomicandastrologicalomens.Certainmagicalpracticeswereinuseagainstunfor-
tunateomens,likeMesopotamianNamburbis(seeFahd1966:418-519|.Itisdifficulttosay
anything for certain on the relationship between the Arab and earlier Mesopotamian omen
collections,becausethefieldremainsunderstudied.
Inside the Aramaic world omens were transmitted from one culture to another both by
meansofwrittentextsandorally.InthesecretloreoftheMandaeanpriests,thetraditionof
omeninterpretationpersistedorallyuntilmoderntimes,andonlysomepartsofitwerewrit-
ten.OriginallyMesopotamianelementsmaybetracedintheMandaeanBookoftheZodiac
(Asjar / Sjar Malwasia|ofSasanianorigins,which isacompilationfromvarioussourcesof
astrologicalanddivinatorycontent.ThemajorBabyloniansourcesfortheoriginsofthebook
arethecelestialomenseriesEnuma Anu Enlilanditshemerologicalcompanion/qqur ipus.
ThelastfivechaptersofthefirstpartoftheMandaeanbookcollectvariousomenswhichmay
be described as meteorological, astral, and at the end, a few 'terrestrial omens similar to
thoseoftheBabylonianseriesSumma lu (seeRochberg1999|.Notallomenswerewritten
in the Mandaean culture, as the priest in Ahwaz, speaking of secret knowledge transmitted
frompriesttopriest,oncevauntedtoLadyDrowerasfollows:
Ifaravencroaksinacertainburj(=astrologicalhouse|Iunderstandwhatitsays,
alsothemeaningwhenthefirecracklesorthedoorcreaks.Whentheskyiscloudy
and there are shapes in the sky resembling a mare or a sheep, I can read their sig-
nificanceandmessage.Whenthemoonisdarkenedbyaneclipse,Iunderstandthe
portent:whenadust-cloudarises,black,red,orwhite, Ireadthesesigns,andallthis
accordingtothehoursandtheaspects(Drower1937:5|.
INDIA AND IRAN
According to D. Pingree,Mesopotamian omen literature was transmitted toIndia dur-
ingthetwocenturiesthatfollowedtheAchaemenidoccupationofGandhrainnorthwestern
IndiaandtheIndusValleyinthesixthcenturyB.C.(seePingree1992:376|.AsPingreehas
pointed out, the author of the sermonBrahmajlasutta, allegedly delivered by Buddha and
included in the collection Dighanikya (I 1.1-3.74| was very familiar with the contents of
both Babylonian terrestrial and celestial omen compendia (Pingree 1997: 33|. The sermon
condemnssomewanderingdiviners,ramanasandBrhmanas,whoearntheirlivingfromthe
uselessknowledgeofomens.AlmosteverytypeofomenmentionedbytheBuddhaisfound
10
Thebest-knownSyriacpublishedmanuscriptcon-
taining omens and prognostications is the last part
ofthefamousSyriacBookofMedicines(seeBudge
1913|.
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bothincuneiformliteratureandinthelaterSanskrittexts.Theenumerationoftheterrestrial
omencarriersfollowsexactlytheorderofthetabletsoftheAkkadiancompendiumSumma
lu-houses,ghosts,snakes,poisons,scorpions,mice,vultures,crows,andquadrupeds (see
Pingree1992|.ThetransmissionofMesopotamianomentexts-bothprotasesandapodoses
-toIndiainthefifthandearlyfourthcenturiesB.C.isevenclearer,forthecontemporary
SanskritandPrakritliteratureisrepletewithreferencestoandexamplesofsuchomens.In
thisperiodmuchoftheMesopotamianomenliterature,perhapsfromAramaicversions,was
translatedintoanIndianlanguage,andthesetranslations,thoughundoubtedlyconsiderably
alteredtofitwithIndianintellectualtraditionsandwiththeIndiansocietywhichthediviners
had to serve, form the basis of the rich Indian literature on terrestrial and celestial omens.
TheIndiantraditionalsousedpacificationritualscomparabletoMesopotamianNamburbi,by
whichtheangerofthegodwhosenttheomenisappeased(Pingree1997:31-33|.
TheotherexamplesofthediffusionofBabylonianomensintheEastinvolvesomelunar
andsnakeomensthatarefoundinIraniantexts(seePanaino2005|.AChristianSogdiangroup
ofomensconcerningcalendricalprognosticsbasedontheappearanceofnaturalphenomena
suchasthunder,earthquakes,rainbows,andeclipses,hasitsoriginintheBabylonianalmanac
/qqur ipus (seeSims-Williams1995|.
THE CLASSICAL WORLD
ThetraditionalknowledgeofMesopotamiandivinationwastransplantedtotheclassical
worldbywanderingdiviners:onesuchwaslikelytheChaldaeanwhovisitedPlatoduringhis
lastnightalive(Kingsley1995:199|.
11
TheEtruscandisciplineoftakingomensfromliver
inspection or hepatoscopy (haruspicina in Latin| shows remarkably close correspondence
tothesameformofdivinationdevelopedinMesopotamia.Thiscanbestbeexplainedasthe
transmission of a 'school from Babylon to Etruria. The system of the slaughter of sheep,
modelsofsheepliversofclayormetal,andthecustomofprovidingthemwithinscriptions
for the sake of explanation are peculiar things found precisely along the corridor from the
EuphratesviaSyriaandCyprustoEtruria.(Burkert1992:46-48|.
The Etruscan written texts pertaining to hepatoscopy are lost and can be reconstructed
onlypiecemealfromLatinandGreektexts.TheinternaltraditionoftheEtruscandiscipline
goesbacktotheseventhcentury,topreciselythatperiodwhosegloryisreflectedinmanyNear
Easternimports.ItseemsthathepatoscopyhadnoplaceintheolderstrataofHomericepic,
butitmakesitsappearanceinthefinalversionwehave,datingtoaround700B.C.Calchas,
Agamemnon`sseer,isthebestofthe'bird-diviners,andbyvirtueofthisarthehas'ledthe
army(/liad1.69|.
12
Buta'sacrifice-diviner(thyoskoos|ismentionedinthe/liad (24.221|
andhasaroleintheOdyssey(21.145:22.318-23|.Theobservationoftheliverremainedby
farthemostpredominantdivinationpracticeinGreece:fromPlato(Phaedrus244c|welearn
thathepatoscopyenjoyedgreaterprestigethanbirdaugury(Burkert1992:46-49|.
The Mesopotamian divination by 'lecanomancy constituted a special art in Greece,
whether in the pouring of oil onto water or the sprinkling of flour onto liquid. The liquids
11
For the philosophical doctrines of signs in the
Classicalworld,seeAllen,thisvolume.
12
AGreekinscriptionfromEphesus,fromthesixth
centuryB.C.,publishedinDittenberger1924,vol.
3,no.1167,listssomebirdomensinMesopotamian
style,seeLonsdale1979:152-53.
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AMAR ANNUS 12
werepouredoutintoadish,calledlekaneinGreek,awordwhichiscognatewithAkkadian
lahannuandAramaiclaqnu.'Topourvinegarandflourintosameglassandtowatchtheir
movementsismentionedbyAeschylusinAgamemnon322.Suchpracticesdidnotbecomeas
prominentasliverinspectioninGreece(Burkert1992:53,184|.
The wandering diviners, sometimes called 'Chaldaeans in the Mediterranean sources,
wereoftenresponsibleforthedisseminationoftheMesopotamianwisdominthelateantique
world. An interesting question is possibleMesopotamian influence on the Stoic theory of
signsgiventhecircumstanceobservedalreadybyF.CumontthatallfirstmastersoftheStoic
schoolwereOrientals(Cumont1912:69-71,81-82|.TheStoicphilosopherChrysippusof
Solianalyzedtheconditional'IfsomeoneisbornwhenCanicula(Sirius|isrising,hewillnot
dieintheocean(Cicero,De jato12|.ThisappearstoberelatedtoarecordinaBabylonian
principalmanualofinstruction'TheplaceofCancer:deathintheocean(Textes cuneijormes
du Louvre614,obv.23|.ThiscorrelationshowsthattheBabylonianscienceofbirthomens
was known in the Greek world by the late third century B.C. Babylonian birth omens were
probablyknowninGreeceevenlongbeforetheStoicphilosophersdebatedabouttheirvalidity
(Pingree1997:23|.OnbirthomensinCicero`sDe divinatione,seeJacobs,thisvolume.
PROPHECY AND DIVINATION
Prophecyanddivinationarehistoricallyrelatedtoeachothermorecloselythanisgener-
allyassumed.
13
Apartfromancientkindsofpropheticliterature,theMesopotamiantheology
of signs, in which everything in the world can be viewed as a part of divine revelation, is
persistent in differentMiddle Eastern theological schools using in their writings aSemitic
idiom.Thewordfor'signinAramaicisth,inHebrew`th, andinArabicya,allofwhich
areetymologicallyrelatedtotheAkkadianwordittu'sign,omen.InJewishwritingsofthe
Second Temple, there are plenty of references to signs and portents, which can be under-
stoodonlybythoseskilledininterpretingthem.Formanytheologians,themodelinterpreter
of the divine signs is the apocalyptic authority Enoch, a figure modeled onMesopotamian
Enmeduranki.InJewishapocalypticliterature,readingthesignsofGodmostlydenotesthe
ability to predict the course of the world`s eschatology. According to the Jewish historian
Josephus,the divineor demonic beingsrevealtheirwarningsfrom timetotimethroughout
thecourseofhistory.InhisBellum 1udaicum(6.288-310|heenumeratestheomenswhich
precededthedestructionofthesecondTemple:astationarycomet,anabnormallight,acow
thatgavebirthtoalamb,atemplegatethatopenedautomatically,chariotsandarmedmen
flyingthroughthesky,apeasantwhoforsomeyearsprophesieddisaster,etc.InJosephus`
thought, the demonic communicated with men through omens, signs, portents, dreams, and
prophecy,whichareallcloselyrelatedtooneanother(Smith1987:246|.
The reputed theologians of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim traditions gave much higher
regardtopropheciesbecauseoftheirallegedorigininmonotheisticbelief,anddisregarded
divinationaspertainingtopolytheisticpast.However,Jewish,EasternChristian,andMuslim
traditionsstillenjoinbelieversto'ponderor'reflectonthenaturalworldanditsmovements
inordertodiscoverthesignsofGod`somnipotenceandappreciatehismajesty.In3Enoch
the terms such as 'beholding, 'seeing, and 'looking signify the act of discerning inner
natureofthings,accessingdivinesecretsaboutGod`scosmiccreationandplans(Arbel2008:
13
See Nissinen, this volume: and Scurlock, this
volume.
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310-11|. In other texts, the ancient Mesopotamian divinatory traditions were modified by
rejectingthepracticalsideofomendivination,itsapodoses,andeveryhistoricalornatural
portentbecameasignofGod`sgreatness.FortheBabylonianpriestseverythingcouldberead
asasign,andpossiblyeverythingbecomesasignofGodforamonotheist,totheextentthat
allversesoftheQuranarecalledbythetermya,justlikeallentrieswerecalledittuinthe
Mesopotamianomencompendia.IntheIslamictraditions,themultiplicityofthesignsfrom
GodissuccessfullyfittedintotellthestoriesofOneness:
Alltheoutwardmanifestations,thedifferentformsofrevelations,aresigns.thehu-
manbeingcanonlyseizethehemofHisfavorandtrytofindthewaytoHimthrough
Hissigns..ThepluralityofsignsisnecessarytoveiltheeternalOnewhoistran-
scendentandyet'closerthantheneckvein(Sura50:16|:thepluralityofsignsand
theUnicityoftheDivinebelongtogether.ThesignsshowthewayintoHispresence,
wherethebelievermayfinallyleavetheimagesbehind(Schimmel1994:xv|.
TheGodintheQuranhassomefierymanifestationsofpower,amonghissignsarethun-
derstormsandlightning(Sura30:24|,andthundergiveshimpraise(Sura13:13|.Onefinds
thesimilartheologyofthunderwithSyriacauthors,anditultimatelyderivesfromBabylonian
theology of Adad, the god of thunder and the giver of oracles and signs (see Annus 2006:
6-12|. Often these signs were inscribed into the physical appearance of the world as cu-
neiformscript,whereMesopotamianscholarscouldreadthem(seeFrahm,thisvolume|.A
comparableconceptisfoundinJewishmysticism,wherethecreativepoweroftheHebrew
alphabetestablishesaconnectionofallworldlyphenomenatocertainletters.Inthebookof
3 Enoch, the letters are even conceived as something inseparable from natural phenomena.
Thebookdevotesconsiderableattentiontopresentingsystematiclistsofnaturalphenomena
filledwithmeanings-terrestrialandcelestialormeteorologicalphenomena,includingstars
andconstellations,lightningandwind,thunderandthunderclaps,snowandhail,hurricanes
and tempests (Arbel 2008: 309|. When Enoch-Metatron is endowed with divine secrets in
heaven, he receives the letters, by which these phenomena were created, which also means
knowledgeand powerover them. The observingof letters implied beholding of thenatural
phenomena,onwhichGod`ssecretsareinscribedandcodifiedassigns(Arbel2008:309|.
ThesesecretsignswerealsowrittenontheheavenlyPargod,thecurtainthatseparatesGod
fromtherestofheavenandwhich,liketheMesopotamianTabletofDestinies,containsthe
hidden knowledge about divine decisions and plans regarding the course of human history
(Arbel2008:312-13|.Likewise,forAssyrianandBabylonianscholars,cuneiformsignswere
ofdivineoriginand'capableofconveying,onvariouslevels,completelyincontestableeternal
truths(Frahm,thisvolume|.
PROBLEMSOFDEFINITIONS
TheMesopotamianomenliteraturepresentsaproblemtoallwhowanttodefinethecor-
pusfromthepointofviewofthehistoryofscienceandreligion.The Mesopotamianomen
compendiaarehighlycomplexphenomenathatescapeanypreciseandsimplecategorization.
It can be said that from our contemporary perspective the Mesopotamian omen literature
consistsofablendofobservationalsciences,common-senseattitudes,andreligiousbeliefs.
EvenifnotallBabyloniantheoriesofsignsmakesensetoamodernmind'etically,itmay
notbewrongtoassumethattheycertainlydid'emicallytotheparticipantsofthatculture.
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AMAR ANNUS 14
Thefirstpartoftheoriginaltitleofthisseminar,'ScienceandSuperstition,wasdeliberately
chosenasprovocative,inordertocreatesomediscussionsaboutourinheritedculturalbiases.
Whetheragivenstatementrepresentsafalsebelieforascientifictruthdependsonaconcrete
epistemologicalsituation,andcanbeascertainedonlybysomescientificproofordisproof,
whichmaynotbealwaysavailable.Asamodernonlinedictionarydefinesit,superstitionis'a
belieforpracticeresultingfromignorance(Webster|,andinthissensetheterm,ashistori-
callyoverloadedwithnegativeconnotations,isindeeduselessinanyseriousdiscussionabout
ancient science (Rochberg, this volume|. The philosophical or intellectual 'superiority of
themonotheisticbeliefoveranypolytheisticsystemisoftenrepresentedinthepreconceived
worldview of many textbooks as an axiom, thus it is often difficult to discard the popular
prejudicethatthesciencebeganwiththeEnlightenment.
Itmaybeofinterest,however,thatthefolkloristAlanDundeshastriedtodefinesuper-
stition technically as a folkloric genre. As much asI understand Dundes` effort, it is about
definingsuperstitionasacategoryofknowledgeinfolkreligion.Withoutanyregardtothe
validityofthepracticesandbeliefsinvolved,Dundesargues,thecategoryofsuperstitionap-
pliestothestatementsandpracticesmakinguseofthelogicalfallacypost hoc ergo propter
hoc(Dundes1961:27|. Further,itinterestsDundestodefinesuperstitionsformallyatleast
to such extent that one would know a superstition when he came across it in folkloristic
fieldwork. According to him, the formula - or rather the underlying thinking model - is
a naively expressed and literally understood 'If A, then B. This model, which is remark-
ablyclosetotheformofaBabylonianomen,characterizesthesignsuperstitionsforDundes
(Dundes 1961: 30|. However, asI argue above, the 'if . then format neither necessarily
representscausality,norprescribesanyparticulartypeofcontent.Theuseofconditionalsis
nottheformalhallmarkcapableofsortingoutsuperstitionsfromothertypesofknowledge,
noteveninfolklore.Accordingly,theuseoftheterm'superstitionsforfolkbeliefsinthis
restrictedsenseisnotwithoutproblemseither.
As I outline above, the omens present in the Mesopotamian compendia were collected
fromsourcesofheterogeneousorigin.TheBabylonianomenscanthereforenotbeclassifiedin
an'either.ormanner,forexample,asmixesof'sciencesand'superstitions:rather,they
hadmanifoldoriginsandfunctions.Andmostofall,theytestifytotheampleobservational
interestsofancientMesopotamians,whichinturnhadadeepimpactonthesurroundingworld.
Theresultsandinferencesofsuchobservationsgainedintheancientworldwouldnotalways
countasscientificfromourcontemporaryperspective,butthesetextscontainimportantraw
dataforthestudyofthehistoryofthehumanmindandthefunctioningofthehumanbrain.
One can say metaphorically that as our own times will pass into antiquity, future scholars
willlookatouraccomplishmentsinthefieldofintellectualculturewithsimilarglasses-as
ablendoftrue('scientific|andfalse('superstitious|beliefs,oftenmixedupwithoutany
cleardistinction.Intheend,thedefinitionsarenotasimportantasthecontent.
oi.uchicago.edu
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Maul,pp.141-58. CuneiformMonographs10.Groningen:Styx.
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1979 'AttitudestowardsAnimalsinAncientGreece.Greece and Rome26:146-59.
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1994 Zukunjtsbewltigung: Eine Untersuchung altorientalischen Denkens anhand der baby-
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1964 Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait oj a Dead Civili:ation. Chicago:UniversityofChicago
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1974 'ABabylonianDiviner`sManual.1ournal oj Near Eastern Studies 33:197-220.
Panaino,Antonio
2005 'LunarandSnakeOmensamongtheZoroastrians.InOjjicina Magica: Essays on
the Practice oj Magic in Antiquity,editedbyS.Shaked,pp.73-89.InstituteofJewish
StudiesinJudaica4.Leiden:Brill.
Pingree,David
1992 'Mesopotamian Omens in Sanskrit. In La circulation des biens, des personnes et
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Reiner,Erica
1998 'ApodosesandLogia.InUnd Mose schrieb dieses Lied auj. Studien :um Alten
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nes 70. Lebensjahres mit Beitrgen von Freunden, Schulern und Kollegen,editedby
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Rochberg,Francesca
1999 'The Babylonian Origins of the Mandaean Book of the Zodiac. ARAM 11:
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2006 'Old Babylonian Celestial Divination. In /j a Man Builds a 1oyjul House:
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1994 Deciphering the Signs oj God: A Phenomenological Approach to /slam.Albany:State
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Scurlock,JoAnn
2003 ReviewofDie babylonisch-assyrische Morphoskopie (Vienna,2000|,byB.Bck.
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Smith,Morton
1987 'The Occult in Josephus. In 1osephus, 1udaism, and Christianity, edited by
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oi.uchicago.edu
2
~IF P, THEN Q: FORM AND REASONING
IN BABYLONIAN DIVINATION
FRANCESCAROCHBERG,
UNIVERSITYOFCALIFORNIA,BERKELEY
Fromthefeaturesandmarksonthesheep`sliverandotherentrailstothecharacteristics
ofthehumanbodyandfacetothebehaviorofanimalsandtheappearancesofstarsandplan-
ets,theinvestigationofthemeaningofominoussignsinancientMesopotamiatookshapein
serializedlistsofomensarrangedascorrelationsbetweenthesignsandwhattheysignified.
Anomenisapairofinterdependentelements,ontheonehandasigninthenaturalworldor
socialenvironment,andontheotheraneventinsociallife.Theconnectionbetweenthetwo
elementsisexpressedbymeansofaconditionalstatement'IfP,thenQ.Thesignscollected
inwrittenlistsof'IfP,thenQstatementscorrespondedtovisible,imaginable,orconceivable
phenomena, but always grounded in consideration of or in relation to physical things. This
paperisconcernedwithformanditseffectasasystematizingdeviceinomentexts.Formand
systemaretwokeyaspectsofwhatconstitutethegeneralprinciplesofMesopotamianomen
divinationasrepresentedinomentextseries(entitledSummaP'IfP|.Theseprinciplesgive
usnotonlyinsightintotheinternalconsistencyandcoherenceofthetexts,butalsothestyles
of reasoning employed. The practice of divination is a separate issue and is not addressed
hereexceptinaminorway.
Anomenstatement,fromaformalpointofview,canbeseenasarelationshipbetween
two propositions (P and Q| which function as premise and conclusion. Logically, the con-
clusion,orconsequent,isinferablefromthepremise.Inhisstudyoftheoriesofthesignin
classicalantiquity,G.Manettidrewtheconclusionthat,
fromthepointofviewofahistoricalreconstructionofthedisciplineofsemiotics,the
mostsignificantaspectofMesopotamiandivinationisthatitiscenteredpreciselyon
adistinctiveandindividualnotionofthesign,whichisaschemeofinferentialrea-
soningthatallowsparticularconclusionstobedrawnfromparticularfacts(Manetti
1993:1-2|.
Oneofthemostbasicofinferenceschemes,orrulesofinference,ismodus ponens.Itisde-
finedbyitsform,thus:IfP,thenQ.P,therefore,Q.Thisinferenceschemewasfirstdefined
assuchinStoicphilosophyinthecontextoftheinvestigationofthelogicofpropositionsand
inferencefromsigns(Rochberg2009:14-15,n.5|.AllBabylonianomensqualify.Thus,'If
Jupiterbecomessteadyinthemorning:enemykingswillbereconciled(ReinerandPingree
2005:40-41line1,withoutindicatingbreaks|.Jupiterissteadyinthemorning.Therefore,
enemykingsreconcile.The'IfP,thenQstatementsoftheomenlistsrelatesignandsigni-
fiedinthemanneroftheantecedentandconsequentofinferencesofthisform.Atemporal
orsequentialrelationshipbetweenthesignandthesignifiedmaybereadintothegrammar
oftheAkkadian'if.then,orsumma-clause,theantecedentexpressedinthepreterite,the
consequentinthedurative,thoughthetemporalrelationseemstobemitigatedbythefactthat
theentirestatementishypotheticalandcanevencontainanantecedentwhichcannotoccur
19
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FRANCESCA ROCHBERG
(isunobservable|.TherelationbetweenPandQremains,therefore,somewhatabstractfrom
a temporal standpoint. Further consideration of the connections between P and Q (below|
clarify this problem. Regardless of the temporal relation, antecedent and consequent in the
omens maintain a certain logical relation, as any conditional statement does, and this logi-
calrelationwillapplyindependentlyofphonetic,semantic,causal,orempiricalconnections
betweenthestatementsPandQ(Rochberg2009|.
Thequestionofwhattheconditionalformmightsuggestaboutthemeaningandpurpose
ofomenshasnotbeenadequatelyaddressedbecauseofcertainassumptionsabouttheorigins
ofomensinempiricalconnectionsenablingthepredictionofQonthebasisofPandrational-
izingfuturepredictionsofQfromP(Rochberg2004:268|.Aformerconsensusonthispoint
nodoubtunderpinsManetti,whoallowsthattheempiricalconnectionconstitutesoneformof
connectivetissuebetweenPandQ,orwhathecallsthe'passagefromprotasistoapodosis
(Manetti1993:7|.Hesaid,'thefirsttypeofpassageislinkedtowhatisknownasdivinatory
empiricism:theprotasisandtheapodosisrecordeventswhichreallyoccurredinconjunction
inthepast(1993:7,emphasisintheoriginal|.Hetakesasevidenceofthisdivinatoryem-
piricismtheMarilivermodels,whoseinterpretationhasbeensubjecttosomedifferencein
interpretation(Rochberg2004:269|.Apartfromthisevidence,however,Manettirecognized
atropicassociativeconnection,usuallybasedinanalogiesofvariouskinds,betweenprotasis
and apodosis as well as the schematic expansion of elements of the antecedents (which he
calls'codes|familiarfromallomenseries.Theempirical,however,isviewedasoriginalto
theconceptionoftheominoussignandtheothermodesofrelatingPandQareofsecondary
origininahistoricalevolutionofMesopotamiandivination(1993:7|.
In basic agreement with Manetti concerning non-empirical modes of relating P and Q
inomenstatements,Idifferwithhishistoricalconclusionsaboutanoriginalempiricismun-
derpinning divinationby signs.Theconstructionofomens in whichparanomasticrelations
betweenawordintheprotasisandoneintheapodosis,orwherevariousanalogiesmadebe-
tweenelementsofthesignanditsportent,or,indeed,where'impossiblephenomenawhich
cannothavebeenobservedatanytimearepresentedinomenprotases,alldemonstrateomen
divination`s independence from empiricism. Without any evidence in support of the actual
observationof co-occurringphenomenathe thesisof anoriginal empiricalrelation remains
purely conjectural. Though the non-empirical nature of the bulk of the cuneiform omens is
clear,itisworthmakingexplicitbyafewexamples.Letusagaintaketheomen'IfJupiter
becomes steady in the morning, enemy kings will be reconciled. To accept the empirical
associationofPandQistopresumethatatsometimeinthepastitwasobservedthatfol-
lowingthesteadinessofJupiterinthemorning,enemykingswerereconciled,andfurther,to
justifyonthebasisofthatempiricalconnectionfuturepredictionsaboutenemykingsbeing
reconciledwheneverJupiteris'steady.Butthisomenissimplybuiltuponananalogydrawn
betweentheelementsoftheprotasis,thatis,Jupiter,Marduk`sstar,connotingrulership,and
its'steadiness(expressedwiththeverbknu|connotingrectitudeandstability,andtheele-
mentsoftheapodosis,thatis,peacebetweenenemykings.Thesameistrueforinstancesof
paranomasiabetweenwordsintheantecedentandconsequent.Forexample,intheextispicy
series (Clay 1923: no. 13:65|: 'If the coils of the intestine look like the face of Huwawa
(writtenlogographicallyHUM.HUM|:itistheomenoftheusurperking(alsowrittenlogo-
graphically,IM.GI=Akkadianhammù|whoruledallthelands.
Heretheantecedentisrelatedtotheconsequentbyawordplaybasedonthehomophonous
echo of HUM.HUM in hammù, not by any empirical connection between intestines coiled
thatwayandausurpation.ThehomophonypertainsbetweenthelogogramHUM.HUMinthe
20
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/F P, THEN Q: FORM AND REASON/NG /N BABLON/AN D/\/NAT/ON
protasis and the Akkadian reading of the logogram IM.GI in the apodosis. The antecedent-
consequent connection, therefore, is based upon a homophonic play that requires and even
presupposes a sensitivity to orthographic practice of the highly trained cuneiform scribe.
Thoughthemeaningfulconnectionbetweenantecedent(intestinalcoilsappearingastheface
ofHuwawa|andconsequent(usurpation|isbasedonthephoneticplaybetweenwords,the
image (fig. 2.1| refers to the visual aspect of the imagery conjured by the protasis alone.
Regardingtheconnectionbetweenprotasisandapodosis,theomensillustratescribalinven-
tioninvolvingthesounds,meanings,writings,literaryallusions(e.g.,Clay1923:no.13:33,
in which the coils looking like an eagle are read as 'the omen of Etana, who ascended to
heavenonthebackofaneagle|,aswellasvisualanalogiesbetweenelements,suchasmight
beconstructedbetweentheappearanceofacuneiformsignandwhatitsignifies:'Ifthecoils
oftheintestinelooklikeaPAP-sign:yourcapitalwillprosperovertheenemy`scapital.Here
thePAP-sign,twocrossedwedges,isvisuallyiconicforthenotionofconflict.Or,coilsthat
appear as a kubsu-cap (Clay 1923: no. 13:47|, the headdress associated most particularly
withroyalty(ordivinity|,arereadassignificantforthe'throne,againbyaniconicmeans
ofsignrepresentation.
ToreturntothequestionofthetemporalrelationofQtoP,then,iftheomenconsequent
ismeanttoconveythemeaning,orthereading(interpretation|ofP,thenwedonothavea
seriesofobservationstatementsaboutwhatparticulareventinfactoccurredfollowinganother
particular event, but a series of hypothetical statements showing that P indicates Q. From
suchstatements,however,onecouldcometoexpectQintheeventofP,anditisherethat
thepotentialforpredictionislocated.
Theanalogiesdrawnfromsigntoportentrepresentattentiontoparticulars,butnotneces-
sarilytoobservableparticulars,thoughvisualanalogiesbetweenelementsoftheprotasisand
Figure2.1.ClaymaskofthedemonHuwawa.Sippar,southernIraq,ca.
1800-1600B.C. 8.3 8.4cm.ME 116624.CourtesyoftheBritishMuseum
21
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FRANCESCA ROCHBERG
apodosisarealsoattested.Associationsofelementssuchasthesoundsormeaningsofwords
arenotdependentuponempiricalobservation,yet,astheexamplesjustmentionedillustrate,
they construct meaningful and valid signification between antecedent and consequent that
dependinsteaduponculturalorlinguisticconventions.Analogicrelationshipsconstruedbe-
tweenphenomena,especiallyanalogiesbasedonthesounds,spellings,ormeaningsofwords
for phenomena, are certainly subject to, but not wholly determined by sensory perception.
Correspondingly,suchrelationsarelimitednotbyperceptionbutbyconception.Asseenin
someoftheexamplesgiven,analogicconnectionsmadebetweenparticularelementsofthe
protasesandapodosesjustifytheinferentialcharacterofBabylonianomens.Buttheparticular-
ityoftheanalogousreferentsinthestatementsofprotasisandapodosis(e.g.,thehomophonic
relationbetweenHUM.HUMandhammù|innowaycompromisesthegeneralforceofthe
omen.AsT.Czeowskiobserved,
Millclaimedthatreasoningbyanalogy-'fromparticularstoparticulars,asheput
it-isthefundamentalformofreasoning,whilereasoningbyinductionisinasense
asynthesisobtainedbyembracinganumberofanalogicalcasestogether.ToMilla
generalstatementisaconjunctionofsingularsentenceswhicharesubordinatedtoit.
Thetrainofreasoningisasfollows:onthebasisofanumberofsimilarobservations
sayingaisb,`whentherearenoobservationstothecontrarywefeelwarranted-
asMillsays-inconcluding,thatwhatwefoundtrueinthoseinstancesholdinall
similarones,past,present,andfuture,howevernumeroustheymaybe(Czeowski
2000:110,citingMill1886:122|.
Theomenconstructedbymeansofananalogicalconnectionisassumedtoapply'when-
everP,andthereforehasvaliditybeyondanysingleoccurrence.
Theuseofschematicrelationshipssuchasup-down,thefourdirections,thefivecolors,
hasbeencitedasa reason why ominous 'phenomena arenotalwaysobservableinactual-
ity.Thecelestialomensexhibitthischaracteristic.Phenomenasuchastheeclipsewherethe
shadow moves in a direction opposite to that which occurs in reality, indeed, most of the
extantJupiteromensofEnuma Anu Enlilare'impossible.Thesehavetheplanet'entering,
'passing, 'coming close to, or 'being in the middle of fixed stars whose latitudes with
respecttoJupiter`spathpreventthisfromeveroccurring.Infact,asDavidPingreepointed
out(inReinerandPingree2005:28|,'thischoiceofconstellationsfarremovedfromthepath
ofJupiterseemstobedeliberate,becausewhentheplanetisnorthoftheequator(between
the spring and fall equinoxes| the constellations it is associated with in these omens are to
thesouthandviceversa.Thiscanbeexplainedintermsofthevalueplacedbythescribeson
conceptionaswellasperception,andtheomencorpusforcesustotrytounderstandjustwhat
therelationisbetweentheconceivableandthepossibleinancientMesopotamianthought,and
howthesecategoriesmapontophysicalactuality.Thecharacteroftheomenlists,whichisthe
resultofitsformalaswellasschematicnature,showstheimportancenotonlyofadifferent
kindofknowledge,butalsoadifferentwayofcategorizingthephysical.
Thattherelationshipsbetweentheempirical,theactual,andthepossibleshouldbecon-
structed differently in the Babylonian conception almost goes without saying. In later an-
tiquity, for example, one can refer again to the Stoics, whose views on the actual and the
possiblealsomapdifferentlyfromours.TheStoicdefinitionofthepossibleisrootedinthe
investigationofpropositions(possiblevs.necessary|andthereforehastodowiththenature
ofpredicatesandtheirrelationtoprincipal(asopposedtoinitiating|causes.ThattheStoic
definitionofpossibilitytookshapeinthecontextofthelogicofpropositionsandhowtruth
22
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functionswithrespecttopastorfutureeventswasfurthermoreofimportancetotheanalysis
oforaclesandomens(Reesor1965:293|.AsintheStoicdiscourse,thesignificanceofthe
possibleincuneiformdivinationappliesaswelltotheconnectionbetweenantecedentandcon-
sequentinthecontextofmakingstatementsconcerningfutureevents.Inlightoftheevident
interestinpossibilityrepresentedbytheomensresultingfromschematizationwithoutregard
foractuality,theempiricaldimensionofomenshardlyappliesattheleveloftheconnection
betweenPandQ,evenwhenthephenomenonoftheprotasisisobservable.Butinadditionto
theschematawhichexpandthepossibilitiesforconstructingsigns,themanyanalogiesand
wordplaysthatconnectPtoQbyvirtueofcuneiformculturalconventions,someofthena-
tureofwordplayonlyevidenttoscribes(orAssyriologists|,arealsoevidenceoftherelative
unimportanceoftheempiricalontheleveloftheconnectionsmadebetweenPandQ.That
eachomenformsavalidconditional,however,isoftheessence.
TheanalysisoftheconditionalformofBabylonianomensshowsthatthoughtheomen
statementscertainlypositrelationsbetweenphenomenathatdonotdependuponthephysical
andcausalconnectionsweourselveswouldmake,therelationbetweenprotasisandapodosis
is a logically valid one that furthermore can be classified with inferences expressed in the
formofconditionals.Inferentialreasoning,sometimesembeddinganalogicreasoning,thereby
liesatthebasisofthe connectionsbetweenthe propositionsofantecedentand consequent.
Theclaimthatdivinationproceedsbymeansofarationalandsystematicmethodisnothing
newbutperhapsshowsfromyetanotherstandpointthattheparticulardifferenceinassump-
tions about the phenomenal world that we find in cuneiform divination texts are unrelated
tocognition,beingafunctionratherofculture.Second,andmoreinterestingIthink,isthat
the logical and systematic features of ancient Mesopotamian divination appear to be direct
consequencesoftheuseoftheconditionalasitsformandmodeofexpression.Ofcourseit
is above all the logical and systematic nature of omen divination that has justified its clas-
sificationasanancientscience.
GiventhepreviousobservationthatdespiteitslogicalandsystematicnatureMesopotamian
divinationdoesnotconformto(modern|scientificstandardsofcausalityorknowledge,we
mightquestionwhethertheterm'scienceistooloaded,orsimplyanachronisticandinap-
plicabletoaninvestigationofthehuman(cognitive|interactionwithphysicalphenomenain
ancientMesopotamia.Thesamequestionhasbeenaddressedwithrespecttopre-nineteenth-
centurysciencesingeneral(Cunningham1988:CunninghamandWilliams1993:Cunningham
andFrench1996|.ButtolimitthediscussionofwhatthenatureofancientBabyloniandivina-
tionisbyerasingtheterm'sciencefromourdiscourseaboutitleadsusbacktothedichotomy
of science and non-science, science and religion, or worse, science and superstition. If the
term 'science is confined to the modern era, as Peter Dear has discussed in his critque of
Cunningham`sthesis(2001|,medievalandrenaissancescience,includingnaturalphilosophy
andthephysicalandmathematicalsciencesalsoendupononesideofagreatdividebetween
scienceandnon-science.Dear`ssensitivecritiquearguesforfurtherrefinementofthecatego-
riesscienceandnaturalphilosophyandtheirrelationtoreligion,andafiner-grainedempirical
aswellashistoricisttreatmentofsourcesintermsofwhichthesciencesaredefined.
Attemptingsuchafiner-grainedanalysisofthesourcesforBabyloniandivinationaswell
asotherancientsciences(e.g.,astronomy,magic,medicine|isaworthygoal.Focussingon
formalconsiderationsoftheomentextshasuncoveredthelogicalandsystematicnatureof
thesetextsasadirectresultoftheirconditionalform.Theirlogical,systematic,andinferen-
tialcharacter,Iwouldargue,warrantsclassificationwithscience.Otheraspectsofcuneiform
divination,particularlythoseinvolvingthepractice(asopposedtothenature|ofdivination,
23
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FRANCESCA ROCHBERG
indicate other possible classifications, for example, with magic or religion. The problem is
thatnoneofthesecategoriesarefoundinAkkadianterminology,thoughtherearewordsfor
observe(nasru|andpredict(qab|,apotropaicritual(namburb|,incantation(siptu|,and
gods(ilu|.
Thecategory'non-science,ontheotherhand,doesnotseemtobeusefulasitspurposeis
tosetwhatwenowholdtobejustifiedcorrectscientificknowledgeapartfromunjustifiedor
wrongbelief.Thishasthemouthfeelofmoralityratherthanhistory.Foranalyzingcuneiform
omentexts,dichotomousmodelsonlygenerateandthenperpetuateun-nuancedideasabout
whatthenatureofMesopotamiandivinationwas,reminiscentofearlyanthropologicalcharac-
terizationsofotherdivinationsystemsaspre-ornon-logical(suchasSpencer,Frazer,Tylor
and,mostfamously,Lvy-Bruhl|andthereforeasinvalidexplanationsofphenomena.
Inlightoftheaboveanalysisoftheeffectoftheconditionalonthelogicalstructureof
omensitwouldbedifficulttosustainclaimstopre-logicalthinking,orthenotionofadiffer-
entrationality.ItmustbesaidthatmorerecentlyithasbeenpointedoutthatLvy-Bruhldid
notpromotearacistagenda,asdidsomeintheearlytwentiethcentury,andultimately,under
pressurefromsomeofhiscritics,cametothinkthathistwotypesof'mentalits(thepre-
logicalandtherational|coexistedwithinallsocieties.Theresultofthiswholesalerevision
wasthatmagicalthinking,whichwasnotgenetic,cognitive,orevolutionary,wasnotreplaced
bynon-magicalthinkingthroughtheinexorableprogressofcognitiveevolution.Anthropology
ridmoderncognitivehistoriansoftheideathat'primitiveshadatremendousoralmemory
butalimitedpowerofabstractreasoning(vanderVeer2003:183:cf.Peek1991|.
Correspondingly,thehistoryoftheuseoftheterm'superstitionfurtherdemonstratesits
inapplicabilitytoMesopotamia.ThepejorativemeaningoftheLatinsuperstitiostemsfromthe
first-centuryB.C.RomancondemnationofdivinationnotsanctionedbytheState,laterhaving
theforceof'unreasonablereligiousbelief,asopposedtoreligio,thereasonable,orproper,
fearofthegods(Salzman1987:174andnn.10and14|.LegislationinA.D.297againstil-
licitdivinationandsuperstitiowasanideologicalandpoliticaltool,aimedagainstsorcerers
andManichaeans,notagainstthepracticeofdivinationinprinciple.Becauseofitsorigins,
theuseoftheterm'superstitioninhistoricalanalysis,unlikeuseoftheterm'science,can
onlyhaveaninvidiouseffect,connotingwrongbelief.Despitethediversityofthecuneiform
divinationcorpora,thereisnoevidenceofideologicalconflictsuchasthatbetweenorthodox
and unorthodox divination in the Roman principate. More importantly, no distinction was
ever invoked in cuneiform texts between say, astronomy and astrology. This is clear in the
lateUruktabletwhichgiveseffectiverulesnotonlyforpredictingmonthlengthsandlunar
eclipsesfromempiricaldataavailableintheastronomicaldiaries,butalsocontainssections
foruseinpredictingworldlyeventsofapoliticalnature,suchaswehaveinomenapodoses,
andconcludeswiththesubscriptBE-maES.BAR3,20anaIGI-kasaUDU.IDIM.MESina lu-mas
KIN.KIN-ma'Inorderforyoutoseeadivinedecision(puruss|aboutthekingyouseek(the
positions|oftheplanetswithinthe(zodiacal|constellations(TU11rev.37,Brack-Bernsen
andHunger2002:12|.Whateverissuesaroundwhichtheterms'astronomyand'astrology
latercametobedistinguished,includingimplicationsaboutthenatureoftheirknowledge,do
notapplyincuneiformtexts.
Furthermore,D.Martinhasarguedthattherejectionofsuperstitionwasnot'duetothe
rise of rationalism` or empiricism` in the ancient world (2004: 230|. He shows that the
investigationofthenaturalcausesofdiseasewasduetoashiftinbeliefaboutthenatureof
thegods,thattheywereincapableofperpetratingevil.Martincontinues,
24
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ancientintellectualsneverdemonstratedthatthe gods were good: they assumedit.
Theydidnotdiscovernew'evidenceaboutthenatureofthedivine....No,therejec-
tionofdivineanddaimoniccausationofdiseasedidnotcomeaboutsimplybecause
certainGreek men were suddenly 'rational thinkers whereas all their countrymen
were 'irrational, nor because they suddenly became 'empiricists whereas their
countrymen couldn`t see nature in front of their faces. The modernist depiction of
ancient'scienceascausedbyadevelopmentof'empiricismor'rationalityismis-
leadingandultimatelynotsupportedbytheevidence.Rather,wemustlooktoancient
social andcultural sourcesfortheinventionof'superstition(Martin2004:230|.
Whythisobservation is relevanttothestudy of Mesopotamiandivination is preciselythat,
even though our evidence does show an underlying rationality, its classification as 'sci-
ence on that basis is only part of the story. We still need to look to the larger social and
cultural context and put the rational dimension into a more complex whole of meanings,
methods,andpracticesthatconstitutedprognosticationbymeansofominoussignsinancient
Mesopotamia.
Thelastgenerationofhistoriansofsciencehasrejectedthescience-superstitiondichotomy
and other such binaries as not terribly useful, especially when placed in an evolutionary
schemethathasscience`sobjectivetruthsandtranscendentachievementsastriumphingover
lowerformsofthought.Butscienceisnolongerviewedassignalingaliberationfromprimi-
tiveorarchaicthought.Infact,asGeoffreyLloydputit,
theideasthatrationalityisdistributedunevenlyacrosspeoplesorpopulations,that
somearebetterendowedinthisrespectthanothers,thattherearegroupsthatexhibit
aninferiorrationalityorareotherwisedeficientinthisfaculty,thoseideaslooklike
theveryworstkindofcognitiveimperialism(Lloyd2007:151|.
We do not want to project the defining features of modern science back into antiq-
uity where knowledge takes other forms, is based on other methods, and has other aims.
Nevertheless,infullawarenessoftheanachronism,ancientdivination,astrology,andmagic
are now readily classified as sciences on the grounds that some characteristics of science
areconsideredtobecontinuousoverthecourseofhistory,evenwhileitscontentoraimis
discontinuous.
The purpose of the foregoing discussion was primarily intended to establish a formal
unityacrossomentextgenresbytheuseoftheconditionalstatementandtheimplementation
of reasoning styles (by analogy, and by inference|. Anchored by its tight logical structure,
thelistsofconditionals'IfP,thenQprovedtobeaneffectiveinstrumentformakingcon-
nections,andalsoservedasasystematizingdevice.Iftheseapplicationsoftheconditional
warrantcategorizationasscience,perhapsitismoreusefulforthehistoryofscience,asil-
lustrationofitsdiversity,thanitisforananalysisofMesopotamianculture.Butasscience(to
paraphraseQuineandUllian1978:3-4|revealswhatforaparticularcommunityconstitutes
knowledge,skillinreasoning,and,insomerelativeway,truth-specifically,truthderived
fromsuchreasoning-thethousandsofconditionalstatementscompiledinomenseriesareof
theessenceforunderstandinghowBabylonianandAssyrianscribesperceivedandconceived
the world in which they functioned, how they thought about what connected or related the
propositions comprising conditionals, and, consequently, what for them constituted knowl-
edge,skillinreasoning,andeventruth.
25
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FRANCESCA ROCHBERG
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brack-Bernsen,L.,andH.Hunger
2002 'TU 11: A Collection of Rules for the Prediction of Lunar Phases and of Month
Lengths.SC/AM\S3:3-90.
Clay,AlbertT.
1923 Epics, Hymns, Omens and Other Texts. Babylonian Records in the Library of
J.PierpontMorgan4.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress.
Czeowski,Tadeusz
2000 Knowledge, Science, and \alues: A Program jor Scientijic Philosophy. Edited by
L.Gumaski.PoznaStudiesinthePhilosophyoftheSciencesandtheHumanities
68.AmsterdamandAtlanta:Rodopi.
Cunningham,Andrew
1988 'Getting the Game Right: Some Plain Words on the Identity and Invention of
Science,Studies in History and Philosophy oj Science19:365-89.
Cunningham,Andrew,andRogerK.French
1996 Bejore Science: The /nvention oj the Friars` Natural Philosophy.Aldershot:Scolar
Press.
Cunningham,Andrew,andP.Williams
1993 'De-centring the Big Picture`: The Origins of Modern Science and the Modern
OriginsofScience.British 1ournal jor the History oj Science26:407-32.
Dear,Peter
2001 'Religion, Science, and Natural Philosophy: Thoughts on Cunningham`s Thesis.
Studies in History and Philosophy oj Science32:377-86.
Lvy-Bruhl,Lucien
1922 Les jonctions mentales dans les societes injerieures.6thedition.TravauxdelÀnne
sociologique.Paris:Alcan.Firstpublished1910byFlixAlcan.
1976 La mentalite primitive.Lesclassiquesdesscienceshumaines.Paris:Retz.Firstpub-
lished1922byFlixAlcan.
Lloyd,GeoffreyE.R.
2007 Cognitive \ariations: Rejlections on the Unity and Diversity oj the Human Mind.
Oxford:ClarendonPress.
Manetti,G.
1993 Theories oj the Sign in Classical Antiquity.TranslatedbyC.Richardson.Indianapolis:
IndianaUniversityPress.
Martin,D.
2004 /nventing Superstition: From the Hippocratics to the Christians.Cambridge:Harvard
UniversityPress.
Mill,J.S.
1886 A System oj Logic, Ratiocinative and /nductive.London:Green.
Peek,PhilipM.,editor
1991 Ajrican Divination Systems: Bays oj Knowing. Indianapolis: Indiana University
Press.
Quine,W.V.,andJ.S.Ullian
1978 The Beb oj Beliej.NewYork:RandomHouse.
Reesor,M.E.
1965 'FateandPossibilityinEarlyStoicPhilosophy.Phoenix 19:285-97.
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oi.uchicago.edu
Reiner,Erica,andDavidPingree
2005 Babylonian Planetary Omens: Part Four.CuneiformMonographs30.Leiden:Brill:
Boston:Styx.
Rochberg,Francesca
2004 The Heavenly Briting: Divination, Horoscopy, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian
Culture.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress
2009 'Inference,Conditionals,andPossibilityinAncientMesopotamianScience.Science
in Context22:4-25.
Salzman,M.R.
1987 'Superstitio` in the Codex Theodosianus and the Persecution of Pagans. \igilae
Christianae41:172-88.
vanderVeer,R.
2003 'PrimitiveMentalityReconsidered.Culture and Psychology9:179-84.
27
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GREEK PH/LOSOPH AND S/GNS 29
3
GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND SIGNS
JAMESALLEN,UNIVERSITYOFPITTSBURGH
1
Ourterm'signcomes,ofcourse,straightfromtheLatinsignum,whichinturnrenders
theGreekoqrt ov,whoserangeofusesittracksprettyclosely.Notonlytheterm,butthe
ideaorcomplexofideasforwhichitstandsareaninheritancefromGreco-Romanantiquity.
IfinthisareaasinsomanyotherstheRomanswereindebtedtotheGreeks,hereaselsewhere
theHellenicworldwasindebtedtotheancientNearEasterncivilizationsthatprecededand
coincidedwithit.Theissuesraisedbythesedebtslieoutsidethescopeofthisessay,theaim
ofwhichistwofold.Iwanttosketch,inveryroughoutline,someofthemaindevelopments
inancientGreekthinkingaboutsigns.Tothatend,Ishallbeexploringsomeofthedistinc-
tionsinwhichthatthoughtisenshrined.ButIalsowanttolookatsomecornersofancient
Greekthoughtaboutthissubjectthatarenotcaptured,oratanyrateareaccommodatedonly
withsomestrain,bytheframeworktowhichthesedistinctionsbelong.Inthewayofeventhe
bestandmostilluminatingeffortstodistinguishandclassify,thesedistinctionsdonotcover
allcasesequallywell,andasoftenhappens,itisthecasesthatimposethemoststrainon,a
systemorframeworkthatareinsomewaysthemostinteresting.
2
Asafirstapproximation,wemightsaythatasignissomethingthathasorconveysmean-
ing.Thisproposalisontherightlines,butbaldlystatedithasthepotentialtomislead.Talk
of'meaninginevitablybringstomindwords,statements,andthelike-inaword,language
orlanguage-likecommunicationdevicessuchascodedmessagesorsignals.
Itisnotthatwedonotfindtheancientterm'signandtheverb'signifyemployedin
this way. This use is well and amply attested. Plato`s Cratylus was the most sustained and
influential contribution to the long-running ancient debate about whether word-meaning is
simplyamatterofconventionorthereis,rather,anaturalstandardofcorrectnessthatgov-
ernstherelationbetweenwordsandtheirmeaningssothatsomewordsarebettersuitedby
naturetomeancertainthingsthanothers.Thenaturalisttheoryexpoundedandsubjectedto
criticalexaminationbySocratesinthedialogueenvisagesoriginallegislatorsofnameswho
aresaidtohavefashioned'asignandanameforeachexistingthing(427c|.Inthepassage
inPlato`sSophistwhereforthefirsttimethefunctionofaname,viz.topickoutorreferto
anobject,isdistinguishedfromthatofastatement,whereinapredicateisjoinedtothename
toassertsomethingoftheobjectdesignatedbythename,thewordscomposingthestatement
are described as 'signs consisting in speech (262d|. Aristotle calls words 'signs in his
discussionofthestatementscomposedoutofthemintheDe interpretatione (16a16,b7,10|.
Stoic dialectic, which corresponds roughly to our discipline of logic but also covers much
ofthe ground coveredby grammarand theoryof meaning,was concernedbothwiththings
29
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1AMES ALLEN 30
thatsignify,thatis,words,andwhattheysignifyormean(DiogenesLaertius7.62|.Anda
gooddeallater,SaintAugustine(A.D.354-430|,whohasmuchtosayaboutsigns,willtreat
scriptureasasystemofdivinelygivensigns.
Yetanotheruseof'signisatleastascommon.'Smokeisasignoffire.'Tracksofthis
kindareasignthataleopardhaspassedthisway.'Thefactthatthereisaringaroundthe
moonisasignthatitwillraintomorrow.Incaseslikethesethereis,itseems,noquestionof
anyonemeaningsomethingbythesignsatissue.Theyserve,instead,asevidenceorgrounds
foraconclusion - and thisappears tobea very differentthingindeed. Yetheretoo,even
intheabsenceofsomeonewhomeanssomething,westillspeakofmeaning.'Thefactthat
thereisaringaroundthemoonmeansthatitwillraintomorrow,'Smokemeansfire,and
soon.Thesefactsarethebasisofthedistinctionbetweennaturalandnon-naturalmeaning
drawninacelebratedarticlebyH.P.Grice,whowashimselflookingbacktoadistinction
of Saint Augustine`s between natural and given signs (signa naturalia, signa data|.
1
Very
roughlyspeaking,naturalmeaning,whichbelongstonaturalsignsassuch,istheevidential
supportthatasignfurnishesforaconclusion,whilegivensignsareusedbyhumans,orbe-
ingsrelevantlylikethem,inordertoconveytheirthoughtstoothersuchbeings,whereitis
somehowessentialifthistaskistobeeffectedthattherecipientgraspthatthisistheintention
ofthesign`suser.
2
The fact that the word 'meaning, with its very different history, also extends across
thedivideseparatingthenaturalfromthenon-naturalorgivendividesuggeststhatitisnot
anaccidentthat the sameterm 'signcomestobeusedofthese very differentcases.They
have,andwerefelttohave,somethingimportantincommon.ThusaccordingtoAugustine,
'asignissomethingthatbringsitaboutbyitselfthatsomethingapartfromtheimpressionit
makesonthesensescomestomind(De doctrina christiana2.1.1|.Weshallcomebackto
thedistinctionbetweennaturalandgivensigns,whichisoneofthosethatImeantosuggest
comesunderstrain.
3
Forthepresent,however,Ishallconcentrateonthenaturalsideofthedivide.A(natural|
signfurnishesevidence:whenallgoeswell,wecometoknowsomethingdistinctfromitby
inferringaconclusionfromit.Todischargethisfunction,itisnotenoughthatthesignfurnish
groundsfortheconclusionatissue,itmustbebetterormoreeasilyknownthanit,eitherin
generalorontheoccasionofitsuseasasign.Thisconditionisenshrinedintherequirement
thatasignberevelatory,whichispartoftheStoicdefinitionofthesignas'atrueantecedent
inasoundconditionalrevelatoryoftheconsequent.
3
So,forexample,thoughthefactthat
1
Grice1957:cf.Grice1982.
2
Notethatonanaturalisttheoryofthekindexamined
intheCratylus,wordswillnotnecessarilybeclassi-
fiedasnaturalratherthangivensigns.Accordingto
theversionofnaturalismelaboratedbySocrates,the
naturalnessofawordisitsfitnesstobeusedasan
instrumentbyhumanbeingstoconveytheirthoughts
toeachotherinthewaythatischaracteristicofnon-
naturalmeaning(434e|.Bythemselvesindependently
oftheusetowhichhumanbeingsputthem,however,
theydonotmeansomethinginthewaythatbearers
of natural meaning do, except in the way that any
vocalsoundmight.'Words(inalanguageunknown
tome|arebeingproducedontheothersideofthat
screen.Thismeansthereissomeonespeakingthere,
orperhapsaparrotoraloudspeaker.
3
SextusEmpiricus, Outlines oj Pyrrhonism2.104:
Adversus mathematicos 8.245: |Galen] Historia
philosopha,ch.9.
oi.uchicago.edu
it is light follows from the fact that is it day, the latter can hardly be a sign of the former.
Onecannotknowthatitisdaywithout,atthesametime,knowingthatitislight.Compare
thefamiliarexamplescitedearlier:smokeasasignoffire,tracksasthesignofananimal`s
passage,andthelike.Knowledgeofthesignis,sotospeak,giventousdirectly,whilethat
ofwhichitisasigncomestobeknownthroughthesign.
The ancientGreek r vo py rto and Latinevidentia mean the quality of being evident or
manifest, which I believe remains the dominant sense of 'evidence in modern European
languagesapartfromEnglish.Toserveasevidence jororofaconclusion,asignmustexhibit
evidenceinthissenseinadditiontofurnishinggroundsforaconclusion,eitherabsolutelyor
bycomparisonwiththeconclusionforwhichitisevidence,whichfactseemstoliebehind
thesenseofthetermmeaningevidencejoraconclusion.
There is another pervasive, if not completely ubiquitous, feature of the ancient Greek
philosophicalthoughtaboutsignsthatcallsforcomment.Inferencefromsignsoften,though
notalways,makesuptheinferiorsideofacontrastwithformsofinference,sometimescalled
'demonstrations(o ro ortt|,thatare,inonewayoranother,superiortoit.Theversionof
thiscontrastthatwefindinAristotle,whereforthemostpartitisimplicit,isrepresentative.
Accordingtohim,onehasknowledge,atleastinthestrictandfavoredsense,notwhenone
hasatruebeliefandisjustifiedinholdingit-theconditionthatwetendtomeanwhenwe
speakofknowledgeandthefocusofmostcontemporaryepistemology-butratherwhen,in
addition,oneunderstandswhymattersareasoneknowsthemtobe,thatis,graspsthecause
orexplanationfortheirbeingso.Thisisknowingthe becauseasopposedtoknowing(merely|
the that,asAristotleoftenputsit,anditisthisconditionthatdeservesabovealltobecalled
knowledgeinhisview.
Thefirstprinciplesofascience,intermsofwhicheverythinginthedomainofthatscience
istobeexplained,arethemselvesself-explanatory,notbybeingself-evident,butinthesense
that,whileotherthingsareexplainedandunderstoodbyreferencetothem,theyarenotun-
derstoodorexplainedbyreferencetoothermorefundamentalprinciples.Whenheisadhering
strictlytohisowntechnicalterminology,Aristotlecallsourgraspofthemnot'knowledge
(r rtotq q|butvo\ ,'intuitionorhoweverelsewechoosetotranslatethiselusiveterm.
Knowledgeorr rtotq q,mostproperlysocalled,isconfinedtoderivativetruths,whichone
mustgraspasconsequencesofthefirstprinciplesbywhichtheyarenecessitatedandexplained
ifoneistoknowtheminthisfavoredsense.AccordingtoAristotle,thisconditionconsistsin
thegraspofanargumentorsyllogismofaspecialkind,viz.,ademonstration,whichinturn
isdefinedasasyllogismbygraspingwhichweknow(Nicomachean Ethics6.3,1139b31-2:
Analytica posteriora1.2,71b18|.
Consider a favorite example of his: the demonstration that the planets do not twinkle
(Analytica posteriora 1.13, 78a30-b4|.Not-twinkling belongs to all that is near, nearness
belongstotheplanets:thereforetheplanetsdonottwinkle.ThosefamiliarwithAristotelian
logicwillrecognizethisasacategoricalsyllogisminthefirstfiguremood,Barbara.Acrucial
feature of a demonstration, according to Aristotle, is that the so-called middle term, in this
casenearness,statethecauseorexplanation.Itisbecausetheplanetsarenearthattheydonot
twinkle,anditis,therefore,bygraspingthissyllogismthatoneunderstandswhytheplanets
donottwinkleatthesametimeasonegraspsthattheydonot.
Butsuppose,saysAristotle,thatthepremisestatingthatnot-twinklingbelongstoallthat
isnearconverts,thatis,notonlydoesnot-twinklingbelongtoeverythingthatisnearbutnear-
nessbelongstoeverythingthatdoesnottwinkle.Intheseconditions,itispossibletoconstruct
anargument,alsoasyllogisminBarbara,thatdeducestheconclusionthattheplanetsarenear,
oi.uchicago.edu
1AMES ALLEN 32
oneofthepremisesofthedemonstrationabove,fromtheconvertedproposition,everything
thatdoesnottwinkleisnear,togetherwiththefact,whichcanbeestablishedbyobservation,
that the planets do not twinkle. Though the argument is no less valid and its premises and
conclusionnolesstrue,itisnotademonstration,strictlyspeaking,sincetheconclusionisnot
explainedbythepremises.Themiddleterm,not-twinklinginthiscase,isnotthecause:that
is,itisnotbecausetheplanetsdonottwinklethattheyarenear,thoughitisbecausetheydo
nottwinklethat,whenguidedbythisargument,wearejustifiedinconcludingthattheyare
near.Inold-fashionedterms,nottwinklingistheratiocognoscendinottheratioessendi.
4
But though not the cause, not-twinkling is evidence for the nearness of the planets or,
alternatively,asignoftheirbeingnear.ElsewhereAristotlegivesexamplesofpairsofsyl-
logismsthatshareaconclusion,oneofwhichisademonstration,theotheraninferencefrom
signs.Forexample,whenthemooniseclipsedthiscanbedemonstratedfromthefactthatit
isundergoinginterpositionbytheearth,whichisthecauseoftheeclipse(Analytica poste-
riora2.8,93a36ff.|.Thesameconclusioncanalsobededucedfromthefactthatthemoonis
unabletoproduceashadowdespitebeingfull.Butthelatter,namelybeingunabletoproduce
ashadow,isnotthecauseofthemoonbeingeclipsed,butmerelyasignofit.
Thus in Aristotle`s hands talk of signs often signals a contrast between inferences that
putusinapositiontoknowthethatandinferencesthatlaybarethecausestherebyenabling
ustounderstandthewhy.Signsare,ifyouwill,mereevidence.Indeedthefewremarksthat
Aristotledevotesexplicitlytosign-inferenceareinpassagesconcernedwithformsofargu-
mentthataremostprominentinrhetoric,wheretheobjectisnotadeeperunderstandingof
thekindsoughtinthesciences,butthesimpleestablishingofthefacts(Analytica priora2.27:
Rhetorica1.2,1357a33ff.:2.25,1402b12ff.|.
5
4
Twoobservationsshouldbemadebeforeweproceed.First,someancientphilosophers,
especially but not only the pre-Socratics, were happy to speak of signs in connection with
inferencesbymeansofwhichthesciencesareconstitutedandanunderstandingoftheultimate
causesatworkinnaturesecured(ifnotquiteintheAristotelianway|.Thisseemsoftento
coincidewithatendencynottodrawthekindofdistinctionsbetweentypesofinferenceand
typesofgroundthatwehavebeenconsidering,oratleastnottoassignitaplaceofsuchcen-
tralimportance.Epicurusisanexample,aboutwhomIshallhavemoretosaysoon.Second,
forthosewhodo makethe distinction, experience(r rrtpt o, experientia| is anespecially
fruitfulsourceofsign-inferencesofthelessexaltedsort.
Since at least the time of Plato and Aristotle, experience was conceived in something
likethefollowingway.Itarisesoutofrepeatedepisodesofperceptionandisconfinedtothe
objects that fall under perception, which are, if you will, inferentially brute or discrete: by
themselvesandassuch,theyimplynothingsubstantivelydifferentfromtheirownexistence.
Nevertheless,observationofrecurringpatternsofsequenceandconjunctionamongsuchob-
jectsfurnishesuswithastockofempiricalgeneralizations,whichareofgreatvaluenotleast
insupportingsign-inferenceslikethatfromsmoketofire.
4
ComparePatzig1981.
5
CompareBurnyeat1982:194-206.
oi.uchicago.edu
According to the view in question, however, no amount of experience by itself is suf-
ficienttouncovertheunderlyingnaturesofthingsbecauseofwhichtheybehaveastheyare
observedtodo:thesenaturesarethecausesintermsofwhichgenuineexplanationsmustbe
framed,andtheycanberevealed,ifatall,onlybytheinsightsofaspecialfacultyofreason.
Plato,Aristotleandthosewhofollowthemonthispointinsistthatarealart(tr vq|andreal
knowledge(r rtotq q|mustgobeyondexperiencetograspthecauseswiththeaidofreason
conceivedinthisspecialway.Theotherdistinctionwithwhichweshallbechieflyconcerned
isthatbetweenreasonandexperience.
5
Thesefactsneedtobekeptinviewasweturntowhatisfarandawaythemostextensive
discussionofsignsinsurvivingancientGreekphilosophicalliterature,thatfoundinSextus
Empiricus, whowasaPyrrhonian Scepticactive,probably,inlatesecondcentury A.D.His
task as a sceptic was to call into question pretensions to knowledge in each department of
philosophy.Tothisend,headoptsaframeworkdividingphilosophyintoparts,withinwhich
heexpoundsinenormousandenormouslyvaluabledetailtheviewsofhisdogmaticopponents
beforeundertakingtorefutethem.Hetacklesepistemologyfirst(whichbelongstothelogical
divisionofphilosophyastheancientGreeksconceivedit|,andhetreatsascommonground
adivisionoflaborbetweenthecriterion,ontheonehand,andsignsandproofsontheother
(Adversus mathematicos 7.24-26,cf.396:8.140,319:Outlines oj Pyrrhonism2.96|.
Knowledgeofevidentmattersistheprovinceofthecriterionaccordingtotheframework
thatheadopts,andthetruthswonwithitsaidareinturnthebasisofinferencesbysignsor
demonstrationsthatpromisetoextendknowledgetotherealmofthenon-evident.Itisplain
thatinsettingupthisframeworkSextusdoesnotdistinguishbetweenthefunctionofsigns
and that of demonstrations and that he assigns to both an elevated part in the formation of
naturalphilosophicaltheory.
TheviewsthatSextusgoesontopresentandexaminewhenheturnstosignsdonotreally
fulfillthecorrespondingexpectation,however,andthisisonlythefirstinaseriesofpeculiari-
tiesinhisaccount.Hisdiscussionisframedintermsofadistinctionbetweencommemora-
tiveandindicativesigns,onlytheformerofwhich,hesays,areacceptabletothePyrrhonists
(Outlines oj Pyrrhonism2.200-01:cf.Adversus mathematicos8.154|.
Acommemorativesignis:'thatwhich,havingbeenevidentlyco-observedwiththe
signified,togetherwithitsoccurrencewhenthesignifiedmatterisnon-evident,leads
usintoarecollectionofwhatwasco-observedwithitbutisnownotmanifest.
Anindicativesignis:'thatwhichhasnotbeenevidentlyco-observedwiththesigni-
fied,butfromitsownnatureandconstitutionsignifiesthatofwhichitisasign.
Though this distinction is philosophical in the sense of being concerned with episte-
mologicalissuesofcompletelygeneralimport,therearegoodreasonstobelievethatitwas
not the creation of professional philosophers, but rather had its origin in the context of the
long-runningdebatebetweentheself-styledEmpiricalschoolofmedicine,whicharoseinthe
mid-thirdcenturyB.C.,anditsopponents,themedicalrationalists.
6
6
Forargumentssupportingthisconclusion,seeAllen
2001:107ff.,whofollowsPhilippson1881:65ff.
oi.uchicago.edu
1AMES ALLEN 34
TheEmpiricistsacceptedthechallengelaiddownbyPlatoandAristotleandundertook
toshowthatexperiencewasentirelysufficienttogiverisetoanartbyitselfwithouttheaid
ofreasoninthespecialsenseinwhichitreferstoafacultywhosedistinctivecharacteristicis
theabilitytograsptruthsnotaccessibletoobservation.Rationalism,ontheotherhand,was
notasingleschool,butatendencycommontomedicalthinkersofdiverseviewsbelonging
to different schools who were united only by the conviction that a true art must go beyond
experienceandgraspthehiddennaturesandcausesofthingsbymeansofreason.
Thecommemorativesignwas,itseems,thefavoredtooloftheEmpiricists:theindicative
signthatoftherationalists.Bothseemtohavetheirhomeinthepracticeofanartratherthan
the original process of constituting one. Commemorative signs point to evident events and
conditionswithwhichtheyhavebeenconjoinedinpastexperience.Inthesphereofmedicine,
indicativesignsrevealthehidden,pathologicalconditionsunderlyingthepatient`ssymptoms,
whichinturnindicatetheappropriatetherapy.Tobesure,indicativesignscouldperhapsbe
viewedasplayingadoublerole,asthemeansbywhichtheoryisappliedtoparticularcasesin
practiceandasthemeansbywhichelementsinthetheoryareinferredfromevidentobserva-
tioninthefirstplace,whichwouldmakeforcloserfitwithSextus`framework.Thereislittle
evidenceforthis,however.
Letmementiontwomoreimportantoddities.Iftherewasapositionthatdoesmeetthe
expectationscreatedbySextus`framework,itwouldseemtobethatofEpicurusandhisfol-
lowers, who make explicit appeals to signs as the basis of their theories about non-evident
mattersintherealmofnaturalphilosophy,atoms,andthemotionsofdistantheavenlybodies,
forinstance.ButthoughhementionsEpicurusacoupleoftimesinpassing,Sextushasnothing
substantivetosayaboutEpicureanviews(Adversus mathematicos8.177,185|.
Ontheotherhand,hedevotesmuchattentiontotheStoics,whosedefinitionofthesign
Icitedabove.ButthisturnsouttobeperhapsthemostpuzzlingthingofallinSextus`treat-
mentof signs.Hehas,as we have seen, nocomplaintagainstthecommemorativesignand
promises to direct his fire exclusively on indicative signification. The Stoic theory against
whichhearguesshouldthenbeatheoryofindicativesignification,oratleasthaveitsprimary
applicationtoindicativesignswhethertheStoicsusedthisterminologyornot.Andindeedthe
textofSextusplainlystatesthattheStoicdefinitionismerelyanalternativecharacterization
oftheindicativesign(Outlines oj Pyrrhonism2.102|.Soawkwardistheplacementofthis
assertion,andsopoorlydoesitfititscontext,however,thatscholars,includingtheeditorof
thestandardedition,haverejecteditasaninterpolation.Ifthisisright,asthereisgoodreason
tobelievethatitis,whatwehaveisanill-fatedefforttopaperoveragapbetweenSextus`
avowedpurposetocombattheindicativesignandtheprominencehegivestothecaseagainst
aStoictheorywhoserelationtoindicativesignsistheoppositeofclear.
6
Indeed,suchevidenceaswehavepointstoacloseraffinitywithempiricalreasoningof
the kind that falls under the head of commemorative signification.Unlike the Empiricists,
theStoicsdidnotquestionthepossibilityofgraspingthehiddennaturesofthingsorreject
causalexplanationsbasedonthem.IndeedSextusalsopreservesaStoictheoryofdemonstra-
tionwhosechiefapplicationappearstohavebeencausalexplanationinnaturalphilosophy,
whichisaccordeditsowndiscussionbySextus(Outlines oj Pyrrhonism2.134-92:Adversus
oi.uchicago.edu
mathematicos8.199-481|.
7
ButtheStoicsseemtohavesupposedthatweareinapositionto
graspthecausesfarlessoftenthanmanyrationalistssupposed.ThusChrysippus(ca.280-207
B.C.|,thethirdscholarchoftheStoaandthephilosophermostresponsibleforworkingoutthe
orthodoxStoicpositionindetail,urgesustorelyonexperienceandhistory-termsthatfigure
prominentlyintheEmpiricistsòwnself-description-inthosealltoofrequentcaseswhere
causalspeculationislikelytoleadusintoerror(Plutarch,De Stoicorum repugnantiis1047c|.
AndPosidonius(ca.135-50B.C.|,themostprominentStoicofhistime,couldbefaultedby
otherStoicsforaetiologizingintheAristotelianmannerratherthanpreservingamoreauthenti-
callyStoicreservebeforethehiddeness(r rt xp\t|ofthecauses(Strabo2.3.8|.
Asithappens,thereisaStoicdisciplineoccupiedwithsignswhosemethodwasingood
partempirical,namelydivination,aboutwhichweknowagooddealowingtoCicero`sinter-
est (106-43 B.C.|. He tackled the subject in his workDe divinatione where, proceeding as
anAcademicskeptic,heexpoundstheStoicviewbeforeundertakingtorefuteit.
8
Inaway
thatshouldsoundveryfamiliarbynow,hedistinguishesknowledgethat,whichisobtained
throughsigns,fromknowledgeofcauses,which,tobesure,whencomplete,wouldmakeit
possibletoknowthefutureineveryparticular,butwhich,inthisform,isavailableonlytoa
god(De divinatione1.127:cf.12,16,29,35,86,109|.Muchofthetime,then,humanbeings
areobligedtofallbackonsigns.
They are greatlyhelped by thefactthatthesignsinquestion werefashionedbydivine
providence for the benefit of humankind. According theStoics, divination is the power to
grasp and interpret the signs sent by Gods to human beings (De divinatione 2.130: Sextus
Empiricus,Adversus mathematicos 9.132:Stobaeus,Ekologai2.170|.Ithastwoparts,artifi-
cialandnatural.Theformerisso-calledbecausethesignswithwhichitisoccupiedrequire
specializedexpertisetointerpret,whilethenaturaldivisionreliesonthingslikeinspiredut-
terancesanddreamswhichdonot(thoughthereare,unsurprisingly,complicationshavingto
dowiththeskilledinterpretationthatdreamsandpropheticutterancesdosometimesrequire|.
Though artificial divination is also concerned with the interpretation of portents, much the
largestshareofitsattentionisabsorbedbysignsdiscoveredbylongobservation,whoseef-
ficacyisexplainedalongempiricallinesandillustratedwithexamplesdrawnfrommedicine,
viewedasanempiricalart,andotherartsviewedinthesameway.
NordoIaskwhythistreealoneshouldflowerthreetimesnorwhyitmakesthetime
for ploughing fit with the sign of its flowering. I am content with this, that, even
thoughIdonotknowwhythishappens, Idoknowwhathappens.Soforeverykind
ofdivinationIshallgivethesameanswerasIdidforthethingsIhavecited.Isee
the efficacy of the scammony root for purging and birthwort for countering snake
bites.andthisissufficient:Idonotknowwhytheywork.InthesamewayIdonot
understandadequatelytheexplanationforthesignsofwindandrain..Irecognize,
Iknow,andIvouchfortheforceandresultofthem(De divinatione1.16:translation
fromWardle2006:50|.
ThustheStoicscamedownsquarelyontheempiricalsideofalong-runningdebateabout
divinationespeciallyprominentindiscussionsofastrology.Atissuewasthequestionwhether
itsefficacyistobeexplainedastheresultofdiscoveringthecausalinfluencesexertedonhu-
manbeingsandtheiraffairsbyheavenlybodiesorrathermerelyamatterofgraspingempirical
correlationsthecausesresponsibleforwhichremainhidden.
9
7
CompareBrunschwig1980:Barnes1980.
8
Onthiswork,seeWardle2006.
oi.uchicago.edu
1AMES ALLEN 36
The fact that natural signs are the concern of artificial divination while natural divina-
tionisoccupiedwithwhatlookratherlikebearersofnon-naturalmeaningisperhapsonlya
superficialparadox.Yetthedistinctionswithwhichwebeganareboundtotakeonadifferent
look in the context of a view like theStoics`, according to which the universe is governed
downtothelastdetailbyaprovidentialdeitywhosebenevolenceextendstotheprovisionof
signsforustoread.TheStoicsmaintainedthattheworldwassocreatedatthebeginningthat
certainsignsrunaheadofcertainthings(De divinatione1.118,cf.35|.Attheveryleast,the
cleandivisionbetweennaturalsignsandbearersofnaturalmeaning,whichdonotdependon
intention for their significance, on the one hand, and given signs or bearers of non-natural
meaning,ontheother,whichsignifyasaresultofanintentiontosignifythatmustbegrasped
forthispurposetobeeffected,willnotlookquitethesame.
Onewaytoapproachthispointsetsoutfromafamiliarproblem:Howcanexperienceof
conjunctionsamongobjectsoreventsbetweenwhichreasoncannotdiscernanyotherrelations
furnishagroundorreasonforinferringonefromtheother?Oneresponse,mostfamouslyas-
sociatedwithDavidHume,istodenythatitcanandinsistthattheobservationofconjunctions
doesnotputusinpossessiongroundsforinferencesproperlysocalled,butrathergivesrise
tocustomsorhabitsbywhichpracticeisgovernedintheabsenceofreason.Itisnoteworthy
thattherewasaprominentstrandofradicalanti-rationalismamongthemedicalEmpiricists,
some of whom insisted that they were not engaged in the business of reasoning at all, but
wereinsteadguidedbydispositions,implantedbyexperience,toberemindedofonethingby
theperceptionofanotherwithwhichithadbeenconjoinedinpastobservation.Otherswere
willingtospeakofreasoning,butinsistedthatthekindofreasoningthattheyemployedwas
ofanordinary,everydaysortrestrictedtothephenomena,whichtheycalledepilogismosin
order to distinguish it from reason of the objectionable rationalist kind, which they called
analogismos.
10
Aswehaveseen,however,conspicuouscorrelationsamongeventsbetween
whichreasoncandiscernnoconnectionwere,accordingtotheStoics,deliberatelycontrived
forthebenefitofhumankindbygod.
No doubt it is possible to be guided by these signs without being aware of or paying
heedtothedivineintentionofwhichtheyaretheexpression.Butonemayalso,andItakeit
theStoicdivinerwill,gofurtherandviewdivinatorysignsasasystemofdivinelyinstituted
signals,withtheresultthatthefaithhereposesinthesignsthathestudieswillnotbeamat-
terofeitherrationallygroundlesscustom,ontheonehand,orconvictiongroundedinpurely
empiricalreasoning-supposingthereissuchathing-,ontheother,butmorelikethetrust
oneplacesinthetestimonyofanunimpeachableauthority.Longobservationandexperience
willforhimbeasourceofcluesaboutwhatthegodsmeantotellus,ratherthanbeingviewed
simplyasthesourceofgroundstobeexploitedinempiricalreasoningorthecausalbasisfor
mentalhabitsofassociation.
Orrather,theywillbethisinadditiontobeingthat.TheStoicswerefarfromrepudiating
the idea of the empirical. We have seen Chrysippus appealing to it.It is plain that even in
theartofdivinationastheStoicsconceivedittherewillbeanempiricalaspectordimension
towhatisknowninthesphereofartificialdivinationandanempiricalleveltothediviner`s
understanding of it. This is implied by the comparison between divination and less exalted
arts.Theconcernwithdivinelysentsignsassuchseemstobedistinctiveofthediviner`sart
9
CompareLong1982:Adamson2008.
10
Galen, De sectis ingredientibus 3.10.23-24,
11.8-10SM(inMarquardt,Mueller,andHelmreich
1967|: Galen, Subjiguratio empirica 62, 24-3 (in
Deichgrber1965|:Galen,On Medical Experience
(inFredeandWalzer1985:133-35,140|:cf.Frede
1990.
oi.uchicago.edu
-witnesstheStoicdefinitionofdivination-thoughitisanintriguingquestionwhetherthe
regularitiesonwhichempiricalartsofalesselevatedkindrelyarealsodeliberatelycontrived
bydivineagencyforthebenefitofhumankind.CertainlyStoicviewsaboutprovidencearenot
incompatiblewiththesuggestion.Yettherearesomedifferences.Themoreordinaryempirical
arts,orartswithasubstantialempiricalcomponent,areonlyatoneremovefromagraspof
thenatureofthematterswithwhichtheydealandthecausesatworkinthem,whereassuch
anunderstanding may be in principleimpossible for humanbeingsinthesphere ofdivina-
tion.Thedivineintentionsbehindtheregularitiesstudiedandexploitedby,forexample,the
medicalartare,onesuspects,nobusinessofthedoctorassuch.Itisplausibletothinkthat
the perspective proper to medicine and other arts like it is a naturalistic one, even though
to the Stoic way of thinking, this is a narrow or restricted way of viewing matters that can
besubsumedinabroaderperspectivefromwhichnatureisseenastheexpressionofdivine
reason,indeed,inasense,identicaltoit.
If this suggestionis onthe rightlines, thedistinctionbetweenthe naturaland thenon-
naturaldoesgainapurchaseinStoicism.Notonlycantherebeanaloguesofindicativesig-
nification,whichdonotraisethequestionthatwehavebeenconsidering-theconclusion
of the sign-inference will be accepted on the strength of the rationally compelling grounds
afforded by the sign, but the presumably much larger mass of signs grasped through long
observationcanbeunderstoodalongpurelyempiricallines.Whatismore,theywillbesoun-
derstoodmuchofthetimeandbyhumanbeingsreasoninginmostcapacities.Whatisstriking
anddistinctiveabouttheStoics,however,isthatonebranchofdivinationastheyconceiveit
isbothanimpeccablyrigorousapplicationofempiricalmethodandameansofinterpreting
divinely given signals. Understood in one way and viewed from one perspective, the signs
with which it is occupied are or are used as natural signs. Viewed in broader perspective,
however,theempiricallygroundedsign-inferencesthatthedivinerdrawsarenotnaturalin
awaythatcanbesharplycontrastedwiththenon-natural.Fortheyarenotonlytheproduct
of divine intentions, but of intentions whose divine author intends that they be recognized,
atleastbydiviners,whoseothertasks,itwillberecalled,includeinterpretingotherkindsof
messagefromthegods,forexample,portents.
7
MattersareotherwisewhenweturntotheEpicureans,whoseviewsaboutthegodscould
hardlybemoredifferentfromtheStoa`s.ThegodsofEpicurus,suchastheyare,didnotcre-
atetheworld,exertnoinfluenceonit,andcouldnotcarelessabouthumanbeings.Nothing
intheworldobservedbyhumanbeingsistheproductofdivineintention,andthereis,asa
result,acleanbreakbetweennaturalsignsandthesignshumanbeingscreateandgivetoone
another, even if the Epicureans do not themselves speak of 'signs in this connection. The
break stands out that much more clearly as, in the Epicurean view, the development of the
latterdependsonthepriorexistenceoftheformer.Epicurus`pioneeringaccountoftheorigin
ofspeech and languageenvisagesa transitionfromanearlyphaseinwhichhumanbeings`
spontaneousvocalutterancesserveaswhatwewouldcallnaturalsignsoftheirmentalstates
andemotions,tolaterphaseswherethepossibilityofconveyinginformationthatisrevealed
in this way is deliberately exploited by human beings, who now fashion and use words in
oi.uchicago.edu
1AMES ALLEN 38
ordertocommunicatetheirthoughtstoeachother(Letter to Herodotus75-76:cf.Lucretius,
De rerum natura5.1056-90|.
11
OurattemptstounderstandEpicureanviewsaboutsigninferencehavebeengreatlyas-
sisted by the survival, in the form of a papyrus buried at Herculaneum by the eruption of
MountVesuviusinA.D.79,ofaworkbythefirst-centuryB.C.poetandEpicureanphilosopher
Philodemus:On Signs and Sign-injerences(theDe signis forshort|.
12
Amongtheproblems
presentedbywhatwefindinitisonethathastodowiththedistinctionbetweentheempiri-
calandtherational,orratheritsapparentabsence.Aswehavealreadyseen,theEpicurean
positionwouldseematfirsttobeaparadigmaticexampleofrationalistthought.According
toempiricism,knowledgeisconfinedtothephenomena,whichareaccessibletoperception,
andthepatternsofconjunctionandsequencethatareobservedtoobtainamongthemanddoes
notextendtoso-callednon-evidentmatters.
Averylargepart,perhapsthelargestpart,ofEpicurusandhisfollowersènergieswere
occupied with natural philosophy. Their motives were idiosyncratic to be sure, namely, by
offering a purely naturalistic account of nature and natural phenomena to remove divine
agencyfrom the pictureandsofree humanbeingsfromsuperstition,whichwasintheir-
theEpicureans`-viewtheprincipalobstacletohappiness.Tothisend,Epicuruselaborated
anatomictheory of matter andoffered explanations for naturalphenomena,paying special
attentiontoheavenlyphenomena.
To show how we could in fact know the contents of his theory, he also developed an
epistemology. This theory seems to fit very comfortably in Sextus` epistemological frame-
work.Directobservationofthephenomenasecuresground-leveltruths,whichinturnserve
aspointsofdepartureforsign-inferencesanddemonstrationsbymeansofwhichtruthsabout
thenon-evidentrealmarewon,whetheraboutatoms,renderedinaccessibletoperceptionby
theirsmallnessorheavenlybodies,putbeyondthereachofobservationbytheirdistancefrom
us(Epicurus,Letter to Herodotus38,39:Letter to Pythocles87,97,104:DiogenesLaertius
10.32|.ItlooksverymuchasiftheEpicureansaretobeclassifiedasrationalistswhosub-
scribedtoatheoryofindicativesigns,asSextusconceivedit,eveniftheydidnotdescribe
themselvesinthiswayorusetheterm'indicativesignitself(andthosewhodidheldaview
insomewaysdifferentfromwhatSextusleadsustoexpect|.
TojudgebyPhilodemus`testimonyandhintsfromotherEpicureanworks,however,this
expectationwasnotfulfilled.Wesearchinvainforthecontrastthatdefinedthecontroversy
between rationalism and empiricism. The position that we find instead appears to occupy
a no-man`s land that should not exist according to the framework of assumptions in terms
of which rationalists and empiricists defined their opposition to each other. The medical
Empiricistsdefineexperienceasknowledgeofwhathasbeenobservedtooccurinthesame
waymanytimes.Thataringaroundthemoonprecedesrainorthatvenesectionisfollowed
bytheremissionoffeverbecomepartofexperiencebybeingobservedrepeatedly.Noamount
of observation, however, can make these anything other than empirical generalizations by
graspingwhichweknowthatwithoutbeinganyclosertounderstandingtheunderlyingcauses
andnaturesbecauseofwhichthingsareastheyareobservedtobeandintermsofwhicha
genuineexplanationofwhytheyarewouldhavetobeformulated.Oneimportantconsequence
isthattheso-calledtransitiontothesimilarwherebywetakethingssimilartothoseofwhich
wehavehadexperiencetobesimilartothemcannotbeasourceofnewknowledgebyitself,
11
CompareVerlinsky2005.
12
Aneditedtextwithtranslationandexplanatoryes-
saysiscontainedinDeLacy1978.
oi.uchicago.edu
butonlyasourceofhypotheseswhichmustbeconfirmedbyobservationbeforetheybecome
knownbybecomingpartofexperience.
13
According to the Epicurean views preserved by Philodemus, sign-inferences, whether
about humdrum matters like smoke and fire or the fundamental truths of physics, are all
groundedinwhatlooksverymuchliketherepeatedobservationofthesamethingthatisthe
Empiricists`pointofdeparture.Indeed,theEpicureanssometimesspeak,astheEmpiricists
did,ofexperienceandhistory.Yetsomehowtheresultofsuchobservationisthatitbecomes
inconceivablethatthingscouldbeotherthantheyhavebeenseentobe.Andthescopeofthe
inferencesthatweareentitledtodrawonthebasisofobservationisnotconfinedtoitemsof
preciselythesametypeasthosethathavebeenobserved.Notonlymayweinferthatallhu-
manbeingsaremortalwherevertheymaybefromthefactthatthosewehaveobservedare,
butourknowledgeofatomsandthevoidisbasedoninferencesfromtheobservedbehavior
ofmedium-sizedbodiesinourvicinity.Whatismore,theknowledgewegaininthiswayfar
frombeingrestrictedtofactsthat -empiricaltruthsaswehavebeencallingthem-em-
bracesnecessarytruthsabouttheultimatecausesofthingsintermsofwhicheverythingelse
istobeexplainedandunderstood.
ThatthisrunscounternotonlytoourexpectationsbuttothoseoftheEpicureans`philo-
sophicalcontemporariesisplainfromtheformandcontentoftheDe signisitself.Thework
takestheformofseriesofobjectionstoEpicureanviewswithrepliesbyEpicureanauthorities.
Theopponentsarenotspecifiedbyname.TheyareusuallythoughttobeStoics,thoughithas
beenplausiblysuggestedthattheywereAcademicskeptics.Bethatasitmay,theyappearto
havebeenmovedbyconcernsofjustthekindthatwewouldexpect,aswecanseefromthe
questionswithwhichtheychallengetheEpicureans.'Whyshouldthefactthatallthehuman
beingswhomwehaveobservedaremortalexcludethepossibilitythathumanbeingswhom
wehavenotobservedmightbeimmortal?'Whyshouldthefactthatbodiesofobservable
sizemoveonlythroughsurroundingsrelativelyemptybycomparisonwiththementitleusto
inferthatatomsmovethroughabsolutelyemptyspace,thatis,avoid?And'Iftheobserved
behaviorofvisiblebodiesisthebasisofinferencestoconclusionsabouttheatoms,should
we not infer that the so-called atoms are in fact breakable like all bodies in our experience
withoutexception?
TheEpicureanshadmuchtosayintheirowndefenseastheDe signismakesclear.One
wayofdescribingtheirpositionwouldbetosaythatitdefiesorovercomesthelimitationson
experienceastheyareunderstoodinthedebatebetweenrationalismandempiricisminboth
itsancientandmodernversions.Thiswayofputtingthingsis,however,misleadingifitsug-
gestthattheEpicureansmadelargerclaimsforwhatwentunderthenameof'experience.
Sofarasonecantell,theyunderstoodtermslike'experienceand'observationasothers
did.Rather,theyseemtohavesupposedthatobservationfurnishedthebasisforagraspofthe
phenomenathatwas,ifyouwill,morethanempiricalbecauseitamountedtoalimitedgrasp
ofthenaturesandcausesatworkinwhatwasobserved,whichinturnfurnishedthebasisfor
inferencestoconclusionsabouttheunobservedandtheunobservable.Apartintheiraccount
wasplayedbyepilogismos,which,however,differsinwaysthatarehardtogetafixonfrom
whatwentunderthatheadamongthemedicalEmpiricists.
14
Theaccountasawholepresents
manydifficulties,andnotonlybecauseofthepoorstateofthemainlypapyrlogicalevidence
onwhichweareobligedtorely.
13
Galen,Subjiguratio empirica70(inDeichgrber
1965:14ff.|.
14
CompareSchofield1996:Allen2004.
oi.uchicago.edu
1AMES ALLEN 40
Grappling with those difficulties is a task for another day, however. The object of this
essayisnottogettothebottomoftheseproblems,buttodrawattentionancientGreekphilo-
sophical views about signs that do not fit easily with our assumptions, even though those
assumptions belong to a framework that we have largely inherited from the Greeks. The
existenceofsuchviewsdoesnotshowthattheframeworkisanythingotherthansturdyand
usefulintheextreme,butratherthatitwasnotobviousorinescapable.
oi.uchicago.edu
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Verlinsky,Alexander
2005 'Epicurus and His Predecessors On the Origin of Language. In Language and
Learning: Philosophy oj Language in the Hellenistic Age, edited by D. Frede and
B.Inwood,pp.56-100.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Wardle,David
2006 Cicero on Divination: De divinatione, Book 1. Clarendon Ancient History Series.
Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.
oi.uchicago.edu
THREE STR/KES AND OU`RE OUT! 43
4
THREE STRIKES AND YOU`RE OUT!
A VIEW ON COGNITIVE THEORY AND THE
FIRST-MILLENNIUM EXTISPICY RITUAL
ULLASUSANNEKOCH,INDEPENDENTSCHOLAR
In the past decades scholars from fields such as anthropology, science of religion, and
psychologyhavesoughttounderstand-or'explainasitisoftenput-religiousandmagi-
calphenomenaintheframeworkof'cognitivescience:inspiredbytheadvancesinareasof
researchwithinneuroscienceandcognitivepsychology.
1
Atthesametime,asthissymposium
illustrates,thestudyofthewell-nighubiquitousphenomenonofdivinationhasalsoblossomed
inrecentyears.However,mostresearchofamoretheoreticalnaturehasbeendonewithinthe
studyofcontemporary,mostlyAfrican,divinationsystems.
2
Whycouldcognitivetheorybe
relevantfordivination?Foronething,cognitivetheoryisawayofgettingpastthesometimes
moreconfusingthanenlighteningdiscussionsofdefinitions.Theverynatureofdivinationis
atopicthathasoftenbeendiscussed.Ithasbeendescribedashaving,oruniting,traitswhich
arecharacteristicofreligion,magic,science,
3
orscholarship-orquitethereverse,ithasbeen
definedassomethingofabastardphenomenonNOTquitebelongingtothedomainofreligion,
magic,science,orscholarship.Divinationcanalsobedescribedfromapurelyfunctionalist
perspective,asawayofdealingwithsocialorcognitiveuncertainty,orawayofcontrolling
theenvironment,forexample,protectingtheking,'makingitsobyaperformativemagical
act (Cryer 1994|. These purposes it undoubtedly also served, but that does not explain its
expressions or content, neither are these functions characteristic only of divination but are
equallyvalidforarangeofotherculturaland/orreligiousphenomena.Itcouldalsobeargued
thatdivinationisnotonlyawayofreducinganxietybutcouldalsoequallywellbeawayof
generatingit.ThereportsoftheastrologerstotheNeo-Assyriancourtamplydemonstratethat
assiduousobservationoftheearthandskyforominoussignsensuresnolackofnewtopics
forworry.Furthermore,ithasbeenpositedthatreligionis'amanifestlypracticalenterprise
(Tremlin2006:112|.Itcanbearguedthattheprimaryfunctionofeverydayreligiouspractice
is not to ease existential angst, to hold societies together, or to answer cosmological ques-
tions - it plays this and other roles - but 'the central role that religion plays in peoples`
1
Foragoodintroductiontocognitivetheoryapplied
toreligion,seeTremlin2006.
2
Theapplicationofanthropologicalapproachesto
thepracticeofdivinationintheancientworldiswell
underway,buthasmainlybeenattemptedinthefield
of classical antiquity (e.g., the studies by Lisdorf
2007andRosenberger2001|butalsotosomeextent
inAssyriology(e.g.,Cryer1994:Guinan2002:and
elsewhere|.
3
Forexample,Jeyes1991-92.Tedlock2001:194:
'Impressedwiththesystematicdivinationprocedures
or'theorderlinesswhichitmayascribetotheuni-
verse a number of researchers have allowed divi-
nationatleastatentativespacewithintheobjective
sphere of Western science. A. K. Guinan (2002:
18-19|stressestheimportanceofdiscussingdivina-
tionperse,not'subsumedintotheselargercultural
categories(i.e.,magic,science,religion|. Science
anddivinationaresimilarinthattheybotharecasu-
isticandparadigmaticinform'but|divination]can-
notdowhatitclaims.Thisisofcourseanobjection
raisedagainstmagicofallsorts.
43
oi.uchicago.edu
ULLA SUSANNE KOCH 44
livesistogetthingsdone,tomakethingsright,andtokeepthemthatway.Ibelievethatto
acertainextentthisfunctionatleastholdstruefordivination.Amongotherthings,divination
hasbeeninterpretedasprimarilyaheuristicpursuit,asaformofsense-makinginvolvinga
categorizationoftheuniverse.
4
Divinationanalyzedfromthepointofviewofhermeneutics,
divinationviewedasasemanticsystem,iscertainlyrewardingandrelevant.Thereadingof
signsaccordingtoafixedsemanticcodeiscentraltomanydivinatorysystems,notleastthe
Mesopotamian,andinMesopotamiandivinationitcutsacrosssuchdistinctionsassigna im-
petrativaandoblativa,provoked/inducedandunprovokedomens.Bothinducedsignsaswell
assignssentoutsidetheframeofaritualsettingwerereadaccordingtoafixedcode.
5
Categorizationandmanipulationofsymbolshavelongbeenofcentralconcernforcogni-
tive psychologists,
6
and unraveling the semantic code utilized in a given divinatory system
canyieldinsightintothesocial,ethical,andothernormativebiasoftheculturefromwhichit
springs.
7
Thedivinerholdsthe'hermeneutickeystothedivinatorycode.Thevariousherme-
neutic practices used for instance within Mesopotamian divination as a means of revealing
layersuponlayersofmeaninginthedivinatorysystemarethemselvesworthyofstudy.Some,
butnotall,areexplainedandattestedinthelettersfromancientscholarsaswellasincom-
mentariesandesoterictexts.However,thisapproachisindangerofneglectingthefunctions
mentionedaswellastheundeniablemagical/religiousaspectsofmanydivinatorypractices,as,
forinstance,extispicy.Divinationisinfactsocomplexandmultifacetedaphenomenon,that
Ibelieveitwouldbeoverlyreductionisttoexplainitwithreferencetoasingletheory.Like
'religion,divinationiswhatBoyercalledan'impureobject
8
exactlybecauseitcannotbe
explainedordescribedbyasingletheoreticalframework.However,Ibelievethereisgeneral
consensusthatwhateverrootsdivinationmayhave,andwhateverpurposesitmayserve-be
theyepistemological,psychological,social,political,orreligious-divinationiscertainlya
practicalmeansofobtainingotherwiseinaccessibleinformation:'divinationisawayofexplor-
ingtheunknowninordertoelicitanswers(thatis,oracles|toquestionsbeyondtherangeof
ordinaryhumanunderstanding.
9
Eventhissimpleviewondivination-asameansofgather-
inginformation-presentsaveryconfusedpicture.Theconfusionisimmediatelyapparent
alreadyfromacursorylookattheevidence.Thekindofknowledgeconcernedcanpertainto
thefuture,thepresent,orthepast:thesourcecanbeintentionalagents:gods,ancestors,spirits,
ortheremaybenopersonifiedinterlocutorassuch:theprivilegedknowledgecanbeobtained
byvariousmeans,rangingfromsuchquietpursuitsasstudyingtheskyorreadingotherenvi-
ronmentalcues,performinganexperimentusingaspecialtechnique,tothemorespectacular
orevenviolentintheformofpossessionandecstasy.Divinationcaninvolveelaboraterituals
performedbyspecialistsoritcanbepartofdailylifeaccessibletoEveryman.
10
4
Forinstance,alreadytheFrenchscholarsDurkheim
andMauss(1903:40ff.|arguedthatdivinationwas
asystemofclassification.
5
Theterminologyusedtodescribevarioustypesof
divination is described, for example, in Rochberg
2004:47ff.Forafulldiscussionofthemanyterms
usedtodistinguishdifferenttypesofdivinationbased
onthedivinatorymethod,see,forexample,Lisdorf
2007:chapter3.
6
Forexample,theworksofC.S.Peirce,J.Skorupski,
D.Sperber,andothers.
7
For example, Srensen (1999: 187| arguing that
divinationgetsitsauthorityfromitscloseconnection
withcosmology-thecelestialandmythicalexem-
plarofanyhumansituationarefoundbydivination.
'Thisconstitutesthevery raison d`treofadivina-
tionsystem.SeealsoPeek1991.
8
Srensen,inpress:andBoyer1994.
9
Forexample,Tedlock2001:189.
10
Compare Tedlock 2001. For an introduction to
the history of research into divination as a general
phenomenon,see,forexample,Cryer1994:Lisdorf
2007:chapter2.
oi.uchicago.edu
ExtispicywasoneofthemostpervasiveandsuccessfulofthemanyMesopotamiandivi-
natorypractices.Withrootsgoingbacktothethirdmillennium,itgainedinimportanceover
themillenniaandbecameanimportantelementindecision-makingattheNeo-Assyriancourt.
This may have been because it was a practical means of obtaining privileged information
concerning matters of immediate urgency to the individual or the state.In the following I
trytoapplyelementsfromcognitivetheoryofreligiontoseeiftheycanhelpshedlightona
particularquestionposedbytheMesopotamianritualofextispicyviewedinthislight,namely
whytheonlyremedyforanunfavorableextispicywastoperformanother?Ifnecessarywe
knowthedivinercouldrepeattheprocedureuptothreetimesinarow,butintheworstcase,
whentheanswerswereconsistentlyagainsttheclient`shopesanddesires,hejusthadtowait
patientlyandnottryagainuntilafterthestipulatedtermhadexpired.
11
Thegodsdidnotlike
too-persistentquestioning:'Ifthedivinerconstantlyperformsextispicy,hediesthedeathof
transgression(arnu|:threechanceswereallhehad.
12
First we musttest ifasking again,perhaps rephrasing thequestion,really wastheonly
option open to the diviner and his client. If we accept that extispicy was not countered by
apotropaicorappeasementrituals,thenextquestionis,why?Thatthisshouldbesoisinmy
opinionbynomeansself-evident.Alonefromapurelytheologicalpointofviewonecould
argue that in extispicy you ask the gods for their decision, but in other forms of divination
thewillofthegodsisnolessdirectlyexpressed-inastrologythegodsthemselvessignal
theirintentionswiththeircelestialmanifestations.Whyisitpossibletocountertheexpressed
willofthegodsinonecaseandnotintheother?Itisnecessarytotakealookatthekindof
informationobtainedbyextispicy,wasitsomehowdifferentfromthatgainedbyotherkinds
ofdivination?Didthedivinatorytechniqueitselfplayarole?Andfinally,whatwastherela-
tionshiptothestructureoftheapotropaicritualsthemselves?
Isthereanyevidencethatextispicywascounteredbyapotropaicrituals?Oneofthechar-
acteristicsofdivinationisthatitservesasaguidetoaction,oftenritualaction.AsputbyAnn
Guinan,'magicanddivinationoperatefromthesamesemanticfoundation,butalwaysbearan
inverserelationshiptoeachother.'whatdivinationreveals,magiccanresolve(Guinan
2002:18|.Fromtheethnographicrecordweknowthatveryoftentheresultsofadivinatory
sessionareindeedcloselylinkedwithspecificapotropaicorappeasementrituals.Divination
itselfandtheritualactionsrespondingtotheinformationgainedbydivinationthusformpart
ofthesameeventframe
13
butarenotidentical.Indeed,anAssyrianscholarstressestherole
ofthegodEaassenderofbothomensandcorrespondingapotropaicrituals:'Eahasdone,
Eahasundone.Hewhocausedtheearthquakehasalsocreatedtheapotropaicritualagainst
it (Parpola 1993: no. 56 rev. 9-12|. It is often more or less automatically assumed that
11
Accordingto,forexample,Multbiltuinthecaseof
agivenjoker-sign(pitrustu|:'It(theextispicy|has
turnedforyou.Forundertakinganenterprise:dropit
untilitsterm(i.e.,datesetbytheomen|,doitonly
afteritsterm(haspassed|,CT3146-48:12-13:
seeKoch2005:139.InanOldBabylonianletterto
Zimri-LimthegodAdduisquotedforthisadmonition
tothekingwithwhatseemstometobeareferenceto
extispicy:'Whenyougoonacampaign,donotset
outwithoutanoracle(tertu|.IfIampresentinyour
oracleyoushallgoonthecampaign,otherwise,do
notgooutsidethegate:seeDurand1993:44.
12
Zimmern1901:no.11col.iiilines18-19:cf.also
CT51147:39.
13
CompareSrensen,inpress,p.324:'Divinatory
practicesareoftenanintegratedpartofalargeseries
ofeventframesinvolvingritualactionsresponding`
tocausesrevealedthroughdivinatorypractices.The
frameasmetaphorforasetofsociallyconstructed
understandings that make up the context for any
specific interaction was developed by E. Goffman
(1974|.
oi.uchicago.edu
apotropaicritualswereassociatedalsowithextispicy.Forinstance,EricaReiner
14
suggested
thatonemightexpectallthemajoromencompendiatohavehadparallelapotropaicrituals,
andsheassumesthattheyexistedforbothastrologicalominaandfortheominacollectedin
theextispicyseriesBrtu.Namburbisareofcoursewellattestedfor'everydaydivination
ofthekindfoundintheseriesSumma i:buorSumma lu.Whereasthelettersandreportsfrom
AssyrianandBabylonianscholarsdemonstratethataversiveactionintheformofvariousritu-
als,includingnamburbis,wasnotuncommoninconnectionwithastrologicalomina,
15
there
isnosimilarevidencethatapotropaicorappeasementritualswereeverperformedinconnec-
tionwithextispicy.Aversiveactioninresponsetounfavorableextispicyisneverexplicitly
mentionedinthescholarlycorrespondenceoftheNeo-Assyriankings,nortomyknowledge
aretheyattestedtointextsfromthesecondmillennium.
Namburbisthatexplicitlymentionextispicydoexistbutareinfactquiterare.Asfaras
Icantelltherewereactuallytwodifferenttypesofnamburbisdirectlyconnectedwithsome
aspectofextispicy:
1. Prophylacticritualsperformedtosafeguardthedivinerandtheextispicy
2. Apotropaicritualsperformedtoaverttheevilportendedbyafailedextispicy
Theprophylactictypeofnamburbiwasquiterare,itincludedritualsforbrisktradeandfor
bringingdistantpeoplenear.Thedivinercouldperformanamburbibeforeadivinationses-
sioninordertopreparehimselfproperlyforperformingextispicy,forinstance,washinghis
leather bag
16
which contained the cultic implements of his trade such as cedar wood.
17
He
could also perform rituals which safeguarded him from failure when serving an important
clientliketheking.Intheearlymorningbeforeanextispicy,hecouldperformanamburbito
ensurethatShamashandAdadwouldstandbyhiminhis'verdict,thathemayexperience
renown in extispicy (tanatti brti amru| and make himself famous (suma rab leq|.
18
Theapotropaictypeofnamburbiwithreferencetoextispicyisstructuredlikeanyothernam-
burbiusedtoavertevilomens.Thenamburbisseemtorefertophenomenathatpreventedthe
proper performance of the sacrifice and obstructed a reliable reading of the extispicy. This
would include extreme anomalies of the entrails. The semantic code of extispicy involved
the study of tiny variations on a theme: in general, serious malformations were of no rel-
evance,orrather,theycouldchangethewholesessionintosomethingcompletelydifferent
andinitselfill-portending.Isuggestthatthepurposeofthesenamburbisthereforewasnot
to counteract an unfavorable extispicy as such but to protect against the evil portended by
14
Reiner1995:82-84.Caplice(1974:7f.|comment-
eduponthefactthatthenamburbisthemselvescom-
monlyrefertoterrestrialomina,whereastheletters
andreportsmostoftenmentionnamburbisinconnec-
tionwithastrologicalomina.
15
Forexamplesofapotropaiamentionedinconnec-
tionwithastrologicalomina,compare,forexample,
Koch-Westenholz1995.
16
ReverseofZimmern1901:no.11,andduplicates:
seeZimmern1901:112ff.:andFarber1987:240f.
17
Cedarwoodapparentlyplayedanimportantrole
eventhoughwedonotknowexactlyhow.'Toraise
thecedar(erena nas|appearstobeapars pro toto
term for performing divination, whether it means
toperformanincenseofferingorsimplytoraisea
rodmadeofcedar.ComparethediscussionbyStarr
(1983: 48|. Cedar wood is already mentioned in
connection with what appears to be a reference to
extispicyinaSumeriansource,Poebel1914:no.76
col.vi2-10:me-bi su mu-na-ab-d|u] mas-gd-gd a
d.utu-s mu-un-:i-|x] guda su-sikil-gim mas-gd-gd-e
gis.eren d.utu-s mu-un-:i-:i-i u ti-la ku-li-ni-im en-
na us-a gal-la gal-ni
!
-im'Hemadeitsritualsperfect
for him, the diviner rises before father Utu, like a
guda-priestwithcleanhandsthedivinerraisescedar
woodtoUtuagainandagain.
18
Zimmern1901:nos.75-78.
oi.uchicago.edu
technicalproblemsconnectedwiththeperformanceofthedivinatoryritual.Forinstance,a
namburbi could be performed if the slaughter itself was somehow defective - if no blood
ranfromtheveinswhentheneckofthesacrificialanimalwascut,ifimportantorganswere
missing,or if theywere seriouslydeformed.
19
This viewis in agreementwith Maul(1994:
432|,whosuggestedthatthenamburbiswereperformedduetothe'SchweigendesSamas,
thatis,whentheextispicyritualfailedtoproduceananswer.Hedoes,however,assumethat
namburbiscouldalsobeusedtocounteracttheevilomensofanunfavorableextispicy,and
hesuggeststhatanamburbiamulet
20
andauniversalnamburbi
21
withreferencetoextispicy
illustratesthis.Ibelievethatneithertheamuletnortheuniversalnamburbiareactuallydi-
rectedagainstanunfavorableextispicyresult,butliketherestaredirectedagainstafailedor
flawedperformanceofextispicy.Theamuletmentionsillomensstemmingfrom'theevilof
flawed,terrifyingsigns,evilandunfavorable(signs|fromperformingtheritual(lipit qti|,
orfromthelambhavingadisease(hiniq immeri|orfrommakingthesacrifice(niqa naq|
orfromanythingelseinperformanceofextispicy(nepesti brti|.Allthiscouldwellrefer
toevilportendedbysignsobservedinconnectionwiththeperformanceofextispicy,notthe
extispicyresultitself.Inthenamburbistheevilomensstemfromfleshwhichisdescribedas
siru hatti pardutu
22
'flawed or terrifying flesh, or ashaliqti siri
23
missing flesh.Neither
hat nor pardu are normal terms for unfavorable signs found in the protases of extispicy
ominaorintheextispicyreports.Circumstancessurroundingtheperformanceofdivination
werethemselvesobservedandinterpretedasominoussigns,asweknowwasthecasewiththe
behaviorofthesacrificialanimalitself.
24
Thisresemblesthewaywetakeomensfromtheact
ofcatchingthebride`sbouquet-somethingwhichistotallyunrelatedtotheefficacyofthe
Christianmaritalritual.Theillomenavertedisthusnottheresultofanextispicy,andisnot
interpretedassuch,butratherasanindividualunfavorablesignwhichcouldbecounteredby
anapotropaicritual.Thetwoknownnamburbicatalogs,onefromlateUruk,theotherfrom
Assurbanipal`slibrary,includereferencestoexactlythesetwotypesofnamburbiinconnec-
tionwithextispicyandcanthereforenotbetakenasevidencethatnamburbisassociatedwith
theextispicyseriesitselfexisted.
25
Interestingly,theancientGreekversionofdivinationbytheentrailsofasacrificialanimal
usedinwarfarealsohadnolinkwithapotropaia.M.Flowersuggeststhatextispicywasthelast
ofthemajordivinatorypracticestoreachGreecefromtheNearEast.TheGreeksthemselves
19
Compare the namburbis edited by Maul 1994:
432-38:nobleeding,missinggallbladder,partsof
the liver missing, missing kidney: and Maul 1994:
439-44:comparealso185:3.
20
EditedbyMaul1994:185-90.
21
EditedbyMaul1994:495ff.
22
The universal namburbi (VAT 13988:2| men-
tionsuzu.meshu-ut-tu-te:seeMaul1994:495.Such
signscouldasmentionedalsobecalled'flawedand
frightening(KAR26:41uzuha-tu-te par-du-tenu
dg.ga.mes|:cf.alsotheduplicatepassageinGoetze
1939:12:5:KAR286:12(universalnamburbi|:and
Maul1994:185:3.Parduisatermmostcommonly
usedofdreams:compareCADP183.
23
SeethediscussioninMaul1994:439.Thisterm
isalsofoundintwoletters,infragmentarycontext,
in Parpola 1993: no. 200, and no. 212, both from
anexorcist.Itisimpossibletotellfromthecontext
whethertheyrefertoextispicy.
24
Ominapertainingtothe'behaviourofthesacrifi-
cialanimalwerecollectedinasmallcompendium
independentfromthemainseriesofextispicyomina
Brtu.SeeJeyes1980:13.
25
ContraReiner1995:83.TheUrukcatalogmentions
'If in the house of a man or the palace of the king
missing flesh (ha-liq-ti uzu| seizes him and 'If a
manbringsanofferingandwhencuttingtheneckof
thesheepnobloodpours(W222798-9:seeMaul
1994:192|.TheNinivehcatalogmentions'Whenthe
diviner|washes]hisbagand'Whenthediviner|---]
hisdivination(K2389+:19-20:seeMaul1994:198.
BothassuggestedbyMaulconnectedwiththeritual
preparationofthedivinerbeforeperformance.
oi.uchicago.edu
consideredtheartofdivinationtobeeitherahomegrownideaorimportedfromEgypt,bythe
classicalperiodextispicywascertainlyafullyintegratedpartofGreekculture,whateverits
origins.
26
FromXenophon`sAnabasiswehaveadescriptionofhowthegeneralsofthefamous
armyof10,000Greekmercenariespracticeddivinationfrom'bloodysacrificeontheroute
intoandoutofBabyloniain401B.C.SincethemercenarieswereunderSpartanleadershipthe
practicesdescribedprobablyareclosesttoLacedaemoniancustomsratherthanAthenianbut
weknowthatthepracticeofdivinationbyinspectionoftheentrails,primarilytheliver,was
widespreadinclassicalantiquity.(Pseudo-|XenophonelsewheredescribeshowtheSpartan
kingwouldperformsacrificesbeforeeverydecisivestepofamilitarycampaign:
27
Athomebeforetakingoff.
Attheboundaryofthecity-state(polis|beforecrossing.
Attheriver.
Inthecamp.
Atthefrontlinesbeforejoiningbattle.
Afterthevictory(ofcourse|.
MostofthesearedecisionpointstowhichanyAssyriankingwouldnodhisheadinrecogni-
tion.TheritualsandsacrificesdifferedfromMesopotamianpracticeinmanyrespects:forone
thingtheyseemtoalwayshavebeenaddressedtothegodmostcloselyinvolvedorrelevantto
thesituationathand.Enroute,Xenophonandtheothergeneralsperformedsacrificesalmost
everydayandsometimesmanytimesaday.Atonepointtheyweresolowonlivestocksuit-
ableforsacrificeandeatingthattheyboughtadraughtanimalsimplytoperformdivination
inordertoknowwhetheritwouldbeagoodideatogooutforaging(pillagingthelocals,that
is|.Atnotime,evenwhenfacingtheenemyorhunger,couldanythingavertanunfavorable
sign. The Greek soldiers wait and starve, and their generals perform one sacrifice after the
other,sometimesrephrasingthequestion,untiltheygetafavorablesigninanoffering.
28
As
inMesopotamia,thelimitseemstohavebeenthreeperformancesofdivinationadayinthe
contextofwarfareasdescribedbyXenophon.Apparently,however,itwaspossibleinother
contexts to avert unfavorable omens by acts of expiation and sacrifice before performing a
renewedextispicy(Flower2008:80-84|.
ExtispicywasnottheonlykindofMesopotamiandivinationwithnoknownassociated
apotropaia.Thereexistnonamburbisthatmentionsignsobtainedbytwootherformsofin-
duced omina: lecanomancy (oil divination| and libanomancy (smoke divination|, and also
noneforthephysiognomicomenseriesAlamdimmu and other ominaconcernedwiththebe-
haviororappearanceofaperson.
29
Wellawarethattheabsenceofevidenceisnotevidence
of absence, Reiner suggested that the distinction between which omina required aversive
actionandwhichdidnotcouldbeduetothecharacterofthedivinationitself,whetheritwas
'prognosticor'diagnostic.Theassumptionisthatsinceadiagnosticomenwouldbemore
concernedwithacauseinthepast,itwasperceivedasnotpossibletochangetheresultany-
way,hencenoreasonforapotropaicrituals.Acommontopicoflecanomancyisthegender
ofone`soffspring,andnoamountofritualactioncouldapparentlychangethat.Thismaybe
so for the physiognomic omina: there is not much you can do about your features - there
26
SeeFlower2008:25,44:seealsoBurkert1992:
46ff.
27
SeeEgense2002:6ff.,forXenophon,The Polity oj
the Athenians and Lacedaemonians.
28
SeeEgense2002:alsoJameson1991.
29
CompareReiner1995:84.
oi.uchicago.edu
certainlyisnotmuchpointincuttingoffyournose,evenifithasanill-favoredshape.
30
In
general,theexplanationisnotvalidandIsuspectanotherexplanationmustbefoundatleast
forlecanomancyandlibanomancy.Findingthecauseornatureoftheevilisoftenthefirststep
tocuringit,andaversiveritualsarecommonlyconnectedwithdiagnosticdivination.Thelink
betweenritualaversiveactionanddivinationhasnothingtodowiththetemporalorientation
ofthedivination,whetheritisretrospectiveofprospective,
31
buttheideathatthenatureof
thedivinatorypracticeplaysarolemeritsfurtherinvestigation.
When we look at the range of questions asked in the first-millenniumMesopotamian
extispicyqueries,tamitus, andreports,weseethateventhoughawidevarietyoftopicsare
represented, the knowledge sought after is always of relevance to the health and happiness
oftheindividual,beitasaprivatepersonoraspersona publica-asinthecaseof,forin-
stance,theAssyriankings-oritrelatestothelargersocialenvironment.Thepurposeofthe
OldBabyloniandiviner`sritualissimplytodecidethecaseof'thewell-beingofNNsonof
NN(Starr1983:31|.Evenifweregarddivinationsuchasextispicythatcanbeclassfiedas
relyingonsignaimpetrativafromafunctionalistpointofview,asamagicalconfirmationof
a proposed action (performativeutterance|,
32
itstillsuppliesknowledgewhich fallswithin
these categories. The standard topics for extispicy according to, for example, Multbiltu
arethewell-beingoftheking,theland,thecamp,thepatient,forwarfare,fortakingacity,
healingthesick,rain,and'undertakinganenterpriseorwhateverelse.The tamitus
33
givea
moredetailedpicture.Thequestionswerealwaysverymeticulouslyformulatedtominimize
ambiguity.Basically,thereweretwotypesofquestions.Thefirsttypearequestionsconcern-
ing a special situation or undertaking: the second type regards a specified period of time,
detailinganyimaginablecalamityandaskingwhetheritwouldoccurwithinthatperiod.These
examplesstemfromthetamitus:
FITNESS OF THE INDIVIDUAL
Safenight-watch.
Personalsafetyforoneyear'atthecommandofgod,goddess,king,noble,and
prince.
Lunareclipse(Sin|.
Ambitiontobeatempleadministrator(templepersonnel|.
Outcomeofriver-ordeal-tosomedegreedependentonthe'mindofhisac-
cuserandtheriver.
Hunting.
Horseappropriateforgod.
Riskofflooding.
Marriage(acceptancebyfather-in-law|.
30
SeealsothediscussionbyRochberg2004:50f.
31
Forexample,inNyole(Whyte1991|andNdembu
(Turner1975|divination.
32
Forexample,Cryer1994:117etpassim.Seecri-
tiqueofthisapproachbyJoelSweek(2000|.
33
Similar lists of reasons for divination have been
compiledintheanthropologicalliterature:see,e.g.,
Lisdorf2007:59.Lisdorfsuggestthatdivinationis
used as recourse when the 'life model (i.e., ideal
circumstancesinlifeaccordingtonormsofagiven
culture|clasheswithreality:cf.alsoTurner1961:16.
ForsummariesofpurposesofBabylonianextispicy,
see Koch-Westenholz 2002: 140ff., with previous
literature.
oi.uchicago.edu
Maleoffspring.
Survivalofpregnantwoman.
Takingasecondwife.
Recoveryfromillness.
Faithfulnessofservant.
Truthfulnessofwife.
Sendingamessenger.
Reliabilityofphysician.
FITNESS OF ORGANIZATION
Militarycampaign(enemy,advisors,divineassistance|.
Safetyofcityfromenemyaction.
Safetyfromenemiesforpeopleleavingtheprotectingwallofthecity.
Safetyofwatchfromenemyattack.
Safetyoffortfromtheenemy.
Dammingariver.
Mutiny.
As mentioned, on a very general level, what is of interest are matters to do with the
physical and social well-being of the individual and his/her immediate social and physical
environment.
34
Veryoftenthefirstcategoryisofcourseimplicitlycontainedinthesecond.
When keeping watch, personal safety is also involved: when the king goes on a campaign
hemaywellfallinbattlehimself:defeatofthearmycanhaveterribleconsequencesforthe
communityanditsmembersindividually.Sofarthiskindofinformationisfullyinaccordance
withwhatwewouldexpectfromany'successfuldivinatorypracticeandisnotessentially
differentfromwhatotherMesopotamiandivinatorypracticessupplied(Srensen,inpress|.
KnowledgeofthiskindiswhatBoyerhastermed'strategicsocialinformation(e.g.,Boyer
2001:173|.Theabilitytoprocessstrategicsocialinformationcanbearguedtobeaprereq-
uisite for successful human interaction and ultimately survival, and therefore could be an
exampleofanadaptivecognitivefacultyasarguedbyBoyer.Tosucceedasasocialanimal
itisnecessarytoreadothers,toreadthe'signs,signals,andmindsofothers,and'topair
implicitknowledgewithexplicitinformation(Tremlin2006:33ff.|.
The intention and will of others are of vital importance but can be hard to define and
identify.Whatissignificantdependsentirelyoncontextandexperience.Strategicinforma-
tionhastwoimportantfeatures:itisoftenobtainedthroughindirectsources(soindeedwhy
notdivination?|,andgenerallyitisoflastingvalue(Tremlin2006:115ff.|.Cognitivescience
operateswithtwofundamental'mentalmechanisms,theAgencyDetectionDevice(ADD|
andtheTheoryofMindMechanism(ToMM|.ADDiseagertospotintentionalagentsinthe
worldandToMMnormallyworksinunisonwithADDsupplyingagentswithminds,butatthe
sametime,maysupplymindsevenwherenoagentisidentified.ToMMisseen,forinstance,
in perceptions of deceased persons as having wishes and emotions even though manifestly
dead.
35
Inviewofthiswewouldexpectmanyofthetamituquestionstoimplytheactionand/or
34
As holds true for most kinds of divination: see
Srensen,inpress,p.323:Lisdorf2007:53.
oi.uchicago.edu
intentionofhuman-likeagents.Indeed,inmanycasesagentsarementioned,eitherindividual
humans (wife, servant, temple personnel, father-in-law|, groups (typically the enemy|, or
superhumanagentsasgods(SinortheRiver|.Theadvantageofframinganintangiblethreat
intermsofintentionalagentsisthatitmovespossiblecountermeasuresfromthephysicalto
thesocialdomainandtherebyfacilitatesrepresentationsofpossiblecontrol.Thismatchesthe
well-knownpicturefromBabylonianapotropaicandotherritualsincludingsurp andmaql,
wheremisfortune,illhealth,etc.,aredescribedastheresultofmalevolentorangeredhuman
orsuperhumanagents.Srensensuggeststhatadivinatorysystemthattransformsthreatsto
individual into previously undisclosed interactions between intentional agents is especially
strong-lived(Srensen,inpress,p.324|.Eventhoughintentionalagentsarerepresentedin
extispicyqueries, thiscannot be saidtobeveryevident fromthequeries,it is alittlemore
apparentinthetamitus(seelistabove|.Intentionalagentsoftenfigureinextispicyomenapo-
doses:witches,demons,oaths,kings,orangrygods.However,thetransformationofthreatsto
thesocialdomainisperhapsclearestintheextispicyritualitselfandIsuggestthatexactlythis
transformationiswhatmakesthekindofinformationextispicysupplieddifferent.
Theextispicyritualitselfwaspresentedasadialogue.Thedivinerasked(salu|andthe
godanswered(aplu|,preferablywitha'firmyes.Inthequeriesthequestionisformulated
thus:'Doesyourgreatdivinityknowit?Isitdecreedandconfirmedinafavorablecase(of
extispicy|bythecommandofyourgreatdivinity,Shamash,greatlord?Willhewhocansee,
seeit?Willhewhocanhear,hearit?TheAkkadianphraseisnotnecessarilytobeunderstood
asaquestion,buteitherwaytheimplicationisthatthegodhasaccesstotheanswerandcan
makeitknowntothequestioner.
36
Theclosingformulaofqueriessumsup:'Bepresentinthis
ram:placeanaffirmativeanswer(anna kena|,favorable,propitiousomensofthefleshofthe
query(tmitu|bythecommandofyourgreatdivinitysothatImayseethem.Butthiswas
notastraightforwardwayofcommunicating.Thedivinerhadtoperformanelaborateritual
inordertoobtainthedesiredknowledge.Thefirst-millenniumritualscollectedinZimmern
1901: nos. 1-20, show that divination could be performed in the frame of a complex ritual
lastingfromsunsettosunrise,inwhichoneormoresheepweresacrificedtoShamash,Adad,
andothergodsandotherofferingswerebroughtaswell.Apartfromtheramthatwasused
fordivination,otherlambswerealsoslaughteredandsacrificesweremade.Thedistinction
betweendivinationandmagicrituals,thatgiftsgofrommantogodinthelatternotthefor-
mer,
37
doesnotholdforextispicy:'Thedivinershallnotapproachtheplaceofjudgment,he
shouldnotliftthecedar,withoutpresentandgifts,they(thegods|willnotrevealtohimthe
secretanswertohisquestion(tmit piristi|(Zimmern1901:118|no.24]|.
Interestingly,theextispicyritualhasoneimportantthingincommonwithnamburbi-ritu-
als,namely,thattheritualismetaphoricallydescribedasajudgment(Maul1999:126ff.|.The
answerthedivinerestablishedwascommonlyreferredtoasadivinejudgmentora'decision
(puruss|.Shamashwasthe'lordofverdict(bel dini|,the'JudgeofHeavenandEarth.
38
InZimmern1901:no.11rev.line1,thedivinerisinstructedto'performasacrifice,establish
35
Asevidencedby,forexample,ancestorcultalso
inMesopotamia.SeeTremlin2006:102ff.:compare
alsoSrensen2007:33ff.
36
Lamberttranslatesthisphrasedifferently:'Your
great divinity knows. The seer will see, the hearer
will hear. Lambert (2007: 17|, interprets it as an
impliedthreattothegods-iftheydonotanswer
orgettheanswerwrong,itwillnotbegoodfortheir
reputation.
37
Guinan2002:18.
38
Tamitusandikribu-prayersintheritualsofthedi-
vinerareaddressedtoShamashandAdad,'queries
onlytoShamash.
oi.uchicago.edu
averdict(dina eppus|,andinoneoftheritualsofthedivinerheistoldto'sitontheseatof
thejudgeinfrontofShamashandAdad(Zimmern1901:104|nos.1-20line122]|.Theritual
sceneiscalledeither'theplaceofdecisionbyextispicy(brtu|(Zimmern1901:96|nos.
1-20line6]|,or'theplaceofjudgement(Zimmern1901:96|nos.1-20line16]|.IntheOld
Babylonianritualofthediviner,
39
thedivinerpraystoShamashto'placeatrueverdictinthe
sacrificiallamb,tojudgethecaseinthedivineassembly,andhavetheverdictrecordedby
thedivinescribeNisabaonthetabletofthegods.Theterminologyisthesameaswasusedin
connectionwithsecularjudgment:arkata parsu'investigatethecircumstances,dina dnu
'giveaverdict,orpuruss parsu'makeadecision,andsoon.Similarterminologyisalso
foundinotherdivinatorydisciplines,
40
indeed,themetaphorisacentralpartoftheconcep-
tualunderpinningsofMesopotamiandivination.Thecasuisticstructureitself,characteristic
bothofominaandthelawcodes,hasoftenbeencommentedupon.Butwithinthedivinatory
disciplines the metaphor of the court of law is most consequently and consistently used in
extispicy,andtheextispicyritualactuallymise en scne.
According to the theory of conceptual blending,
41
the cognitive process that attributes
efficacy,authority,andcredibilitytoasessionofextispicywouldbeacognitiveintegration
ofdiverseconceptualspacesordomains.Therearealwaysatleastfourspacesatplaywhich
interactinacognitiveblend:two(ormore|inputspaces,agenericspacewhichcontainsthe
elementscommontothetwoinputspaces,andtheemergingblendedspace.Inthecaseofthe
ritualofextispicyandthenamburbis,ablendbetweenatleastfivedomainswouldbepresent:
a'mythic/sacredspace,a'juridicalspace,anda'presentsocialspacewouldmergewith
the'genericspacetoformthe'ritualspace.Duringdifferentphasesoftheritual,different
cognitiveblendingswouldbeviableandactivated.Inmyopinion,themappingofconceptual
blendingscanneverbeanythingbutasnapshotofoneofmanypossibleinterpretationsofthe
cognitiveprocessesatplay.
Inordertoenterthe'ritualspaceandthroughthatbeconnectedwiththe'sacredspace
boththedivinerandtheclienthadtoperformcertaincleansingprocedures.Aftertheperform-
anceoftheritualthedivinerprobablyalsohadtogothroughsomestepstosevertheconnec-
tiontothesacredspace,asisseeninotherrituals,forexample,thenamburbis.Wehaveno
descriptionofthisprocedure,howevertheritualdescribedinZimmern1901:nos.1-20lines
126-227 details how the altars and incense burners for various gods had to be dismantled
in reverse order from how they had been set up, so at least it seems that the diviner had to
retracehisstepsinordertoleavethe'ritualspace.Inthe'ritualspacetherearemappings
betweenmythicandpresentspace.TheculturalheroEnmeduranki(theseventhantediluvian
king| and the present-day diviner are linked by a metonymic link: blood, since ideally the
divinerisadescendantofEnmeduranki.
42
Thisestablishesagenericlinkbetweenthem:they
39
EditedbyStarr(1983|.
40
See,forinstance,Rochberg2004:193ff.
41
FauconnierandTurner2002:45ff.JesperSrensen
(2007|hasdrawnuponthetheoriesofLawsonand
McCauley1990concerningritualactionrepresenta-
tionandBoyer`s(1990:1994:1999:and2001|theo-
riesofreligiousideascombiningthemwithconcepts
fromcognitivepsychologysuchasthetheoryofcon-
ceptualblendingdevelopedbyGillesFauconnierand
MarkTurner.
42
Zimmern 1901: no. 24: compare Lambert 1998:
142f.and149ff.Inpractice,thisdescentwasnota
prerequisiteforpracticingordiscussingdivination.
That the Assyrian kings could show a keen inter-
estandwerepermittedtodiscussthesecretsofex-
tispicywiththeirscholars,isnotnecessarilydueto
their social status. We know from Old Babylonian
sources(e.g.,theMariletters|thatordinarycitizens
alsocoulddiscussdetailsofanextispicyandthein-
terpretation of omina, but we do not know if they
oi.uchicago.edu
partakeofthesameessence.Thetoolsofthediviner-thestylus,thetablet,thebag,andthe
cedarwood-servetoreinforcethismapping,functioningasaniconiclinkbetweenthem.
Butthoughthepersonofthedivinerisimportantforritualefficacy(ifanythingiswrongwith
him,theritualisano-go|theprimarysourceofritualagencyliesintheritualaction.Theact
ofextispicyandtheinterpretationoftheentrailsweremappedbyiconicidentityconnectors,
sincetheartofextispicyitself,andcertainlythecodeortechniqueappliedintheinterpretation
oftheentrails,wereidenticaltothecodegiventomankindinmythictimesbyEnmeduranki.
The implements again function as reinforcing iconic links. That the correct procedure was
followed,theprayerspronouncedclearly,andthedivinerhimselfbeingintherightphysical
andmentalstatewereofhighersignificanceforgivingthedesiredresult-areliableanswer
-thanwasthepersonofthedivinerhimself.
Just like a namburbi, the extispicy ritual activated a conceptual blending between the
juridical domain and the sacred domain. A court case implies two intentional agents: and
typicallytwopartieswillberepresentedatcourt:theaccuserandtheaccused,orthevictim
andtheculprit.Sometimesonepartywillnotbepresentormayberepresentedbywitnesses
orsymbolicallybyhemandhairornail-imprint,justasinanextispicyritual.
43
Inanamburbi
theill-portendingobjectwouldphysicallybepresentduringtheritual.Eventhoughthe'at-
tackerisnotphysicallypresentinanextispicyritual,theblendingwiththejuridicaldomain
couldsuggesttheexistenceofanopponent.Theactionsandintentionsofthepartiesarelaid
opentojudgment,andthedivinejudgeisaskedtoruleinfavoroftheclient.Thetransforma-
tionoftheominoussignfromthephysicaltothesocialdomaintakesplaceintheritualspace
throughthecognitiveblendingwiththejudicialspace.
I posit that the namburbis were primarily used in connection with the kind of divina-
tionwherethepresentationofintentionalagentsistheweakest.Theretheblendingwiththe
domainofthe courtroomhas a similar effect as in the caseoftheextispicyritual,itserves
to remove troubles from the uncontrollable physical world to the more manageable social
world.Innamburbis thesignifier-theharbingeroftheevilomen,whetherthisisastrange
birdorseriouslymalformedentrailsofthesacrificiallambthatrendersitunsuitableforex-
tispicy-istransformedintoanintentionalagent.Theritualispresentedasacourtoflaw
withthesignifierandthepersontowhomitoccurredcastintherolesofthetwocontestants.
As opposed to a performance of extispicy, in the context of anamburbi ritual, both suitors
couldbephysicallypresent.Themetaphorofthecourtoflawatthesametimepromotesthe
presentationoftheomenasacommunicativesignsentbyanangrygodwhomtheritualserves
toappease:inextispicyIsuggestthisisalreadyinherentintheritualwithitsmanysacrifices
andofferings.
Furthermore,accordingtoMcCauleyandLawson`sactiontheorysystem,anyaction,in-
cludingritualaction,hasasimplesyntaxconsistingofthreeorfourbasicelements.According
totheirtheory,asmallnumberofbasiccognitivefunctionsaccountforthesimilaritiesfound
inritualsallovertheworldandallowpeopletomakeintuitivejudgmentsabouttheproper
keptondoingitin the first millennium. In ancient
Greecedivinationwasalsoatopicthatcouldbedis-
cussedandpracticedbylaymen,eventhoughthere
weretraditionsconcerningthespecialqualitiesand
genealogiesofdiviners.Expertswouldbecalledupon
depending on the circumstances: see Flower 2008:
chapter2,esp.pp.53ff.
43
The client did not always have to be present in
person,inthetamitusandikribustheclientwasre-
ferredtoas'theownerofthis(black|woolandhem
(ofthegarment|,orhecouldberepresentedbyan
imprintofhisnail(Zimmern1901:no.11line3|on
thetabletwherehisquestionwaswritten.
oi.uchicago.edu
forms, relationships, and efficacy of religious rituals.
44
This hinges on the understanding
that religious rituals, though special actions, remain 'actions - people extend their skills
for judging everyday actions to religious actions. What makes ritual action different from
ordinary action they argue, is that it involves the 'Principle of Superhuman Agency.
45
A
'culturally postulated superhuman (CPS| agent.
46
of some kind plays a role as the source
of efficacy. A CPS agent can and will always have a special connection with either of the
elementsinvolved.
Inthecaseofextispicythesewouldbe:
Agent Action / /nstrument (Object) Patient
Diviner
Extispicyinvolvingsacrifice
andofferings/cedarwood
Client(canberepresentedbyhem
ofclothingornailimpression|
AccordingtooneofthepropositionsofMcCauleyandLawson`sactiontheorysystem,thereis
adirectconnectionbetweenhowpeoplejudgethereversibilityandrepeatabilityofritualsand
whichofthethreeelementstheCPSagentisperceivedasmostcloselyconnectedwith.
47
The
theoryrunsthatiftheCPSagentisinvolvedmostcloselywiththeagent,theritualisreversible
butnotrepeatable:whatgodhasdone,godcanundo,butgoddoesnotrepeathimself.This
wouldbetrueforinitiationrites-apriestordivinercanonlybeinitiatedonce,butitshould
bepossibletothrowhimoutofthecommunityofpeople'intheknow
48
ifheseriouslyvio-
latesthetrustandsecretsconfidedtohim.Aninitiationshouldbereversible.'Specialaction
/instrumentritualsand'specialpatientritualsare,ontheotherhand,generallyjudgedtobe
repeatablebutnotreversible.McCauleyandLawrence(2002:26|suggestthatsacrificesand
ritualsofpenancefallwithinthegroup'specialpatientrituals,sincetheCPSagentaffects
thepatientmostdirectly.Ritualsofdivinationandblessing,ontheotherhand,generallyfall
inthecategory'specialinstrumentrituals.Iwouldsuggestthatextispicyritualsactuallyspan
boththe'specialinstrumentandthe'specialpatientcategories.Theclosestconnectionwith
the'superhumanagentintheextispicyritualliesintheritualactandtheobjectsinvolvedin
theritual:itthusfallsunderthe'specialinstrumentor'specialactioncategory.Thediviner
useshisspecialimplements(cedarwoodandleatherbag|,heappliesthecodeofextispicy(a
divinerevelationanda'secretofheavenandearth|,andheperformsmultiplesacrificesand
slaughtersaveryspeciallambinwhichthegodsareexpectedtobepresentanduseforwriting
44
Compare Tremlin 2006: 166: McCauley and
Lawson2002.LawsonandMcCauley`stheoryofreli-
giousritualcompetence,auniversalsyntaxofactions,
issimilartoChomsky`sstructuraldescriptionoflan-
guage.Chomskyintroducedtheideaofaninnateand
thusuniversalgrammar.The'universalgrammaris
astipulatedsystemofsimplecognitiverulesthatgov-
ernsthestructureofallthedifferentactualgrammars
oftheworld,presentandpast(Chomsky1975|.
45
Forafurtherdiscussionofthenatureofritual,es-
peciallymagicalactions,seeSrensen2007:chapter
6. Srensen stresses that ritual action is character-
izedbya'transformationoftherelationbetweenthe
intentionandtheactualactionsperformed(2007:
150|.
46
McCauleyandLawson2002:14,fig.1.1.Theterm
'CPSagentgoesbacktoSpiro`sdefinitionofreli-
gionas'aninstitutionconsistingofculturallypat-
ternedinteractionwithculturallypostulatedsuper-
humanbeings(Spiro1966:96|.'CPSagentisyet
anothertermfor'superhumanagent,alsoreferredto
asaCIA,'counter-intuitiveagent,bysomecogni-
tivescientists.
47
SeeWhitehouse2004:33ff.
48
TheGeheimwissenformulafoundinthecolophons
ofmanyMesopotamiandivinatorytextshasalsobeen
taken as indication of some kind of initiation: 'he
whoknowsmayseeit,hewhodoesnotknow,may
not.
oi.uchicago.edu
messages.Atthesametimeitmustfallinthesamecategoryasotherkindsofsacrificewould,
notonlybecauseoftheverysubstantialsacrificesthatcouldformpartofadivinatorysession,
butalsobecausethepatientisputontrialbeforethedivinejudge.Asmentioned,both'special
patientand'specialaction/instrumentritualsare,accordingtothetheory,repeatablebut
notreversible.
49
Whetherweinterprettheextispicyritualasa'specialaction/instrumentor
a'specialpatientritualthesameapplies,youcannotundohavingperformedextispicy,but
youcanrepeatit.Itisperhapsduetothisdualfunctionofextispicythatitcouldbeusedto
inquireaboutunprovokedomens,forinstance,theappearanceofalunareclipse?
50
Theargumentshouldnotbepushedtoofar.Idoubtthatsignssuchasastrologicalomina
shouldbeseenasnon-repeatable'specialagentrituals.Butthenagain,perhapstheymight.
Acasecouldbemadethatanykindofoblativa islessdependentona'specialinstrumentor
'specialactionthananinducedomen.Anepiphanyistotallydependantontherebeingan
agenttohearitorobserveit,thusstrengtheningthelinkbetweenCPSagentandhumanagent.
Nopointinburningabushorgoingintoeclipseifthereisnobodyaroundtoseeit.However
thismaybe,Idobelieveitisreasonabletoacceptthatextispicyinitselfprovidedasetting
thattransformedintangiblethreatsto'strategicinformationandacteduponit.Theextispicy
ritualspannedbothpartsoftheeventframeintowhichanydivinatorypracticenormallyfalls:
that of information-gathering on the one hand and that of sacrifices/aversive rituals on the
other:performingfurtherapotropaia just wouldnotmakesense.
ABBREVIATIONS
CT CuneiformTextsfromBabylonianTabletsintheBritishMuseum(London1896-|
K TabletsinthecollectionsoftheBritishMuseum
KAR KeilschrifttexteausAssurreligisenInhalts
W fieldnumbersoftabletsexcavatedatWarka/Uruk
49
Thishypothesishassomeempiricalverification:
seeWhitehouse2004:40ff.
50
Forexample,Lambert2007:no.2.
oi.uchicago.edu
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1993 Letters jrom Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars. State Archives of Assyria 10.
Helsinki:HelsinkiUniversityPress.
Peek,PhilipM.,editor
1991 Ajrican Divination Systems: Bays oj Knowing. Indianapolis: Indiana University
Press.
Poebel,Arno
1914 Historical and Grammatical Texts. Publications of the Babylonian Section 5.
Philadelphia:UniversityMuseum.
Reiner,Erica
1995 Astral Magic in Babylonia. TransactionsoftheAmericanPhilosophicalSociety85/4.
Philadelphia:AmericanPhilosophicalSociety.
Rochberg,Francesca
Culture. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Rosenberger,Veit
2001 Griechische Orakel: Eine Kulturgeschichte. Darmstadt:WissenschaftlichesBuchge-
sellschaft.
Srensen,Jesper
2007 A Cognitive Theory oj Magic.WalnutCreek:Altamira.
inpress 'Cognitive Underpinnings of Divinatory Practices. In Unveiling the Hidden:
Contemporary Approaches to the Study oj Divination, edited by A. Lisdorf and
K.Munk.Berlin:WalterdeGruyter.Pre-printfromconferenceiscited.
Srensen,JrgenPodemann
1999 'On Divination: An Exercise in Comparative Method. In Approaching Religion,
Part1,editedbyT.Ahlbck,pp.181-88.Turku:boAkademiUniversityPrinting
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Spiro,M.E.
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Starr,Ivan
oi.uchicago.edu
1990 Queries to the Sungod: Divination and Politics in Sargonid Assyria. StateArchives
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Sweek,Joel
2000 ReviewofDivination in Ancient /srael and /ts Near Eastern Environment: A Socio-
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2001 'Divination as a Way of Knowing: Embodiment, Visualisation, Narrative, and
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Tremlin,Todd
2006 Minds and Gods: The Cognitive Foundations oj Religion.Oxford:OxfordUniversity
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Turner,Victor
1961 Ndembu Divination: /ts Symbolism and Techniques. Manchester: Manchester
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1968 The Drums oj Ajjliction.Oxford:ClarendonPress.
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oi.uchicago.edu
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AROUS/NG /MAGES: THE POETR OF D/\/NAT/ON AND THE D/\/NAT/ON OF POETR 61
5
AROUSING IMAGES:
THE POETRY OF DIVINATION
AND THE DIVINATION OF POETRY
EDWARDL.SHAUGHNESSY,UNIVERSITYOFCHICAGO
AncientChinashowsevidenceofnumeroustypesofactivitiesthatinvolveaspectsofdivi-
nation(theattempttousesigns,whethernaturalorartificial,tounderstandand/orinfluence
-inaword,todetermine-events,presentorfuture|:pyromancy,sortilege,oneiromancy,
chronomancyorhemerology,geomancyinallofitsparticulars(fromthelayofthelandand
thenatureofvaporsemanatingfromittothegrowthofvegetationandmotionofanimalson
it|,astromancyorastrology,physiognomy(ofanimalsaswellasofhumans|,andanalysis
of Chinese characters, would all have to be mentioned in any thorough survey of Chinese
divination,andarealunderstandingofevenanyoneofthesepracticeswoulddoubtlessre-
quire at least one monographic study.
1
Rather than viewing the flowers while racing along
onhorseback,astheChinesesayingputsit,Iproposehereintotouchonjustthefirsttwoof
thesetypesofdivination-pyromancyandsortilege-andevenatthisIwillnotattemptto
giveanysortofsystematicintroductiontothem.
2
Rather,Iwilltrytoshowhowtheyshared
acommonlanguageofexpression,alanguagethattheysharedinturnwiththemoregeneral
languageofearlyChinesepoetry.Ihopethroughthistobeabletoseehowbothdivinersand
poetsviewedtheworld,andhowtheyattemptedtobringitundercontrol.
Pyromancy,the scorchingor burning ofboneorshellintheattempt to causecracksto
appearinthemthatcouldthenbereadassigns,waspracticed,sometimesextensively,some-
timesintermittently,acrossbroadstretchesofnorthernEurasiafromnolaterthan3500B.C.
untilwellintotheQingdynasty(1644-1911|.
3
Thebest-knownmanifestationofpyromancy
inChinaisfoundontheplastronsofturtlesandthescapulabonesofoxendatingtothelast
stageoftheShangdynasty(ca.1200-1050B.C.|.Theseshellsandboneswereofteninscribed
withthetextofthedivination(andthusareknowninChineseasjiaguwenor'writingofshell
andbones|,whichisstilltheearliestevidenceofwritinginChina.
4
Knownsincethevery
endofthenineteenthcentury,itwasoncethoughtthatthepracticeofinscribingpyromantic
1
For earlier surveys, see Van Xuyet 1976: Loewe
1981: 38-62: DeWoski n 1983: Smi t h 1991:
Kalinowski1991:Loewe1994:Chemla,Harper,and
Kalinowski1999:Strickmann2005:Field2008.
2
For still the finest introduction in English to the
mostimportantmanifestationofChinesepyromantic
practices-theoraclebonesoftheShangdynasty-
seeKeightley1978.Foramorerecentsurvey,very
thoroughinadifferentway,seeFlad2008:403-37.
For sortilege divination, especially that associated
withthei jingorClassic oj Changes,perhapsthe
bestoverviewinEnglishisSmith2008.
3
ForNeolithicandearlyBronzeAgeevidence,see
Flad 2008: 405-11. Hu Xu, Bu ja xiang kao (Siku
quanshu ed.|, 4.2a, mentions a type of turtle-shell
divinationperformedintheQingperiodinthearea
aroundthedeltaoftheYangziRiver.
4
WhileWestern-languageresearchontheseinscrip-
tionshaswanedinrecentyears,therehasblossomed
a vigorous debate as to the place of these inscrip-
tionsintheriseofwritinginChina.Fortwooppos-
ingviews,seeBoltz1994:esp.31-52(arguingfor
theirplaceastheearliestwriting|,andBagley2004:
190-249(arguingfortheexistenceofearlierforms
ofwriting|.
61
oi.uchicago.edu
EDBARD L. SHAUGHNESS 62
shellsandbones,ifnotthepracticeofpyromancyitself,diedoutwiththeendoftheShang
dynasty. However, over the last thirty years numerous examples of Western Zhou dynasty
(1045-771B.C.|oracleboneshavebeenuncoveredfromacrossnorthChina(andespecially
in the Zhou homeland of Shaanxi|, and there has also been plentiful other evidence of the
continued practice of turtle-shell divination throughout the remainder of the Zhou dynasty
(i.e.,until256B.C.|.
5
While these archaeologically recovered records of divination properly command the

greatestattentionfromcontemporaryhistorians,Iproposetobeginmyexaminationofturtle-
shell divination with a slightly later account, recorded in the historyShi ji or Records oj
the Historian (ca. 100 B.C.|.
6
This concerns a divination performed on behalf of Liu Heng
(died157B.C.|,oneofthesonsofLiuBang(247-195B.C.|,thefounderoftheHandynasty
(reigned202-195B.C.|.AfterthedeathofLiuBang,theHanrulinghousefellintoafifteen-
year-longperiodofcivilwarbetweentheLiufamilyandthefamilyofLiuBang`sempress,
EmpressL.WiththedeathofEmpressLin180B.C.andthesubsequenteliminationofher
family, emissaries from the imperial court approached Liu Heng, then serving as the king
(wang|ofthestateofDai,andinvitedhimtobecomethenewemperor.Wellawareofthe
precariousnessofthepositionofemperor,LiuHengatfirstresistedthisoffer.Eventuallyhe
waspersuadedtoacceptit.AccordingtothenarrativeoftheShi ji,oneofthefactorsinhis
decisionwasaturtle-shelldivinationthathehadperformedaboutit.TheaccountintheShi
jireadsasfollows:
ThekingofDaiconsultedwiththequeen-motherabout(whethertoaccepttheemper-
orship|,buthewasstillnotdecidedaboutit.Hedivineditwithaturtle,thedivination
omenobtainedbeingthe'GrandTransversal.(Thediviner|prognosticatedsaying:
TheGrandTransversalgeng-geng(geng/*kng
7
|:
Iwillbetheheavenlyking(wang/*jwang|,
QiofXiatherebyshining(guang/*kwng|.
TheKingofDaisaid:'GiventhatIamalreadyaking,whatfurtherkingshipcould
there be? The diviner said, 'What it means by heavenly king` is being theSon of
Heaven.
8
Thereisevidencefromotheraccountsofdivination,botharchaeologicalandtraditional,
that this divination would have opened with a 'command or 'charge (ming| to the turtle
that first announced an intended action, and then ended with a formulaic prayer seeking a
successful outcome. Although the charge is not recorded here, it was doubtless something
like'Iwillbecome emperor: wouldthat it besuccessful.Afterthepronouncement ofthis
charge,ared-hotbrandwouldhavebeenappliedtotheturtle-shelltocauseacracktoappear
in it. It wasthis crack- the omen (:hao| - thatthe divinationofficialwouldhaveinter-
pretedbywayofapronouncementthatwemightbesttranslateas'oracle(yao|.This tooka
5
For still the only English-language discussion of
theseoraclebones,seeShaughnessy1985-87:146-
194.Therehavebeenseveralpiecemealdiscoveries
inthelastfewyears,allreportedonlyintheChinese
scholarlypress:foroneofthemostimportantofthese
reports,seeCao2003:43-49.
6
Overtheyears,Ihaveexploredtheseissuesinsev-
eral studies, perhaps most directly in Shaugnessy
1995:223-40.Inevitably,Iwillneedtorepeatsome
earlierdiscussions,butIhopeIwillbeabletointro-
duceenoughnewevidenceandnewperspectivesso
thatthepresentstudyisnotentirelyredundant.
7
Thereconstructionsofarchaicpronunciationpre-
sentedherearetakenfromSchuessler2007.
8
Shi ji(Zhonghuashujued.|,10.414.
oi.uchicago.edu
conventionalformwithanintroductoryfour-characterphraseoftendescribingthecrackinthe
turtleshell(or,inotherformsofdivination,ofsomeomeninthenaturalworld|,followedby
acoupletofrhymingfour-characterphrasesrelatingthesignificanceofthatcracktothetopic
of the divination, in this case Liu Heng`s intention to become emperor. The description of
thecrack,here'TheGrandTransversalgeng-geng,isapparentlymulti-dimensional:'Grand
Transversal(da heng|isatermthatoccursinanotherchapteroftheShi ji - the'Biography
ofTurtle-(Shell|andStalk(Diviners|('Guiceliezhuan|,whichincludesahandbookof
differentcrackshapesandtheirsignificancesforvarioustopics-andapparentlyreferstoa
crackthatextendshorizontallyfromtheverticalshaftofthedivinationcrack,perhapsinthe
shapeof butwithalongerhorizontalline.
9
'Geng-gengpresumablyindicatesthesoundthat
theturtleshellmadewhenthecrackappearedinit.
10
Althoughthecharacterusedtowritethe
soundhere(geng |ismoreorlessmeaningless,severalcommentatorsontheShi jipoint
outthatitishomophonouswithanotherword(geng |thatmeans'tosucceed(asin'to
inherit|,asasonwould'succeedafather.Itisperhapseasytoseehowbothoftheseomens
mightbeinterpretedtomeanthatLiuHengshouldsucceedhisfatherLiuBangandcontinue
the Liu-family line of emperors. Certainly this is how the divination official who presided
over the divinationinterpreted them.The couplet that hepresumablyextemporized, 'I will
betheheavenlyking,QiofXiatherebyshining(yu wei tian wang, Xia Qi yi guang|,refers
explicitlytothereputedfirstcaseoffather-sonkingshipsuccessioninChinesehistory,when
QisucceededhisfatherYutoinitiatetheXiadynasty.Thathissuccessionshouldbetermed
'shining(guang|,oneofseveraltermsinwhatoneastutereaderofearlyChinesepoetryhas
called'thekeyofwang,`wangbeingthewordfor'king,
11
suggeststhatthedivinerhere
intendedthisoracletobeencouraging.Nevertheless,LiuHengcontinuedtoresistaccepting
the emperorship, pretending not to understand the significance of the oracle and pressing
thedivinertoexplainitfurther.Withthediviner`sassurancethattheoraclepertainedtothe
'Heavenly King (tian wang|, obviously another term fortian:i 'Son of Heaven or 'em-
perorandnotjustanyordinary'king(wang|,andafterstillfurtherconsultationswithclose
companionsofhisfather,LiuHengeventuallydidagreetobecomeemperor,beingknownto
historyasEmperorWenoftheHandynasty(reigned180-157B.C.|.
Anotheraccountofaturtle-shelldivinationthatissaidtohavetakenplacealmostfour
hundredyearsearlierissimilarinmanyrespects.ThisisfoundintheZuo :huan,alengthy
historicalnarrativethatservesinsomerespectsasacommentaryontheChunqiuorSpring
and Autumn Annals,underthetenthyearofDukeXiangofLu(reigned572-542B.C.:i.e.,
563B.C.|.ItdescribesadivinationperformedonbehalfofSunWenzi,rulerofthestateof
Wey,ashedeliberatedwhethertocounteranattackonhisstatebyHuangèrofthestateof
Zheng.Theaccountreadsasfollows:
Sun Wenzi divined by turtle-shell about pursuing them. He presented the crack to
DingJiang.MadameJiangaskedabouttheoracle.Theysaid:
9
See,forexample,Shi ji,128.3241.
10
Whileitiswellknownthatthecharacterbu is
a pictograph of the general shape that pyromantic
cracksalwaystookinChina,itisworthnotingaswell
thatitsarchaicpronunciation,somethinglike*puk,
probablywasonomatopoeiaforthesoundmadeby
theshellwhenthecrackappearedinit:seeKeightley
1978:21n.93.
11
Saussy1997:540.
oi.uchicago.edu
Thecrackislikeamountainpeak(ling/*ljng|:
Thereisafellowwhogoesouttocampaign(:heng/*tsjng|,
Butloseshisleader(xiong/*jung|.
MadameJiangsaid:'Thatthecampaignerloseshisleaderisthebenefitofresisting
robbers:thegreatministersshouldmakeplansforit.ThemenofWeypursued,and
SunPengcapturedHuangèrofZhengatQuanqiu.
12
Again we cansurmise that the commandtotheturtleshell musthavebeenastatement
akinto 'Wewillcounter-attack Zheng: wouldthatwedefeat them.Thiswouldhave been
followedbythecrackingoftheturtleshell,theshapeofthecrackbeingexplicitlydescribed
intheoracle.Welearnofthisoracleonlyretrospectivelywhensomeoneotherthanthedivi-
nationofficialiscalledontointerpretthecrack,presumablybecausetheoraclewasregarded
asambiguous.Againtheoracletakestheformofafour-characterphrasedescribingthecrack
asbeingintheshapeofamountainpeak(:hao ru shan ling|,perhapssomethinglike
or
.Thisomenisfollowedbyacoupletoffour-characterphrasesrelatingittothetopicofthe
divination. It is perhaps easy to see that 'There is a fellow who goes out to campaign, But
loses his leader might be ambiguous: which fellow going out on campaign would lose his
leader: the attackers from Zheng or the counter-attackers from Wey? For this reason,Sun
WenziconsultedawomannamedDingJiangtoprovidethedefinitiveinterpretation:'That
thecampaignerloseshisleaderisthebenefitofresistingrobbers(:heng :he sang xiong, yu
kou :hi li ye|.
Thisprognosticationisasimpletransformationofaphrasethatoccursformulaicallyin
theZhou yiorZhou Changes:'beneficialtoresistrobbers(li yu kou|.TheZhou Changes,
better known in the West as i jing (or / Ching| or Classic oj Changes, is ancient China`s
premierdivinationtext,originallyproducedandusedinconjunctionwithsortilegedivination
(i.e.,divinationbycounting,inthecaseoftheZhou Changesoriginallycountingstalksofthe
yarrowplant|.Asiswellknown,theZhou Changesconsistsofsixty-four'hexagramsmade
upofsixsolidorbrokenlinesintheshapeof or .Eachhexagramhasageneralstate-
ment,usuallyquiteformulaic,attachedtoit,whileeachlinealsohasastatementattachedto
it,referredtoasan'oracle(yao ,adifferentcharacterbutalmostcertainlythesameword
astheyaoor'oraclereferredtointheZuo :huanpassageabove|andusuallydescribing
someomeninthenaturalworld.AgoodexampleofaZhou Changeslinestatementisoneof
thelinestatementsthatcontainstheprognostication'beneficialtoresistrobbers.Itoccurs
inthethirdlineof1ian'Advancementhexagram(#53inthetraditionalsequence|:
NineintheThird:Thewildgooseadvancestotheland(lu/*ljuk|:
Thehusbandcampaignsbutdoesnotreturn(ju/*bjuk|,
Thewifeispregnantbutdoesnotgivebirth(yu/*jiuk|.
Baleful.Beneficialtoresistrobbers.
Itiseasytoseethatthemainportionofthislinestatementor'oraclehasthesameformas
theoraclesseenaboveinthetwoaccountsofturtle-shelldivination:afour-characterphrase
describinganomen(inthiscase,oneinthenaturalworldratherthantheshapeofthecrack
in the turtle shell|, followed by a rhyming couplet of four-character phrases relating it to
12
Chunqiu Zuo :uan :hengyi (Shisan jing :hushu
ed.|, vol. 2, 1648 (31.246|: see also Legge 1872:
443,447.
oi.uchicago.edu
sometopicinthehumanrealm.Wecansurmisethatthedivinationthatinspiredthisoracle
wasconcernedwitheitheramilitarycampaignorbirth-giving(orperhapsageneraltopicof
maritalfidelity|,forwhichthemovementofthewildgoose(orgeese|hadaspecific-and
inauspicious-significance.
13
Wecanalsodeducefromthecasesofturtle-shelldivination
examinedabovethattheremainingwordsofthelinestatement,theprognosticatoryformulas
'baleful(xiong|and'beneficialtoresistrobbers,reflectasecondarycomposition,presum-
ablyaddedbyasubsequentprognosticator.
ManylinestatementsintheZhou Changesreflectthisoracularformat,thefollowingbe-
ingjustafewofthemoreillustrativeexamples:
TaiTopSix:Thecitywallreturnstothemoat:Donotusethearmy,Fromthe
citadelannouncethecommand.Divining:Apity.
XikanTopSix:Tiedusingropeandtwine:Placeitinthethicketthorn,For
threeyearsyouwillnotgetit.Baleful.
KunFirstSix:Thebuttocksfastenedtothestumpytree:Enteringintothedark
valley,Forthreeyearsyouwillnotseehim.
DingNineintheSecond:Thecaldronhassubstance:Myenemyhasanillness,
Itwillnotreachus.Auspicious.
Ding Nine in the Third: The caldron`s ears are stripped off:Its motion is
blocked,Thepheasantfatisinedible.Theborderlandrainsdiminish. Regret,
intheendauspicious.
DingNineintheFourth:Thecaldron`sbrokenleg:Overturnstheduke`sstew,
Itsformisglossy.Baleful.
FengNineintheThird:Abundantitsbubbles:Inthedayseeingthemurk,
Breakshisrightarm.Thereisnotrouble.
FengNineintheFourth:Abundantitscanopy:InthedayseeingtheDipper,
Meetinghisbarbarianruler.Auspicious.
Althoughtheselinestatementsallfollowastandardformat-onethatIbelievewould
havebeennormativeforthedivinationsfromwhichthetextwascreated,oneshouldhasten
tonotethatmostlinestatementsintheZhou Changesarenotascompleteasthese.Manyif
not most line statements in the text are as simple as the following examples, drawn almost
randomlyfromthroughoutthebook:
QianTopNine:ThroatedDragon.Thereisregret.
MengSixintheFourth:Fastenedyouth.Apity.
GuNineintheSecond:Thepestilenceofthestemmother.Onecannotdivine.
ShiheSixintheSecond:Bitingtheskinandcuttingoffthenose.Notrouble.
BenSixintheSecond:Decoratinghisbeard.
13
Onseveraloccasions,Ihavediscussedthesymbolic
significanceofthewildgooseinancientChina:see,
forinstance,Shaughnessy1992:594.
oi.uchicago.edu
FuSixintheSecond:Successfulreturn.Auspicious.
Fu SixintheThird:Repeatedreturn.Danger.Notrouble.
DaguoNineintheThird:Bowedrafter.Baleful.
Theseareallomensofonesortoranother,thesignificanceofmanyofwhichisbyno
means immediately discernible. However, by comparing several line statements within the
singlehexagramTong ren'TogetherwithMen,itispossible,Ibelieve,toreconstructthe
processbywhichtheywerecreated.Thetextoftheentirehexagramreadsasfollows:
Togetherwithmeninthewilds.Receipt.Beneficialtofordthegreatriver.
Beneficialforthelordtodivine.
FirstNine:Togetherwithmenatthegate.Notrouble.
SixintheSecond:Togetherwithmenattheancestraltemple.Apity.
NineintheThird:Crouchingenemiesinthegrass:Ascendingitshighhill,For
threeyearsitwillnotarise.
NineintheFourth:Astrideitswall,Itcannotbeattacked.Auspicious.
NineintheFifth:Togetherwithmen,Firstcryingandlaterlaughing.Thegreat
armiescanmeeteachother.
TopNine:Togetherwithmeninthesuburbs.Noregret.
EventhoughtheNineintheThirdlineemploysadifferentimagethantheotherlines,itis
easytoseethatitconstitutesthesortoftwo-partoracleseenabove,'Crouchingenemiesin
thegrass(ju rong yu mang|beingthedescriptionoftheomen,and'Ascendingitshighhill,
Forthreeyearsitwillnotarise(sheng qi gao ling, san sui bu xing|beingthecoupletthatap-
parentlycommentsonthisomen`ssignificanceforthetopicofthedivination.Theotherlines
arealllesscomplete.Nevertheless,Ithinkitisstillpossibletoseethatthevarious'Together
with men phrases must have served as the omen portion of the oracles. Depending on the
topicofanygivendivination,anomensuchas'Togetherwithmeninthewilds(tong ren yu
ye|or'Togetherwithmenatthegate(tong ren yu men|wouldhavepromptedadivination
officialtocomposea coupletof thesort 'Astrideitswall,It cannotbeattacked(cheng qi
yong, ju ke gong|seenintheNineintheFourthlinestatement.Indeed,therhymeinthislatter
couplet(yong/*jiwongandgong/*kung|suggeststhatitwasprobablyoriginallyattachedto
theimage'Togetherwithmenattheancestraltemple(tong ren yu :ong:i.e.,:ong/*tsuong|
oftheSixintheSecondlinestatement.Similarly,rhymemightsuggestthatthefifthandsixth
linesweresplitfromanoriginalcompleteoracle:
Togetherwithmeninthesuburbs(jiao/*kau|:Firstcrying(tao/*du|andlaterlaugh-
ing(xiao/*sju|.Thegreatarmiescanmeeteachother(yu/*ngju|.Noregret.
Whilethephrase'Thegreatarmiescanmeeteachotherdoesnotseemtobepartofthisoracle
andshouldperhapsbeunderstoodasthesamesortofinjunctionasthe'beneficialtoresist
robbersformulaseenintheNineintheThirdlineof1ianhexagram,itmaywellbethatits
nearrhyme(yu/*ngju|influenceditsinsertionhere.
PartoftheappealoftheZhou Changesisdoubtlesstheincompletestateinwhichithas
come down to us. This is not to say that any significant portion of it has been lost or that
manylinestatementshavebeensplitorotherwisedeformed,butratherthatthetextsimply
neverunderwentthesortofsystematiceditingthatwouldhavefilledinalloftheblanks.Long
oi.uchicago.edu
beforepost-modern literary critics begantodiscusstheauthorityofthereader,readersand
especiallypeoplewhohaveusedtheZhou Changestoperformdivinationshaveassumedthe
lion`sshareofresponsibilityforcreatinganintelligibletext.Thisintelligibilityhasdoubtless
changedoverthecourseofthecenturiesthatthetexthasbeenread,andmuchoftheoriginal
symbolic significance is lost to us. For instance, we cannot be sure at all how the various
omenscametobeassociatedwiththedifferenthexagrams.However,bylearningasmuchas
wecanabouthownaturalomenswereviewedatthetimethattheZhou Changeswascreated,
we can at least come to some appreciation of how the couplet that relates the omen to the
topicofthedivinationmayhavebeenunderstood.Tolearnmoreabouttheseomens,thereis
probablynosourcebetterthanthecontemporarypoetry,andespeciallytheShi jingorClassic
oj Poetry. WhennolessafigurethanConfuciushimselfsaidthatstudyofthePoetrywould
teachhisdisciples about the namesofbirds andanimals, plantsandtrees,
14
his wasalmost
certainly not the interest of a zoologist or a botanist: rather, he was urging his disciples to
understandthesymbolicmeaningoftheworldaroundthem,whichismostimmediatelyvisible
inthedifferentnaturesofthegooseandthegrackle,theospreyandtheoriole,orthepineand
cypress.Intheremainderofthisstudy,Iproposetoturnmyattentiontothesepoeticimages,
andtosuggestthatjustasdivinationscouldpartakeofthelanguageofpoetry,sotoocould
poemsbedivinatory.
Before examining the Classic oj Poetry itself, I would like to begin with a 'children`s
oracle(tong yao|recordedintheZuo :huan.Thisisanexampleofamoreorlessextensive
genreoffolk-songthatwasregardedasprophetic.Thisparticularsongissaidtohavebeen
occasioned by two events that took place in 517 B.C. in the state of Lu, the homeland of
theSpring and Autumn Annals. Intheautumnofthatyear,thelordofthestate,DukeZhao
(reigned541-510B.C.|fledintoexileafterunsuccessfullychallengingthegreatfamiliesthat
wieldedrealpower in thestate.Earlierintheyear, atypeofmynah bird orgrackle(quyu|
theretofore unknown in northern China was spotted nesting in the state. The music master
regarded it as fabulous, but is said to have recalled the following folk song from about a
century earlier than his own time. I present it in the inimitable translation of James Legge
(1815-1897|,theScottishmissionarywhocontributedsomuchtoourunderstandingofan-
cientChinathroughhistranslationsoftheConfucianclassics.
Herearegracklesapace!Thedukefliesindisgrace.
Lookatthegrackles`wings!Tothewildsthedukeflings,Ahorseonetohimbrings.
Lookhowthegracklesgo!InKan-howheislow,Wantscoatandtrousersnow.
Beholdthegrackles`nest!Faroffthedukedothrest.
Chow-fuhaslosthisstate,Sung-foocomesproudandgreat.
Othegracklessostrange!Thesongstoweepingchange.
15
IhavepreservedevenLegge`sVictoriantransliterationsofChinesewords,butIhaverear-
ranged his line breaks so as better to show the rhyme scheme. I think it is easy to see how
stanzassuchasquyu :hi yu(*ju|,gong :ai wai ye(*jia|,wang kui :hi ma(*ma| translated
byLeggeas'Lookatthegrackles`wings!Tothewildsthedukeflings,Ahorseonetohim
brings or quyu :hu:hu (*tju|, gong :ai Ganhou (*yu|, :heng qian yu ru (*nzju| 'Look
how the grackles go! In Kan-how he is low, Wants coat and trousers now (a more literal
translationwouldbe'Thegracklegoeshopping,ThedukeisinGanhou,Seekinggownand
jacket|aresimilartolinestatementsoftheZhou Changes,beginningwithadescriptionof
14
Analects17/9.
15
Legge1872:709.
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anaturalomenandthencorrelatingit-bywayofarhymingcouplet-withasituationin
thehumanrealm.Whetherthispoemshouldbeviewedasprophecy,asithasbeenportrayed
intheChineseliterarytradition,orashistoricalcomment(writtenaftertheevent|asamore
cynical reading might suggest, is perhaps irrelevant. Whether the human event comes after
orbeforetheomen,inancientChinaatleastitwasfeltthattherewasanecessaryconnection
betweenthem.
WhenwelookattheimagesofstillmoretraditionalancientChinesepoems,Ithinkwe
will see the same connection between natural omen and human society. The most striking
featureofpoemsintheClassic oj Poetry,poemsgenerallycontemporarywiththeoraclesof
the Zhou Changes, is known in Chinese as theirxing, a word that means 'to raise up, 'to
causetoarise,andwhichItranslatenominallyas'arousal.Thearousalroutinelycomesat
thebeginningofastanza,whichisoftenasshortasfourlines(offourcharacterseach,ortwo
linesofeight-charactercouplets|.Ittakestheformofanopeningcoupletdescribingsomena-
tureimage,drawnusuallyfromtheanimalorbotanicalworld(althoughastralandgeomantic
imagesalsooccur|,andisthenfollowedbyanothercouplet,alwaysrhyming,thatdescribes
an event in the human world. Although some readers have dismissed these arousals as es-
sentiallymeaningless,designedsimplytosettherhymescheme,
16
Ithinkamoresympathetic
readingcanreadilyseeconnectionsbetweenthenaturalandhumanworlds,and-perhaps
moreimportant-canalsoseehowthepeopleofthetimecouldhaveperceivedconnections
betweenthem.Afewotherpoems,chosenalmostatrandomfromamongtheopeningpoems
ofthecollection,willillustratehowthesearousalswork.
The first takes up again the nesting of a bird (or, in this case, two different types of
birds|:themagpie(que|andthedove(jiu|.ArthurWaley(1889-1966|,inhistranslationof
theClassic oj Poetry,pointsoutthatthedove,orthecuckoo,ashecallsit,isknownforset-
tlinginthenestsofotherbirds,whichChinesetraditionassertsthoseotherbirdsregardasan
honor.
17
Heretheassociationbetweenthedove`sarrivalinthemagpie`snestandthemarriage
ofthe'girldoesnotseemtohaveanyofthepejorativeconnotationsthatarecommoninthe
Europeantradition:itsimplyportendedawomanfromanotherfamily,asallbridesneededto
be,comingtotakeupresidenceinherhusband`shome.
'TheMagpie`sNest(Que chao:Mao12|
Themagpiehadanest,
Adovesettlesinit(ju/*kjwo|.
Thisgirlgoestomarry,
Ahundredcartsdriveher(yu/*njwo|.
Themagpiehadanest,
Adovetakesitover(jang/*pjwang|.
Ahundredcartsleadher(jiang/*tsjang|.
Themagpiehadanest,
Adovefillsitallup(ying/*jing|.
Ahundredcartsplaceher(cheng/*zjng|.
16
See,forinstance,Gu1925:672-77.Foranexcel-
lentdiscussionofthenatureandhistoryofthearousal
trope,seeYu1987:44-83.
17
Waley1996:13-14.
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Anotherweddingsongisintroducedwithadifferentsortofnatureimage,onethatIsus-
pectislessculturallyspecific:thevariousattributesofthepeach.
'ThePeachisYummy(Tao yao:Mao6|
Thepeachissoyummy,
Blushredareitsflowers(hua/*xwa|.
Thisgirlgoestomarry:
Fittingherhouseandhome(jia/*ka|
Thepeachissoyummy,
Sobulbousisitsfruit(shi/*dzjet|.
Fittingherhomeandhouse(shi/*sjet|
Thepeachissoyummy,
Itsleavesaresoglist`ning(:hen/*sjn|.
Fittingherhomeandman(ren/*nzjen|
Whilefruitripeforthepickingmightturnayoungman`sthoughtstospring,otherfruit
fallingfromthevinecouldsuggesttoayounggirlthatshehadmissedherchance.
'FallingarethePlums(Biao you mei:Mao20|
Fallingaretheplums:
Oh,sevenareitsfruit(shi/*dzjet|.
Themanysirsseekingme:
Oh,wouldthatonebefine(ji/*kjiet|.
Fallingaretheplums:
Oh,butthreeareitsfruit(san/*sm|.
Themanysirsseekingme:
Oh,wouldthatitbenow(jin/*kjm|.
Fallingaretheplums:
Theslantbaskettakesit(xi/*kjei|.
Themanysirsseekingme,
Wouldthatonemightsayit(wei/*jwei|.
Even without knowing that in later Chinese sex texts a 'slant basket (qing kuang| was a
euphemismforthevagina,
18
itisprobablynothardtoseeinthispoemthedespairingprayer
-andIusetheword'prayerdeliberately-ofthelastwomentobechosenatthedance.
Iwouldliketosuggestthatwemightcomparethispoemtothesortofdivinationthatyoung
children in the West have performed for generations: picking the petals off of a daisy and
chanting 'she loves me, she loves me not, she loves me. To be sure, this was a song or a
poem, but the singer was also hoping that by employing this particular nature image - by
catchingapluminherbasket-thatshecouldinduceasuitableboytocometoher.
18
For instance, the term appears written as cheng
kuang 'receiving basket in the Mawangdui text
He yin yang(Conjoiningyinandyang|:seeHarper
1998:413.
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Asimilarmagic,whetherofwordorofaction,istobeseeninthepoem'ThePlantain
(Fuyi:Mao8|.
'ThePlantain (Fuyi:Mao8|
Picking,pickingplantain,
Goingoutpickingit.
Goingoutpluckingit.
Goingoutgath`ringit.
Goingoutc`llectingit.
Goingoutbreastingit.
Goingoutgirdlingit.
Noonewouldclaimthatthisisgreatpoetry,butitdoesservetoillustratehowpoeticimages
couldstimulate-arouse-desiredresponses.Therearetwodifferentidentificationsofthe
juyi that is the focus of this poem: TheMao Commentary, the earliest commentary on the
textidentifiesitasthe'plantain(cheqian:i|,whileothertextsidentifyitasatypeofpear.
19
However, both of these identifications agree that eating it induced pregnancy. As noted by
WenYiduo(1899-1946|,arguablymodernChina`smostinsightfulreaderoftheClassic oj
Poetry,thiswasdoubtlessbecausethenameofthefruitwascloselyhomophonousinarchaic
Chinesewiththewordforfetus(peitai:indeed,theoriginalcharacterswereessentiallythe
sameforbothwords|.Inthissimplepoem,thewomanwishingtobecomepregnantwentout
togatherthejuyi,whichforconveniencesakeIhavetranslatedas'plantain.Inthefirsttwo
stanzas,shepicksitoffthetreeorbush,inthenexttwostanzasshegathersseveraltogether,
andtheninthefinaltwostanzasshetucksthemintoherclothing:firstintoherblousenear
toherbreasts,andthenfinallyintohergirdleatherwaist.Shemusthaveunderstoodthatby
singingthissongasshegatheredtheplantainthatshewouldhaveactivatedwhatevermedical
properties it may have possessed, progressively making it more and more personal. Just as
thedivinersoughttousetheimageintheshellorinnaturetoinfluencethefuturecourseof
events,sotoodidthispoetessseektousenaturetobringabouttheresultthatshedesired.
Itisnotpossibleinthisbriefpapertosupplyanythinglikeaninventoryofnatureimages
in ancient China. However, to give one final example of how they work in theClassic oj
Poetry,letmefinishwiththebest-knowncase,thepoemGuanju'The1oiningOsprey,the
firstpoeminthecollection.Ittooisaweddingsong,beginningwithyetanotheravianimage
andthenconcludinginthelasttwostanzaswiththemaleprotagonistprovidingmusicalenter-
tainmentforthewomanheseeksthroughoutthepoem,firstwithstringsandthenpercussion
instruments,saidtobeappropriatefirstforcourtshipandthenforaweddingfeast.
19
FortheMaoCommentary,seeMao Shi Zheng jian
(Sibubeiyaoed.|,1.7b.The'Wanghuichapterof
thei Zhou shu(Sibubeiyaoed.,7.10a|identifiesits
fruitasbeingsimilartoapear.
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'The1oiningOsprey(Guanju:Mao1|
'1oin, 1oin,callstheosprey,
Ontheriver`sisland:
Lusciousistheyounggirl,
Thelordson`slovingmate.
Up,down,thewatercress:
Leftandright,chasingit.
Luscioustheyounggirl,
Inandoutofsleepseekingher.
Seeking,notgettingher:
InoutofsleepIthink.
Longing,oh,longing,oh!
Tossturn,overmyself.
Leftandright,pickingit.
Lusciousistheyounggirl:
Zitherandlutebefriendher.
Leftandright,gath`ringit.
Lusciousistheyounggirl:
Bellanddrumamuseher.
Intheinterestsofbrevity,Iwillignoretraditionalinterpretationsandwillassumesimply
that this poem concerns a man`s yearning for a woman.
20
Also in the interests of brevity, I
will also disregard all the other images in the poem, natural and otherwise, and focus only
onthecalloftheospreyattheverybeginningofthepoem.However,tounderstandfullythe
meaningofthiscall,itwillbenecessarytoconsiderfirstthenatureoftheosprey.
Mostoftheinterpretationofthisopeningimagehasfocusedonthisquestion:thenature
ofthebird.Althoughtherehavebeensomedifferencesofdetail,virtuallyallinterpretersagree
thatthebirdisafish-eatingraptor.Althoughtheospreyissaidtohavevariousvirtuesand
characteristics,Iwouldprefertofocusjustonthisonepointofagreement:thatthebirdeats
fish.IhavealreadymentionedabovethemodernscholarWenYiduo.Inaclassicessayofhis
entitled 'On Fish,
21
he demonstrated that in the Classic oj Poetry fish consistently evoke
sexualrelations,andthattheeatingoffishevokestheconsummationofthoserelations.He
seesthisillustrated,forinstance,inthepoem'TransverseGate('Heng men:Mao138|,the
titleofwhichreferstothe'easterngatethatledinancientChinesecitiestowhatwewould
callthe'redlightdistrict.
'TransverseGate(Heng men:Mao138|
BeneaththeTransverseGate,
Youcanroostleisurely:
20
Forthemostrecentdiscussionoftheseinterpreta-
tions,thoughonethattakesthemosttraditionalinter-
pretationinthemostuntraditionalofdirections,see
Chin2006:53-79.
21
Wen1948:117-38.
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Bythespring`sfullflowing,
Youcansateyourhunger.
Coulditbefishtoeat
MustbetheRiver`sbream?
Coulditbewivestotake
MustbeaJiangofQi?
Coulditbefishtoeat
MustbetheRiver`scarp?
Coulditbewivestotake
MustbeaZiofSong?
Inseveraldifferentdiscussionsofthisfisharousal,Wennotesthatitseemsalsotoinform
somepoemswhichdonotmentionfishexplicitly,asforinstanceinthepoem'TheMenat
Waiting ('Hou ren: Mao 151, the title of which might also be construed as 'Waiting for
Someone|.
'TheMenatWaiting(Hou ren:Mao151|
Oh,thosemenatwaiting,
Carryingdaggersandspears.
Thoseyoungmenoverthere:
Threehundredredknee-covers.
There`sapelicanonthebridge
Whodoesn`twethiswings.
Thatyoungmanoverthere
Doesn`tfithisclothing.
There`sapelicanonthebridge
Whodoesn`twethisbeak.
Thatyoungmanoverthere
Doesn`tpursuehisdate.
Oh,howdense:oh,howlush,
SouthMountain`smorningmist.
Oh,howcute:howcharming,
Istheyounggirl`shunger.
Thetwocentralstanzasofthispoemarebothintroducedbytheimageofapelican,which,as
Wennotes,isafish-eatingbird.However,inthispoemthepelicandoesnotdeigntodipits
headintothewatertotakeitsfish.Sotoo,theyoungmanpreeninginhisguardsman`suniform,
disregards the young girl who hungers for him: indeed, what I have translated as 'Doesn`t
pursuehisdateliterallymeans'doesnotfollowthroughwiththesexualintercourse.
Thisevocativequalityofthefishimagewouldseemtobeoneofthosecasesofaninter-
pretationsoobviousthatitneededbuttobepointedout.Yet,itiscuriousthatWenhimself
seems to have overlooked the equally obvious parallel between the pelican in 'TheMan at
Waitingandtheospreyin'The1oiningOsprey.Althoughfisharenotmentionedin'The
1oining Osprey, their signification of sexual desire is not far beneath the surface of the
poem.
Despite the concern among both traditional and modern interpreters of the Classic oj
Poetryovertheidentificationandnatureofthebirdimagein'The1oiningOsprey,therehas
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beenverylittleattentiontoitsaction:itscallingguan-guan.TheMaoCommentaryremarks
thatthisis'theconcordantsoundofthemaleandfemalerespondingtoeachother,andmost
subsequentinterpretershavebeencontenttoacceptthis.
22
Itseemstome,however,notwell
toevokethemoodofunrequitedlovethatpersiststhroughoutmuchofthepoem.Instead,I
wouldsuggestthatthepoet,inthepersonofthepoem`smaleprotagonist,heardtheosprey,
andpresumablyonlythemaleosprey,seeking'tojoin(guan |withitsmate.Thecharacter
withwhichthissoundiswritten,whichmeansgenerally'tocloseadoor,refersoriginallyto
thecrossbarwhichlocksatwo-foldgate(guan |.Ifthephallicsignificanceofthisisnot
apparentenough,thewordisalsoperfectlyhomophonouswiththewordguan (originally
written|,whichmeansgenerally'topiercethecenterof,butwhichinancientChinawas
alsothestandardeuphemismforsexualpenetration.Whateversoundthewildgooseactually
made,wecantellatleastwhatthepoetwantedtohear.
As in the 'children`s oracle poem quoted above, this call of the osprey predicts what
willhappeninthehumanworld,oratleastwhattheyoungmancontemplating-desiring-
theyounggirlwantedtohappen.Andjustasthegrackle`s'wingssuggestedsomehowthe
flightofthelordorits'hoppingtheunusualappearanceofthelord,sotoo,Iwouldsuggest,
shouldwehearthecalloftheospreyhere-writtenwiththeChinesecharacterthatmeans
'toclosetogetheror'tojoin-topredicttheunionofthe'younggirlandthe'lordson,
consummated at the end of the poem by the banging of bells and drums. Of course, with a
language such as Chinese, in which there is no alphabet with which to write value-neutral
sounds,thesoundsofnaturecanonlyberenderedwithChinesewords.Whetherforthepoets
or the diviners of ancient China, ospreys could only speak Chinese and anyone who spoke
thatlanguage couldunderstand them.Butthose attentivetonaturedidnotneedtowait for
ittospeak.Naturerevealeditselfalsointhemovementofthewildgeese,thehoppingofthe
grackle, the shape of the peach, the dropping of the plums. But more than this, it could be
seenalsointhebellyofthecaldron,theriseofarafter,thebitingofflesh,andthecrackin
theturtle-shell.Tobesure,theseimagescouldbeconfusing.Thatiswhythen-asnow-it
wasthejobofthedivinersandthepoetstolistentothem,toseethem,tointerpretthem,and
inturntotelluswhattheymean.
22
TheonlyotherinterpretationthatIhaveseenisthat
ofZhengQiao(1108-1166|intheTong :hi:'Inall
speciesofgeeseandducks,sincetheirbeaksareflat
theirsoundisguan-guan:inspeciesofchickensand
pheasants,sincetheirbeaksarepointed,theirsound
isyao-yao:thesearenaturalsounds.Thebeakofthe
ospreyresemblesthatofducksandgeese,therefore
its sound is like this, also getting the sense of the
water`sedge:quotedinXiang1986:144.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bagley,RobertW.
2004 'Anyang Writing and the Origin of the of the Chinese Writing System. In The
First Briting: Script /nvention as History and Process,editedbyS.D.Houston,pp.
190-249.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.
Boltz,WilliamG.
1994 The Origin and Early Development oj the Chinese Briting System.AmericanOriental
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2003 'ZhouyuanxinchuXiZhoujiaguwenyanjiu.Kaogu yu wenwu2003:43-49.
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ChinTamara
2006 'OrientingMimesis:Marriageandthe Book oj Songs.Representations94:53-79.
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1983 Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians oj Ancient China: Biographies oj Fang-shih.New
York:ColumbiaUniversityPress.
Field,StephenL.
2008 Ancient Chinese Divination.Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiiPress.
Flad,RowanK.
2008 'DivinationandPower:AMultiregionalViewoftheDevelopmentofOracleBone
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1925 'Qixing,Ge yao :houkan94.ReprintinGu shi bian,vol.3,Beijing:Pushe,1931:
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1998 Early Chinese Medical Literature: The Mawangdui Medical Manuscripts.London:
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1991 Cosmologie et divination dans la Chine Ancienne: Le compendium des cinq agents
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Keightley,DavidN.
1978 Sources oj Shang History: The Oracle-Bone /nscriptions oj Bron:e Age China.
Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.
Legge,James
1872 The Chùn Tsèw with the Tso Chuen.Reprint.HongKong:HongKongUniversity
Press,1960.
Loewe,Michael
1981 'China.InDivination and Oracles,editedbyM.LoeweandC.Blacker,pp.38-62.
London:GeorgeAllenandUnwin.
1994 Divination, Mythology and Monarchy in Han China. Cambridge: Cambridge
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Saussy,Haun
1997 'Repetition,Rhyme,andExchangeintheBook oj Odes.Harvard 1ournal oj Asiatic
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Schuessler,Axel
2007 ABC Etymological Dictionary oj Old Chinese. Honolulu: University of Hawaii
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Shaughnessy,EdwardL.
1985-87 'WesternZhouOracle-BoneInscriptions:EnteringtheResearchStage?Early China
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1992 'Marriage, Divorce, and Revolution: Reading between the Lines of the Book oj
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1991 Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers: Divination in Traditional Chinese Society.
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2008 Fathoming the Cosmos and Ordering the Borld: The Yijing (IChing, or Classicof
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Strickmann,Michel
2005 Chinese Poetry and Prophecy: The Britten Oracle in East Asia.EditedbyB.Faure.
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VanXuyet,Ngo
1976 Divination, magie et politique dans la Chine ancienne.Paris:PressesUniversitaires
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Waley,Arthur
1996 The Book oj Songs.NewYork:GrovePress.
WenYiduo
1948 Ben iduo quanji.Reprint.Beijing:Sanlianshudian,1982.
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1987 The Reading oj /magery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition. Princeton: Princeton
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THE THEOR OF KNOBLEDGE AND THE PRACT/CE OF CELEST/AL D/\/NAT/ON 77
6
THE THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE AND THE
PRACTICE OF CELESTIAL DIVINATION
NIEKVELDHUIS,UNIVERSITYOFCALIFORNIA,BERKELEY
The letters and reports by Assyrian and Babylonian scholars to theNeo-Assyrian king
provideauniquewindowtotherelationshipbetweenabodyofscholarlytextsandthepractice
ofactualscholarship.Thetheoryofknowledgeasadheredtobytheexpertsofthekingwas
founded upon a body of immutable texts ultimately derived from the god Ea himself. The
scholarsofthetimedealtwiththepracticalproblemofusingthisancientcorpusforaddress-
ingcurrentissuesattheroyalcourtbycreatingadditionallayersoftextualinterpretation.As
itturnsout,thepracticeofancientscholarshipdidnotcoincidewithitstheory.
1
THETHEORYOFKNOWLEDGE
ThetravailsofGilgames,whoinhissearchforlifetraveledtotheedgesoftheearthand
beyond, made him a better king, a man who had experienced everything and had achieved
wisdom.Thefirst-millenniumversionoftheGilgamesstoryemphasizesthiswisdomaspect
initsintroduction(lines1-8|:
2
Hewhosawthedeep,thefoundationofthecountry
whoknewtheproperways,waswiseinallmatters:
Gilgames,whosawthedeep,thefoundationofthecountry,
whoknewtheproperways,waswiseinallmatters,
heexploredeverywheretheseatsofpower.
Heknewthetotalityofwisdomaboutallthings,
Hesawthesecretanduncoveredthehidden,
Hebroughtbackamessagefrombeforetheflood.
ThereferencetothefloodconnectsthisintroductiontotheUtanapistimpassageintablets
10-11, whereGilgames learns from the survivor of the flood how the latter was saved and
received eternal life and why his, Gilgames`, quest is in vain. More importantly, however,
the antediluvian report (temu| that Gilgames brings back refers to a well-known motif in
first-millenniumscholarlyliterature.Alltheimportantknowledgewasrevealedbythegods
beforethetimeofthefloodandthescholarsandkingsofthepresentdayowetheirknowl-
edge,directly,toprimordialsages(Lenzi2008b|.Thisknowledge,infirst-millenniumscribal
circles,iscallednemequ'wisdom(Parpola1993b:Beaulieu2007|.
1
IwishtothankAlanLenziandChessieRochberg
for their criticism and comments - and for being
wonderfulcolleagues.
2
After George 2003: vol. 1, 538-39: and George
2007: see van der Toorn 2007: 23, with further
literature.
77
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N/EK \ELDHU/S 78
As van der Toorn (2007| has pointed out, this same first-millennium introduction spe-
cificallymakesGilgamesintoaliteratehero,onewhowrotedownhisadventuresandthus
allowedlatergenerationstoprofitfromthelessonsthathelearned(lines24-28|:
|Find]thetablet-boxofcedar,
|release]itsbronzeclasps!
|Open]thelidofitssecret,
|pick]upthelapislazulitabletandreadaloud
allthetravailsofGilgames,allthathewentthrough!
Through this introduction, Gilgames` adventures are related to the self-consciousness
offirst-millennium scholars whoreferred to themselves asthe guardians of the Wisdom of
Adapa,theparadigmaticapkallu,orprimordialsage.
Theknowledgeorwisdom(nemequ|thatisdefinedthiswayconsistsofthehandbooks
of the scholars at the Assyrian court: astrologers (tupsarrutu|, diviners (bartu|, exorcists
(asiputu|,lamentationpriests(kaltu|,andphysicians(astu|.
The perception of the technical corpora of these five groups of experts may be further
illustratedbyvariousotherpiecesofevidence.Severalofthesecorporaareattributedtothe
godEaintheso-calledCatalogofTextsandAuthors(Lambert1962:seeRochberg1999|,
ofNeo-Assyriandate:
|Theexcorcists`]corpus:thelamentationpriests`corpus:WhenAnuandEnlil:
Figure:NotCompletingtheMonths:DiseasedSinews:
|Utte]rance:Oking,thesplendourofwhosestormismajestic:FashionedlikeAn
--------------------
ThesearefromthemouthofEa
ThelistofcompositionsattributedtoEaincludesthecorpusofincantationsandrituals
tobeusedbytheexorcist(plausiblyrestoredbyLambertinthebreak|,thecorpusoflaments
meanttoappeasetheangerofthegods,avarietyofdivinationtexts,andtwomythsaround
thegodNinurta.ThedivinationcompendialistedareEnuma Anu Enlil (WhenAnuandEnlil|,
themaincompilationofastronomicalomens:Alamdimm(Figure|,thebodyofphysiognomic
omens:Sa iti nutila(NotCompletingtheMonths|,thecollectionofomensfrommonstrous
birthsotherwiseknownasSumma i:bu:
3
Sagig(DiseasedSinews|,thecompendiumofdiag-
nosticomens:andKataduga(Utterance|,acollectionofomensderivedfromspeechhabits,
usuallyperceivedasachapterofthephysiognomicseriesAlamdimm.
ThetwoNinurtanarrativeslistedinthissamesection(conventionallyknownasLugal-e
andAn-gin,respectively|depictNinurtaasaheroicwarriorwhogoestobattleanddefeats
monstrous opponents.Sumerian versions of these narratives are known as Old Babylonian
literarycompositions.Inthelatesecondmillenniumthetextswereprovidedwithinterlinear
Akkadian translations and that is how the compositions circulated in the first millennium.
ThesenarrativesareamongasmallgroupofOldBabylonianSumeriancompositionthathad
survivedtheagesandtheyaretheonlytwothatwerestillregularlycopiedinbothBabylonia
andAssyria.
4
3
Theidentificationof Not Completing the Months
withSumma i:buwasalreadysuggestedbyLambert
(1962:70|andwasconfirmedbyBiggs(1968|.For
thetextpublishedbyBiggs,seenowBck2000.
4
Forthesecompositionsandtheirhistory,seeStreck
2001andAnnus2002.
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TheCatalogofTextsandAuthorscontinueswithtwootherwiseunknowncompositions
(bothinSumerian|authoredbyAdapa,theprototypicalsageorapkallu(lines5-7|:
5
'|Intriumph],Enlil:'Itisme,supremedivinepower.
|Thesearetheoneswhich]Oannes-Adapa
|.]spoke.
TherestoftheCatalogofTextsandAuthors,asfaraspreserved,mentionsavarietyof
literarytexts,someknown,someotherwiseunknown,andlinksthesetohumanauthors,some
wellattestedaslegendaryfiguresoftheancientpast(suchaskingEnmerkar|,othersappar-
entlymorerecentindate.
VanderToorn(2007|hasarguedthattheclassificationofthecompositionsinthiscatalog
'isbypresumedantiquity,whichisalsoanorderofauthority.Thehandbooksofthescholars,
authoredbythegodEa,comefirst.LiterarycompositionssuchasGilgames,Etana,proverb
collections(theseriesofSidu|,
6
andothersaresuppliedwithhumanauthorsandareplaced
intheverylastsectionofthetext.
TheCatalogofTextsandAuthorsthusthrowssomeindirectlightontheself-perception
ofthescholarsofthetime.Thediviners,astrologers,excorcists,physicians,andlamentation
priestssawthemselvesastheguardiansandadministersofthemostancientandmostpresti-
giousknowledge,based,ultimately,ontheauthorityofEahimself.Thispictureisconfirmed
by several other pieces of evidence (collected inRochberg 1999|, including the legend of
Enmeduranki,whichrelateshowtheknowledgeoflibanomancy(observationofoilonwa-
ter|andextispicy(readingoftheentrails,inparticulartheliver,ofasacrificialanimal|was
revealed to Enmeduranki, the sixth antediluvian king who reigned at the city of Sippar for
54,600years(Lambert1998|.
7
Lenzi(2008a|hascollectedabroadspectrumofevidencetoarguethatallfivescholarly
disciplinesattheAssyriancourtclaimedanauthoritativebodyofsecrettexts,givenbythe
godEatotheapkallus,orsages.This'mythmakingstrategy(inLenzi`sterminology|served
to distinguish these scholars from mere scribes and provided them with the authority and
competencetoserveasanintermediarybetweenthekingandthegods.Thesecrecyofthese
textswasoccasionallyemphasizedinthecolophon:'Secretofthegreatgods.Anexpertmay
showittoanotherexpert.Anon-expertmaynotseeit.Againstmostearlierinterpretations,
Lenzi argues that such secrecy colophons should be taken seriously, that indeed the entire
scholarly corpora of astrologers, diviners, physicians, excorcists, and lamentation priests
5
Thebeginningofline5istoberestored|u-a-e
d
en-l]il-la::a-e-me-ennam-
d
en-lil-l|a].These
two titles are listed adjacently in the late Assyrian
catalogpublishedbyLambert1976:315lines8-9.
Provisionally,Ihavetakenu-aasavariantwriting
ofu-ma=irnittum.Thealternativereadingua-e
('andImyself|resultsinaratherunlikelyopening
ofacomposition.Lambert`soriginalreadingofline5
oftheCatalogofTextsandAuthors(|ud-saranen-
l]il-la|wasbasedupontheparallelinNabonidus
VerseAccount.MachinistandTadmor(1993|have
arguedthatthetitlementionedintheVerseAccount
is notarealcomposition, but apolemicandinten-
tionaldistortionofEnuma Anu Enlil(seealsoLenzi
2008a:101n.184|.
6
Finkel1986.
7
Enmeduranki is found in the list of antediluvian
kings in the Babylonian Royal Chronicle, known
from Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian sources
(Glassner2004:126-34withfurtherliterature|.In
theOldBabylonianSumerianKingListheisknown
asEnmeduranna(seeGlassner2004:120|,butatleast
one text has the variant Enmeduranki (Finkelstein
1963:42|.
oi.uchicago.edu
N/EK \ELDHU/S 80
wereconsideredtobesecret-eventhoughthegreatmajorityofsuchtabletshadnoexplicit
secrecycolophon.
8
Lenzi`sargumentdefinestheummnuorscholarsoftheAssyriancourtasthebearersand
transmittersoftextualizedsecretknowledgegivenbyEa,godofwisdom,totheprimordial
sages(apkallu|withwhomthescholarsidentified.Exacttransmissionofthissecretknowledge
was,therefore,animportantconcern.AsLenzidemonstrates,someofthesecrecycolophons
and secrecy labels are attached to Kassite tablets
9
and thus the idea of secret knowledge is
olderthantheNeo-Assyrianperiod.TheKassiteevidence,however,istooisolatedtounder-
standhowthissecretknowledgefunctionedorwasused.Bycontrast,thecorrespondenceof
theNeo-Assyriankingsandthetabletcollectionsfromthisperiodprovideawealthofevidence
thatallowsusaviewofvariousaspectsoftheuseandperceptionofthisprestigious,secret
bodyofknowledge.
SCHOLARLYPRACTICE:QUOTATIONANDINTERPRETATION
ThescholarlytraditionthatwasthusimaginedtoderivefromEaandtheprimordialsages
wasactivelyusedbyspecialistswhowereinserviceofthecrown.Severalhundredsofletters
andreportssentbythosespecialiststothekingsEsarhaddonandAssurbanipalrevealmuch
thatisofrelevanceforunderstandingthecomplexityofthewrittenscholarlycorpusandthe
waythiscorpuswasusedintheNeo-Assyrianperiod.
10
Thelettersandreportsreflectonall
fivescholarlydisciplinesandtheyprovideevidencehowthissecretknowledgewasusedin
practice.
The letters and reports contain many quotations of omens, in particular (but not ex-
clusively| celestial omens. They provide a glimpse at the relationship between a corpus of
traditional texts and the process of actual decision-making at the court, between the theory
ofdivine(secret|wisdomandthepracticeofroyalcounsel.InthepresentsectionIfocuson
thecorpusofcelestialomensandits uses,becausethatiswhereourevidenceleadsus.
11
It
ispossiblethatinotherareasofscholarlyspecializationtheoryandpracticedevelopedother
kindsofrelationships-theimportantaspecttonoteisthatanysuchrelationshipiscomplex
andcannotbereadorguessedfromthetheoretical(traditional|scholarlytextsalone.
Thescholarsclearlyquoteomensasliterarilyaspossible-'asitwaswrittenonthetab-
let,asMar-Issarputsit(SAA10,362|-ratherthangivingasummaryorparaphrase.The
omenquotationsarealwaysinStandardBabylonian,thelanguageusedforalltraditionaltexts,
andcommonlyusethetechnical(heavilylogographic|writingstyleofthedivinationcompen-
dia.Otherpartsofthelettersandreportsareinthelocal(Neo-AssyrianorNeo-Babylonian|
dialect: the contrast is particularly clear in the letters and reports written in Assyrian. The
8
Onsecrecy,seealsoRochberg2004:210-19.
9
The medical tablet BAM 385 (see Lenzi 2008a:
180|andtheexpositorytextPBS10/4,12(seeLenzi
2008a:188|.
10
ThelettersbyAssyrianscholarswerefirstedited
by Parpola (1970 and 1983|. These texts were re-
editedinParpola1993a,withtheadditionofletters
fromBabylonianscholars.Thereportswereeditedby
Hunger(1992|.Theselettersandreportshavebeen
studied in much detail and from various points of
view.See,forinstance,Brown2000:Rochberg2004
(inparticularchapter6|:andRobson,forthcoming.
11
Robson(2008|developedasimilarargumenton
therelationshipbetweenthemedicalcorpusandthe
practiceofphysicians,asattestedintheirletters.See
alsoJean2006ontheexorcists`corpusandtheprac-
ticeofexorcism:andRobson,forthcoming.
oi.uchicago.edu
quotationsarethussetapartasbeingdifferentfromthevoiceofthescholarhimself,coming
fromamoreauthoritativesource.
12
Thecelestialomensquotedinthelettersandreportsfrequentlydonotcomedirectlyfrom
themainseriesofEnuma Anu Enlil,butfromoneofthederivedcompositions,primarilyfrom
thecommentaryseriesSumma Sn ina tmartisu.Thematerialthatwasatthedisposalofthe
scholarsofthekingmaybedividedintothefollowingmaincategories:
13
1. theseriesEnuma Anu Enlil
2. theextraneous(ah|tabletsofEnuma Anu Enlil(containingadditionalomens,but
notconsideredtobepartofthemainseries|
3. theexcerptseriesrikis girri Enuma Anu Enlil(followingtheorderinthemainseries|
4. excerptswhichcontainjustafewomensfromoneormoretabletsofthemainseries,
concentratingonasingletopic
5. factualcommentaries(mukallimtu|,usuallyquotingfullomens,plusexplanation
6. linguisticcommentaries(stu|,oftenintheformofwordlists
7. theexplanatoryseriesSumma Sn ina tmartisu,whichhastheformofamukallimtu
commentary
14
The boundaries between the various types of commentaries seem to be fluid and the
relationshipsbetweenthetextcategoriesareoftenunclear.Onemaynotethateventhemain
seriescontainsratherheterogeneousmaterial,suchasthedaylighttablesinTablet14
15
and
thetabletthatassociatescertainstarswithcertainterrestrialevents,notintheusualformat
ofanomen,butratherasanabstractstatement('TheRavenstarisforasteadymarket|.
16
NotwithstandingthehighprestigeenjoyedbyEnuma Anu Enlil,andthescribalmythmaking

that traced the composition all the way back to Ea, it was never truly standardized. Fincke
(2001| has shown that there existed multiple versions of Enuma Anu Enlil in Assyria: one
fromAssurandtwofromNineveh(oneinAssyrian,theotherinBabylonianductus|.
17
All
versionsfollowthesamegeneralorderoftopics,butdifferinthearrangementoftablets.As
aresultthereiswidespreadconfusionintheassignmentoftabletnumberswithintheseries,
whichfurtherfrustratesattemptstoclearlyunderstandhowthevarioustexttypesdealingwith
celestialomensarerelatedtoeachother.Thereisacontradictionherebetweentheinternallit-
eraryhistoryoftheomencompendia,thatassertsadirectconnectionwiththegodEa,making
thetext'fundamentallyunalterable(Rochberg1999|,andtheexternalliteraryhistorythat
showsdivergentlinesofdevelopment,evenwithinthesamelibraryatNineveh.Thescribal
mythdepictsaveryorderlyworldinwhichtheomensthatdelivermessagesfromthegodsare
collectedincompendiaauthorizedbythosesamegods-copiedandguardedthroughtheages
bythescribes.Inreality,thecorpusofcelestialomensischaoticanddifficulttonavigate.
12
Foranexcellentdiscussionofthisphenomenon,
seeWorthington2006.
13
For these categories and for further information
abouttheirformatandcontents,seeWeidner1942:
182:Koch-Westenholz1995:chapter4.
14
For this series, see Koch-Westenholz 1999: and
Gehlken2007.
15
SeeAl-RawiandGeorge1991-1992:andHunger
1998.
16
Forthistabletandotherunusualformats,seeReiner
andPingree1981:24-26.Theexamplecomesfrom
ReinerandPingree1981:40-41line3.Notethatthe
formatisalreadyattestedinanOldBabyloniantext
(Rochberg2004:68-69|.
17
Note,however,thatFincke`sreconstructionwas
criticizedasbeingtooschematicbyGehlken(2005:
252 n. 81| in his detailed discussion of the tablet
numbersoftheAdadsectioninEnuma Anu Enlil.
oi.uchicago.edu
N/EK \ELDHU/S 82
Inthelettersandreportsscholarsrarelyspecifywheretheircitationscomefrom.Ifthey
do,however,theydistinguishbetweeniskaru'theseries,ah'extraneousomens,and(fac-
tual|commentaries,usuallyreferredtoassa p ummni(fromthemouthofamaster|,
18
but
onceasmukallimtucommentary(SAA10,23|.
19
Mar-Issar,inalettertotheking,reportsthat
Jupiterappearedfivedayslate:ithadbeeninvisibleforthirty-fivedays,whilethenormative
periodofdisappearance(asheexplains|wastwentytothirtydays(SAA10,362|.Hequotes
variousapplicableJupiteromens,someofwhichhavebeenidentifiedintheomenliterature.
20
Hecontinues(inthetranslationbyParpola1993a:299|:
Furthermore,whenithadmovedonwards5days,(thesameamount|bywhichithad
exceededitsterm,itcompleted40days.Therelevantinterpretationrunsasfollows:
r. 3
'If Neberu drags: the gods will get angry, righteousness will be put to shame,
bright things will become dull, clear things confused: rains and floods will cease,
grasswillbebeatendown,(all|thecountrieswillbethrownintoconfusion:thegods
willnotlistentopray|ers],norwilltheyac|cept]supplications,norwilltheyan|swer]
thequeriesoftheharuspices.
11
|ThisinterpretationIhaveex]tractedand|sent]totheking,|mylo]rd,(exactly|as
itwaswr|itten]onthetablet(SAA10,362obv.19-rev.12|.
Theassurancethathecopiedtheomen'asitwaswrittenonthetabletisunusual,because
that was what scholars simply were supposed to do. He may have been inspired to add the
remarkbythegravityofthesituationpredicted,implyingthatthechannelsofcommunication
withthedivineworldweretobeclosed.
21
Ulla Koch-Westenholz has demonstrated that quite a few of the references to celestial
omensdonotcomefromthemainseries,butratherfrom mukallimtucommentaries(Koch-
Westenholz 1995: 82-83|, in particular fromSumma Sn ina tmartisu (Koch-Westenholz
1999|. Many quotations appear more than once in the correspondence, often by different
scholars,andveryfrequentlysuchquotationsgobacktocommentaries.Thefollowingreport
containstwosuchomens(SAA8,10|:
22
1
Ifthemoonbecomesvisibleonthe1stday:reliablespeech:thelandwillbecome
happy.
3
Ifthedayreachesitsnormallength:areignoflongdays.
5
Ifthemoonatitsappearancewearsacrown:thekingwillreachthehighestrank.
7
FromIssar-sumu-eres.
ThefirstomenisattestedinSumma Sn ina tmartisutablet1line116(Koch-Westenholz
1999: 161|, and is quoted in three different reports by this same scholar, but also by oth-
ers.
23
Otherscholarstendtoquotethevariantomen'Ifthemoonatitsappearanceisseenon
18
That the expression refers to the commentaries
ratherthantoaparalleloraltraditionwasarguedwith
goodevidencebyKoch-Westenholz(1999:151|.
19
Forsuchreferences,seeKoch-Westenholz1995:
94-95.
20
SeeReinerandPingree2005:10.
21
See Reiner2007: theomeninquestionhasbeen
identifiedbyKoch-Westenholz(2004|onafragment
thatincludesanotherJupiteromenquotedtwicein
thereports.Althoughthefragmentisclearlypartof
theastrologicalcorpus,wedonotknowwhattypeof
compositionitbelongsto.
22
TranslationbyHunger1992:10.
23
Balas(SAA8,86|,Nab-musesi(SAA8,148-
49|,Bullutu(SAA8,116-19|,Nergaletir(SAA8,
256-57|,Nab-iqisa(SAA8,290-91|,Zakir(SAA
8,303|,Munnabitu(SAA8,318|,Asaredutheolder
(SAA 8, 329-30|, Asaredu the younger (SAA 8,
342|,Rasil(SAA8,389and409|,Nab-iqbi(SAA
8,420-23|,Tabiya(SAA8,439|,Tab-silli-Marduk
(SAA8,445-46|andBel-nasir(SAA8,463|.
oi.uchicago.edu
thefirstday:goodforAkkad,badforElam,whichistheprecedinglineinSumma Sn ina
tmartisu.
24
ThesereportsoriginatebothinAssyriaandinBabyloniaandclearlybelongto
thestandardomenrepertoiretobequotedwhennewmoonhappensattherighttime(thatis,
whentheprecedingmonthhadthirtydays|.
The second omen quoted by Issar-sumu-eres is at least as frequent among the reports.
ThisomencomesfromSumma Sn ina tmartisutablet6(seeGehlken2007|,acommentary
toEnuma Anu Enliltablet36-37.
25
Inthecommentarytheomenreads:
Ifthedayreachesitsnormallength:areignoflongdays:thethirtiethdaycompletes
themeasureofthemonth.
26
Thefinalphraseistheexplanatorypart,whichrenderstheomenrelevantforobservations
ofthenewmoononthefirstday.Onemaywelldoubttheappropriatenessofthisexplanation.
Tablet36ofEnuma Anu Enliltalksaboutdaylight,influencedbyfogandotherphenomena-
itdoesnotseemtoimplyanythingaboutthelengthofthemonth.Theexplanation,however,is
clearlyadoptedbyIssar-sumu-eresinhisreport,andinfactseveralAssyrianandBabylonian
scholarsquotethisomenwiththeexplanationincluded.
27
Someoftheinterpretationsinthecommentariesandinthequotationsinthereportsare
quiteabitmoresophisticatedorconvolutedthanwhatwehaveseensofar.Theomenquota-
tion 'If the moon rides a chariot in month Sililiti: the dominion of the king of Akkad will
prosper,andhishandwillcapturehisenemiesisinneedofseveralpiecesofexplanation.
The Elamite month name Sililitu is explained by its common name Sebat (month 11| and
themoonridingachariotturnsouttomeanthatitissurroundedbyahalowhilestandingin
Perseus(Sibu|:
ITI
si-li-li-ti
ITI
ZIZ
2
Sililiti=Sebat
sa
2
ITI
ZIZ
2
inaSA-bi
MUL
SU.GI Thatis:InShebat,withinPerseus
TUR NIGIN-mi-ma it(themoon|wassurroundedbyahalo.
ThispieceofexplanationprobablycomesfromSumma Sn ina tmartisutablet11
28
and
is quoted in different reports by different scholars, located in different parts of the empire:
Nab-iqisaofBorsippa(SAA8,298|,AkkulanuofAssur(SAA8,112|,andAplaya,again
fromBorsippa(SAA8,364|.
An explanatory entry in SAA 8, 304 obv. 3-rev. 4, is derived from Summa Sn ina
tmartisutablet1lines68-71:
|Ifthemoon`s]hornsatitsappearanceareverydark:
|disbandingofthefortified]outposts,|retiringoftheguards]:
therewillbereconciliation|andpea]ceintheland.
--------------------
GI=tobedark
GI=tobewell
24
Nab-ahhe-eriba in SAA 8, 57: Akkullanu in
SAA 8, 105: Nab-suma-iskun in SAA 8, 372-73.
An unknown Assyrian scholar uses both variants
(SAA8,188|.
25
InthetabletnumberingbyGehlken2005:258.
26
SeeVirolleaud1907-1912,AdadsectionXXXIII
(K.50|,line26.
27
Balas (SAA 8, 87|, Akkulanu (SAA 8, 106|,
Nergal-etir (SAA 8, 251 and 257|, Nab-iqisa
(SAA8,290-91|,Nab-suma-iskun(SAA8,372|,
andanunknownscholar(SAA8,506|.Onthisomen,
seeKoch-Westenholz1995:102.
28
SeeGehlken2007:andVerderame2002:91with
n.285.
oi.uchicago.edu
N/EK \ELDHU/S 84
GI=tobestable
Itshornsarestable.
ThevariousinterpretationsofGIinthereportcomestraightfromthecommentarytext,
29
althoughformulatedslightlydifferently:
GIka-a-nu lu ta-ra-kuGIsa-la-mu
GI=tobestableortobedark.GI=tobewell.
Thecommentarybasicallyexplainswhydarknessofthemoon`shornscanbeinterpreted
as'Itshornsarestableandwhythisrelatestopeaceorwell-beingintheapodosis,thuses-
tablishingalinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.
30
Theconnectionbetweenthewords'tobe
dark,'tobewell,and'tobestableisthatallcanbeequatedwithalogogramthathasa
valueGI.TheequationGI=knu='tobestableisindeedcommonthroughoutthecuneiform
tradition.'TobedarkmaybewrittenGIandfinallysalmu'tobewell,isrelatedtosul-
lumu,'torepayor'tocompensate,whichequalsSumeriansu.gi.Thecommentarythus
usescomplexassociationsbetweensignsandwordsinwhichhomographs(GI,GI,andGI|
maysubstituteforeachotherinordertodemonstratetheconnectionbetweenAkkadianwords.
Althoughsuchassociationsareultimatelygroundedinthekindofknowledgethatlexicaltexts
provide,theydonotimmediatelydependonsuchtexts.Theyusethekindofreasoningthat
isbestknownfrom'TheFiftyNamesofMardukinthefinalsectionoftheBabylonianEpic
ofCreation(Bottro1977|.
31
ItseemsthatEnuma Anu Enlil,thetextauthoredbyEaandtransmittedviatheprimordial
apkallus through a lengthy sequence of generations of scholars, was the ultimate authority
in theory but that a second tier of compositions, more geared toward the actual practice of
celestialdivination,was primarily used forthe day-to-daybusinessofthescholars`craft.
32
Thissecondtier,inparticulartheseriesSumma Sn ina tmartisucontainedaselectionofthe

morefrequentlyquotedomens,explaininginmoredetailwhattheexpressionsintheprotasis
meant in terms of observation and adding some learned commentary. This second tier had
authorityenoughtobequotedinletterstotheking,yetitdidnotdefinetheidentityofthe
scholarlycommunityinthesamewaythat Enuma Anu Enlildid.
33
Summa Sn ina tmartisuofferedstandardizedsolutionsforsomeproblemsthatwerein-
volvedinthepracticaluseofEnuma Anu Enlil.Ontheonehand,thecomplexityofEnuma Anu
Enlilandtheavailabilityofahermeneuticalsystemthatallowedforvariousinterpretational
strategies,impliedthatasingleobservationcouldberelatedtomultipleomensinvariouschap-
tersoftheomenhandbook(Koch-Westenholz1995:140-51:andFrahm2004:49|.
34
Onthe
29
ThecommentaryinSumma Sn ina tmartisuiscon-
siderablylongerbecausetheomen,apparently,had
variantapplicationsandinterpretations,corresponding
todifferentpiecesofexplanation.Theomenisindeed
usedfordifferentkindsofobservationsinthereports
(seeKoch-Westenholz1999:158withn.67|.
30
SeeAl-RawiandGeorge2006:42.
31
SeenowSeri2006.
32
Agoodnumberofquotesinthereportscomefrom
Summa Sn ina tmartisu, rather than fromEnuma
Anu Enliloranyoftheothertextualcategorieslisted
above.SinceSummaSn ina tmartisuhasonlypartly
beenedited(Koch-Westenholz1999:Borger1973|
andisonlypartlypreserved(seeGehlken2007|,the
origin of many quotations remains unclear at this
moment.Quotationsofthunderomensinthereports
seem to come directly from the main series (see
Gehlken2008|.
33
SeethediscussioninLenzi2008a:212-13.
34
InhisdiscussionFrahmemphasizedtheadvantage
ofthis'divinatoryanarchytotheking:itenabled
himtochoosethemoreconvenientoptionfromal-
ternativeinterpretations.
oi.uchicago.edu
otherhand,Enuma Anu Enlilmaynotalwayshavehadavailableomensforwhatwasnormal
andexpected-suchastheappearanceofthenewmoonattheregulartime.Inotherwords,
Enuma Anu Enlil offeredbothtoomuchandtoolittle. Summa Sn ina tmartisu provideda
firstselectionofrelevantomens(notallomensactuallyreceivecommentary|andsuppliedan
initialinterpretation.Thefactthatthesameentrieswereusedbyscholarsallovertheplace
mayimplythatthecommentarywaspartoftheeducationofastronomers,asatoolforput-
tingEnuma Anu Enliltopractice.Summa Sn ina tmartisuisarelativelyraretext,whichis
consonantwithitsmorepracticalfunction.Librariesprimarilycollectthemostauthoritative
andancientknowledge.
Summa Sn ina tmartisuwaswellsuitedforthepurposesofthescholarscorresponding
withtheAssyrianking,whosetaskwasnotonlytofindandquotetheappropriateomens,but
alsotointerpretthem.Divinationcompendiathatwerelessfrequentlyusedmaynothavehad
suchanauthoritativeinterpretationalbodyofknowledgeandthusthescholarswereforcedto
providesuchinterpretationsthemselves.Thefollowingletter,SAA10,42,includesaquota-
tionfromtheseriesofterrestrialomensSumma lu,
35
aswellasadiscussionbyBalas,the
chiefscribeoftheking,oftheapplicabilityoftheomen,theritualcountermeasuresthatmight
betaken(eventhoughBalasdoesnotbelieveitisnecessary|andanunrelatedcalendrical
issue.
1
Totheking,mylord:|yourservant]Balas.Goodhealthtotheking,mylord!|May
NabandMardukbless]theking,mylord!
5
Astowhattheking,m|ylord,wr]ote|tome]:'|In]thecityofH|ar]ihumbalight-
ningstruckandravagedthefieldsoftheAssyrians-whydoesthekinglookfor
(trouble|, and why does he look (for it| |in the ho]me of a tiller? There is no evil
insidethepalace,andwhenhasthekingevervisitedHarihumba?
16
Now,providedthatthereis(evil|insidethepalace,theyshouldgoandperformthe
(ritual|'EvilofLightningthere.Incasetheking,mylord,says:'Howisitsaid(in
thetablets|?-(hereistherelevantinterpretation|:'Ifthestormgoddevastatesa
fieldinsideoroutsideacity,orifheputsdowna.of(his|chariot,oriffireburns
anything,thesaidmanwillliveinuttermiseryfor3years.Thisapplies(only|tothe
onewhowascultivatingthefield.
r.10
Concerningtheaddingoftheintercalarymonthaboutwhichthekingwrotetome,
thisis(indeed|aleapyear.AfterJupiterhasbecomevisible,Ishallwrite(again|to
theking,mylord. Iamwaitingforit:itwilltakethiswholemonth.Thenweshall
seehowitisandwhenwehavetoaddtheintercalarymonth(translationbyParpola
1993a:32-33|.
InthisletterBalas`sinterpretationoftheomentextisbasedoncommon-sensereasoning,
notonthequotationofacommentary.InasimilarletterIssar-sumu-eresanswersaqueryby
thekingabouttheapplicabilityofanomenaboutamongoosethatappearsbetweenthelegs
ofaman.Themongoosecameoutfromunderthechariotoftheking,andaccordingtoIssar-
sumu-eresòpiniontheomenisapplicableinsuchacase(SAA10,33|.
ComparingthecelestialomensandtheirinterpretationthroughSumma Sn ina tmartisu
withthelettersquotedabove,weseethatinbothcasesissuesofapplicabilityareaddressed.
35
Theomenisattestedinaslightlydifferentformin
CT39431-33.
oi.uchicago.edu
N/EK \ELDHU/S 86
What is different about Summa Sn ina tmartisu is that it was created (or compiled| as a
second textual layer, largely standardized and thus delimiting the interpretational authority
of the experts. The importance of texts and writing in this whole process is emphasized by
the use in these commentaries of complicated sign equivalences, such as the analysis ofGI
discussedabove.Wemayadduceonemoreexampleherefromwhatmaybethethirdtablet
ofthecommentaryseriesSumma Sn ina tmartisu.
36
DIS30TAB-ma ba-ra-ri it-ta--dar
AN.MI LUGAL URI.KI
ba-ra:la-a:ri:a-dan-nu
ina la a-dan-ni-su
2
UD12-KAM UD 13-KAM AN.MI GAR-ma
inaEN.NUN AN.USAN
2
AN.MI GAR-ma
Ifthemoonisearlyandiseclipsedatthetimeoftheeveningwatch:
eclipseofthekingofAkkad.
ba-ra='not:RI='period
aneclipseoccursnotaccordingtoitsperiodonthe12thor13thday:
(variant|:aneclipseoccursintheeveningwatch.
The commentary refers to the first omen of Enuma Anu Enlil tablet 15: it analyses the
rare(andprobablytechnicalastronomical|Akkadianwordbarri('atthetimeoftheevening
watch|firstbyanalyzingitintoitscomponentsyllablesandthenbygivingamoreconven-
tionallywrittensynonym(inaEN.NUN AN.USAN
2
'duringtheeveningwatch|.Theanalysis
ofba-ra-ritakesthefirsttwosyllableofthewordastheSumerianverbalprefixba-ra-,which
isanegativemodalandmaythusbetranslatedbyAkkadianl.AlthoughRIdoesnotseemto
correspondtoaSumerianwordmeaning'period,itsuseasalogogramforAkkadianadannu
(period|iswellattested.
37
Although such lexical gymnastics may seem rather farfetched to the modern observer,
it should be noted that these comments do not play out in the context of fanciful academic
speculation,butarefoundinthecontextoftheactual practiceofcelestialdivinationinreports
andcommentarytexts(seeFrahm2004|.
Inonecase,Summa Sn ina tmartisureferstothesourceofoneoftheselexicalequations,
explainingITI.NE(normallyawritingforthemonthnameAbu|as'thismonth.'ITI.NEmeans
thismonth,`NEmeansthis,ìtissaidinthestu-commentary(Koch-Westenholz1999:156
47-50|.Significantly,thesourceisnotalexicaltext,butratheranothertypeofcommentary
(alinguisticcommentaryorwordlist|withintherealmofthecelestialdivinationcorpus.
38
InarecentarticleEleanorRobson(2008|hasdemonstratedthattherelationshipbetween
thetraditionalcorpusofastuandasiputuontheonehand,andthepracticalrolesofexperts
whoareidentifiedasasorsipu,ontheother,isweakatbest.Suchadiscrepancybetween
theoryandpracticemaynotbesurprising.Thescholarlycorporamaybeunderstoodasfoun-
dational texts that define the self-understanding of a profession, rather than their practice.
Thescholarlytextsbelongtotheareaofscribalmyth-making,butarenotnecessarilytheones
36
Virolleaud1907-1912,SinsectionXXXI:edited
byRochberg-Halton1988:80-81lines1-4.Thispas-
sageisdiscussedbyKoch-Westenholz1995:83.For
thepossibilitythatthisis Summa Sn ina tmartisu
tablet 3, see Gehlken 2007. Confusingly, the same
omenisquotedinSumma Sn ina tmartisutablet1
withanabbreviatedcommentary(Koch-Westenholz
1999:155line32|.
37
SeeCADA/1,992a-1.
oi.uchicago.edu
usedintheday-to-daybusinessofdivinatoryobservationandreporting.Weseeasimilargap
betweenEnuma Anu Enlilasafoundationaltextandthepracticeofcelestialdivinationatthe
Assyriancourt.Whatmakesthiscasedifferent,though,isthatthegapisfilledwithwritten
texts. The heavens are a tablet on which the gods write their messages, 'heavenly writing
(sitir sam|,
39
legibleforthosewhoareinitiatedintoitssecrets.Thepracticeofthisreading
refersfromonetexttoanother:fromtheheavenlywritingitselftothecoreseries(iskaru|,
fromthecoreseriestothemukallimtucommentaries,andfromthemukallimtustothecom-
mentarywordlist(stu|.Itishardtoover-emphasize,indeed,howmuchthiswholeenterprise
istextualized-thefinalstepintheprocessisaletterorreportsentinwritingtotheking.
Theverypracticeofreadingtheskiesisgroundedinatext-inEnuma elis-whereMarduk
determinestheproperperiodsoftheheavenlybodies,thusestablishingthebasicdeterminants
ofasystembasedoninterpretingdeviationsfromthestandardperiodschemesthathadbeen
divinelyimposed.
40
During the first millennium, authoritative knowledge was located in traditional texts,
whichwerecarefullytransmittedfromonegenerationtoanother-atleastintheory.Such
animmutableconceptofknowledgeandauthorityisavaluabletoolforcollectinglibraries,
forfoundationalnarratives,orfordisplayinguniversalknowledgethroughintertextualrefer-
ences.Whenitcomestopracticalapplication,however,knowledgefrombeforethefloodisa
burdenmorethananasset.Summa Sn ina tmartisu representsthemiddlegroundbetweenthe
'heavenlywritinginthestars,thetraditionalknowledge'fromthemouthofEainEnuma
Anu Enlil,andtheactualresponsibilitiesofscholarsattheroyalcourt.
ABBREVIATIONS
BAM Kcher1963-2005
CAD A.LeoOppenheimetal.,editors,The Assyrian Dictionary oj the Oriental /nstitute
oj the University oj Chicago
CT CuneiformTextsfromBabylonianTabletsintheBritishMuseum
PBS10/4 Langdon1919
SAA8 Hunger1992
SAA10 Parpola1993a
38
Itispossible,however,thatinthiscasestudoes
refertoalexicaltext:seeFrahm2004:46n.15.
39
Themetaphorhasbeendiscussedmostrecentlyby
Rochberg2004:1-2.
40
See Brown 2000: 113-22 (period schemes| and
253(Enuma Anu Enlil|.
oi.uchicago.edu
N/EK \ELDHU/S 88
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2002 The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal /deology oj Ancient Mesopotamia.State
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2000 Mesopotamian Planetary Astronomy-Astrology. Cuneiform Monographs 18.
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1999 'TheAstrologicalCommentarySumma Sn ina TamartisuTablet1.InLa science des
cieux: Sages, mages, astrologues,editedbyR.Gyselen,pp.149-65.ResOrientales
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1963-2005 Die babylonisch-assyrische Medi:in in Texten und Untersuchungen. 7 volumes.
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\olume: Cuneijorm Studies in Honor oj Samuel Noah Kramer,editedbyB.L.Eichler,
J.W.Heimerdinger,and.W.Sjberg,pp.313-18.AlterOrientundAltesTestament
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Maul,pp.141-58.CuneiformMonographs10.Groningen:Styx.
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1919 Sumerian Liturgies and Psalms. Publications of the Babylonian Section 10/4.
Philadelphia:UniversityMuseum.
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2008b 'TheUrukListofKingsand SagesandLateMesopotamianScholarship.1ournal
oj Ancient Near Eastern Religions8:137-69.
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1993 'HeavenlyWisdom.InThe Tablet and the Scroll: Near Eastern Studies in Honor
oj Billiam B. Hallo,editedbyM.E. Cohen, D.C.Snell,and D.B.Weisberg, pp.
146-51.Bethesda:CDL.
Parpola,Simo
1970 Letters jrom Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, Part1:
Texts.AlterOrientundAltesTestament5/1.Kevelaer:Butzon&Bercker.
1983 Letters jrom Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, Part
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Butzon&Bercker.
1993a Letters jrom Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars. State Archives of Assyria 10.
Helsinki:HelsinkiUniversityPress.http://cdl.museum.upenn.edu/saa
1993b 'MesopotamianAstrologyandAstronomyasDomainsofMesopotamianWisdom.`
InDie Rolle der Astronomie in den Kulturen Mesopotamiens,editedbyHannesD.
Galter,pp.47-59.GrazermorgenlndischeStudien3.Graz:GrazKult.
Reiner,Erica
2007 'AnotherHarbingeroftheGoldenAge.InStudies Presented to Robert D. Biggs,ed-
itedbyM.T.Roth,W.Farber,M.W.Stolper,andP.vonBechtolsheim,pp.201-05.
From the Workshop of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary 2. Assyriological Studies
27.Chicago:TheOrientalInstitute.
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1981 Babylonian Planetary Omens, Part2. Enuma Anu Enlil, Tablets 50-51.Bibliotheca
Mesopotamica2/2.Malibu:UndenaPublications.
2005 Babylonian Planetary Omens, PartFour.CuneiformMonographs30.Leiden:Brill,
Styx.
Robson,Eleanor
2008 'MesopotamianMedicineandReligion:CurrentDebates,NewPerspectives.Religion
Compass2/4:455-83.http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2008.00082.x
forthcoming 'EmpiricalScholarshipintheNeo-AssyrianCourt.
Rochberg,Francesca
1999 'ContinuityandChangeinOmenLiterature.InMunuscula Mesopotamica: Festschrijt
jur 1ohannes Renger,editedbyB.Bck,E.Cancik-Kirschbaum,andT.Richter,pp.
415-25.AlterOrientundAltesTestament267.Mnster:Ugarit-Verlag.
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Rochberg-Halton,Francesca
1988 Aspects oj Babylonian Celestial Divination: The Lunar Eclipse Tablets oj Enuma Anu
Enlil.ArchivfrOrientforschung,Beiheft22.Horn:F.Berger.
Seri,Andrea
2006 'The Fifty Names of Marduk in Enuma elis. 1ournal oj the American Oriental
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Streck,MichaelP.
2001 'Ninurta/Ningirsu. A I. In Mesopotamien. Reallexikon der Assyriologie 9:
512-22.
vanderToorn,Karel
2007 'Why Wisdom Became a Secret: On Wisdom as a Written Genre. In Bisdom
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BiblicalLiterature,SymposiumSeries36.Atlanta:SocietyofBiblicalLiterature.
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Verderame,Lorenzo
2002 Le Tavole /-\/ della serie astrologica Enuma Anu Enlil. Nisaba 2. Messina:
Di.Sc.A.M.
Virolleaud,Charles
1907-1912 Làstrologie chaldeenne: Le livre intitule Enuma (Anu) ilu Bl.Paris:P.Geuthner.
Weidner,ErnstF.
1942 'DieastrologischeSerieEnmaAnuEnlil.Archiv jur Orientjorschung14:172-95:
308-18.
Worthington,Martin
2006 'Dialect Admixture of Babylonian and Assyrian in SAA VIII, X, XII, XVII and
XVIII./raq68:59-84.
oi.uchicago.edu
oi.uchicago.edu
READ/NG THE TABLET, THE EXTA, AND THE BOD 93
7
READING THE TABLET, THE EXTA,
AND THE BODY: THE HERMENEUTICS OF
CUNEIFORM SIGNS IN BABYLONIAN
AND ASSYRIAN TEXT COMMENTARIES
AND DIVINATORY TEXTS
ECKARTFRAHM,YALEUNIVERSITY
INTRODUCTION
TheSumerianepicEnmerkarandtheLordofAratta,composedsometimeinthesecond
halfofthethirdmillenniumB.C.,providesafamousetiologyofthecuneiformwritingsys-
tem. It reports that the art of writing was invented by Enmerkar, a legendary early ruler of
Uruk,becausethecouriersheusedtosendtothelandofArattawerenotabletoaccurately
memorizehismessages:
barkin-gi-aka-nidugudsunu-mu-un-da-an-gi-gi-da-ka
enkul-ab
ki
-a-keim-esub-in-rainimdub-ginlb-inl-gub
Becausethemessenger`smouthwastooheavy,andhecouldnotrepeatit
(themessage|,
ThelordofKulab(Enmerkar|pattedsomeclayandputthewordsonitason
atablet(Vanstiphout2004:84-85,lines502-03|.
In the view of the author of these lines, Enmerkar, whose alleged impact on (scribal|
culture,ifnotonwritingitself,remainedpartofMesopotamia`sculturalmemoryuntilvery
latetimes,
1
hadcreatedthecuneiformwritingsystemforonemainreason:becauseithadthe
potentialtoserveasafarmorereliablemediumforcommunicationoverlargedistancesof
spaceandtimethanthehumanmemory.
1
InaSeleucidlistofkingsandscholarsfromUruk
(van Dijk 1962: 44-52|, Enmerkar is the first and
only postdiluvian king associated with an apkallu,
one of the semi-divine sages from whom mankind
tookoverthebasicelementsofcivilization,includ-
ingliteratureandscholarship.Alltheotherapkallu-
sagesmentionedinthelistarelinkedtoantediluvian
kings,andalltheotherpostdiluviankingstohuman
ummnu-scholars.WhileEnmerkar`s apkalluinthe
UruklististheratherinsignificantNungalpiriggal,a
historical-literarytextknownfromfirst-millennium
copiesfromUrukandNineveh(Foster2005:531-32,
with further literature|, and a chronicle composed
intheformofafictitiousroyallettersometimeaf-
ter1100B.C.(Glassner2004:263-69|,bothbadly
broken,makeEnmerkaracontemporaryofthefirst
andmostimportantapkallu-sage,Adapa.Thefirst-
millennium'CatalogueofTextsandAuthorsmakes
theevenmoreremarkableclaimthatEnmerkarwas
theauthorofSumerianpoetictexts(Lambert1962:
64-65|III3-5],74|.Givenhisassociationwithwrit-
ing and scholarship, it is somewhat ironic that the
CutheanLegendofNarm-SnblamesEnmerkarfor
havingfailedtocomposeamonumentalinscription
(nar| addressed to posterity (Westenholz 1997:
264| - or does this story reflect, as suggested to
me by Kathryn Slanski, that according to tradition
Enmerkarinventedwritingonclaybutnotonstone?
Foradiscussionofsomeothertextsdealingwiththe
originsofUruk`sassociationwithscriballearning,
seenowGeorge2009:110-11.
93
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 94
It is obvious that a script suitable for such a purpose should have been, ideally, both
simple and precise. But the repertoire of cuneiform signs as we know it from the earliest
written records is full of intricacies and ambiguities, and even though it underwent some
systematization over time, eventually becoming capable of expressing linguistic data quite
accurately, it remained tantalizingly complex until the end of its history.
2
One factor that
makesthecuneiformwritingsystemsocomplicatedisthattherearevarioustypesofsigns:
logograms(meaningfulautonomousgraphemes|,determinatives(meaningfulnon-autonomous
graphemes|, phonograms (non-meaningful autonomous graphemes|, and phonetic comple-
ments(non-meaningfulnon-autonomousgraphemes|.
3
Whatisevenmorebewilderingisthat
oneandthesamesigncanfulfillseveralofthesefunctionsandcanhave,withinoneandthe
samecategory,severaldifferentreadings.ThesignUD,forinstance,canserveasalogogram
for'sun,'day,and'white,andasaphonogramwiththevaluesu,utu,tam,t,par,la,
andis,amongothers.Onlythecontextdetermineswhichreadingiscorrect.
4
TheMesopotamianliteratiwereclearlyawareofthepossibilityofdrasticallysimplifying
theirwritingsystem,atleastwithregardtoAkkadiantexts.Infact,duringtheOldBabylonian
period,AssyrianandBabylonianletterwritersmadedowitharepertoireofnomorethan68-
82syllabicsigns,allofthemrepresentingaveryrestrictednumberofdifferentvalues-and
eventhoughthismeantthattheyusedlessthan10percentofthe954graphemesconstituting
therepertoireofcuneiformsignsfromallages,
5
theclarityoftheirmessageswasnotinthe
leastcompromised(Charpin2008:39,53|.Scribeswhocomposedadministrativetextsdur-
ingthesametime employed a higherpercentage oflogograms,butthenumberof different
signsusedbythemwassmallaswell.AkkadianscholarlytextsfromtheearlyOldBabylonian
periodarelikewisewrittenwithafairlylimitedselectionofcharacters-112syllabicand57
logographicsignsinthecaseoftheOldBabylonianomencorpus(Charpin2008:53|.Inthe
extispicytextsofthisera,onlyoneofthefifteenmostimportanttechnicaltermswaswritten
logographically(Goetze1947:5|.
Itwouldhavebeeneasytoreducethecomplexityofthecuneiformwritingsystemeven
further,butsomewhatsurprisingly,thisdidnothappen.Nosystematicattemptwasevermade
bythescribestodisposeofthehundredsofsignsandthethousandsofpossiblereadingsas-
sociated with them that were for all intents superfluous. On the contrary: starting with the
laterOldBabylonianperiod,whenlogographicwritingsoftechnicaltermsintheaforemen-
tionedextispicytextsbecametherule(seeRichardson,thisvolume|andthenformorethan
athousandyears,fromthemiddleofthesecondmillenniumtotheendofthefirstmillennium
B.C.,therepertoireofsignsusedbythescribes,notsomuchforlettersanddocumentsbutfor
scholarlytexts,becameprogressivelymorecomplex.Forinstance,84percentofthesignsof
atypicalfirst-millenniumtabletoftheterrestrialomenseriesSumma luarelogograms(Civil
1973:26|,andwhileintheOldBabylonianperiodmostsyllabicvaluesbelongedtotherather
2
Foramodernviewoftheoriginsofthecuneiform
writingsystem,seeGlassner2000:foralistofarcha-
icsigns,seeGreenandNissen1987.Thereisnocom-
prehensive treatment of the development of cunei-
formwritingthroughtheages,butthebasictrendsare
convenientlyoutlinedinEdzard1980:seealsoGong
1993.Borger2003containsastate-of-the-artsignlist
focusingontheAssyrianandBabylonianwritingsys-
tem,butusefulforallperiodsofcuneiformwriting:
onpp.624-25,thebookprovidesinformationonad-
ditionalsignlistsdealingwithspecificperiods.
3
Forthisclassification,seeKammerzell1998.
4
Borger2003:no.596.Thelexicaltraditionoffers
manyadditionalvalues,notattestedinactualtexts.
Aa=nqu6,forinstance,listsalmosttwohundred
equationsforthesignBAR(MSL14,229-35|.
5
This isthenumberof signsconsideredinBorger
2003.
oi.uchicago.edu
simpleCV(consonant-vowel|andVCtypes(ba,ab,etc.|,scribesnowemployedamuch
largernumberofCVCvalues(bar,sad,etc.|.Thisdevelopmentisallthemoreremarkableif
onetakesintoaccountthattheAramaicalphabet,whichbecamewidelyusedinMesopotamia
inthefirstmillenniumB.C.,operatedwithanextremelylimitedrepertoireofcharacters.
ItseemsthemainreasonwhytheBabylonianandAssyrianscholarscontinuedtoculti-
vatethisgraphemicembarras de richesse,andevenaddedtoitinlaterperiods,wasthatthey
regardedtheoverabundanceofpossiblemeaningsassociatedwiththepolysemyofthecunei-
formwritingsystemasaninexhaustiblesourceofknowledgeandwisdom.TheMesopotamian
literati oflatertimesbelievedthatlanguageandwritingwereintimatelyconnected,andthat
theirbasicelements,wordsandsigns,werenotarbitrarilychosenconventions,asclaimedby
AristotleandSaussure,butrepresentationsthatdenotedtheirobjectsbynature.
6
Consequently,
SumerianandAkkadianwords,howeverobscureandrare,hadtobecollectedinlexicallists
tobenever forgotten,and sohadthenumeroussignsusedtowritethem. Givingupanyof
them,orreducingthecomplexityoftheirmeanings,wouldhavemeanttoloseaccesstosome
particulartruththeyconveyed.
COMMENTARIES
Theso-calledEsotericCommentaryfromtheLateBabylonianperiod(Biggs1968:Bck
2000b|-which,infact,isnotacommentaryproperbutatreatiseinitsownright-pro-
videsagoodexampleofthisideaof'grammatology.Itassociates,inlines14-18,thesign
sequence tu : ta : ti - the incipit of an acrophonic sign list mostly known from the Old
Babylonianperiod-, andthesequence : a : ia : e-Sumerianaffixeslistedinthebegin-
ningsofthefirsttwelveentriesoftheNeo-BabylonianGrammaticalTextno.I(MSL4,130|
7
-withcosmicabodesandwhatappearstobeaMesopotamianversionofthefourelements
ofGreektradition:fire,water,air,and'earth(ursnu,lit.,'mountain'|.Bothindividual
cuneiformsignsandspecificelementsofSumerian,alanguagethatremainedacentralpillar
of Mesopotamian scholarship up to the end of cuneiform civilization, are presented in this
entryasbeingdeeplymeaningfulandtranscendingtheirfunctionasphoneticindicatorsand
grammaticalmorphemes.
The'grammatologyunderlyingBabylonianandAssyriantextcommentariesisinformed
by the same ideas that can be found in the Esoteric Commentary. Text commentaries, now
attestedonmorethanathousandclaytabletsandfragments,wereintroducedinMesopotamia
intheearlycenturiesofthefirstmillenniumB.C.
8
Theancientscribeswhocomposedthem
6
Thesamebeliefis,atleasttosomeextent,behind
thetenacitywithwhichtheChinese,Japanese,and
Koreans stick to their highly complex writing sys-
tems:seeTaylorandTaylor1995.
7
Thegrammaticaltexthasiinsteadofia.Adifferent
interpretationhasbeenadvancedbyScurlockandAl-
Rawi(2006:371-72|,whoexplain:a:ia:easa
renderingofthemagicalformulaeioiae(oreiaeioiae|
foundinmagicalpapyrifromEgyptandassociated
withthenameofYahweh(formoreevidenceforthe
magicaluseofvowelsequencesintheancientworld,
seeDornseiff1925:35-60|.Iwouldnotexcludethat
the author of the Esoteric Commentary wanted to
makesuchaconnection,butthathisprimarypoint
of reference was the text on Sumerian grammar,
stillinuseinLateBabyloniantimes,isallthemore
likelyinthelightoftheprecedingreferencetothe
Mesopotamiantu:ta:tilists.
8
AcomprehensivestudyofBabylonianandAssyrian
textcommentariesiscurrentlypreparedforpublica-
tionbythepresentauthor.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 96
often focused on the phonemic and graphemic 'fabric of their base texts, and not just on
contents. To simplify a rather complicated matter, one could argue that the explanations in
BabylonianandAssyriancommentariesare,forthemostpart,basedontwocomplementary
hermeneutical procedures: the finding of synonyms on one hand, and of homonyms on the
other. Synonymity was used by the commentators in order to clarify the literal meaning of
obscurewordsorexpressionsthroughtheactofprovidingmorecommonequivalents,often
excerptedfromlexicallists.Homonymity,incontrast,wasemployedwheneveracommenta-
torwishedtoestablishanon-literalexplanationofagivenpassage.Inthesecases,hewould
chooseawordthatsoundedsimilartothelemmainquestion,butmeantsomethingcompletely
different.Closelyrelatedtothis'etymological(orpseudo-etymological|approachisan'ety-
mographicmethodofexplanation.
9
Here,thecommentatorwouldanalyzethesignsusedto
writespecificlemmatawithaneyeonthemanyothermeaningsthesesignscouldhave.Often
etymologicalandetymographicmodesofinterpretationwerecombinedandbasednotonlyon
anAkkadian,butalsoaSumerianreadingofthelemmatathatrequiredexplanation.
Oneofthemaingoalsofcommentariesemployingetymologyandetymographywasto
producetheillusionofanesotericinnercoherenceofthetextstheydealtwith.AlateNippur
commentary,
10
nowaccompaniedbyapartialduplicatefromUr,
11
onacollectionofincanta-
tions and magico-medical prescriptions to help a woman in childbirth provides a good ex-
ample.Amongtheingredientsrecommendedinthebasetextforthetreatmentofthewoman
isoil,Akkadiansamnu.Thecommentaryentryonthisword(lines11-12|readsasfollows:
sa-am-nu :ni-igGARsin-nis-ti:am::e-ri :nu:ba-nu-u sa-nis iNI/sa-am-nu
:i:a-su-u sa NUMUN
'Oil(samnu,writtensa-am-nu|-(thisiswhatitmeans|:(thesign| GAR
(which is identical with sa|, (when read| nig
(2|
, (means| 'woman, am
(means| 'offspring, (and|nu (means| 'to create. (The sign|NI, (when
read|i
(3|
,(means|'oil,(while|i
(1|
(means|'toemerge,withregardtooff-
spring.
Thecommentatordealswiththewordsamnuintwosteps.Hefirstdissectsit alongthe
boundariesofitssyllabicspelling,andthenreferstoahomophoneoftheSumerianreadingof
thelogogramusedtowritetheword,i.Theputativebackgroundoftheequationsprovidedin
theentryhasbeendiscussedbyCivil(1974|andneedsnoreassessmenthere:mostofthem
aretakenfrom-bilingualandmonolingual-lexicallists.Thegoaloftheentryisobvious:
the commentator wants to demonstrate that there is an immediate connection between the
nameoftheingredientusedinthemagico-medicalritualdescribedinthebasetext,andthe
effect it was supposed to produce, namely the easy birth of the child. His interpretation is,
forthemostpart,basedonetymologicalspeculation,butinthefirstexplanation,wheresais
9
The term 'etymography was introduced by
Assmann (2003| in reference to ancient Egyptian
hermeneutics.ItshouldbenotedthatIamusingitin
thisarticleinarestrictedsense.Etymography,forme,
isamethodofproducingordiscoveringadditional
levelsofmeaningbybringingintoplaythemultitude
ofreadingsaspecificgraphemecanhavewithinthe
writingsystemtowhichitbelongs.Readingsbased
on a code applied to a grapheme from outside this
system,for exampleinterpretationsfocused exclu-
sively on the shape of a sign, are not regarded as
'etymographicalhere.
10
11N-T3,publishedintransliterationandwithcom-
mentaryinCivil1974:331-36.
11
UrExcavationTexts6/3,no.897,identifiedbyStol
(seeRmer2007:182|.
oi.uchicago.edu
readasngandexplainedassinnistu'woman,
12
etymographyaccompaniestheetymological
approach.
In some instances, text commentaries analyze the individual components of compos-
ite signs. A rather complex example of this procedure can be found in a commentary from
Assurbanipal`slibrarythatdealswithomensfromtheastrologicalseries Enuma Anu Enlil.
TheentryinquestionexplainstheprotasisDIS GIni(NE|-p-i IZI SG-ma a(a|-ku-ku-
tu nap-at'Ifthenight(sky|istingedwithfierylightandanabnormallyredglow(akukutu|
blazes.Itreads(Virolleaud1907-1909:no.33,K50,rev.10-11|:
mu-U+PA+KAB(copy: DI EN| a-ku-ku-tu mu i-sa-tu eme-sal / gi-ra-a
|g]i-lkur-ru-u(?|l ge-es-tar-kap-pa-ak-ku sa-mu-u
Thesignsequencemu-U+PA+KAB(represents|(|akukutu (because|,(in|
Emesal, mu (means| 'fire (istu|, (and| gigur gestarkappaku (i.e., the
signU+PA+KAB|,(whenread|gi-ra-a,(means|'sky(sam|.
Theaimofthisexplanationistoclarifythemeaningofthewordakukutubydemonstrating
thatthe two main componentsof itscomplicatedlogographicspellingprovidethemeaning
'fireofthesky.TheentryisbasedonpassagesfromthelexicallistsAntagalandAa.
13
EvenmoresophisticatedistheanalysisofacuneiformsignfoundinalateUrukcommen-
tary(anditspartialduplicate|onthefirsttabletofthediagnosticseriesSa-gig(Hunger1976:
no. 27, rev. 23-26: George 1991: 161|. One of the entries of this tablet reads:DIS
gis
GIGIR
IGI GIG BI SU/s-tar'If(theexorcistonhiswaytothepatient|seesachariot,thatpatient
suffersfromthehandofIstar.Thecommentary,afterestablishingotherlinksbetweenthe
chariotmentionedintheprotasisoftheomenandthegoddessIstarfeaturedinitsapodosis,
concludeswiththestatement:
-bu
ubu
x
(U|:di-l|i-pat /assu(?|u]-bu :(1|bn3qa :u-bu :15:15
(Thesign|U,(whenread|ubu
(x|
,(means|Dilipat(Venus|,|jor]ubu(corre-
spondsto|oneseah andthreeliters,(so|ubu is15(andthusrepresents|Istar
(15|.
AsshownbyHungerandGeorge,thisexplanationisapparentlybasedonanolderform
ofthesignGIGIR,thelogogramusedtowritenarkabtu 'chariot.Thisolderformconsistsof
aframe,notwithaninsertedBAD,asintheformcommoninthefirstmillennium,butwitha
singleWinkelhaken,whichhasthereadingU,inside.ItseemsthecommentatortookthisU
asadepictionoftheplanetVenusresidinginAuriga,theconstellationrepresentingachariot.
HisidentificationoftheU-signwithIstarwasbasedontheideathatUcouldalsobereadubu,
aBabyloniansurfaceandcapacitymeasure.Bymakinguseofthesamemetrologicalcalcula-
tionsthatarepreservedintheUrukcolophonoftheEsagiltablet(George1992:118,line3|,
the commentator claimed that one ubu corresponded to 15q or liters
14
- and 15 was the
12
There is no lexical list that equates ng with
sinnistu.Thecommentatormayhavearrivedathis
explanation through a process of phonetic and se-
manticassociationsbasedontheSumerianwordsnin
'ladyornig'bitch.
13
Thequotationsfromtheseseriesseemtobemarred
by major mistakes, though (collation necessary|.
Antagal C 101 (MSL 17, 197| reads: mu-gira(U-
MAS-KAB||a-ku-ku-t|u],andAaII/4:141(MSL14,
284|:gi-ra-a|U+MAS+KAB|ge-es-pu mas-kab-ba-ku
|sa-mu-u.Thecommentatorprobablyhadquotedthe
lexicalentriesfrommemory.
14
The equation is rather problematic: it mixes up
anearlierKassiteandEarlyNeo-Babylonianmetro-
logicalsystemandalaterNeo-Babylonianone(see
George1992:434|.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 98
holynumberofthegoddessIstar.Theexplanationdoesobviouslynotreflectthethoughtsof
theauthorofthebasetext.Originally,theprotasis-apodosisstringoftheomenmayhavebeen
motivatedbythefactthatboththechariotandthedeitywereassociatedwithwarfare.
By using pseudo-etymological speculation as well as etymography in order to extract
variousmeaningsfromsuchentries,theMesopotamiancommentatorsanticipatedahermeneu-
ticalstrategywellknownfromclassicalandmedievalChristianexegesis,whereitisrooted
inthePlatonicsemioticsofimmediatesignification,andalsofromrabbinicalinterpretation
(Lieberman1987:Cavigneaux1987|.Inthesetraditions,however,withtheirfarmoreone-
dimensional writing systems, the application of notarikon, gematriah, and other forms of
grapheme-relatedhermeneuticaltechniquesseemsratherartificial,whilethemultiplemean-
ingsofmostofthecuneiformsignsprovideeveryBabyloniantextinafarmoreorganicway
withaninherentsetofpossiblealternativereadings.
DIVINATIONANDWRITING
The hermeneutic sensitivity that characterizes the Babylonian and Assyrian text com-
mentariesofthefirstmillenniumderivedfromalongtraditionofdivinatoryinterpretation.
From early on, Mesopotamian scholars believed that the gods left signs on the exta of the
sacrificial animal, in the life of plants, the behavior of animals, the movement of heavenly
bodies,andindreams.
15
Thesesignsremindedtheminmanyrespectsofthesignsofthecu-
neiformwritingsystem.Thescholarsregardednatureasabook,orratheratablet,thatcould
be read by those who knew the underlying code.
16
Haruspices occasionally called the liver
a'tabletofthegods(tuppu saili|andclaimedthatthesignstheywereabletodetectonit
were'writtenonitbythesun-godSamas(Starr1983:30,lines16-17:53-57|.Astrologers
spokeofthe'writingofthefirmament(sitir sam,sitir burum|whenreferringtothestarry
skyfromwhichtheytooktheirforecasts(seeCADS/3,146a|.
17
Notsurprisingly,then,there
arecasesintheMesopotamiantextualrecordinwhichthestartingpointforadivinatoryquest
wastheobservation,onobjectsofvarioustypes,ofwritinginitsmostliteralsense,thatis,
ofindividualormultiplecuneiformsigns.
Referencestowrittenmessagesofacertainlengththatweredeemedtohavedivinatory
relevanceoccurinafewMesopotamiandreamreports.Twopassagesfrominscriptionsofthe
AssyriankingAssurbanipalcanserveasexamples.Inthefirst,Assurbanipalwritesthataman,
15
For a convenient introduction to the various
branches of Mesopotamian divination, and further
bibliography,seeMaul2003.
16
Forfurtherthoughtsonthisissue,see,interalia,
Bottro 1974: Rochberg 2004: 1-13, 165-81: and
Noegel2007.
17
Itshould,ofcourse,notbeoverlookedthatthere
werealsodifferencesbetweentheinterpretationof
naturalphenomenaindivinationandtheexegesisof
writtentexts,andthatthesedifferencesaremirrored
intheterminologyusedbytheancientscholars.The
naturalsignexpoundedintheprotasisofanomenwas
calledittuinAkkadianandgiskiminSumerian,while
thecuneiformsignwascalledmiistu(lit.,'strike
|onthetablet]|inAkkadian(onlyonce,intheAa16
commentaryBM41286,ittuseemstobeusedinthis
context:seeMSL14,323-26|andg-sum('sound-
giver|inSumerian(seeCADI/J,306-08,M/2,54|.
Itisalsonoteworthythatpisru,theterminus technicus
fortheinterpretationprovidedforanominousphe-
nomenonintheapodosisofanomenentry(Parpola
1983:40|,isneverusedtolabelMesopotamiantext
commentaries,whicharecalledstu,mukallimtu,or
multbiltuinstead.Thisisallthemoreremarkableas
inlaterSemiticcultures,termsfortextcommentaries
suchasHebrewpeserandArabictajsirareactually
derivedfromtherootpsr.
oi.uchicago.edu
while dreaming, saw a cult pedestal ofSn on which was written that the moon-god would
persecuteanddestroyalltheenemiesofthekingwhorefusedtosubmittohim(Borger1996:
40-41,233|.
18
Inthesecondpassage,AssurbanipalclaimsthattheLydiankingGygessent
messengerstohimafterhehadseentheAssyrianking`s'name(nibit sumi|,apparentlyin
somewrittenform,inadream(Borger1996:30-31,218|.
19
Bothepisodesarereminiscentof
thefamous'writingonthewallintheBelshazzarstoryoftheBible,eventhoughthelatter
doesnotfeaturedreams.
20
The'textsinthedreamreportscommunicatedbyAssurbanipalarestraightforwardand
non-enigmatic,quiteincontrasttoanothertypeofscript-relateddivination:thereferencesin
treatisesonextispicyandphysiognomytofeaturesintheshapeofcuneiformsignsthatwere
observed by experts on the exta of the sacrificial lamb or the body of a human being. My
goalinthefollowingsub-sectionsistocollectthesereferencesandtoanalyzetheprinciples
underlyingthelinksbetweentheprotasesreferringtospecificgraphemesandthepredictions
basedontheiroccurrence.
21
WehaveseenthatBabylonianandAssyriantextcommentaries
oftendeducenewmeaningsfromsecondaryvaluesofcuneiformsigns,andsuchan'etymo-
graphical approach is what we would expect to find as the main rationale of omen entries
mentioning cuneiform signs as well. But a closer look at the evidence, first from extispicy
andthenfromphysiognomicomens,willdemonstratethatthesituationis,infact,somewhat
lessstraightforward.
For the convenience of readers not acquainted with the cuneiform writing system, the
OldBabylonianformsofthesignsdiscussedinthefollowingsub-sectionsarereproducedin
figure7.1.
EXTISPICY
Extispicy treatises are known from the Old Babylonian to the Late Babylonian period,
andreferencestocuneiformsignsareattestedintextsfromallphasesofthistradition.
22
The
earliestrelevantentriesoccurinthreeOldBabyloniantreatisesonliveromenspublishedin
Goetze1947.
23
Theypresentthesignseitherintheformoftheactualgraphemesorinvoke
them by their ancient names.
24
Two of the texts describe the shape of what was called the
naplastum inOldBabyloniantimes,agrooveonthelobus sinisteroftheliverofthesacrificial
lamb.ThesmalltabletGoetze1947:no.14(whosesignformsdisplayarchaizingtendencies|
includesthefollowingomens:
18
Inanalternativeversionofthepassage,itwasthe
godNab,patronofthescribes,whoreadtheinscrip-
tiontothedreamer.
19
Theepisodehasasomewhatmiraculouscharacter,
whichbringstomindthatGygeslaterbecamealeg-
endaryfigureinothertraditionsaswell,notonlyin
thefamousstoriestoldabouthimbyHerodotusand
laterclassicalsources,butalsointhebiblicalbook
ofEzekiel,whereheappearsinthegarboftheapoca-
lypticrulerGog(Gwg|,kingofMagog.Fordetails,
seeLipin ski1998.
20
Foradiscussionoftherespectivepassageandsome
referencestothemassivescholarlyliteraturedealing
withit,seeNoegel2007:160-62.
21
Whilethereare,undoubtedly,additionalreferences
overlooked by me, it is hoped that the entries dis-
cussedhereprovideafairlyrepresentativesampleof
theevidence.
22
Foraveryconciseoverview,seeNougayrol1945-
46:79.
23
Foralearnedtreatmentoftherespectivepassages,
seeLieberman1977:seealsoNoegel2007:12-13.
24
Ontheancientnamesofthecuneiformsigns,see
Gong2000.Asshownabove,first-millenniumtext
commentarieswouldsometimesrefertosignnames
aswell.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 100
1| BAD IGI.BARki-ma BADa-sa-at Li-ni-ak(line5|
Ifthenaplastum islike(thegrapheme|BAD,theman`swifewillhave(il-
licit|sexualintercourse.
Noetymographiclinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.GiventhattheBADsigncon-
sistsofastraighthorizontalwedgeendinginahole-likeWinkelhaken,itseemsquite
conceivablethattheentryisinformedbysexualsymbolismofaFreudiantype.The
predictionisnegative.
2| BAD IGI.BARki-ma BAD-ma si-lum i-na S-sa na-dias-sa-at Li-ni-a-ak-ma
/ mu-s i-sa-ba-as-s-i-ma i-da-ak-si(lines6-7|
Ifthenaplastum islike(thegrapheme|BADandaholeisinitscenter,the
man`swifewillhave(illicit|sexualintercourse,andherhusbandwillseize
herandkillher.
Thereferencetothekillingofthewifecouldberelatedtothereadingof BADasS
=mtum'todie(andsimilarmeaningsofthesign|,butwhethertheauthorofthe
texthadreallyintendedsuchalinkisdoubtful.Iftheinterpretationprovidedinthe
precedingnoteiscorrect,itmaybemorelikelythatheregardedtheBADsignasa
representationoftheillicitsexualunion,andtheholeinitscenterasanexpressionof
itsviolentterminationbythehusband.Thepredictionisnegative.
3| BAD IGI.BARki-ma KASKALsar-ru-um ka-ab-tu-ti-su i-da-ak-ma /bi-sa-su-nu
ma-ku-ur-su-nu a-na bi-ta-at i-la-ni i-:a-a: (lines8-9|
Ifthenaplastum islike(thegrapheme|KASKAL,thekingwillkillhismag-
natesanddistributetheirgoodsandpossessionstothetemplesofthegods.
Lieberman (1977: 149-50| suggested that the prediction is based on paronomasia,
withKASKAL(whichwasapparentlyreadkaskas inOldBabylonian,seebelowno.7|
beingassociatedwiththeAkkadianverbkassu 'togaincontrolof,toacquire.This
explanationisingenious,butsince kassu doesnotoccurintheapodosis,notcom-
pletelyconvincing.Thepredictionisnegative.
4| |B]AD lIGI.BARkil-ma BADmar-sa-laml
gis
Ni-ka-la-su(line14|
Ifthenaplastum islikethegraphemeBAD,thebedwillconfinethesickman.
TheapodosiscouldbemotivatedbyareadingofBADasmtum 'todie(seeno.2|,
butthelinkisnotobvious.Thepredictionisnegative.
5| |BAD IGI.BA]Rlki-ma xls-ap-u-ut Li-pa-u-|ur](line15|
|If]thenaplastum islike(thegrapheme|x,theman`sscattered(relatives?|
willcometogetheragain.
25
Lieberman(1977:149|arguedthattheprotasis,liketheprecedingone,referstoa
grapheme.TherespectivesignisdamagedbutcouldbePAB/KR,inwhichcasethere
wouldbenoobviousetymographiclinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.
26
Thepredic-
tionispositive.
25
The translation of the apodosis follows CAD S,
164a.
26
Collation of the tablet in the Yale Babylonian
Collection established that Goetze`s copy of the
oi.uchicago.edu
AnotherOldBabyloniantabletdealingwiththenaplastum isGoetze1947:no.17,like-
wisewritteninanarchaizingscript:
6| BAD IGI.BARki-ma pa-ap-pi-im lugl-ba-ab-tam DINGIRi-ri-is (line47|
Ifthenaplastum islike(thegraphemenamed|pappum(i.e.,PAB|,thegod
wantsanugbabtum-priestess.
AsrecognizedbyLieberman(1977:148n.19|,theentryisbasedonparonomasia
betweenthegraphemenameandthesecondsyllableofugbabtum.Thepredictionis
positive.
7| BAD IGI.BARki-ma ka-as-ka-asISKURi-ra-i-is (line48|
Ifthenaplastum islike(thegraphemenamed|kaskas (i.e.,KASKAL|,
27
the
godAdadwillinundate.
AsrecognizedbyLieberman(1977:148|,thepredictionisbasedonthesignname`s
resemblancewithkaskassu'overpowering,afrequentepithetofAdad.Thepredic-
tionisnegative.
TwomoregraphemesarementionedinthesmallOldBabyloniantabletGoetze1947:no.
61,whichdealswiththeliver`slobus quadratus,calledsulmum'Well-beinginAkkadian:
8| sum-mai-na ma-as-ka-an su-lull-mi-im HAL / LUGALki-sa-ti i-na ma-ti i-li-am
(lines9-10|
IfintheplaceoftheWell-beingthereis(thegrapheme|HAL,akingofthe
worldwillariseintheland.
Noetymographiclinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.Thepredictionispositive.
9| sum-mai-na ma-as-ka-an su-ul-mi-im /|]a-lu-um pa-li a-ka-di-im ga-mir-ir
(lines11-12|
IfintheplaceoftheWell-beingthereis(thegraphemenamed|allum(i.e.,
HAL|,thedynastyofAkkadisended.
Noegel(2007:13|suggeststhisprotasis-apodosisstringcouldbebasedonareading
ofHALas::u 'todivide,averbsometimesusedtodescribehowcountrieslosttheir
territorialintegrity.Thisexplanation,whilenotimpossible,remainsconjectural.The
Lieberman(1977:149|assumedthatthefirstentryofthetext,|sum-m]a i-na ma-|as]-
ka-|an s]u-ul-mi-liml PA,referstoagraphemeaswell,butitseemsmorelikelythatPAisto
beunderstoodasalogogramforlarm 'branch,bifurcation,andthatthephrasemeans:'If
intheplaceoftheWell-beingthereisabranch.`
28
Liebermanisright,however,whenhe
passage is very accurate: the space with the traces
ofthesignisindeedquitenarrow.IfonereadHAL,
one could construct a link with the apodosis (tab-
let14ofAaequatesHALwithparu,seeMSL14,
290line24|,butthetracesdonotreallyfavorthis
reading.
27
Accordingtothelexicaltraditionofthefirstmil-
lennium,thesignnameofKASKALwaskaskalaand
notkaskas(seeGong2000:144|,butthegrapheme
KASKALoccursintheprecedinglineandistherefore,
mostlikely,referredtointhisentryaswell.
28
Cf.line6ofthetablet:|s]u-ul-mu-um la-ri-am na-
ldil.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 102
pointsout(1977:149|thatthekakkum('Weapon|,anoftenmentionedsmallpieceofliver
tissuethatsticksoutintheformofacluborpeg(Koch-Westenholz2000:48-51|andisusu-
allyregardedasinauspicious,probablyowesitsnametothecuneiformgraphemeGAG,even
thoughthewordislaterwrittenwiththelogogram
gis
TUKUL.Theoccurrencesofkakkum in
extispicytextsarefartoonumeroustobelistedhere.
Neo-AssyrianandNeo-andLateBabylonianextispicytextsincludemorereferencesto
cuneiformgraphemesthantheOldBabyloniantreatisessofaravailabletous.Webeginour
overviewwithtextsthatdescribetheman::u, orPresence,adesignationofthegrooveonthe
liver`slobus sinister thatcametoreplacetheOldBabyloniantermnaplastum(seeabove,nos.
1-7|.Koch-Westenholz2000:no.11,oneofthemanuscriptsofMan::u,thethirdchapterof
theextispicyseriesofthefirstmillennium,includesthefollowingentry:
10| BAD NA GIM PAB/KRsu-bat-ka |ana subat nakrika issir](line10|
IfthePresenceislike(thegrapheme| PAB/KR,yourcamp|willchargethe
campofyourenemy].
Therestorationoftheapodosis(whichismissinginKoch-Westenholz`spublication|
isbasedonnos.12(acommentaryonthisentry|and44.ThereadingofPAB/KRas
nakru'enemyprovidesanetymographiclinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis,butthe
shapeofthesign,twowedgescrossingeachother,mighthaveplayedaroleaswell
-thewedgessymbolizequitewelltheattackofonearmyonanother.Theprediction
ispositive.Foranessentiallyidenticalprotasis,withadifferentprediction,seeabove,
no.6(seealsono.5|.
Twofirst-millenniumcommentariesonMan::u includereferencestoomenentriesdeal-
ing with cuneiform graphemes. These commentaries are of particular interest because they
provide us with explicit information on how the Babylonian and Assyrian scholars of the
first millennium interpreted such omens. The first commentary is Koch-Westenholz 2000:
no.20:
11| |summa]5-su NA GIM HAL UMUS KUR MAN-ni HAL:a-a-:u be-e-ru pa-sa-tu
(line20|
|If],fifth,thePresenceislike(thegrapheme|HAL,thepoliticalsituationof
thelandwillchange.HAL(means|'todivide,toselect,toefface.
Theunravelingofthepoliticalsituationpredictedintheapodosiscouldbeseenasbe-
ingmirroredbytheHALsignwithitsnotionsofdivision.Butthecommentaryisnot
interestedinfocusingonthislink.Instead,itexplainsthatthecomparisoninthepro-
tasisreferstoaPresencethatissplitand(partially|effaced.
29
Thisisnotsurprising
sincetheentryispartofalongercommentarialsectionlistingolderomensthatwere
regardedasequivalenttotheomencommentedoninthefirstplace, summa man::u
ina qablisu pasit kakki rabsuti aitu 'IfthePresenceiseffacedinitscenter,(there
willbe|idleweapons-inauspicious(line16|.TheshapeoftheHALsignprovides
agoodillustrationofthisparticularconditionofthePresence.
30
Theprediction,the
sameasinno.46(whichislikewisebasedontheoccurrenceofaHAL|,isnegative.
29
ForasimilarexplanationofHAL,seebelow,no.
27.While::uandbruarewell-attestedrenderings
ofHAL(see,e.g.,MSL14,290,Aa14,i17,21|,the
equationbetweenHALandpastuisnotknownfrom
thelexicaltradition(seeCADP,249|andprobably
an ad hoc explanation based on semantic associa-
tion: it provides the link to the omen in line 16 of
thecommentary.
30
Itisnotcompletelyclear,though,iftheentryre-
ferstothelateformofthesign(whichisusedinthe
oi.uchicago.edu
Anentryinline70ofthetexthasbeenclaimedtorefertoagraphemeaswell,butthis
seemsdoubtful:
BAD NA3-ma BAR.MES SUB.MES DISe-lis DISsap-lis DISina bi-ri-su-nu re-dis
(var.om.| GR3-ma GIMan-nim-ma (var.:AN-a-n|im]|GIS.HUR-su-nu
Koch-Westenholz translates this difficult passage as follows: 'If there are three
Presencesandtheylieseparately,oneabove,onebelow,oneparallel betweenthem,
three Paths and their design is like the sign AN(?|. It is true that AN was named
an(n|u in ancient Mesopotamia.
31
Nonetheless, it seems unlikely that the entry,
apparentlyacommentaryonKoch-Westenholz2000:no.7line11,reallyreferstothe
ANsign-which,whetherinitsearlierorinitslaterform,simplydoesnotlooklike
theconfigurationobservedhere.Probably,weshouldrathernormalizethelastwords
of the entry as kima annmma usurtasu and translate: 'Its drawing is like this.If
understoodcorrectly,thephrasewouldrefertoasketch,tobeconsultedbythereader
ofthecommentary,oftheominousconfigurationdescribedintheomen.Infact,ms.I
ofthetext,K.12845+,hasanemptyspace,traversedbyahorizontalruling,before
kima,afeaturethatcouldreflecttheoccurrenceofsuchasketchonthetabletfrom
which the manuscript was copied.
32
Note, furthermore, that in the preceding entry
of the commentary (line 69|, there is an unmistakable reference to a sketch, even
thoughitisphrasedsomewhatdifferently:GIS.HUR-su-nu ana IGI-ka 'youhavetheir
designbeforeyou.ThewritingAN-a-niminms.Iremainsstrange,however,andone
cannotcompletelyexcludethepossibilitythatthescribewhowrotethistabletmight
mistakenlyhavetakenwhatwasoriginallyareferencetoasketchasastatementabout
thegraphemeAN.
12| BAD NA GIM PAB/KR KI.TUS-|ka subat nakrika SI].S-ir :BE MAN-u NA GIM
BAR(line104|
If the Presence is like (the grapheme| PAB/KR, |your] camp will charge
|thecampofyourenemy]-if,second,thePresenceislike(thegrapheme|
BAR.
33
Thisisacommentaryonexampleno.10.ItestablishesthattheoccurrenceofaBAR
onthePresencehasthesame-inthiscaseapparentlyauspicious-significanceas
thatofaPAB.
13| |summa man::u kima PAB(?| ilu NIN].DINGIR.RA APIN-es u-lu AN.MI
(line107|
|IfthePresenceislike(thegrapheme| PAB(?|,thegod]wantsanugbabtu-
priestess,or(therewillbe|aneclipse.
text|oranolderone.ThelateHALisasequenceof
twohorizontalwedges,whichcouldrepresentthetwo
elementsofthesplitPresence,butitisalsopossible,
aspointedouttomeinapersonalcommunicationby
A.R.George,thatthehorizontalwedgeoftheearlier
formofthesignrepresentstheman::u-crease,while
the oblique wedges of this form make a cross that
obliterates(pastu|itsmiddlepart.
31
For the sign name (often written a-nu(m||, see
Gong2000:102.
32
Seethe photoin Koch-Westenholz 2000: pl. 49.
Note,however,thatK.7149,Koch-Westenholz`sms.
G,hasnoemptyspaceintherelevantline:seethe
copyinStarr1977:164.
33
OnecouldalsotaketheBARinthislineasalogo-
gramforpillurtu'cross,butthenextentry,which
clearlyreferstoa pillurtu,usesthewriting BAR-ti,
indicating that the BAR without phonetic comple-
mentinline104ratherrepresentsthe-cross-shaped
-grapheme.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 104
Therestorationoftheprotasisisuncertain:itisbasedontheassumptionthattheomen
isessentiallyidenticalwiththeOldBabylonianomenentryquotedaboveasno.6,
withman::u replacingnaplastum intheprotasisandthesubjectprecedingtheobject
intheapodosis.Notethatthereseemtobenootherreferencestougbabtu-priestesses
infirst-millenniumextispicytexts,andthattheentryoccursinacommentarysection
thatrefersseveraltimestocuneiformgraphemes(lines104,113,andperhapsother
badlydamagedlines|.Inthelightofexampleno.19,thegraphemementionedinthe
protasiscould,however,alsohavebeena KUR.Thefirstpredictionispositive,the
secondnegative.
14| BADsal-su NA GIM BAD SUB-ti ERIM-ni(line113|
If,third,thePresenceislike(thegrapheme| BAD(therewillbe|adefeatof
thearmy.
Theentrymaydisplaythesamerathervagueetymographiclinkbetweenprotasisand
apodosisthatwehavediscussedaboveunderno.2.Theprotasisisessentiallyidenti-
calwiththatofnos.1and4.Thecommentaryquotestheentrybecauseitregardsitas
equivalenttothebadlybrokenomenpresentedinline111.
34
Thepredictionisnega-
tive.
TheMan::u commentaryKoch-Westenholz2000:no.19includestwoadditionalrefer-
encestocuneiformgraphemes:
15| BAD MAN-u MU.NI NA GIM AN NUN KUR|ibbalkitusu ileqqe](line38|
If,second,thePresenceislike(thegrapheme|AN,theprince|willtake]the
land|thatrebelledagainsthim].
Restored after anotherMan::u commentary, Koch-Westenholz 2000: no. 25 line
29.
35
Noobviousetymographiclinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.Theentryispre-
sentedinasectionwithomensdeemedequivalenttotheenry'IfthePresenceislong,
thedaysoftheprincewillbelong.
36
Thepredictionispositive.
16| BAD NA GIM BADina SUHUS-su ka-ra-su-u GAR(line97|
IfthePresenceislike(thegrapheme|BADatitsbase,
37
therewillbedisaster.
Theentrymaydisplaythesamerathervagueetymographiclinkbetweenprotasisand
apodosisthatwehavediscussedaboveunderno.2.Theprotasisissimilartothatof
nos.1,4,and14.Thepredictionisnegative.
TheWell-being,alreadyknowntousfromtheOldBabylonianexamplesnos.8and9,is
associatedwithcuneiformgraphemesinlatertextsaswell.Thebrtu excerptKAR423from
Assur,itspartialduplicateK.10137(Koch-Westenholz2000:no.105|,andKoch-Westenholz
2000:no.64allincludethefollowingthreeshortentries:
38
34
Theoretically, the protasis of that omen (which
endswithnadi|couldbeidenticalwiththatofour
exampleno.2,butthisremainsveryuncertain.
35
In that entry, si-bu-su 'its old version replaces
MAN-uMU.NI.
36
Considering that the AN sign does not really re-
semblea'longPresence,thisisrathersurprising.
37
'At its base is missing in Koch-Westenholz`s
translation.
38
Note,though,thatthesequenceofthesignsdis-
cussedisnotthesameeverywhere.InKAR423and
K.10137,itisAN, HAL, KUR:inKoch-Westenholz
2000:no.64,KUR, AN, HAL.
oi.uchicago.edu
17| BAD SILIM GIM AN DG(-ub|lib-bi (KAR423ii53:Koch-Westenholz2000:
no.105line2:no.64line44|
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|AN,(therewillbe|happiness.
Forthesameapodosis,seeexamplesno.80(grapheme:IGI|and86(graphemes:SE
andPI|.Noobviousetymographiclinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.Theprediction
ispositive.
18| BAD SILIM GIM HALtam-ta-a-ti/tu (KAR423ii54:Koch-Westenholz2000:
no.105line3:no.64line45|
39
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|HAL,(therewillbe|deprivation.
The wording of the apodosis may have been inspired by the fact that 'division, a
conceptindicatedbythesignHAL,impliedthedispersalofanoriginaltotal.Thepre-
dictionisnegative.
19| BAD SILIM GIM KUR AN.MI(KAR423ii55:Koch-Westenholz2000:no.105
line4:no.64line43|
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|KUR,(therewillbe|aneclipse.
Noetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.Thepredictionisnegative.
Koch-Westenholz 2000: no. 64 includes five additional omens referring to cuneiform
graphemes,oneofwhichisalsoattestedinKAR423andKoch-Westenholz2000:no.105:
20| BAD SILIM GIM BADina
gis
TUKUL ERIM-ni NUNi-ger-ri-ma
e-p es-su
(Koch-
Westenholz2000:no.64line36|
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme| BAD,myarmywillturnagainstthe
princeinbattle-new break.
Forthepossibilitythatthereisavagueetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapo-
dosis,seeabove,no.2.Thepredictionisapparentlynegative.
21| BAD SILIM GIM PAB/KR DU IGI ERIM-ni LAL-mu(Koch-Westenholz2000:
no.64line38|
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|PAB/KR,theleaderofthearmywill
becaptured.
Thereisnoobviousetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis,eventhough
onecouldspeculatethatthelatter,withitsindirectreferencetoanimportantcapture
madebytheenemy,couldhavebeentosomeextentinspiredbythewell-knownequa-
tionPAB/KR=nakru 'enemy.Thepredictionisnegative.
39
AsrecognizedbyKoch-Westenholz,thisomenis
alsoquotedinaQuerytotheSungodfromNineveh:
seeStarr1990:no.317,obv.8.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 106
22| BAD SILIM GIM GAM KUR NUNana BAD NIGIN-ur(Koch-Westenholz2000:
no.64line39|
If the Well-being is like (the grapheme|GAM, the land of the prince will
gatherinafortress.
Thereisnoobviousetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis,butnotethat
GAMmeans,interalia,mtu'todie,aconnotationthatmighthaveinfluencedthe
negativeprediction.
23| BAD SILIM GIM U GU.UD-it UR.MAHkas-du(var.KUR-du| (Koch-Westenholz
2000:no.64line41:KAR323,ii56:Koch-Westenholz2000:no.105line
5|
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|U,(therewillbe|asuccessfulattack
bylions.
ThetranslationfollowsKoch-Westenholz`s.InsteadofU,asignthatlookslikeahole,
one could also readBR
40
and assume that the protasis refers to a real hole (silu|,
butsincetheprecedingandthefollowinglinesincludereferencestographemes,this
seemslesslikely.Thereisnoobviousetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapo-
dosis.Thepredictionisnegative.
24| BAD SILIM GIM U-ma ke-piGU.UD-it UR.MAH NUkas-du (Koch-Westenholz
2000:no.64line42|
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme| Ubutblunt,(therewillbe|anon-
successfulattackbylions.
Compareno.23.Thereisnoobviousetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapo-
dosis.Thepredictionispositive.
Another sulmu-omen mentioning a grapheme is attested in KAR 423 ii 60-61 and in
Koch-Westenholz2000:no.105lines9-10:
25| BAD SILIM GIM TAR
dug
TULnap-tan LUGAL GAZ-pi sa-ri-ip nu-ri /i-lnar`l-
ru-ut u-lu G.ZIina SU
IIl
SU'.SLA'.GABi-tar-ru-ur
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme| TAR,adishattheking`smealwill
break,thelamplighterwill tremble,orthecupwillshakeinthecupbearer`s
hand.
41
Thereareobviousetymographicallinksbetweentheprotasisandtwoofthepredic-
tions. TAR, with the reading as, meansseberu 'to break, a synonym of the verb
ep,whichisusedinthefirstapodosistodescribethebreakingoftheroyaldish.
40
Cf. Koch-Westenholz 2000: no. 64 lines 53-61,
apassagethatclearlyrefersto'holesontheWell-
being.
41
Forthereadingandtranslationofthisentry,see
CADN/1,323a,andCAD T,208a.Theinterpretation
ofthefirstwordinii61posesaproblem-insteadof
i-lnar`l-ru-ut,thereadingpresentedabove,CADN/2,
350a,offersi-par`-ru-ud('hewillbecomeafraid?|.
Whilethefinalverdictonthecorrectunderstanding
of the verb has to await collation of the tablet, it
shouldbe noted that a tremblinglamplighter (who
might spread fire all over the place| seems scarier
- and therefore a better fit for a negative apodo-
sis-thanonewhoismerelyafraid.Furthermore,
thesemanticallyrelatedverbsnartuandtarruare
attested together elsewhere, in K. 9759 line 9 (see
CADT,208a,1d|.
oi.uchicago.edu
TAR is, furthermore, theSumerian equivalent (and logographic writing| oftarru,
theverbemployedinthethirdapodosis,which,inaddition,beginswithtar.Allthe
predictionsarenegative.
ThePn tkalti commentaryKoch-Westenholz2000:no.79fromNinevehexplainssome
of the examples presented above as nos. 17-25. The explanations are preceded by a badly
damagedphrasethatseemstorefertographemesandmayhavefunctionedasaheadingof
thesectionfollowingit:
|summa . mi`-i`]-il-ti sa-a-ti /|u]-lu EME|.sa (.|]iq-bu-u ana IGI-ka
(line8|
|If] you have before you |.]cuneijorm sign(s| (with explanations from|
(bilingual|stu-listsor(monolingual|lisnu-lists|.,which .] said.
42
Afterahorizontalruling,thetextincludesvariousentriesoncuneiformgraphemesob-
servedontheWell-being:
26| BAD SILIM GIM AN AN sa-mu-u |(.AN|]e-lu-u a-sa-re-du /EN SIG Zi-saq-
qu-ma |(.|]a-sa-re-du-tu DU-ak (line9|
If the Well-being is like (the grapheme| AN: AN (means| 'sky, |(. AN
(means||]'upper(and|'firstinrank:it(theWell-being|risestowardsthe
thinpartoftheGallBladder|(.|-the.]willreachthehighestrank.
43
Compare no. 17. If understood correctly, this passage provides one of the few ex-
amples of an explicit link based on etymography between a protasis referring to a
grapheme,inthiscase AN,anditsapodosis.Thecommentarybeginswithlistinga
number of Akkadian renderings of AN, of which sam 'sky and el 'upper are
wellattestedinlexicalandbilingualtexts,whilethereferencetoasaredu seemstobe
basedonsemanticassociation.Apparentlydrawingontheequationof ANwithel,
thecommentarythenclaimsthattheomenreferstoaWell-being'risingtowardsthe
GallBladder.Thepositivepredictionreferringtoasaredutu attheendoftheentry
(cf.theapodosisinexampleno.17|isjustifiedbytheprecedingequationofANwith
asaredu.Forsimilarexplanations,seebelow,nos.36and40.
27| BAD SILIM GIM HAL HAL:a-a-:u HALbe-|e`-ru`
(HAL|]be-e-su pa-sa-tu /
tam-ta-a-tuBAR-ma MURUB.MES-|su] pa-as-tu (line11|
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|HAL: HAL(means|'todivide,HAL
(means|'to select,|(HAL(means||]'tofork(and|'toefface-(there
willbe|deprivation:it(theWell-being|isdividedand|its]centereffaced.
Compareno.18.TheequationsgivenforHALareverysimilartotheonesprovided
inexampleno.11andmustgobacktothesamelearnedtradition.Noattemptismade
tocreateanexplicitlinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.Comparealsothefollowing
entry.
42
Restorationsandtranslationbythepresentauthor.
For a fuller discussion of the difficult terms stu,
lisnu, and sa iqb, see my forthcoming study of
BabylonianandAssyriantextcommentaries.
43
Koch-Westenholz translates: 'it rises till the
Narrow of the Gall Bladder and reaches the high-
estposition,butitseemsmorelikelythatasaredutu
illakispartofanapodosis,referringtoaman,the
king,ortheland:seeCADA/2,418-19.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 108
28| BAD MAN-u MU.NI SILIM GIM TAR|(.|] (line12|
If,second,theWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|TAR|(.|].
Compare no. 25. It is possible that neither an apodosis nor an explanation is to be
restoredattheendoftheline,andthatthecommentatorquotedthisprotasisonlybe-
causehethoughtitwasequivalenttotheprecedingone(no.27|.
29| BAD SILIM GIM PAB/KRe-ge-ru e-de-ru e-x-|.]/a-a-mes sap-su sa-pa-su
e-ge-ru |.] (line13|
IftheWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|PAB/KR:'tocross(and|'towind
around, . |.] they grip each other: 'to grip (is synonymous with| 'to
cross|.].
Compareno.21.Thecommentarytriestoclarifythenatureoftheconfigurationde-
scribedintheomenbyassociatingthesignPABwithegeru 'tocross(cf.nos.30,42|
andother,similarverbs.Theequationsseemtobebasedsolelyontheshapeofthe
signandnotonanylexicalreferences.
30| BAD MAN-u MU.NI SILIM2-maGIM PAB/KRit-gu-ru tam-t|a`-a`-tu` .]/|.]
lxl-giSILIM RA-is-ma PISNU TUKU`|.]/|.]lxlpe-tu-u u ra-a-|su.]
(line14|
If,second,therearetwoWell-beingsandtheyarecrossedlike(thegraph-
eme| PAB/KR, (there will be| deprivation |.] . the Well-being is sub-
mergedandhas nobank|.].'toopenand'tosubmerge|.].
Comparetheprecedingentry-thepresentonewasapparentlyregardedasequiva-
lent.Thereisnoobviousetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis(ifthe
latteriscorrectlyrestored|.
TheMultbiltu commentaryKoch2005:no.25includesabrokenreferencetoyetanother
graphemeobservedinconnectionwiththeWell-being(line89|:
31| |.mi]-i-il-tu SILIM GIM GI
|.]cuneiformsign,theWell-beingislike(thegrapheme|GI.
Toolittleispreservedtomakemuchsenseofthisentry.
Another feature of the liver occasionally associated with cuneiform signs is the pitir
sumelior'LeftSplit,afissurehalfafingerlong.
44
Thefirstentriesofthesecondtabletof
Multbiltu,thetenthchapteroftheextispicyseries(Koch2005:no.3|,readasfollows:
32| BAD DU 2, 30 GIM AN DAM|amiliDAM-s] us-dak (line1|
45
Ifthe LeftSplit is like (the grapheme|AN, |the man`s]wifewillhaveher
|husband]killed.
Noetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.Thepredictionisnegative.
44
SeeKoch-Westenholz2000:61.Infirst-millennium
extispicytexts,theLeftSplitismoreoftenmentioned
thantheRightSplit.
45
Seealsoline16ofthecatalogKoch2005:no.1.
Note (here and in example no. 35| the archaizing
writing-s.
oi.uchicago.edu
33| BAD DU 2, 30 GIM HAL DAM L|ana a]-ri-mu-ti (line2|
IftheLeftSplitislike(thegrapheme|HAL,theman`swifewillbecomea
prostitute.
Noobviousetymographicallinkbetweentheprotasisandtheapodosis(unlessone
arguedthattheapodosisimpliesa'dividedloyaltyonthepartofthewife|.Thepre-
dictionisnegative.
34| BAD DU 2, 30 GIM BAD URU KR DAB-bat (line3|
IftheLeftSplitislike(thegrapheme|BAD,youwillseizetheenemycity.
Noobviousetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis(butcf.theremarks
onno.2|.Thepredictionispositive.
35| BAD DU 2, 30 GIM HA DAM L DAM-s u-kas-sap (line4|
IftheLeftSplitislike(thegrapheme|HA,theman`swifewillcastaspellon
herhusband.
No obvious etymographical link between protasis and apodosis. The prediction is
negative.
Koch 2005: no. 25 provides an unfortunately severely damaged commentary on these
entries:
36| BAD DU 2, 30 GIM AN ANsa-m|u`-u`(AN|e`-lu`]-u /ul-lu-ma IGI-et |:itti
.]DU (line2|
IftheLeftSplitislike(thegrapheme|AN: AN(means|'sky,|(ANmeans|]
'upper(|el]|:it(theSplit|iselevated(ull|,andnexttothe'House|of
Division.]it is split.
Compareno.32.Theexplanationisreminiscentoftheoneprovidedinexampleno.
26, on which my restoration sa-m|u-u] is based.
46
Unlike there, the present entry
seemsnottodealwiththeapodosis,though:itsimplystatesthattheoccurrenceofthe
signAN,becauseitmeans,amongotherthings,'upper,pointstowardsaSplitthatis
elevated.Foraverysimilarcommentaryonthesameentry,seeno.40.
37| BAD DU 2, 30 GIM HAL BAR-ma|.]DU (line3|
IftheLeftSplitislike(thegrapheme|HAL:itisdivided
47
|.]it is split.
Compareno.33.TheexplanationseemstofocusontheshapeofthesignHAL,but
theremayalsobeanetymographicalcomponent,sinceboth HALandBARarelogo-
gramsrepresenting::u 'todivide.
46
Kochreads:'ansa-a|mxxxx]/ul-lu-ma,and
hercopyonplate11seemstoindicatethatthelast
sign before the gap is indeed rather an a|m than a
m|u.Collationisrequiredtoestablishwhetherthere
aretwohorizontalwedgesoronlyone,butinthelight
oftheparallelfromexampleno.26,thelatterseems
morelikelytome.
47
Kochtranslates:'IftheLeftSplitlikethesignHAL
issplitinthemiddle,butsincetheprotasisofthe
entrycommentedonendswithHAL,onemustassume
thatBAR-mabelongstotheexplanation.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 110
38| BAD DU

2, 30 GIM BADana lxl
48
|.]sag(line4|
IftheLeftSplitislike(thegrapheme|BAD:towards.|.]..
Compareno.34.Toobrokenforananalysis.
39| BAD DU 2, 30 GIM HA D|AM.]ri(line5|
IftheLeftSplitislike(thegrapheme|HA,|theman`s]wife|.]..
Cf.no.35.Ifthisentry,unliketheprecedingones,reallyquotedthecompleteapodo-
sis,itwouldhaveprovidedlittlespaceforexplanations.
Anothercommentaryonexampleno.32canbefoundinKoch2005:no.30i5:itisvery
similartono.36:
40| |summa (.|D]U 2, 30 GIM AN AN|sa-mu]-u e-lu-uul-lu-ma IGI-et KUR SU.S|I
.]
|If(.|]theLeft Splitislike(thegrapheme| AN: AN (means|'sky(and|
'upper(el|:it(theSplit|iselevated(ull|,andnexttotheareaoftheFin-
ger|.].
Notethereferencetothe'areaoftheFingerinsteadofthe'House|ofDivision],
mentionedinno.36.
One text, ms. I of the Padnu commentary Koch-Westenholz 2000: no. 42, includes a
sketch of a Left Split looking like a grapheme.
49
The entry shows a horizontal line with a
bifurcationontheleftside,followedbythewords:
41| BAD DU 2, 30 GIM BAD(rev.3|
IftheLeftSplitislike(thegrapheme|BAD.
NotethatthedrawinglookslikeaBADrotated180degrees.Thisissobecausethedi-
vinerstudiedtheliverwiththesacrificialanimallyingonitsback(Koch-Westenholz
2000:39|.
Oneomen,Koch-Westenholz2000:no.27,referstoagraphemetodescribeaconfigura-
tiononthepadnu,orPath(liketheman::u agrooveontheliver`slobus sinister|:
42| BAD GR2-ma GIM PAB/KRit-gu-ru KRina ri-i-i-ti ana KUR MS.ANSE
i-ab-bat(line18|
IftherearetwoPathsandtheyarecrossedlike(thegrapheme|PAB/KR,the
enemywillstealcattlefromthelandonthepasture.
48
Koch r eads ana K| I . TA and t r ans l at es
'down|wards], but the traces could also be inter-
pretedinotherways.
49
Sketchesofconfigurationsobservedontheextaare
attestedinquiteafewextispicytexts,especiallyin
treatisesthatdealwiththeWeapon(kakku|(fordis-
cussionandanoverview,see Nougayrol1974|,but
also,forinstance,inthePadnucommentaryKoch-
Westenholz2000:no.42lines151-65.Thesketches
bringtomindtheMesopotamianclaymodelsofliv-
ers and other organs, which were often inscribed,
usuallywithomens:seeMeyer1987:Wisemanand
Black 1996: no. 60. To my knowledge, cuneiform
signs observed on the exta are never referred to in
thetextsontheseobjects,buttheveryexistenceof
inscribedlivermodelsandmodelsofotherpartsof
theextamayhavecontributedtothedivinersìnterest
ingrapheme-relatedomens.
oi.uchicago.edu
Thementioningofanenemy- KR=nakru-intheapodosisisprobablybased
onthereferencetotherespectivesignintheprotasis.FortheassociationofPABwith
linescrossingeachother,seealsonos.29,30,43,54,and55.Theomenfollowing
inline19issimilar:itreads:BAD GR2-ma GIM BAR-tuit-gu-ru GAL-
gis
GAG EN-su
i-bar 'If there are two Paths and they are crossed like a Cross (pillurtu|, the rab-
sikkati-officialwillrevoltagainsthislord.Thechoice,intheapodosisofthisentry,
ofthepredicatei-barisclearlyinspiredbythecross-shapedlogogramBAR,usedto
writepillurtu:buttheentrydoesnotdirectlyrefertoagrapheme.
Koch-Westenholz2000:no.88includesagrapheme-relatedomenreferringtothePath
totheleftoftheGallBladder(padn sumel marti|,agrooveonthelobus dexter oftheliver
(iv8-9|:
43| BAD MAN-u MU.NI GR2,30Z2-ma GIM PAB/KR GIB.MES / NUNre-su-su
TAG.MES-su
If, second, there are two Paths to the left of the Gall Bladder and they lie
crosswise like (the grapheme| PAB/KR, the auxiliaries of the prince will
abandonhim.
Noobviousetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis(butseetheremarks
onno.21|.Thepredictionisnegative.
SeveralreferencestographemesareincludedinClay1923:no.13,atreatiseonthecoils
oftheconvolutionsofthesacrificialanimal`scolon(tirnu|:
44| BAD S.NIGIN GIM PAB/KR KI.TUS-ka a-na KI.TUS KR-ka SI.S(line28|
Ifthecoilsofthecolonarelike(thegrapheme| PAB/KR,yourcampwill
chargethecampofyourenemy.
Compare nos. 10 and 12, with the same etymographical link between protasis and
apodosis.Thepredictionispositive.
45| BAD S.NIGIN GIM AN ERIM-ni NUN GABA.RI NU TUKU-si(line29|
Ifthecoilsofthecolonarelike(thegrapheme| AN,thearmyoftheprince
willhavenorival.
Noetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis.Thepredictionispositive.
46| BAD S.NIGIN GIM HAL UMUS KUR MAN-ni(line30|
Ifthecoilsofthecolonarelike(thegrapheme|HAL,thepoliticalsituationof
thelandwillchange.
Compareno.11,which,afterareferencetoHAL,offersthesameapodosis.Thepre-
dictionisnegative.
K. 85 (Koch 2005: no. 75|, a small tablet from Nineveh, deals with the occurrence of
eightgraphemes,alloftheminauspicious,inthecenteroftherightsideoftheGallBladder.
Thefirstentryreads:
47| BADina MURUB 15 Z AN' GAR NU SILIM-at /ina NU SILIM-ti SILIM-at(obv.
1-2|
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 112
Ifthereis(thegrapheme|ANinthecenteroftherightsideoftheGallBlad-
der,
50
itisunfavorable,inanunfavorable(extispicy|,itisfavorable.
KochinterpretsthegraphemereferredtointheentryasaQA,butthesignonthetab-
letmostprobablyrepresentstheancientformofAN,asalreadyrecognizedbyLieber-
man(1977:148|.Otherwise,withtheexceptionofthesignHALinline3(seebelow|,
thetabletiswrittenintheNeo-Assyrianductus.
ThefollowingsixentriesinK.85,writteninanabbreviatedway,areidenticalwiththe
firstone,butmentiondifferentgraphemes.Theircontentscanbesummarizedasfollows:
48-53| BADina MIN HAL'(obv.3|/PAB(obv.4|/KASKAL(obv.5|/NI(obv.6|
/U(obv.7|/EN IN(obv.8|GAR MIN(obv.3-8|
Ifditto,(and|thereis(thegrapheme|HAL / PAB / KASKAL / NI / U / EN(or|
IN,ditto (applies|.
Kochinterpretsthegraphemereferredtoinobv.3asKUD,butthesignonthetablet
represents almost certainly the ancient form ofHAL. Note that the two signs men-
tionedinobv.8,ENandIN,arelistedtogethernotbecausetheylooksimilarorhave
thesamemeaning,butapparentlybecauseoftheiralmostidenticalphoneticvalues.
Thelinesfollowingthequotedpassagerefertooccurrencesofapieceofflesh(siru|
(obv.9|,a'cuneiformsign(miiltu|
51
(rev.1|,andawhiteGallBladder(rev.3|:
twoentries(rev.2,4|remainunclear.Alltheseconfigurationsareregardedasinaus-
picious.
TwofurtherreferencestothesignPAB,oneofwhichisrelatedtotheThroneBase(nidi
kuss,perhapstheliver`simpressio renalis|,whiletheotheroccursinconnectionwithFeet
(sepu,apparentlyagrooveintheformofathrow-stick|,canbefoundonatabletfromSusa
andanotherfromAssur.BothtabletsarewritteninMiddleBabylonianscript:
54| DIS SUB.BA GU.ZA 2-ma GIM PAB/KRsu-te-gu-ru ARAD.MES3,20as-ma-:
mi-is GAZ-ku(Labat1974:no.4,obv.9|
IftherearetwoThroneBases,andtheyarecrossedlike(thegrapheme|PAB/
KR,theservantsofthekingwillkilloneanother.
Noetymographicallinkbetweenprotasisandapodosis(whatmatters,instead,isthe
symbolicallychargedconfigurationofthetwoThroneBases|.Thepredictionisnega-
tive.
55| BADi-na GB Z 2 GR.MES GIM PAB/KRit-gu-ra ana IGI KR -ma e-p
kalxl|.](KAR454,obv.30|
IftherearetwoFeettotheleftoftheGallBladderandtheyliecrosswiselike
(thegrapheme| PAB/KR,youwillgoforthtowardstheenemy, broken.
|.].
ThegraphemeKRintheprotasismirrorsthereferencetotheenemy(KR=nakru|
intheapodosis.Thepredictionisprobablypositive,butthisisnotcompletelycertain.
50
'ThecenterofisinadvertentlyomittedinKoch`s
translation.
51
Kochtranslates'aScratch,butsinceK.85refers
to so many graphemes, the translation 'cuneiform
signseemsmoreappropriate.A miiltuisalsore-
ferredto,inbrokencontext,inline72oftablet1of
Multbiltu(Koch2005:no.2|.
oi.uchicago.edu
Severalconclusionscanbedrawnfromthissampleofgrapheme-relatedextispicyomens.
One is that the number of different signs mentioned in the texts is fairly small, with a few
dominatingthecorpus.Inthesequenceoftheirfrequency,thegraphemesare:
52
PAB(twelve
times|,
53
BAD(eighttimes|,
54
HAL(seventimes|,
55
AN(sixtimes|,
56
KASKAL(threetimes|,
57
U(threetimes|,
58
andBAR, EN, GAM, GI, HA, IN, KUR, NI,andTAR(eachonetime|.
59
Example
nos. 47 and 48, from a tablet otherwise inscribed in the Neo-Assyrian ductus, render the
signs AN and HAL in their 'Old Babylonian forms, and it cannot be excluded that other
signsmentionedinthepost-OldBabyloniantexts,eventhoughtheyarewrittenintheirlater
forms, referred the diviners to configurations on the exta that they thought resembled the
older sign forms as well.
60
PAB, BAD, HAL (in its old form|,AN, KASKAL, andBAR are all
verysimplesignsconsistingofafewwedgescrossingeachother,
61
anditismostprobably
theresemblanceofthesesignstocertainlesionsorcystsontheextathatexplainswhythey
aresofrequentlyinvoked.Likethepillurtu,orCross,asymbolassociatedwithconceptssuch
asmutiny,murder,andchaos,
62
thesignsinquestionwereusuallyregardedasinauspicious,
theonlyclearexceptionsbeingexamplesnos.5(??|,6,8,10,15,17,24,26,34,44,and45,
whichhavepositivepredictions.
Ofparticularinterestforourinvestigationisthequestiontowhatextenttheapodosesof
theomensseemtobe'etymographicallyderivedfromthesignsmentionedintheprotases.
Overall,obviouslinksofthistypecanbefoundinonlyafewomenentries.Examplesnos.
3(?|,6(=13?|,7,25(twoapodosesmotivatedetymographically|,and26arebasedonrather
sophisticated philological associations, whereas examples nos. 10 (= 12, 44|, 42, and 55
arelesscreative.Intheselattercases,thelinkbetweentheobservationsandthepredictions
dependsonareadingofthePABsignasnakru'enemy,awordthatoccursintheapodoses.
Thisreadingmayalsohaveinformedseveralentrieswhoseapodosesdonotincludetheterm
nakrubutrefertosituationsinwhichenemiesplayarole,andsomeapodosesinomensrefer-
ringtotheobservationofaBADandaHALsignmighthavebeenbasedonsuchratherloose
associationsaswell:butthisisfarfromcertain.
63
InthecaseofthereferencestothegraphemePAB,thereseemstobeatendencyforposi-
tivepredictions(nos.6,10,44,andperhaps55|tobemoreofteninformedbyetymography
than negative ones. Since the sign was, apparently, inauspicious in general, it seems that
positiveinterpretationsofithadtobebasedonsomeadditionalhermeneuticaleffort.Given
its cross-like shape, one would have expected the sign AN to be normally inauspicious as
52
Commentaryentriesareonlycountedinthefollow-
ingiftheyincludenewomens.
53
Nos. 5(??|, 6, 10, 13(?|, 21, 30, 42, 43, 44, 49,
54,and55:seealsothecommentaryentriesnos.12
and29.
54
Nos.1,2,4,14,16,20,34,41:seealsothecom-
mentaryentryno.38.
55
Nos.8,9,11,18,33,46,48:seealsothecommen-
taryentriesnos.27and37.
56
Nos.15,17,26,32,45,47:seealsothecommen-
taryentries36and40.
57
Nos.3,7,and50.
58
Nos.23,24,and52.Thenumerousreferencesto
the U-shaped 'hole (silu| are not counted here,
but it should be noted that it is not always easy to
distinguishbetweenreferencestoa'holeandtothe
graphemeU.
59
Nos.12,53,22,31,35(seealsothecommentary
entryno.39|,53,19,51,and25(seealsothecom-
mentaryentryno.28|.WithregardtothesignGAG,
seemyremarksunderexampleno.9.
60
SeeLieberman1977:148.
61
GAM, KUR, NI, and TAR are similar to them in
shape.ThesignU,asstatedbefore,representsahole
(silu|,aninauspiciousconfigurationwhenobserved
ontheexta.
62
SeeJeyes1989:86-87.
63
Seeexamplenos.2,4,9,11(=46|,14,16,18,20,
21,22,33,34,and43.
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ECKART FRAHM 114
well(whichitisinexamplesnos.32and47|,butstrikingly,mostomensmentioningithave
apositiveprediction(seenos.15,17,26,and45|.Thismaybeduetothesign`sAkkadian
readingsilu'god,el'upper,andsam'heaven,allimbuedwithpositiveconnotations,
even though these words do not occur in the apodoses in question. In a few cases, we find
referencestocuneiformsignsobservedindifferentcontextsfollowedbythesameapodosis
(seenos.10,12,and44:and11and46|.Here,aninterpretativetraditionseemstohavede-
velopedaroundthesignsatsomepoint.
AfewextispicycommentariesfromthefirstmillenniumB.C.
64
showushowBabylonian
and Assyrian diviners interpreted omen entries referring to cuneiform signs. Interestingly,
onlyonecommentaryentry,exampleno.26,establishesalinkbetweenagrapheme-related
protasisandanapodosis.Alltheothers(nos.27,29,30,36,37,40|haveadifferentpurpose.
OftendrawingonAkkadianreadingsofthesigninquestion,theytrytoelucidatetheexact
natureoftheominousconfigurationassociatedwithit.
65
Whileatfirstglancesurprising,this
hermeneuticalapproachis,infact,quiteinlinewiththemaingoalofextispicycommentaries
ingeneral:toilluminatetheexactmeaningofthevariousprotases,andtoadducedifferently
phrasedbutequivalentomens.Sincethewordingoftheapodosisdidnotreallymatterinex-
tispicy-ofinterestwasonlywhetheritwaspositiveornegative-thecommentatorsofthe
brtucorpususuallyabstainedfromacarefulanalysisofthepredictions.
Cuneiformcharactersarefeaturedinyetanotherextispicytreatise.TheLateBabylonian
'orientationtabletBM32268+,publishedinKoch2005:no.107(ms.A|,associatesvari-
ousgraphemes,iniii24-28(apartlybrokenpassage|,'firstwithafeatureoftheLiverin
theorderofinspection,secondlywithanotherpartoftheintestinesinwhatcouldbereverse
order,andfinallywithyetanotherfeatureoftheLiver(Koch2005:71|.KUislinkedtothe
Presence,theCoilsoftheColon,andthePathtotherightoftheGallBladder,TEtothePath,
the Door Beam, and the right Seat, BAR to the Pleasing Word and the left Seat, GU to the
Strength,theRibCage,andtheBack|ofonesideofthelungs?],andAtothePalaceGate,the
BreastBone,andtheWeapon.Therationalebehindtheseassociationsremainsobscure.
PHYSIOGNOMY
Cuneiformsignsarealsomentionedintreatisesonphysiognomy,theintellectualdiscipline
thatexplainshowtoinferthequalitiesandfutureprospectsofhumanbeingsfromphysical
featuresoftheirbody,especiallytheface.ThemostimportantAssyro-Babyloniantreatiseon
physiognomyistheseriesAlamdimm ('physique|,nowavailableinaneweditionbyBck
(2000a|. The third chapter of this text includes a long section on facial marks reminiscent
ofcuneiformsignsobservedontheforehead.Thepassageispreservedintwomanuscripts,
K.8071andK.3815+,bothfromAssurbanipal`slibraryandwrittenthroughoutinAssyrian
script.IthasrecentlybeendiscussedbyBilbija(2008|,butsincehisarticlefocusesexclu-
sivelyoncasesinwhichtheprotasisandtheapodosisoftheomensseemtobelinkedwith
eachotherthroughetymography,anewandmorecompleteevaluationoftheevidence(which
willgiveBilbijacreditforhisinsights,ofcourse|seemstobecalledfor.
64
For a preliminary assessment of the genre, see
Koch-Westenholz2000:31-36.
65
Exampleno.26dealswiththisissueaswell,and
notonlywiththeapodosis.
oi.uchicago.edu
Aconspicuousaspect of the passage,brieflydiscussedbyBilbija but not fullyinvesti-
gated,isthatquiteafewoftheentriesmentionnotjustonebuttwooreventhreesigns,all
ofthemapparentlyholdingthesameominoussignificance.Inthefollowingoverviewofthe
passage,whichisbasedonBck`sedition(2000a:92-97|,Idiscussboththepotentiallinks
between protases and apodoses and the connections between these variant signs. To facili-
tatereferencing,thenumberingoftheexamplescontinuesthatoftheextispicyomensinthe
precedingsection.Thefirstentryofthetextprovidestheprotasisinfull,whilethelaterones
presentitinanabbreviatedversion.
56| |DISa]lam-dm-me-e SAG.KI NAina SAG.KI NA AN SUB NA BI HUL(line76|
|Concerning]theappearanceoftheforeheadofaman:(Ifthegrapheme|AN
appearsontheforeheadofaman,thismanwillexperiencemisfortune.
66
Noetymographicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
57| |DIS] SID NA BI SU LUGAL KUR-ad(line77|
|If](thereisthegrapheme|SID,thehandofthekingwillreachthisman.
Bilbija(2008:22-23|suggeststheapodosisisbasedonthefactthatsarru 'kingis
semanticallyrelatedtothewordissakku'cityruler,oneofthereadingsofSID.While
notimpossible,thisexplanationremainsdoubtfulsincethetwowordsareotherwise
clearly distinguished: SID does not occur among the numerous logograms listed in
lexicaltextsasrepresentingsarru(seeCADS/2,76-78|.Thepredictionisnegative.
58| |DIS] BA NA BI HUL IGI : GE IGI IGI-mar(line78|
|If](thereisthegrapheme|BA,thismanwillfacemisfortune:var.:hewill
facerage(sulum pni|.
59| |DIS] ZI DUMU.MES AD-su-nu i-:a-aq-q-pu (line79|
|If](thereisthegrapheme|ZI,thesonswillraisethehouseoftheirfather.
AsseenbyBilbija(2008:23|,theapodosiscouldbebasedonthefactthatZIcorre-
spondstoAkkadianteb'toarise,whichissemanticallyrelatedto:aqpu'toraise.
60| |DIS] MU : BI DUMU.MES AD-su-nu ZH.MES(line80|
|If](thereisthegrapheme|MU(or|BI,thesonswillruinthehouseoftheir
father.
Thesigns MUandBI,semanticallyunrelated,lookrathersimilar,especiallyinOld
Babyloniancursivescript.Noetymographicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
66
Bcktranslates'istdieserMannbse,andBilbija
(2008:19|followsher,translating:'thatmanisevil.
MyowntranslationisbasedonAHw,542b.
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ECKART FRAHM 116
61| |DIS B]U` MU-su NU GL-si (line81|
|If](thereisthegrapheme|BU,hewillnotmaintainhisname.
Readingofthesignuncertain,noobviousetymographicallink:thepredictionisnega-
tive.
62| |DIS]lxlDUMU.MUNUS.MES AD-si-na i-:a-aq-qa-pa (line82|
|If](thereisthegrapheme|x,thedaughterswillraisethehouseoftheirfa-
ther.
Compareno.59:thepredictionispositive.
63| DIS|x]DUMU.MUNUS.MES AD-si-na i-kab-ba-sa :ZH.ME (line83|
|If](thereisthegrapheme||x],thedaughterswilltreaddown,var.:theywill
ruinthehouseoftheirfather.
Compareno.60:thepredictionisnegative.
64| DIS lGIS : USl EGIR L GL-si (line84|
If(thereisthegrapheme|GIS(or|US,thelegacyofthehouseoftheman
willremain.
IntheOldBabyloniancursive(butnotinlaterBabylonianorAssyrianscript|,the
-semanticallyunrelated-signsGISandUSlookquitesimilar.Noobviousetymo-
graphicallink:
67
thepredictionispositive.
65| DIS TAB : PA EGIR L ZH (line85|
If(thereisthegrapheme| TAB(or|PA,thelegacyofthehouseoftheman
willperish.
TAB and PA, semantically unrelated, have similar shapes throughout the history of
cuneiformwriting.Bilbija(2008:24|arguesthat'theapodosis.canbelinkedto
thesignTABifitisreadasamtum toburn(up|,àndtheheadcarryingthesignis
interpretedastheman`shouse,butthisexplanationseemsratherfar-fetchedtome.
Thepredictionisnegative.
66| DIS EN RI HU L BIbe-en-nu lxl|.] (line86|
If(thereisthegrapheme|EN, RI,(or|HU,thisman|(.|]epilepsy|(.|].
68
Thethreegraphemes,semanticallyunrelated,havesimilarshapesthroughoutthehis-
toryofcuneiformwriting.Noobviousetymographicallink:
69
thepredictionisprob-
ablynegative.
67
arki redmeans 'tofollowafter,aconcept not
unrelatedtoa'legacy,butitseemsdoubtfulthata
readingofUSasredisbehindtheentry.
68
CADB,206a,restoresattheendlil-|sab-bat-su]
'willseizehim.
69
One could speculate that the protasis-apodosis
stringisbasedonparonomasiabetweenthegraph-
emeENandthemiddlepartoftheword bennu(cf.
exampleno.6,above|,butsuchanexplanationwould
behighlyconjectural.
oi.uchicago.edu
67| DIS UR : IB SU.BI.AS.|M] (line87|
If(thereisthegrapheme|UR(or|IB,thesame.
URandIB,semanticallyunrelated,havesimilarshapesthroughoutthehistoryofcu-
neiformwriting.Theirshapesalsoresembletosomeextentthoseofthegraphemes
fromtheprecedingentry,whichhasthesameapodosis.Noetymographicallink:the
predictionisprobablynegative.
68| DIS GN : UD L BIsa 30i-ma-|at`](line88|
If(thereisthegrapheme|GN(or|UD,thismanwill die (.|ofSn.
70
IntheOldBabyloniancursive(butnotinlaterBabylonianorAssyrianscript|,the
-semanticallyunrelated-signsGNandUDlookquitesimilar.Noobviousetymo-
graphicallink:
71
thepredictionisnegative.
69| DIS MA : LU : KU NA BI Si-bil-ti :|.imt] (line89|
If(thereisthegrapheme|MA, LU,(or|KU,thisman|willdie]violently,var.
|.].
In the Old Babylonian cursive, MA and KU can look very much alike, and LU has
asimilarshape:inotherperiodsofcuneiformwriting,thesimilaritiesarelesspro-
nounced.Noetymographicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
70| DIS KI S S HUL UG:Si-ti |(.|imt] (line90|
If(thereisthegrapheme|KI,hewilldieofgrief,var.:|hewilldie]inasinful
way|(.|].
71| DIS KA NUmit-gur-ti ina NA G|L-si] (line91|
If(thereisthegrapheme|KA,therewillbediscordinthehouseoftheman.
According to Bilbija (2008: 23-24|, thisprotasis-apodosisstring may bebasedon
thewidelyattestedreadingsofKAasg=sas 'toshoutandrigmu'voice,noise,
possiblyindicativeofloudaltercations.Thisinterpretationisingenious,butnotcom-
pletelycompelling.Onecouldalsoarguethatareadingdu(KA|-du(KA|=dabbu
'tolitigateisbehindtheentry.Perhaps,thereis,infact,noetymographicallinkat
all.Thepredictionisnegative.
70
Therestorationandtranslationareuncertain.For
illnesses associated with the moon-god, see Stol
1993: 121-30. Perhaps, the line refers to another
form of epilepsy, the subject of the two preceding
apodoses-aspointedoutbyStol,theseleniasmos
-or'lunacy-describedinthegospelofMatthew
(17:14-18|canbeidentifiedasanepilepticdisease.
71
Thesignfor'month,awordsemanticallyrelated
to'moon,isITI,writtenUDES(=30|,butitseems
unlikelythatthisexplainswhythe UDsignismen-
tionedintheprotasis.
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ECKART FRAHM 118
72| DIS AB : UMmus-ke-nu i-sar-|ru] (line92|
If(thereisthegrapheme|AB(or|UM,thepoormanwillbecomerich.
IntheOldBabyloniancursive,butusuallynotinotherperiods, ABandUMcanhave
thesameshape.Noetymographicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
73| DIS AD : Lbi-ir-ta u-sa-kal sa bu-tuq-qe-lel|.] (line93|
If(thereisthegrapheme|AD(or|L,hewill provision the jortress,ofthe
losses|.].
ThesignsADandLlookquitedifferentinallperiodsofMesopotamianwriting,but
inOldBabylonian,thereisacertainsimilaritybetweenthem(seeKraus1935:22|.
Noetymographicallink.Thepredictionseemstobepositive,butitsmeaningisnot
completelycertain.
74| DIS BI : GA SUB IBILA NA DAM NAlxl|.] (line94|
If(thereisthegrapheme|BI(or|GA,theman`sheirwillfall,theman`swife
|.].
InBabylonianscript,butnotinAssyrian,BIandGAlookrathersimilar.Noetymo-
graphicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
75| DIS UL DINGIR KI L BI SILIM|.] (line95|
If(thereisthegrapheme|UL,thegodwillmakepeacewiththisman|.].
Noetymographicallink:
72
76| DIS NA DUMU.MES-su UG.UG|.] (line96|
If(thereisthegrapheme|NA,hissonswilldie|.].
Noobviousetymographicallink:
73
77| DIS TAB : UB NU .TU .TU NU SI.S SI.|S](line97|
If(thereisthegrapheme|TAB(or|UB,aninfertilewomanwillhaveachild,
awomanhavingdifficultiesinchildbirthwilleasilygivebirth.
InBabylonianscript,butnotinAssyrian,TABandUBhavesimilarshapes.Noetymo-
78| DIS URU : GUR S
gis
DAL|imt](line98|
If(thereisthegrapheme|URU(or|GUR,|hewilldie]throughacrossbeam.
TheshapesofURUandGURaresimilarthroughoutthehistoryofBabylonianandAs-
syriancuneiformwriting.Asforapossiblelinkbetweentheprotasisandtheapodosis,
onecouldpointtothereadingsRofURUandRIofDAL,butthisremainsspeculation.
72
ItseemsunlikelythatULwasassociatedphoneti-
callywithilu,whichsoundssomewhatsimilar.
73
Itwouldbefar-fetchedtoassumethatassociation
ofthegraphemeNAwiththeSumerianprohibitive
prefixna-mightexplainthenegativeapodosis.
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79| DIS NI : IR BA.UG KIMIN MUNUSina i-ti Llxl|.](line99|
If(thereisthegrapheme|NI(or|IR,hewilldie,ditto,awoman,througha
crime|(.|] theman|(.|].
TheshapesofNIandIRaresimilarthroughoutthehistoryofBabylonianandAssyrian
cuneiformwriting.Noobviousetymographicallink:
74
80| DIS IGI DU-ub lib-|bi](line100|
If(thereisthegrapheme|IGI,therewillbehappiness.
Forthesameapodosis,seeexamplesno.17(grapheme: AN|and86(graphemes:SE
andPI,bothsimilartoIGI|:comparealsono.122.Noobviousetymographicallink.
81| DIS KI L IZI|ikkal](line101|
If(thereisthegrapheme|KI,afire|willdevour]thehouseoftheman.
82| DIS LA : SUdan-na-tu
75
L BIi-ra-am-|mi](line102|
If(thereisthegrapheme|LA(or|SU,thismanwilldwellinafortress.
TheshapesofLAandSUaresimilarthroughoutmostofthehistoryofBabylonianand
Assyriancuneiformwriting.Noobviousetymographicallink.Thepredictionisappar-
entlynegative.
83| DIS AL S KI.HUL|imt](line103|
If(thereisthegrapheme|AL,|hewilldie]throughmourning.
84| DIS SAG Ssu-ub-tiU|G](line104|
If(thereisthegrapheme|SAG,hewilldiein (his|dwelling.
76
Noetymographicallink:theexactmeaningofthepredictionisunclear.
85| DIS Sa-si-i|imt](line105|
If(thereisthegrapheme|,|hewilldie]throughtheas-illness.
Bilbijaarguestheentryisbasedonthefactthatisreadsammu'plantinAkkadian,
andthattheplantusedtocuretheas-illnesswascalledsammi as:thisexplanation,
however,seemsratherfar-fetched.Thepredictionisnegative.
74
IR means, among other things, tablu 'to take
away,butitwouldberatherfar-fetchedtoassume
that this is the reason why the apodosis refers to a
death.
75
The reading -tufollowsBck`sedition (2000a|,
whichisbasedoncollation.Thecopyhas-at.
76
Onewondersifsu-ub-ticouldbeamistakenren-
deringbytheancientscribeofanoriginal SUB-ti=
miqitti'defeat,buttheexpressionmut miqittidoes
notseemtobeattestedelsewhere.
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ECKART FRAHM 120
86| DIS SE : PI DU-ub lib-|bi](line106|
If(thereisthegrapheme|SE(or|PI,therewillbehappiness.
There is a certain similarity between the two graphemes from the Old Babylonian
periodonward.Forthesameapodosis,seeexamplesno.17(grapheme AN|and80
(graphemeIGI, similar toSE and PI|, cf. also no. 122.No obvious etymographical
link.Thepredictionispositive.
87| DIS Sba-la-at S|amili(?|
77
](line107|
If (there is the grapheme| S, a healthy life (lit., life of the heart| |(is in
store| jor the man].
There is an obvious link between protasis and apodosis, as pointed out by Bilbija
(2008:22,n.12|:bothincludethesignS.Thepredictionispositive.
88| DIS DA SEina la sa-at-ti S|U`.](line108|
If(thereisthegrapheme|DA(or|SE,|hewill].|.]inthewrongyear.
Thetwographemesdonotresembleeachother. Unlikeothervariantsigns,theyare
notdividedbyseparatingcola,andonewondersiftheancientscribe(oroneofhis
predecessors|mayhavecopiedthebeginningofthelineincorrectly.Alternatively,
one could suppose that SE introduces the apodosis, and translate: 'If (there is the
grapheme|DA,thebarley|will.].outsidetheseason|.](seeCADS/2,206a|.
Noetymographicallink:thepredictionisprobablynegative.
89| |DIS] DAR Lina i-ti |.](line109|
|If](thereisthegrapheme|DAR,theman|will.]throughacrime.
Toobrokenforananalysis.Thepredictionisprobablynegative.
90| |DIS A]L`ra-bu Li-b|a` .](line110|
|If] (there is the grapheme| , a magnate will |.] the house of the man
|.].
Toobrokenforananalysis.
91| |DIS]lxlL BI
gis
GIina` lxl|.](line111|
|If](thereisthegrapheme|x,thisman|.]a reed |.].
92| DIS|x]KIMINnene
78
ina Slxl |.](line112|
If(thereisthegrapheme||x],ditto,.in the heart.|.].
77
Restorationbasedontheapodosisofexampleno.
107.Bckrestores|TUKU`-si`].
78
Theoretically, one could read KM.KM, which
wouldyieldaGtnformofememu'tobeconstantly
feverish,butthisremainsveryuncertain.
oi.uchicago.edu
93| DIS MI S i-it-nu-|q imt](line113|
If(thereisthegrapheme|MI,|hewilldie]throughstrangulation.
Bilbija(2008:23|arguesthat MI,readGE=salmu 'tobecomedark,could'de-
scribe the effects of strangulation, but this is again a rather speculative idea. The
94| DIS GAN/KM TS L|.](line114|
If(thereisthegrapheme|GAN/KM,thepotencyoftheman|will.].
95| DIS Usal-tu ZI.GA|.](line115|
If(thereisthegrapheme|U,therewillbequarrel,loss|.].
Noobviousetymographicallink.Thepredictionisnegative.
96| DIS HAR : AH Ssi-il-la-ti |U]G(line116|
If(thereisthegrapheme|HAR(or|AH,hewilldieadeath(causedby|blas-
phemy.
ThegraphemesresembleeachotherinBabylonian,butnotinMiddleandNeo-Assyri-
anscript.Noetymographicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
97| DIS AZ : LUGAL Ssar-ri Sbu-ri UG(line117|
If(thereisthegrapheme|AZ(or|LUGAL,hewilldieadeath(caused by|the
king(or|adeath(causedby|a well/a calj/hunger.
ThetwographemesresembleeachothermostcloselyintheOldBabyloniancursive.
Thereferencetothekingintheapodosisisclearlymotivatedbytheoccurrenceof
LUGALintheprotasis.Thepredictionisnegative.
98| DIS LI : TU S D Sa-am-ta UG(line118|
If(thereisthegrapheme|LI(or|TU,hewilldieadeath(causedby|theriver
(or|aspeedydeath.
ThetwographemesresembleeachotherthroughoutmuchofthehistoryofBabylo-
nianandAssyrianwriting,butmostcloselyintheOldBabyloniancursive.Noetymo-
99| DIS ZA Ssu(A,B:su|-um-me(A,B:me|-e UG(line119|
If(thereisthegrapheme|ZA,hewilldiefromthirst.
100| DIS BAD GIG.MES L DAB.MES(line120|
If(thereisthegrapheme|BAD,diseases/woundswillseizetheman.
Compare example no. 4. BAD, read s, means mtu 'to die in Akkadian, but one
wondersifthisreallyexplainsthe(negative|prediction.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 122
101| DIS : L L BIina TUS-ab(line121|
If(thereisthegrapheme|(or|L,thismanwillliveinahouse.
Thetwographemesdonotresembleeachother.Thereferencetothemaninthe(posi-
tive|apodosiscouldbemotivatedbytheoccurrenceofLintheprotasis(seeBilbija
2008:21|,but,obviously,mostofthepredictionsdealwitha'man.
102| DIS TAR : GAMikridZI.GA L NAUG(line122|
If(thereisthegrapheme|TAR(or|GAM,.lossfortheman,themanwill
die.
ThetwographemesresembleeachotherinBabylonianwriting,butnotsomuchin
Assyrian.Bilbija(2008:21|arguesthatthelasttwoapodosesarebasedonreadings
ofGAMaspilsu'breachandmtu'todie.TAR/KUD,withitsreadingparsu'tocut
off,issemanticallynottoofaroff,butthismaybesimplybychance.Theprediction
isnegative.
103| DIS NUikridZI.GA L (line123|
If(thereisthegrapheme|NU,.themanwillexperienceloss.
Especially in Old Babylonian, NU looks quite similar to TAR and GAM, the signs
featured in the preceding entry, which has a similar apodosis. NU means l 'not,
andthisnegativeconnotationcould haveinspiredtheprediction,butifitreallydid
remainsdoubtful.
104| DIS UDu-la-lu-tam(B,A:lu`:`li-la-lu-tam| L GIN(line124|
If(thereisthegrapheme|UD,themanwillbecomehelpless.
105| DIS NINDA L NINDAi-be-ru(line125|
If(thereisthegrapheme|NINDA,themanwillhungerforbread.
Thereferencetothebread(NINDA,akalu|intheapodosisisclearlymotivatedbythe
occurrenceofNINDAintheprotasis.Thepredictionisnegative.
106| DIS GR : UG(A,B:AZ|:BAN(A,B:GIM|Sre-i-ib-ti L UG(line126|
If(thereisthegrapheme|GR, UG(A|/AZ(B|,orBAN(A|/GIM(B|,the
manwilldiefromthereibtu-disease.
GR, UG,andAZlooksimilarinOldBabylonian,butnotsomuchinlaterphasesof
cuneiformwriting.BANandGIMaresimilartoeachotherthroughoutmostofthehis-
toryofBabylonian and Assyrian cuneiform,and in OldBabylonian,the signs also
looktosomeextentsimilartotheotherthreecharacters.Noetymographicallink:the
107| DIS TI : IM ba-la-at S(B,Aadds-bi|NA(A,B:L|(line127|
If(thereisthegrapheme|TI(or|IM,ahealthylife(lit.,lifeoftheheart|(is
instore|fortheman.
oi.uchicago.edu
Compare no. 87. There is a certain, even though somewhat superficial, similarity
betweentheshapesofTIandIM. TIisoftenrenderedasbaltu 'lifeinAkkadian,
which explains the reference to baltu in the apodosis (see Bilbija 2008: 22|. The
predictionispositive.
108| DIS ES ZI.GA SU NA(line128|
If(thereisthegrapheme|ES,therewillbelossesjor the handoftheman.
ESconsistsofthree'Winkelhakens(U|,anditisinterestingthatinexampleno.95,
thegraphemeUindicateslosses(ZI.GA|aswell.Noetymographicallink:thepredic-
tionisnegative.
109| DIS MES SU DINGIR L DAB-bat :KUR-ad(line129|
If(thereisthegrapheme|MES,thehandofthegodwillseize,var.:reachthe
man.
110| DIS Ana-mar Lana sa-a-tim(line130|
If(thereisthegrapheme|A,theman`shousewillbebrightforever.
Noetymographicallink:thepredictionispositive.
111| DIS MANbu-tuq-ti(A,B:tum| L GAR-an (line131|
If(thereisthegrapheme|MAN,abreach
79
willbemadeintheman`shouse.
112| DIS NA(A,B:BA|:MAli-i-bu (B,Aom.|Li-la-ib(line132|
If(thereisthegrapheme|NA(A|/BA(B|(or|MA,the(householdof|the
manwillsufferfromthelibu-disease.
WhileBAandMAlooksimilarinBabylonianscript,NAdoesnot.However,NAdoes
looksimilartoBAinAssyrianscript,suggestingthatthereadingNAinms.Agoes
backtoamistakemadebyanAssyrianscribecopyinganAssyrianmanuscript.No
etymographicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
113| DISe-p DAM.MES L(A,Bom.?| UG.MES (line133|
If(thereisthegrapheme|-broken-,thewives(oftheman|willdie.
Anotherpassagereferringtocuneiformcharactersobservedonthebodyofamanoccurs
intheAssurtextKAR395,editedbyBck(2000a:290-95|.
80
Thisisthesecondtabletofa
series,butnotthecanonicalAlamdimmseriesasweknowitfromNineveh.Asinthecase
ofAlamdimmIII,thesectiononthesignsoccurstowardtheendofthetablet.Itsbeginning
is lost, and it is not completely clear which body part it describes. Most probably, though,
79
Bck`stranslation'Einbue(whichisprobably
basedonCADB,358a,s.v.butuqtuB|wouldrequire
butuqqinsteadofbutuqtu.
80
ThefragmentVAT11291(Heeel2007:no.49|
maybepartofthesametablet.KAR395isnotcon-
sideredinBilbija2008.
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ECKART FRAHM 124
thesectiondealswithcuneiformcharactersonthecheek.Kraus(1935:52-53|,pointingout
thatthecatchlineofKAR395referstotheusukku,oruppercheek,suggested,quiteconvinc-
ingly, that this word may also occur in rev. iv 2, which is followed by the section on the
graphemes.
81
Thepassageincludesthefollowingomens,allreferringtoonegraphemeonly
(thelinenumberingfollowsBck2000a|:
114-16|DIS NU |.] / DIS KURlxl|.]/DIS NE L B|I.](lines69-71|
If(thereisthegrapheme|NU,|.]./If(thereisthegrapheme|KUR,.|.].
/IfthereisthegraphemeNE,thisman|.].
Toobrokenforanalysis.
117| DIS IGI IGI
II
.BI|.] (line72|
If(thereisthegrapheme|IGI,his eyes|.].
Theoccurrence of IGI (= inu 'eye| in the protasis is mirrored by the referenceto
eyesintheapodosis.
118| DIS GAG ina-kud KUR USSUlxl|.] (line73|
If(thereisthegrapheme|GAG,hewillbecomeanxious,(there will be|an
attack throughsorcery,the hand |.].
119| DIS NGINme-si-ru DAB-su (line74|
If(thereisthegrapheme|NGIN,confinement/hardshipwillbefallhim.
82
Thereferenceintheapodosistomesiru 'confinementseemstobebasedonthewell-
establishedreadingofNGINaseseru'toconfine(butcf.thediscussionbelow|.The
120| DIS SAG AD' KUR-su (line75|
If(thereisthegrapheme|SAG,acorpsewillreachhim.
Noetymologicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
121| DIS LALal-ma-nu-tam GIN-ak (line76|
If(thereisthegrapheme|LAL,hewillbecomeawidower.
ThesignLALisassociatedwithnotionsofpovertyanddearth:itcanbereadmat'to
becomelittleandqallu'tobecomeweak.Theseconnotationsmighthaveinspired
theapodosis,butthisisnotcertain.
81
Krauswantedtoread|DIS TE.MU]RUB(=|N]U|-
su'If(on|hisuppercheekatthebeginningofrev.
iv2.Thisseemsreasonable,andonecouldgoeven
further and assume that the A after -su is the first
graphemediscussedinthissection-notethatitis
followed by an empty space before the line breaks
off.Bck,however,doesnotfollowKraus,reading
instead|.MU]RUB-sua-|.]inrev.iv2andtrans-
lating'.seinerMitte..
82
AverysimilaromenoccursinVAT11291(which
mayformanindirectjoinwithKAR395,seen.80|
line 1: DIS GIM NGIN me-sr |.]. Heeel (2007:
122|readskima sibirti(LAGAB|andtranslates'wie
einKlumpen,butitseemsmorelikelythattheentry
referstothecuneiformsignNGIN,asdoesexample
no.119.Quitepossibly,then,thetextrepresentedby
KAR395andVAT11291originallyincludedyetan-
othersectiononcuneiformsigns,probablyobserved
onsomeotherpartoftheface.
oi.uchicago.edu
122| DIS UD S.BI DU.GA (line77|
If(thereisthegrapheme|UD,hewillbehappy.
Compareexamplenos.80and86,wheretheanalogousapodosistub libbi'happiness
is precededbyreferencestothesignsIGI, SE, andPI,allsimilar toUD.Noetymo-
graphicallink:thepredictionispositive.
123| DIS BARina la-li-suBA.UG (line78|
If(thereisthegrapheme|BAR,hewilldieinhisprime.
Noetymographicallink(butthecross-likeshapeofthesignmayhaveplayedarole|:
124| DIS PA SU DINGIR KUR-su (line79|
If(thereisthegrapheme|PA,thehandofagodwillreachhim.
Noobviousetymographicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
125| DIS RA Ssa-ga-as-ti BA.UG (line80|
If(thereisthegrapheme|RA,hewilldiethroughmurder.
Onecouldspeculatethatareadingof RAasmasu 'tobeat,smiteinfluencedthe
negativeapodosis,butthisremainsuncertain.
126| DIS BA
83
U.MES-su TIL.MES (line81|
If(thereisthegrapheme|BA,hisdayswillcometoanend.
Noobviousetymographicallink:thepredictionisnegative.
127| DIS ZUra-ga-am DINGIRana NA (line82|
If (there is the grapheme|ZU, there will be divine prosecution against the
man.
128| DIS GAN`SU LUGAL KUR-su (line83|
If(thereisthegrapheme|,thehandofthekingwillreachhim.
Thetwotextspresentedherementionthefollowinggraphemes(inalphabeticalorder|:
AB (72|, AD (73|, AH (96|, AL (83, 90|?]|, AN (56|, AZ (97, 106|, BA (58, 112, 126|, BAD
(100|, BAR (123| BI (60, 74|, BU (61?|, DA (88|, DAR (89|, EN (66|, ES (108|, GA (74|,
GAG (118|, GAN (128|, GN (68|, GIM (106|, GR (106|, GIS (64|, GUR (78|, HAR (96|, HU
(66|, IB (67|, IGI (80, 117|, L (73|, IM (107|, IR (79|, KA (71|, KI (70, 81|, KU (69|, KUR
(115|, LA (82|, LAL (121|, LI (98|, LU (69|, L (101|, LUGAL (97|, MA (69, 112|, MAN
(111|, MES (109|, MI (93|, MU (60|, NA(76,112|scribalmistake]|,NE (116|, NI (79|, NGIN
(119|, NU (103, 114|, PA (65, 124|, PI (86|, RA (125|, RI (66|, SAG (84, 120|, S (87|, SE
(86, 88|?]|, SID (57|, SU (82|, TAB (65, 77|, TAR (102|, TI (107|, TU (98|, U (95|, (85|,
83
BckreadsNA,butthecopyhasaclearBA.
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ECKART FRAHM 126
(101|, UB (77|, UD (68, 104, 122|, UG (106|, UL (75|, UM (72|, UR (67|, URU (78|, US
(64|, ZA (99|, ZI (59|, ZU (127|.Forty-nineoftheapodosesareinauspicious,fourteenare
auspicious,andnineremainunclear.
Theprecedingoverviewclarifiesanumberofissues.First,itisobviousthatthesignsana-
lyzedinthephysiognomictextsdiffersubstantiallyfromthoseoftheextispicytreatises.Inthe
latter,thenumberofdifferentgraphemesobservedontheextaisfairlysmall,withthesame
charactersreoccurringagainandagain,apparentlybecauseoftheirsimilaritywithcertainle-
sionsandgroovestypicallyfoundontheliverandotherorgans.InthecaseofAlamdimmIII,
theauthor/compilerofthetextwasinterestedintheanalysisofamuchlargersampleofsigns.
Hisgoalwastopointoutwithregardtoeachofthemwhatitsspecificmeaningwaswhenit
occurred,mostprobablyintheformofwrinkles,onaman`sforehead.Onlyafewsignsare
mentionedtwoorthreetimes.
WhatgovernsthesequenceofthesignsinvestigatedinAlamdimm IIIremainsunclear
-nolexicallistseemstohaveprovidedthemodel.Inafewinstances,theentriesseemto
beorganizedaccordingtoacrophonicprinciplesreminiscentoftheOldBabyloniantu :ta :ti
lists,
84
buttheseprinciplesarenotappliedwithanyconsequence.Thesameholdstrueforthe
rarecasesinwhichsignsequencesmirrorthoseofProto-Ea.
85
Thereisnoquestion,however,
thatthebulkofthetext`ssectionongraphemesgoesbacktoOldBabyloniantimes.Asout-
linedinmynotes(andalreadyrecognizedinKraus1935:22,butnottakenintoaccountby
Bilbija2008|,themanyvariantsignsmentionedintheomensresembleoneanother,almost
without exception, in the Old Babylonian cursive script of the time of Hammurapi and his
successors,butnotnecessarilyinotherperiodsofBabylonianwriting,andevenlesssointhe
Neo-AssyrianscriptusedinthetwoNinevehmanuscriptsthatpreservethepassage.
86
Thisin-
sight,unfortunately,doesnotsettlethequestionofwhenthevariantsignswereactuallyadded.
Theoretically,theycouldalreadyhavebeenpartoftheoriginalOldBabylonianversionofthe
passage, with a scribe assuming that similarly shaped graphemes observed on the forehead
allhadthesameimport.Itisalsopossible,however,thatalaterredactorofthetext,perhaps
eventhefamousscholarEsagil-kn-apli,whoaccordingtoMesopotamiantraditioneditedthe
canonicalseriesAlamdimm intheeleventhcenturyB.C.(seeFinkel1988|,providedthevari-
ants.Workingwitholdermanuscripts,theredactorinquestionmaynolongerhavebeenable
toestablishtheexactnatureofthedecontextualizedgraphemes,andthisuncertaintymayhave
promptedhimtogiveeverypossiblereadingoftheminhisnewcompilation.Thetruthcould
alsoliesomewhereinbetween,withsomevariantsbeingoldandsomeofalaterdate.
87
84
SeeKU, KI, KA(nos.71-73|,BA, BI, BU(nos.58,
60,61|,and SI(= IGI|, SU, SE, S(nos.80,82,86,
87|.
85
For instance, LI, TU in no. 98 (cf. MSL 14, 58
lines681-87|andGAM, NUinnos.102-03(cf.MSL
14,49lines448-50|.Forsignsequencesapparently
governedbytheshapeofindividualgraphemes,see
thediscussionbelow.
86
TheOldBabylonianoriginofthepassagecanalso
be inferred from certain orthographic peculiarities
(seenos.59,62,99|-eventhoughmostofthewrit-
ingconventionsreflectlaterstandards-andfrom
the contents of a few apodoses (see, for example,
no.72|.
87
That the matter may be fairly complicated is in-
dicated by example nos. 106 and 112, where the
two Neo-Assyrian manuscripts provide different
variants.
oi.uchicago.edu
WhatevertheexacteditorialhistoryofAlamdimm III,thefactisthatthevariantsigns
mentioned in many of its entries are grouped together because of their shape, and not be-
causetheirlogographicorphoneticreadingssharesometertium comparationis.Thisstrongly
mitigatesagainsttheideathat'etymographyistoberegardedasthemainrationalebehind
theprotasis-apodosisstringsofthevariousentries.Tobesure,thereareafewcaseswhere
etymographydoesseemtoplayarole.Inexamplenos.87,97,101,105,107,and117,the
grapheme of the protasis is either repeated or rendered syllabically in the apodosis, and in
examplenos.59,102(?|,119,121(?|,and125(?|,somewhatmoresubtlelinksseemtoex-
ist.
88
Buttheseareonlyelevenoutofseventy-threeentries(some,admittedly,badlybroken|,
representingexceptionsratherthantherule.
Unfortunately,whatis therule,intheothercases,remainsdifficulttoestablish.Apparently
thesign`sshape,intheOldBabyloniancursive,playedamajorrole:yetwhy,forinstance,
the shape of the KI sign, in no. 81, points to a future conflagration remains obscure to the
presentwriter.
Hereandthere,however,somevaguepatternsseemtoemerge.Nos.59and60,forex-
ample,provideverysimilarapodoses,onepositiveandtheothernegative,anditisnotewor-
thythatthegraphemesadducedintheseentries,ZIandMU,resembleeachother.IntheOld
Babyloniancursive,ZIlookslikeaMUsuppliedwithtwoadditionalverticalwedges.Could
ZIthereforesymbolizethe'raising(:aqpu|ofthehousementionedintheparticularapo-
dosis,
89
whileMUsignifiestheexactreverse?Examplenos.64-65provideacomparablepair
ofomenswithoppositepredictions,andagain,thesigns,GISandUSinno.64andTABand
PAinno.65,havesimilarshapes:yetTABandPA,unlikeGISandUS,are'openontheright
side, a feature that might have indicated to the ancient experts that the legacy of the house
dealtwithintheomenentrywasaboutto'flowoutandperish.
90
AnotherreferencetoTAB,
inno.77,isfollowedbyapositiveprediction:awomanhavingdifficultiesinchildbirthwill
easilygivebirth(sutesuru|.Coulditbethatinthiscase,thetwoparallelwedgesoftheTAB
signsignaled asmooth delivery?Example no. 119isalsoofinterest.Thelink betweenthe
signNGINintheprotasisandthewordmesiru 'confinementintheapodosiscouldbebased
onetymography,asarguedabove,butalsoontheshapeofthesign,asquareformedbyfour
wedges'confininganemptyspaceinthecenter.Andfinally,itisnoteworthythattherather
similarsignsIGI, SE, PI,andUDinnos.80,86,and122,forwhateverexactreason,allrefer
tohappiness(tub libbi|.
91
Thereisonemorephysiognomictextthatneedstobetakenintoaccounthere:thehighly
unusualNinevehmanuscriptK.2087(+?|K.2088,copiedbyKraus(1939:pls.35-36:seealso
figs.7.2-3below|,andeditedbyBck(2000a:258-61|.Itssectiononcuneiformgraphemes
88
Bilbija(2008|claimsthatthisisalsothecasein
nos. 65, 71, and 93, but I remain somewhat skep-
tical. Other highly questionable cases include nos.
64, 66, 68, 75, 78, 79, 100, and 103, all discussed
above.Itistrue,aspointedoutbyBilbija,thatthe
modernscholartryingtopinpointimplicitconnec-
tionsbetweenprotasesandapodosesofBabylonian
omensrunstheriskofbeingrathersubjective,butthe
factthatAlamdimmIIIincludessofewunequivocal
linkscallsforcautionwhenitcomestosearchingfor
highlyspeculativeones.
89
Butnotethattherespectiveomenentrycan,infact,
alsobeexplainedthroughetymography.
90
Othersequencesofsimilarlyshapedsignscanbe
found in nos. 66-67 (EN/RI/HU - UR/IB, identical
apodoses|: nos. 69-70 (MA/LU/KU - KI, similar
apodoses|:nos.72-73(AB/UM - AD|:nos.74-75
(BI/GA - UL|:nos.83-85(AL - SAG - ,simi-
larapodoses|:andnos.102-103(TAR/GAM - NU,
similarapodoses|.
91
Itmustbestressedthatallthesesuggestionsare
highlyconjectural.Futureanalysisoftheevidence,
hopefullyfacilitatedbythepresentcontribution,may
wellarriveatmoreconvincingconclusions.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 128
differsfromthecorrespondingpassagesinAlamdimm IIIandKAR395inseveralrespects.
Firstandmostconspicuously,whileotherwisewritteninNeo-Assyrianscript,thetabletpres-
entsthegraphemesitdiscussesinformsthatseemtobebasedonanattempttoreconstruct
theearliest,essentiallypictographicstagesofcuneiformwriting,eventhoughcloserinspec-
tionrevealsthemtobeartificialconcoctionsofayoungeragethatdonotmatchtherealsign
formsofthelatefourthmillennium.Second,whilesomeentriesseemtohavetheusualomen
format, others do not. And third, quite a few of the entries display very clear examples of
'etymographicalthinking.
The section on graphemes is introduced, in K. 2087, rev. i(?|, 'III,
92
by the heading
alam-dm-me-e SAG.KI N|A.]'(Concerning|theappearanceoftheforeheadofaman|.],
alinehighlyreminiscentoftheintroductiontotheanalogouspassageinAlamdimm III(see
above,no.56|.Then,inIV,followstheentry(129|
93
DIS ina SAG.KI NA BAD SUB U.MES-
|su.]/Sldi`l-lxl|.]/EN(adi?|kim-ti-|su`.]'If(thegrapheme|BADappearsonthe
foreheadofaman,|his]days|will be short (.|],deaththrough.|.]together with |his]
family
94
|.]. A drawing of a BAD that resembles an arrow accompanies the entry.
95
The
referencetodeath(BAD = S=mutu|seemstobebasedonetymography.Entryno.V(130|
reads: DIS KIMIN SIG SUB |.] 'If ditto (the grapheme| SIG appears |.]. Entry no. VI
(131|referstothesign GISIMMAR,andentrynos.VIIandVIII(132~33|tosignsmostly
broken away. The apodoses of these last entries are lost, and of the drawings only modest
tracesremain.
K. 2087 rev. i breaks off at this point. The text seems to continue, after a gap, with
K.2088,afragmentwithremainsofonecolumn,probablythelastofthereverse.EntryIof
thispiece(134|ismostlylost.EntryII(135|dealswiththesignTUK,presentedbothinan
archaizingandinitsAssyrianform.Theshorttextpassageaccompanyingthesesignformsis
badlydamagedandlargelyunintelligible,butitincludesthelogographicwritingNG.TU|KU]
=isarru'hewillbecomerich,indicatingthatthereisanetymographicallinkbetweenthe
signandthetextpassage.Itisalsoclearthatthepassage,liketheonesinthefollowingen-
tries,doesnothavetheomenformatfoundintheentriesinrev.i.Wecannotbeabsolutely
sure,therefore,eventhoughitseemslikely,thatwearestilldealingwithsignsobservedona
man`sforehead.Entryno.III(136|providesanarchaizingdrawingofasigninterpretedby
BckasKUM,withaninscribedsmallersignresemblingamonumentalBabylonianNGand
another,badlybrokensignontheright.Theaccompanyingshorttext-ku-um-ma' /ib-ta-ni
'He built a shrine (kummu| - is clearly linked to the sign through paronomasia.
96
Entry
no.IIIisfollowedbyasubscript(IV|explainingthattheprecedingsectionpresented'four
cuneiform signs from a second liginnu-tablet (4 G.SUM sa KA 2-ti IM.G|D.DA]|.
97
The
92
Myreconstructionofthesequenceofthecolumns
differsfromBck`sedition:itisinline,though,with
Kraus1935:48-50.Theromannumeralsbeginning
with III follow the numbering of individual pas-
sagesthatwasintroducedbyKrausandisalsoused
byBck.
93
Icontinueherethenumberingusedfortheomen
entriesdiscussedbefore.
94
Kraus (1935: 49| reads bel kim-ti 'Herr der
Familie,butthisexpressionseemsnottobeattested
elsewhere.Bck,readingEN DM TI,doesnotoffer
atranslation.
95
Thetipofthearrowis,correctly,ontherightside,
notontheleftasinexampleno.41.
96
NotethattheCADandBckinterpretthetextdif-
ferently.CADK,534b,translates:'(ifthemarkona
person`sforehead?|forms(thecuneiformsign|k.,
whileBckoffers'DasZeichenkummuistgeformt.
Given the context of the passage, both renderings
seemunlikelytome.
97
Areferencetothesourceusedbythescribe.My
translationfollowsKraus1935:50,108.Bcktrans-
lates:'vierKeilschriftzeichenalsErklrungderzwei-
tenExzerpt-Tafel.
oi.uchicago.edu
followingentry,V(137|,presentsanother,unidentifiablearchaizingsignform,andashort
texttoobadlydamagedtomakemuchsenseofit.
K.2088breaksoffatthispoint.Afterwhatmayhavebeenanextremelysmallgap,theleft
columnofthetabletcontinueswithK.2087rev.ii.
98
Entryno.Iofthissection(138|reads:
tu-kul-ta-su /asari-ma /i-da-as HUL.GL.BI / HUL.HUL.BI'Hetreated(or:hewilltreat|the
god Asari (i.e., Marduk|, who supports him, with disregard - misjortune jor him, evil jor
him. The archaizing sign accompanying this sentence is tentatively identified by Bck as
UB,butKraus`ssuggestion(1935:50|toreaditasHULwouldprovideabetteretymographi-
callink.Entryno.II(139|showsastylizedpalmtreethatissupposedtorepresentthesign
GISIMMAR,whoseNeo-Assyrianformisgivenaswell.Ashorttextontheleftreads:dum-qa
/ u-sat-lim-su / u-kin-su / tak-li-me 'Heprovidedhimwithgoodthings,establishedforhim
thetaklimu-offering.Sincedamqu canbewrittenwiththeGISIMMARsign,readsa,thereis
againanobviouslinkbetweentextandgrapheme.
99
Entryno.III(140|offersanarchaizing
andaNeo-AssyrianversionofthesignDU,accompaniedbythephraseal-la-ku / sa ur-i /
i-du-us-su /i-ba-a 'Atravelerwent(or:willgo|athisside:itislinkedtothesignthrough
thewell-establishedreadingofDUasalku 'togo.Thispartofthetextcomestoanendwith
yetanothersubscript(IV|,whichstatesthatthe'fourgraphemestreatedinthepreceding
linesweretaken'fromthethirdliginnu-tablet.
The last preserved section of the fragment seems to contain nothing but drawings of
pseudo-archaic signs and their Neo-Assyrian equivalents. Entry no. V (141| presents the
Neo-AssyrianformofthesignMAHandadrawingthatlookslikeahill,perhapsbecauseMAH
=siru means'exalted,high(-ranking|.No.VI(142|offersthesignRAD/STAandtwohori-
zontallinespossiblysymbolizinganirrigationchannel(notethatthesignrepresentstheword
rtu 'water-channel|.No.VII(143|hasyetagainGISIMMAR,thistimeaccompaniedbya
drawingofahalf-circle,andVIII(144|hasSA,initsNeo-Assyrianform,afairlyrealistic
archaic version, and the pseudo-archaic shape, probably based on the latter, of a triangular
structure.Theremainingentriesaremostlydamagedandobscure.IX(145|presentsGAand
a drawing made up of horizontal wedges, X (146| TUK(?| and IL with two small stars in
between,XI
100
(147|aDUinscribedinarectangularconfiguration,togetherwithNGIN(?|
KIB(?|writtenontheright,XII(148|GIMwithadrawingofapseudo-archaicformofthe
sign,andXIII(149|LIL KR(?|,togetherwithadrawingthatismostlylost.Afteranother
-badlydamaged-subscript(XIV|probablystatingthattheprecedingsectionincluded
'ninecuneiformsignsfromtheforthliginnu-tablet,K.2087rev.iibreaksoff.
The graphemes mentioned in K. 2087(+| are (in alphabetical order|:BAD (129|, DU
(140, 147|, GA (145|, GIM (148|, GISIMMAR (131, 139, 143|, HUL(?| (138|, IL (146|, KIB(?|
(147|, KUM(?| (136|, KR(?| (149|, LIL (149|, MAH (141|, NGIN(?| (147|, RAD (142|, SA
(144|, SIG

(130|, TUK (135, 146(?||,and(149|.Omenno.129hasanegativeprediction,
whileoftheintelligibleshorttextsoftheleftcolumnnos.135,136,139,and140seemtobe
positiveandno.138negative.
101
98
ItcannotbecompletelyexcludedthatK.2087,rev.
iiactuallyprecedesK.2088,butthisseemsunlikely.
99
NotethattheLateBabylonianextispicytextClay
1923:no.13line32referstoadatepalmaswell,in
anattempttodescribeaspecificconfigurationofthe
coilsofthecolon:BAD S.NIGIN GIM
gis
GISIMMAR.
Interestingly,threeofthefouromensprecedingthis
entrydealwithcuneiformsigns(seeabove,example
nos.43-45|.
100
Entries XI-XIV are missing in Bck`s edition
ofthetablet.
101
Mostoftheshorttexts,maybeall,usepasttense
forms,anindicationthattheyareprobablynotpredic-
tionsbutrathergeneralstatementsaboutthecharacter
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 130
ThehighlyarchaizingsignformslistedinK.2087(+|seemtoindicate,atfirstglance,
thatK.2087(+|representsatraditionthatprecedesAlamdimm IIIwithitsOldBabylonian
background.Butinreality,thetextprobablyoriginatesfromalaterperiod.Quiteafewofthe
signsanalyzedinitwereusuallyemployedaslogogramsorCVCsigns,graphemetypesmore
widely used in post-Old Babylonian Akkadian writing. The text`s focus on 'etymography
pointstoalaterstageofcuneiformcultureaswell.Andfinally,attemptsbyMesopotamian
scholarstosystematicallyreconstructtheoriginalformsofcuneiformgraphemesareotherwise
knownonlyfromfirst-millenniumsources,mostprominentlyfromanumberofNeo-Assyrian
and Late Babylonian syllabaries with added columns featuring what the scribes apparently
believedwerethoseforms,
102
butalsofromasmallfragmentfromKaluinscribedwithwhat
appearstobeafirst-millenniumhistoricaltextwritteninextremelyarchaiccharacters.
103
The
textrepresentedbyK.2087(+|wasprobablycomposedbyscribeswho,awareofthetradi-
tionofanalyzing'OldBabyloniansignformsonthefaceofhumanbeings,feltmotivated
toreplacethemwithevenolderforms,whichtheybelievedwereclosertothebeginningsof
allwisdom.
INSCRIBEDBODIESINEVERYDAYLIFE
Originally,Mesopotamianphysiognomistsmayhavefoundtheinspirationfortheirinter-
estingraphemes'inscribedonthehumanbodyintheireverydayexperienceofencountering
(runaway| slaves, prisoners, and temple oblates who were tattooed or branded
104
with the
namesoftheirowners(ortheinstitutiontheybelongedto|,orwithsomeotherinscription.
Skinis'themostobviouscanvasuponwhichhumandifferencescanbewrittenandread,
105
anditisthereforenotsurprisingthattheancientBabyloniansandAssyrians,likethepeople
oflaterages,useditinthiscapacity,and,inadditiontofindingonitimaginarysigns,also
inscribeditwithrealones.
AMesopotamianbrandingironfromthethirdmillennium(?|thatwasusedtoapplythe
nameofacertainDugganioncattleorslavestodocumenthisownershipclaimsisthemost
tangibletestimonyofthegruesomebutwidespreadpracticeofbranding:itisalsotheoldest
objectofitskind.
106
ApassageinAna ittisu,acollectionoflegalphrasesreflectingjudicial
anddispositionoftheindividualonwhosebodythe
signsaccompanyingthemwereobserved.
102
See,interalia,thefragmentspublishedinCT5,
nos.7-16:WisemanandBlack1996:no.229:and
vonWeiher1993:nos.212,216.Acomprehensive
studyofthecorpusremainsadesideratum.Theoften
almost pictographic sign forms of theSyllabary A
fragmenteditedbyWisemanandBlack(anditsjoin,
K. 8250| and those found in 81-7-27, 49+ (CT 5,
pl.7|lookverysimilartothecharacterspresented
inK.2087(+|andmaywellrepresentthetradition
onwhichthelattertextdrew:buttheliginnu-tablets
referredtointhesubscriptsofK.2087(+|cannotbe
identifiedasexcerpttabletsofspecificsyllabaries.
103
WisemanandBlack1996:no.229:withremarks
by Finkel 1997. There are, of course, many more
first-millenniumtextsthatusearchaizingcharacters,
buttheyareusuallymore'realistic.
104
Which method exactly was applied is often un-
clear:scarificationisanotherpossibility.
105
Schildkrout2004:319.Schildkrout`sarticlepro-
vides an excellent overview of the current state of
anthropologicalandhistoricalstudiesoftheinscribed
body,atopictowhichassyriologistshavemuchto
contribute.
106
The object is kept in the Schyen Collection:
foraphotoandashortdiscussion,seehttp://www.
schoyencollection.com/smallercollect2.htm#3032
(07/19/2009|. The Web site ascribes the object to
theperiodbetween2600and2300B.C.,adatingthat
maybesubjecttofuturerevision.
oi.uchicago.edu
customsoftheOldBabylonianperiod,includesthewords:alaq sabat ina pnisu iqqur 'He
isarunaway,seizehim,`heengraved(i.e.,tattooed?|onhis(theslave`s|face,
107
anentry
thatprovidesclearproofthatinthefirsthalfofthesecondmillennium,fugitiveslavescould
carrycuneiformsignsonpreciselythesamebodypartthatisanalyzedinAlamdimm IIIand
K.2087(+|.Inthefirstmillennium,suchsignswereapparentlymoreoftentattooedonthe
hands and wrists of slaves, but their faces could still be inscribed as well.
108
A letter from
Nineveh(Parpola1993:no.160|mentionsaneminentscholarandexorcistwho,forunknown
reasons,hadbecomeafugitivefromAssyriaand,nowapparentlyaslave,'wasinscribedon
his face and hand (pa-ni-su u r|i]t-ti-su sat-ru, rev. 11|. One can only hope that this piti-
fulmanfoundawaytousehislearnednesstodiscoversomeauspiciousmeaningbehindthe
charactersthatweresocrudelywrittenonhisbody.AbillofsalefromBorsippadatedtothe
reignofXerxesmentionsaslave'whoisinscribedwiththenameofhisowner.ontheright
andleft(hand?|andonthecheek(letu|ofhisleftandrightside,
109
indicatingthatthebody
partanalyzedin thephysiognomictreatiseKAR395, namelythecheek,couldbeinscribed
inaveryliteralsenseaswell.TheslavesandtempleoblatesoftheNeo-BabylonianandLate
Babylonianperiodcouldcarryinscriptionsincuneiform,Aramaic,andevenEgyptianchar-
acters, but they were also often marked with symbols, for example, a star representing the
goddessIstarthatsignaledanownershipclaimoftheEannatempleinUruk.
110
Sometimes,
slaves became, quite literally, human palimpsests, inscribed with the symbols or names of
their successive owners one above the other.
111
Given how widespread the practice was to
tattoo Babylonian slaves, it is certainly not by chance that the famous Greek playwright
Aristophanes,inhis(mostlylost|comedy'TheBabyloniansfrom426B.C.,seemstoapply
toBabyloniansemergingfromamillthetermpolygrammatos'(multi|-lettered,apparently
referringtoslavemarksontheirforeheads.
112
TattooingandbrandingwerealsoknowninancientIsraelandtheclassicalworld.Leviticus
19:28,usingthewordktbt,whichreferstowriting,containsaprohibitionagainsttattooingof
thehumanbody,whileIsaiah44:5,quiteincontrasttothisinjunction,anticipatestheglorious
times when an Israelite 'shall write on his hand: the Lord`s.` Since Isaiah 40-55 reflects
experiencesoftheBabylonianexile,itisquitefeasiblethatthequotedpassagewasinspired
byencountersbetweenJudeansandBabyloniantempleoblateswhosehandsboreinscriptions
or symbols referring to the religious institution they belonged to. Finally, in Ezekiel 9:4,
godtellsafaithfulangelicscribe:'Gothroughthemidstofthecity,themidstofJerusalem,
andsetamark(lit.,mark|thegrapheme?]Tau|upontheforeheadsofthosewhogrieveand
lament over all the detestable things that are done in it. Again, a Babylonian background
107
Ana ittisuIIiv13-14,seeMSL1,29andReiner
2004.TheaccompanyingSumeriantextreads:l-zu-
zgise-dab/igi-nina-niin-bal.
108
Forathoroughinvestigationoftheevidence,see
Stolper1998.
109
SeeStolper1998:135,n.7.
110
The texts normally use the expression simtu .
samtutorefer tothemarkingofslaves andcattle
with symbols, and (ina| sumi . satru to indi-
cate the marking with writing: see Stolper 1998:
135-36. Reiner(2004:477-79|pointsoutthatthe
identificationmarksoncattlewereoftenjustpaint-
ed.ForAramaicsignsmentionedinNeo-andLate
Babyloniantextsinthecontextofthemarkingofani-
mals,seeJursa2000(notethattheSinontheneck
ofthehorsethatisdescribedinthetextpublishedin
thisarticleismostprobablyanabbreviationforthe
nameofthesun-godSamas,whosetempleownedthe
animal|andJursa2002.
111
Stolper1998:136-37.
112
SeeJones1987:149-50.'Polygrammatosalso
means'learned,butitisunclearifthisdouble en-
tendreisdeliberatelyappliedtotheBabyloniansor
to the Samians to whom they are compared in the
passageinquestion.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 132
seemspossible,anditcannot,infact,beexcludedthatsomepopularformofMesopotamian
physiognomics informed this enigmatic passage.
113
A Jewish treatise describing twelve or
thirteenHebrewlettersobservedontheforeheadofaman,andwhattheymeantwithregard
tohischaracteranddestiny,isknownfromamanuscriptfromtheCairoGenizah.Theexact
originsofthetreatiseremainobscure(itisascribedtoRabbiIshmael,wholivedinthelate
first and early second century A.D.|, but the parallels with the Babylonian texts presented
aboveareofcourseratherintriguing.
114
Asfortheclassicalworld,itseemsthattheGreeksborrowedtattooingforidentification
andpunishmentfromtheBabyloniansandPersiansanduseditinwaysverysimilartotheirs,
as did the Romans who borrowed it from the Greeks. In Greece and Rome, penal tattoos,
calledstgmata,atermlaterappliedtothewoundsofthecrucifiedJesus,markedprimarily
theforehead,theneck,andthewristsofslaves,muchlikeinMesopotamia.
115
Reiner(2004|
haspointedoutthataccordingtoascholiontoAeschines,theforeheadofarunawayslavewas
markedwiththeGreekwordskatekhe me,pheug'Seizeme-Iamarunaway,aphrase
almostexactlyidenticalwiththephrasealaq sabatusedontheforeheadoffugitiveslaves
inMesopotamiaaccordingtotheAna ittisu passagequotedabove.Romanslavescouldwear
aringaroundtheirneckinscribedwiththesamewordsinLatin,jugi tene me.
CONCLUSION
Undoubtedly,BabylonianandAssyrianscholarsregardedtheirwritingsystem,firstand
foremost,asatoolthatprovidedthemwiththeopportunitytoaccuratelyreproducelanguage.
But this was not the only function cuneiform writing fulfilled for them. Drawing on the
polysemy and polyphony inherent in the repertoire of cuneiform signs, and inspired by the
belief that the many alternative readings of each of these signs conveyed to them a secret
message on how things were actually connected, they found ways to imbue the texts they
wrote, by using particular characters, with additional layers of meaning,
116
and to discover
suchlayers,throughtheapplicationofcreativehermeneutics,inthefoundationaltextsthey
readandcommentedon.
117
Cryptographicwritingwasemployedtomakecertaintextsinac-
cessibletoeverybodyexceptasmallgroupofinitiates.
118
Andfinally,asdemonstratedinour
precedingoverviewofomensdealingwithgraphemes,therewerealsotraditionsthatapplied
completelyalien'codestocuneiformwriting.Inthecasepresentedhere,scholarsemployed
113
ThemainfunctionofthemarkinEzekiel9:4is,
however,quiteclearlyapotropaic:seeBodi1991:49.
Becauseoftheoriginallycruciformshapeofthelet-
terTau,Bodidiscussesapossibleconnectionwith
Mesopotamian amulets inscribed with a cross, and
amulet-shapedtabletsinscribedwiththeErraepic.
114
For a translation and discussion of the treatise,
whichalsodealswithchiromancy(afieldunknown
fromcuneiformsources|,seeScholem1969.
115
Foradetailedstudyofbrandingandtattooingin
theclassicalworld,seeJones1987.
116
See Maul 1999. The word u iltu ('debt-note|,
forexample,usuallyrenderedu-il-tuoru-il-tu,could
also be written u-l-tu, with the sign L (otherwise
onlyrarelyemployedsyllabically|replacingIL.Since
Sumerianlmeans'tocarry,thiswritingindicated
to an ancient reader the heaviness of the financial
burdenthedebtorhadtoshoulder.Foradditionalex-
amples,includingsomefromomentexts,seeNoegel,
thisvolume.
117
Seethecommentaryentriesdiscussedearlierin
thispaper.
118
For discussions ofcuneiformcryptography,see
Weidner 1964 and Westenholz 1998 (with further
literature|.
oi.uchicago.edu
a code in which, as far as we can determine, the shape of the signs was the primary factor
thatdeterminedtheirmeaning.
119
Thispeculiar'grammarofthevisualappearancesofcu-
neiformsignswaspartofthemuchlargersystemofanalogiesgoverningtheMesopotamian
omencorpus.
120
Anothercodeunrelatedtotheestablishedconventionsofcuneiformwriting
seemstobeusedinafewcuneiformsyllabariesfromthefirstmillenniumB.C.thatassociate
individualgraphemeswithnumbers.Theprinciplesbehindtheequationspresentedinthese
textsarestillobscuretous.
121
Given the ever increasing complexity ofMesopotamian 'grammatology, it is not sur-

prisingthattheetiologicaltaletheEnmerkarepicgavewithregardtothecuneiformwriting
system - that it was invented to ease long-distance communication - was eventually re-
placedbyanotherstory.ThemostprominentversionofitcanbefoundinBerossos`sfamous
'Babyloniaka, written at the beginning of the Seleucid era and in Greek language, but in
thespiritofBabylonianscholarship.Berossosreportsthatintheearlydaysofmankind,the
semi-divinesageOannes-Adapa,emergingfromthesea,hadtaughtthepeoplehowtofound
cities,establishtemples,introducelaws,andmeasureland,hadinauguratedsciencesandcrafts
ofallkinds-andhadgivenmentheknowledgeofletters.
122
ForBerossos,andmanyother
BabylonianandAssyrianscholars,thecuneiformwritingsystemwasnotahumancreation,
compromisedbyalltheimperfectionsofmortalstriving,butagiftofthegods,originatingina
periodthatprecededhistoricaltimes,andcapableofconveying,onvariouslevels,completely
incontestableeternaltruths.
ABBREVIATIONS
AHw W.vonSoden,Akkadisches Handwrterbuch
BM TabletsinthecollectionsoftheBritishMuseum
K. TabletsintheKouyunjikcollectionoftheBritishMuseum
MSL MaterialsfortheSumerianLexicon
119
Looking at the evidence from a diachronic per-
spective, it is certainly not by chance that this
code seems to have been established in the Old
Babylonianperiod,whenAkkadiantextswerewritten
inaratherunsophisticatedandsimpleorthography.
'Etymographicalapproachesbecamemorepopular
withthesubsequentemergenceofincreasinglycom-
plexorthographicalconventions.
120
For some thoughts on this matter, see Glassner
1984.
121
Forpresentationsoftherelevanttexts,seeOelsner
1995andPearce1996:foranattempttoexplainat
least one of the grapheme-number equations, see
Cavigneaux1996.
122
SeeBurstein1978:13-14.
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 134
Figure7.1.Cuneiformgraphemesmentionedintheextispicytexts,AlamdimmIII,andKAR395,in
alphabeticalorder.Thesignforms,forthemostparttakenfromGoetze1947,pls.127-32,arethose
oftheOldBabylonianyoungercursiveandtheso-called'archaiccursive.
oi.uchicago.edu
Figure7.2.CuneiformautographofK.2087(afterKraus1939,pl.35,no.27a|
oi.uchicago.edu
ECKART FRAHM 136
Figure7.3.CuneiformautographofK.2088(afterKraus1939,pl.36,no.27b|
oi.uchicago.edu
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oi.uchicago.edu
oi.uchicago.edu
S/GN, S/GN, E\ERBHERE A S/GN 143
8
~SIGN, SIGN, EVERYWHERE A SIGN:
SCRIPT, POWER, AND INTERPRETATION
IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST
1
SCOTTB.NOEGEL,UNIVERSITYOFWASHINGTON
Asthetitleofthisstudyindicates,myprimaryaimistoshedlightonancientNearEastern
conceptionsofthedivinesignbybringingintorelieftheintricaterelationshipbetweenscript,
power,andinterpretation.Attheseminarorganizer`srequestIhaveadoptedacomparative
approachandhereinconsiderevidencefromMesopotamia,Egypt,andIsrael.
2
I divide my study into three parts. In the first, I argue that we obtain insight into the
interpretiveprocessofancientdivinersbyrecognizingthecosmologicalunderpinningsthat
informtheproductionofdivinatoryandothermantictexts.Amongtheseunderpinningsisan
ontologicalunderstandingofwordsandscriptaspotentiallypowerful.
Inthesecondpartoftheessay,Ishouldliketoshowthattheontologicalunderstanding
of words and script provides a contextual framework that permits us to see the exegetical
processasaritualactofperformativepowerthatlegitimatesandpromotesthecosmological
andideologicalsystemsoftheinterpreter.
Inmythirdandfinalsection,Iarguethatrecognizingtheprocessofexegesisasanact
ofpowerprovidesinsightsintothegenerativerolethatscripts(orwritingsystems|playin
shapingancientNearEasternconceptionsofthedivinesign.
1
I take this opportunity to thank Amar Annus for
the invitation to participate in the annual Oriental
InstituteSeminarandtheOrientalInstituteforitshos-
pitality.IalsothankmygraduatestudentsKarolien
Vermeulen and Jacob Rennaker, and my colleague
Dr. Gary Martin for lending their editorial eyes to
variousversionsofthispaper.
2
There i s more evi dence for di vi nat i on i n
MesopotamiathaninEgypt,andfarmorepublications
on the subject. Nevertheless, our understanding of
Egyptiandivinationischangingdrasticallywiththe
publicationofpreviouslyunknowntexts.Currently,
theearliestevidencefordivinationinEgyptappears
intheformofkledonomancyandhemerologytextsof
theMiddleKingdom(vonLieven1999|.Thereafter,
we have a dream omen text that dates to the New
Kingdom (Gardiner 1935: Szpakowska 2003:
Noegel2007:92-106|,andanincreasingnumberof
divinatorytextsoftheLatePeriodandbeyond,mostly
unpublished (Volten 1942: Andrews 1993: 13-14:
Andrews 1994: 29-32: Demichelis 2002: Quack
2006|. With regard to the Israelites, it is largely
recognizedthattheyalsopracticeddivination,even
thoughscholarsdebateitsextentandroleinIsraelite
religion(seeCryer1994:Jeffers1996:Noegel2007:
113-82|.Regardlessofwhatconstitutesdivination
in ancient Israel, my focus in this study is on the
exegesisofdivinesigns(ofteninvisions|,forwhich
thereisampleevidenceintheHebrewBible.Fora
discussion on the taxonomic relationship between
visions and prophecy in ancientIsrael, see Noegel
2007:263-69.
143
oi.uchicago.edu
SCOTT B. NOEGEL 144
COSMOLOGYANDTHEPOWEROFWORDS
ItiswellknownthattheliteratioftheancientNearEastregardedwords,whetherwritten
orspoken,tobeinherently,andatleastpotentiallypowerful(seealreadyHeinisch1922:Drr
1938:Masing1936|.WithreferencetoMesopotamia,GeorgesContenauexplains:
Sincetoknowandpronouncethenameofanobjectinstantlyendoweditwithreal-
ity,andcreatedpoweroverit,andsincethedegreeofknowledgeandconsequently
ofpowerwasstrengthenedbythetoneofvoiceinwhichthenamewasuttered,writ-
ing,whichwasapermanentrecordofthename,naturallycontributedtothispower,
asdidbothdrawingandsculpture,
3
sincebothwereameansofassertingknowledge
oftheobjectandconsequentlyofexercisingoveritthepowerwhichknowledgegave
(Contenau1955:164|.
Statementsbyscribalelitesconcerningthecosmologicaldimensionofspeechandwriting
areplentifulinMesopotamia.AtextbookexampleistheBabyloniancreationaccount,which
characterizestheprimordialworldofpre-existenceasonenotyetputintowords.
enuma elis l nab sammu
saplis ammatum suma l :akrat
Whentheheavensabovehadnotyetbeentermed
Northeearthbelowcalledbyname
-Enuma ElishI1-2
PiotrMichalowskihasremarkedaboutthistextthatit'.containspunsandexegesesthatplay
specificallyonthelearnedwrittentraditionandontheverynatureofthecuneiformscript
(Michalowski1990b:39|.Elsewherewehearthatwritingismarkas kullator'the(cosmic|
bondofeverything(Sjberg1972|andthesecretofscribesandgods(Borger1957:Lenzi
2008a|.
4
Moreover,divinersinMesopotamiaviewedthemselvesasintegrallinksinachainof
transmissiongoingbacktothegods(Lambert1957:1-14|,andinsomecircles,tracedtheir
genealogy back to Enmeduranki, the antediluvian king of Sippar (Lambert 1967: 126-38:
Lenzi2008b|.Elsewhere,wearetoldthatdivinerstransmittedknowledge'fromthemouth
oftheGodEa(Michalowski1996:186|.TheMesopotamianconceptionofdivineledgersor
'TabletsofLifeonwhichgodsinscribedthedestiniesofindividualssimilarlyregistersthe
cosmologicalunderpinningsofwriting(Paul1973:345-53|.Onecouldaddtothislistmany
Mesopotamianincantationsthatpresumetheillocutionarypowerofanutterance.
5
3
On the power of images in Mesopotamia, see
Bahrani2003.
4
The markasu also appears inEnuma Elish V 59-
60, VII 95-96, as the means for holding the earth,
heavens,andtheapsinplace(CADM/1,283s.v.
markasu: Horowitz 1998: 119-20|. It also appears
in reference to temples (CAD M/1, 283-84 s.v.
markasu:George2001-2002:40|.Likethecosmo-
logicalcable(i.e.,markasu|andtemple,writingwas
alinkingdevicethatpermittedthedivinertoconnect
and communicate with the gods. The comment by
RochbergconcerningtheworldviewofMesopotamian
celestialdivinersisapropos:'Acentralfeatureofthis
relation to the world is the attention to the divine
andtheassumptionofthepossibilityofaconnection
and communication between divine and human.In
thespecificcaseofcelestialdivination,thatformof
communicationconnectedhumansnotonlytogods
but to the heavens wherein the gods were thought
tomakethemselvesmanifestandproducesignsfor
humankind(Rochberg2003:185|.
5
The study of the 'illocutionary power of lan-
guagewasinauguratedbyAustin(1962|andSearle
(1969|:butitreceiveditsmostinfluentialstampfrom
Tambiah(1968,1973,1985|.SeealsoTurner1974.
Foranexcellentsynopsisonthevariousancientand
oi.uchicago.edu
A similar cosmology undergirds the Egyptian conception of text, as David Frankfurter
pointsout:
.Egyptianletterswerethechieftechnologyofahierocraticscribalelitewhopre-
servedandenactedrituals-andbyextensionthecosmicorderitself-throughthe
writtenword(Frankfurter1994:192|.
The Egyptians referred to the hieroglyphic script as mdw nt r, literally, 'the words of
thegodsandthescribalartwastothemanoccupationwithoutequal.Theibis-headedgod
Thoth,whoiscreditedwiththeinventionofwriting,issaidtobe'excellentofmagic(mnh
h k|and'Lordofhieroglyphs(nb mdw nt r|(Ritner1993:35|.Heisdepicted(seefig.8.1|
writingthehieroglyphicfeathersign

6
representingmaat(mt|,awordthatstandsforthe
cosmicforceofequilibriumbywhichkingskeeptheirthronesandjusticeprevails(Assmann
1990:Teeter1997|.
7
Thelinkbetweenwritingandmaatunderscoreshowintegralthescribalartwasperceived
formaintainingthecosmicorderinEgypt(Hodge1975|.Thespokenwordtoowascapable
of packing power in Egypt, as countless ritual and 'magic texts make clear. In the words
ofGeraldinePinch,'Inthehieroglyphicscript,thepoweroftheimageandthepowerofthe
wordarealmostinseparable(Pinch1994:69|.
According to Isaac Rabinowitz, the Israelites shared this ontological understanding of
words:
.wordswerenotmerelypresumedtohavethepropertiesofmaterialobjects,but
mightbethoughtofasfociorconcentrationsofdynamicpower.Theywereplainly
regardedasnotonlymovablebutmobile,notonlysusceptibletobeingactedupon,
butcapableofactinguponotherentitiesinwaysnotconfinedtocommunication,of
producing and enacting effects, conditions, circumstances and states (Rabinowitz
1993:16|.
modern approaches to this topic, see Leick 1994:
23-55: and Greaves 1996. On the relationship be-
tweenMesopotamianconceptionsofwordsaspower
andthelaterGreekdoctrineofthelogos,seealready
Langdon 1918: Hehn 1906: Bhl 1916: and more
recentlyLawson2001.Images,liketext,couldalso
serveaslociofdivinepowerin Mesopotamia. See
Bahrani2008:59-65.
6
AllreferencestoEgyptiansignsfollowthesiglaof
Gardiner1988.
7
MaatwasalsopersonifiedasThoth`swife.
Figure8.1.Thothwritingthehieroglyphicsignformt
oi.uchicago.edu
SCOTT B. NOEGEL 146
TheconceptuallinkbetweenawordandanobjectisreflectedmostclearlyintheHebrew
word +a+ (dbr|, which means 'word and also 'thing, object. Of course, this notion
of words contextualizes Yahweh`s creation of the universe by fiat in Genesis 1 (Moriarty
1974|.
8
Like the Mesopotamians and Egyptians, the Israelites also attribute a cosmologically
powerful role to writing (Rabinowitz 1993: 33-36|. One could cite many proof texts, such
astherolethat divine writing plays inissuingthe TenCommandments(Exodus 31:18|,or
Yahweh`sheavenly text in which he keepsthenamesofthe sinless(Exodus32:32-33|, or
thepriestlycursesthatmustbewrittenonascroll,dissolvedinwater,andimbibedbyawife
testedforunfaithfulness(Numbers5:23-24|,orthemanypropheciesthatYahwehordershis
prophetstoutterbeforeanaudienceandputintowriting(e.g.,Jeremiah36:18,36:27-28|.
Perhapsoneofthebestdemonstrationsofthecosmologicaldimensionofthewrittenword
inIsraelappearsinNumbers11,inwhichwehearhowYahwehgaveaportionofMoses`spirit
toseventyleadingIsraelitessotheycouldhelpbearthepeople`sburdens(Numbers11:17|.In
thisstory,thenamesoftheseventymenarewrittenonalistattheTentofMeeting,outside
thecamp.Asthetexttellsus:
Nowtwomenstayedbehindinthecamp,onenamedEldad,thesecondMedad:butas
theywereamongthosewritten(onthelist|,thespiritresteduponthemeventhough
theyhadnotgoneouttotheTent:sotheywerepropheticallypossessedwithinthe
camp.ThereuponaladranandtoldMoses,andsaid,'EldadandMedadareprophesy-
ingwithinthecamp(Numbers11:26-27|.
Thistextillustratesthatthewrittennamesoftheseventymenalonesufficedtobringonthe
spiritofprophesy(Rabinowitz1995:34|.Theexpectationwasthatprophesyingwouldoccur
closetotheTentofMeetingandnotinthecamp.
9
Suchreferencescouldbemultiplied,buttheseshouldsufficetoshowthatspeakingand
writingintheancientNearEast,especiallyinritualcontexts,couldbeperceivedasactsof
cosmological power. This ontological conception of words would appear to be a necessary
startingpointforunderstandingtheperceivednatureoflanguage,writing,andtextinthean-
cientNearEast.Nevertheless,itisseldomintegratedintostudiesofscribalcultureortextual
production, and even more rarely into studies of ancient divination, despite the importance
thatlanguage,writing,andtextplayintheritualprocess(seeNoegel2004|.
INTERPRETATIONOFDIVINESIGNSASANACTOFPOWER
The exegesis of divine signs is often treated as if it were a purely hermeneutical act.
However,recognizingthecosmologicaldimensionofthespokenandwrittenwordnaturally
forces us to reconsider the ontological and ritual dimensions of the interpretative process.
Indeed,Ibelieveitismoreaccuratetothinkoftheexegesisofdivinesignsasaritualact,
10
in
8
This view also is found in Ugaritic texts. See
Sanders2004.
9
Foradditionaldemonstrationsofthepowerofthe
written word in Israel, see the insightful work of
Rabinowitz 1995: 34-36. On the longevity of the
powerofnamesinIsraelitereligioninlaterJudaism
notethe commentof Bohak 2008:305: 'Ofallthe
characteristicfeaturesofJewishmagicofallperiods,
themagicalpowersattributedtotheNameofGodare
perhapsthelongestcontinuouspractice.
10
Definitionsofritualhavemultipliedandexpanded
inrecentyears.Ireferthereadertothetaxonomyof
oi.uchicago.edu
somecases,asonechaininalinkofritualacts.InMesopotamia,forexample,exegesiscould
beprecededbyextispicyorotherritualmeansforprovokingomensandfollowedbynamburb
ritualswhen something wentwrongortheomenportended ill(Maul 1994|. Therefore,the
exegesis of divine signs is cosmologically significant and constitutes a performative act of
power.
Untilonedeciphersthem,omensrepresentunbridledformsofdivinepower.Whiletheir
meaningsandconsequencesareunknowntheyremainliminalandpotentiallydangerous.The
act of interpreting a sign seeks to limit that power by restricting the parameters of a sign`s
interpretation.
11
A divine sign cannot now mean anything, but only one thing. Seen in this
way,theactofinterpretation-liketheactofnaming-constitutesaperformativeactof
power:hencetheimportanceofwell-trainedprofessionalsandofsecrecyinthetransmission
oftextsofritualpower.
Moreover,theperformativepowervestedintheinterpreterisbothcosmologicalandideo-
logical.Itiscosmologicalinthesensethattheinterpretertakesasaxiomaticthenotionthatthe
godscanandwant tocommunicatetheirintentionsthroughsigns,andthattheuniverseworks
accordingtocertainprinciplesthatrequireonlyknowledgeandexpertisetodecode.Insofar
astheprocessofinterpretationreflectsadesiretodemonstratethatsuchprinciplescontinue
tofunction,italsoregistersanddispelsritualormanticinsecurities.
12
TheMesopotamianand
Egyptianlistsofomensthatjustifytitlingthisessay'Sign,Sign,EverywhereaSign,
13
not
onlydemonstratethatvirtuallyanythingcouldbeominouswhenwitnessedintheappropri-
atecontext,theyalsoindexapreoccupationwithperformativeformsofcontrol.
14
Towit,all
signs,nomatterhowbewilderingorfarfetchedtheymightappear,notonlycanbeexplained,
theymustbeexplained.
Moreover,tounderstandthecosmologicalcontextofwordsofpowerwithinancientinter-
pretivecontexts,itisimportanttorecognizethatactsofinterpretationarealsoactsofdivine
judgment. In Mesopotamia, diviners use the word puruss 'legal decision or 'verdict to
refertoanomen`sprediction.AsFrancescaRochberghasshown,divinatorytextsalsoshare
incommonwithlegalcodestheformulaij x, then y.
15
Snoek(2008|,wholiststwenty-fourcharacteristics
that one might find in most (but not all| rituals. I
assertthattheinterpretationofdivinesignsinthean-
cientNearEastexhibitsmostofthesecharacteristics.
ItreatthistopicmoredirectlyinNoegel,inpress.
11
This perspective also sheds light on why divin-
ersrecordedprotasesthatappear'impossible.Fora
convenientsummaryofscholarshipontheseprotases,
seeRochberg2004:247-55.
12
Thismayexplainwhysomeanthropologistshave
conceived of divination as a blaming strategy.See
Leick 1998: 195-98. On the mantic anxieties that
underlie divination generally in Mesopotamia, see
Bahrani2008:183-89.
13
Thisportionofthearticle`stitledetournsalyric
from the song 'Signs by the Five Man Electrical
Band(1970|.
14
Apreoccupationwithperformativeformsofcon-
trolalsomightexplaintheformatandorganizationof
thedivinatorycollections,especiallyinMesopotamia.
MogensT.Larsenhasdescribedthecompilingoflex-
icallistsaspresenting'.asystematicandordered
pictureoftheworld(Larsen1987:209-12|.JoanG.
Westenholz`sremarksconcerningthepracticeoflist-
ingisequallyapposite:'.theearliestlexicalcompi-
lationsmayhavebeenmorethanautilitarianconve-
nienceforthescribeswhowrotethem:thattheymay
havecontainedasystematizationoftheworldorder:
and that at least one was considered as containing
secretlore`:and'Ontheintellectuallevel,know-
ingtheorganizationoftheworldmadeitpossibleto
affecttheuniversebymagicalmeans(Westenholz
1998:451,453|.SeealsoRochberg2004:214.
15
Ontherelationshipbetweenlawcodesandomens,
seeRochberg1999:566:'Theformulationitselfgives
theomensalawlikeappearance,especiallywhenit
isfurtherevidentthatpredictionsderivablefromthe
relationofxtoyarethegoaloftheinquiryintothe
setofxthatbearpredictivepossibilities. Seealso
Rochberg2003,2004.Reiner(1960:29-30|,shows
oi.uchicago.edu
SCOTT B. NOEGEL 148
In fact, Babylonian oracle questions (i.e.,tamitu| specifically request judgments (i.e.,
dinu|fromthegodShamash(Lambert2007:5-10|.Therefore,withinthisperformativejuridi-
calcontext,allmeansofconnectingprotasestoapodosesconstitutevehiclesfordemonstrating
andjustifyingdivinejudgment.
16
The cosmological underpinnings that connect interpretation, power, and judgment in
Mesopotamiawerenomorepresentthanduringanextispicy,asAlanLenzitellsus:
.only the diviner had the authoritytoset theking`s plansbefore thegodsvia an
extispicyandtoreadthejudgmentofthegodsfromtheliverandotherextaofthe
animal.Inthisveryact.thedivinerexperiencedthepresenceofthedivineassembly
itself,whichhadgatheredaboutthevictimtowritetheirjudgmentsintheorgansof
theanimal(Lenzi2008a:55|.
InEgyptthereisagreatdealofevidenceforviewingtheinterpretationofdivinesignsas
anactofjudgment.Theveryconceptofjudgmentisembeddedinacosmologicalsystemthat
distinguishessharplybetweenjusticeorcosmicorder(i.e.,mt|andinjusticeorchaos(i.e.,
jsjt|.AccordingtoEgyptianbelief,maatwasbestoweduponEgyptbythecreatorgodAtum.
Therefore,renderingjusticewasacosmologicalact.Forthisreason,judicialofficialsfrom
theFifthDynastyonwardalsoheldthetitle'divinepriestofmaat(h m-nt r mt|(Morenz
1973:12-13|.Moreover,sincetheinterpretationofdivinesignsfellunderthepurviewofthe
priests,itwastheywhooftenrenderedjudgmentinlegalmatters.SergeSauneronobserves:
.divineoracleswereoftensupposedtoresolvelegalquestions. IntheNewKing-
dom,caseswerefrequentlyheardwithinthetemplesorintheirimmediatevicinity.
Moreover,ineverytown,priestssatsidebysidewithofficialsofthe Residenceon
judicialtribunals(Sauneron2000:104|.
Potsherdsdiscoveredat Deirel-Medinaalso show thatpriestsservedasoracular mediafor
obtaining divine judgments (MacDowell 1990: 107-41|. Petitioners would inscribe their
queriesonthepotsherdsintheformofyesornoquestionsandthepriestswouldconsultthe
godsbeforepronouncingtheirverdicts.
InIsrael,interpretingdivinesignsandjudgmentalsowereintimatelyconnected.Thisis
in part because the Israelites regarded Yahweh as both a king and a judge. So close is this
connection that the pre-exilic prophetic oracles have been classified as Gerichtsrede 'law-
suit speeches (Nielsen 1978|. The conceptual tie between the interpreters of divine signs,
cosmologicalpower, and judgmentcontinued longafterthe post-exilic period, aswe know
fromTalmudictextsthatdiscusstherabbinicinterpretersofdivinelysentdreams.Aboutthe
rabbinicinterpreter,PhilipAlexanderremarks:
Hewieldsenormouspower-thepowerofperformativespeech.Thedreamcreates
asituationinwhich-liketheactofblessingandcursing,ortheactofpronouncing
judgmentinacourtoflaw-speechcanleaddirectlytophysicalresults.Andthe
dream-interpreter exercisesthispowerinvirtueoftheknowledgeand thetradition
thatpurussscouldcomefromstars,birds,cattle,and
wildanimalsaswell.
16
Compare the remark of Shaked 1998: 174, with
respecttothelanguageofmagic:'.spellsarelike
legaldocuments.inthattheyhavethetendencyto
useformulaiclanguage,andthatthelanguagethey
usecreates,byitsmereutterance,anewlegalsitu-
ation.SeealsothecommentofMauss1972:122:
'.allkindsofmagicalrepresentationstaketheform
of judgments, and all kinds of magical operations
proceed from judgments, or at least from rational
decisions.
oi.uchicago.edu
whichhehasreceivedfromhoaryantiquityastohowdreamsaretobeunderstood
(Alexander1995:237-38|.
17
Ofcourse,asthisstatementalsoreveals,thepoweroftheinterpreterisasmuchideologi-
calascosmological.ThroughouttheancientNearEasttheknowledgeandexpertiserequired
for decoding divine missives typically comes from a privileged few literati, masters of the
scribal arts, and/or disciples who keep their knowledge 'in house.
18
We may characterize
thisasanideologyofprivilegeanderudition.
19
Inordertoascertainthemeaningofadivine
sign,onemustgotothem.
Contributingtotheideologicalpoweroftheinterpreteristherolethatdecipheringdivine
signsplaysinshapingbehaviorsandbeliefs(Sweek1996|.Byharnessingtheperformative
powerofwords,interpretersdetermineanindividual`sfate.Thus,theinterpretationofsigns
alsocanfunctionasaformofsocialcontrol.
20
Therefore,wemayunderstandtheprocessofinterpretingdivinesignsasaperformative
ritualactthatempowerstheinterpreterwhiledemonstratingandpromotinghis/hercosmologi-
calandideologicalsystems.
THEGENERATIVEROLEOFSCRIPT
Uptothispoint Ihavefocusedprimarilyonthecosmologicalandideologicalcontexts
thatinformtheinterpretationofsignsintheancientNearEast.Ihaveunderscoredtheillo-
cutionarypowerofwordsandthecosmicdimensionofwriting,andIhavesuggestedthatwe
seetheinterpretationofdivinesignsasaperformativeritual.Theseconsiderationsleadme
tothethirdandfinalsectionofthisstudy,anexplorativelookattherolethatwritingsystems
playinshapingancientNearEasternconceptionsofthedivinesign.
Since interpreting divine signs is a semiotic process, it is worthwhile considering how
writingsystemsinformthisprocess.InMesopotamia,thedivinationofomensandtheprocess
ofwritingwereconceptuallylinked,eventhoughtheAkkadianwordsfor'omenologicalsign
(i.e., ittu| and 'cuneiform sign (i.e., miistu| were not the same. The conceptual overlap
likely derives from the pictographic origins and associations of cuneiform signs (Bottro
1974|.BendtAlster`scommentontheassociativenatureofthescriptisapposite:'Cuneiform
writing from its very origin provided the scribes with orthographical conventions that lent
notionstothetextswhichhadnobasisinspokenlanguage(Alster1992:25|.
17
Notealsothatanumberofscholarshaveobserved
a correlation between the hermeneutics of omens
inMesopotamiaandthepeshergenrefoundamong
theDeadSeaScrolls.SeeFinkel1963:Rabinowitz
1973: Fishbane 1977: Geller 1998: Noegel 2007:
24-26, 131, n. 73: Jassen 2007: 343-62: Nissinen
forthcoming.
18
InMesopotamiathelinkbetweensecrecyandthe
reading of omens also is reflected in the Akkadian
word for 'omen (i.e., ittu|, which also can mean
'passwordor'insideinformation.SeeCADI/Js.v.
ittuA.
19
Ontherelationshipbetweenideologyanddivinato-
ryritualinMesopotamia,seeBahrani2008:65-74.
20
On the use of other omens as vehicles of social
control,seeGuinan1996:61-68.Ontheincreasing
complexityofthecuneiformscriptandtherolesof
elitismandliteracyasmechanismsofsocialcontrol,
seeMichalowski1990a:Pongratz-Leisten1999.
oi.uchicago.edu
SCOTT B. NOEGEL 150
ThedialecticbetweenominoussignsandlinguisticsignswassocloseinMesopotamia
thatsomeextispicyomenswereinterpretedbasedonasimilarityinshapebetweenfeatures
oftheextaandvariouscuneiformsigns(Noegel2007|.
21
a. Whenthelobeislikethegrapheme(named|PAB(ki-ma pa-ap-pi-im|,(then|
thegodwantsanugbabtum-priestess(YOS1017:47|.
22
b. When(the|lobeislikethegrapheme(named| kaskas,(then|Adadwillin-
undate(withrain|(YOS1017:48|.
23
c. When(the|lobeislikeaparticulargrapheme|herewehavethegrapheme
itself(i.e.,kaskas|,notitsname],thenthekingwillkillhisfavoritesinorder
toallocatetheirgoodstothetemplesofthegods(YOS108-9|.
24
Alsodemonstratingacloserelationshipbetweendivinesignsandcuneiformsignsarea
numberofomensthatsuggestthatdivinerseitherwrotedowntheomeninordertointerpret
itoratleastconceivedofitinwrittenform.Theseomensderivetheirinterpretationsfromthe
polyvalentreadingsofcuneiformsignsintheirprotases(Noegel2007:20-03:Bilbija2008|.
Witnessthefollowingdreamomen.
IfamandreamsthatheistravelingtoIdran(id-ra-an|:hewillfreehimselffroma
crime(-ra-an|.
25
-K.2582rev.ii,x+21
Thisomenexploitsthecuneiformsignidforitsmultiplevalues(inthiscaseas|,whichen-
ablestheinterpretertoreaditasanaltogetherdifferentword.Theapodosisillustrateserudition
andtheimportanceofunderstandingthepolyvalentvaluesofindividualsigns.Itisreminiscent
oftheinterpretivestrategythatappearsinMesopotamianmythologicalcommentariesbywhich
scholarsobtaindivinemysteries(Lieberman1978:Tigay1983:Livingstone1986|.Infact,
manyomentextsrevealknowledgeofavastarrayoflexicalandliterarytraditions.
26
21
Mesopotamiandivinatoryprofessionalsconsidered
theirliterategodscapableofusingavarietyofwrit-
ingsurfacestocommunicatetheirintentions, from
clay and stone to animal livers and constellations.
TheAkkadiantermfor'liver(i.e.,amutum|maybe
relatedetymologicallytoawtu'word,assuggested
firstbyNougayrol(1944-45:14,n.54|.Citedalsoin
Jeyes1989:17,seealso46.Moreover,theSumerian
signMULcanrefertoa'cuneiformsignandalsoa
'star(seeRoafandZgoll2001|andastronomical
portentsandconstellationswerecalledthe'writingof
heaven(sitir sam|.SeeReiner1995:9:Rochberg
2004.
22
Lieberman (1977: 148, n. 19| notes a pun be-
tweenthegraphemenameandthesecondsyllableof
ugbabtum.DiscussedalsoinNoegel2007:12.
23
Lieberman (1977: 148, n. 24| observes that the
graphemekaskaspunsonkaskassu,whichisanepi-
thetusedofthestorm-godAdad.Discussedalsoin
Noegel2007:12.
24
TheomenappearsinLieberman1977:148.Apun
betweenthegraphemekaskasandtheverbkassu,
'exactservicesforadebtorfine,holdsway,tomas-
ter,isdiscussedinNoegel2007:13.
25
Translationsandtransliterationsofthisomenap-
pear in Oppenheim 1956: 268, 313. The siglum K.
=tabletsintheKouyunjikcollectionoftheBritish
Museum.
26
SeetheremarkofNissinen(2000b:108|:'What
united the scholars of different kinds (astrologers,
haruspices,andexorcists|wastheirscholarship,the
profoundknowledgeoftraditionalliterature,anda
highlevelofliteracy.
oi.uchicago.edu
Anevenmoresophisticatedexampleofpolyvalentreadingappearsinthefollowingdream
omen.
Ifheseizesafox(KA.A=selibu|:hewillseizeaLamassu(AN.KAL|,butifheseizes
afoxinhishand(SU|,anditescapes:hewillhaveseizedaLamassu,butitalsowill
escapefromhishand(SU|
27
-Sm.801rev.iii,x+10
Though the protasis records the image of a fox, written with the Sumerogram KA.A
(=Akkadianselibu|,
itsinterpretationderivesfromunderstandingtheAkkadiancounterpart
selibuasifitwerewrittensyllabically.Whenwrittenasse-lb-buthesamesignscanberead
as(A|.AN.KAL-u,thatis,'Lamassu.
28
Moreover,thoughtheSumerogramSUherestandsfor
theAkkadianwordqtu'hand,onelexicallistgivesustheequationLAMMA=SU.
29
Like
the previous example, this omen`s interpretation derives from the divine sign conceived of
inwrittenform.
Though unrelated to cuneiform, hieroglyphic Egyptian also began and continued as a
pictographicsystem.Theconnectionbetweenthenameofanobjectanditspictographicform
similarlyledtoaconceptionoftextsasimages,butalsoimagesastexts.TheEgyptianword
tjtmeansboth'writtenwordor'letter,andalsoanartistic'image,form,orsign.Sculpted
imagestoocouldbereadashieroglyphicsignsanddrawingsfunctionedastoolsofperforma-
tivepower(Ritner1993:111-43|.AsRobertRitnernotes:'Theverynotionsofdivinityand
imageryarecojoinedinEgyptianthought:theconventionaltermforgod`(nt r|hasasitsroot
meaningimage`(Ritner1995:51|.
AsinMesopotamia,someEgyptianomensderivetheirinterpretationssolelyfromtheir
writtenformsasinthefollowingdreamomen.
.hr mjh wbnj; njr htp nj jn ntrj
. seeing the moon when it is risen:good,(it means|beingclement to himbyhis
god.
30
-PapyrusChesterBeattyIIIrecto5.22
Of note isthe determinativeofthefalcon-godHorus
[
, which occurs after the word wbn
'risen in the protasis. This is not the usual determinative for this word (which is
(
|.
Nevertheless, itprovidesthe interpreterwith areasonforinterpretingtheomenasthesign
of a 'god (nt r|. Like the Akkadian examples, this interpretation derives from the omen`s
writtenform.
27
Translationsandtransliterationsofthisdreamomen
appearinOppenheim1956:281,326.Ontheclever
readingofsignsinthisomen,seeNoegel1995:2007:
21.ThesiglumSm.=tabletsinthecollectionsofthe
BritishMuseum.
28
Forasimilardivinatorypunonthisword,seethe
omenseriesSumma luI178,'If,beforethedaisesof
mycity,adogyelpsanda|fox(?|=KA.A=selebu]
answersit:thekingofLullubu(lul-lu-bu|willdie.
ThepunhingesonthereadingKA.(LUL|.A.Noted
in Freedman 1998: 41. On the integrated use of
SumerianandAkkadianinthescribalschoolsofthe
ancientNearEast,seeRubio2006:49.
29
MatousandvonSoden1933:2,285and4iv16.
CitedinCADLs.v.lamassu.
30
NoegelandSzpakowsa2006:205.
oi.uchicago.edu
SCOTT B. NOEGEL 152
Anotherexampleappearsonthesamescroll.
.hr jj-t.w m d; dw, n pw nj s
.sailingdownstream:bad,(itmeans|alifeofrunningbackward.
31
-PapyrusChesterBeattyIIIrecto8.3
Thisomenemploysthewordsfor'sailing(jy-t .w,lit.,'carryingthewind|,whichisthe
usualwayofwriting'upstreamsincethewindflowsnorthtosouthinEgypt.Yettheomen
also employs theterm d with theboatandoars determinative ,which only canmean
flowingdownstreamfromsouthtonorth.Inthiswaytheomenofferscontradictorydirections
initshieroglyphicsignsandsuggeststheuseofsailstogodownstream.Forthisreasonthe
omenisinterpretedasgoingbackward,areadingthatisgivenfurthervisualsupportbythe
determinativeofbackward-facinglegsfollowingthewordfor'running(s |.
These Mesopotamian and Egyptian examples demonstrate the centrality of writing and
thegenerativeroleofscriptintheinterpretiveprocess.Despitetheirdifferences,thecunei-
formandhieroglyphicwritingsystemsbothhavealargerepertoireofsignswithpolyvalent,
logographic,anddeterminativevalues.Sincedivinationaimedtocontrolthepowerinherent
inthedivineword,andsincewordsandimagessharedthesameontologicalframework,the
pictographicassociationsofindividuallinguisticsignswerenaturallyexploitedwheninter-
pretingdivinesigns.
Viewedfromthisperspective,theIsraelitesappearassomethingofananomaly,forthe
Bible`s Ten Commandments specifically prohibit the creation of images,
32
but demand the
transmission of divine knowledge by way of the written and spoken word. While the legal
code rejects all forms of 'magical praxis and divination (e.g., Deuteronomy 18:10-14|,
the very presence of laws prohibiting such practices, and references to speech and words
foundelsewhereintheBible,asIhaveshownabove,implyabeliefinthepowerofwords
onparwithMesopotamianandEgyptiandogmata.Moreover,whiletheHebrewwordfora
'writtenmarknv (t|alsomeans'sign,portent,
33
theBibleconnectsthetwosemantic
rangesonlyinreferencetooneiromancy.Thus,Deuteronomy13:2-6statesthattheIsraelites
perceiveddreaminterpretersasprovidingnavo vnv(t w mo jet|'asignorportent.
Unlike the Mesopotamians and Egyptians, therefore, the Israelites appear to have reserved
31
NoegelandSzpakowsa2006:205-06.
32
Ontheconceptualoverlapbetweeniconicimages
andthevenerationoftheTorah,seevanderToorn
1997.
33
ThoughthebiblicalHebrewwordfor'alphabetic
letterisunknown,itishighlylikelythatitwasnv
(t|.Notonlydoesthiswordmean'alphabeticlet-
ter in Middle Hebrew (e.g., Babylonian Talmud
Bava Batra15a,Shabbat103a,andQiddushin30a|,
it derives from a root, i.e., v (wh|, which
means 'inscribe a mark. Thus, some biblical pas-
sagesemploythewordnv(t|inawaythatsug-
gestsinscribingorwriting(e.g.,Exodus13:9,13:16|.
Theword`sappearanceforthemarkofCain(Genesis
4:15|hasresultedinavarietyofinterpretations(see
Mellinkoff 1981|, of which some included writing
(e.g.,Rashi,IbnEzra|.Comparetherelatedrootn
(th|'leaveamarkusedinconjunctionwiththe
lettern(tw|inEzekiel9:4-6(spelledoutasvn,i.e.,
tw|.SeealsoJob31:35wheretheword vnmeans
'writtendocumentor'signature.Theconnectionof
theHebrewwordnv(t|towritingfindssupport
alsointhecognatedata.InBabylonianAramaic,n
(t|isusedforaconsonantalletter.SeeSokoloff
2002: 175,s.v.n.Therelatedform nv yut
means'constellation(seeSokoloff2002:532,s.v.
nv,andcomparetheAkkadiansitir sam'writing
ofheaven|.TheSyriaccognatetuwalsooccursfor
'sign,'alphabeticletter,and'constellation.See
Smith1903:32,s.v.tuw.TheArabiccognatetoo
(i.e.,yat|means'sign,'mark,andalsoaQuranic
verse(!|.SeeWehr1976:36,s.v.yat;Lane1968:
135,s.v.yat.
oi.uchicago.edu
theperformativepowerofthewrittenwordfordivinationbydreamsandfortextsperceived
asauthoredbyYahweh(seeNoegel2007:113-82|.
34
Ibelievethatthisdistinctioncanbeexplained,atleastinpart,byacknowledgingthegen-
erativeroleofscriptsinshapingNearEasternconceptionsofthedivinesign.TheIsraelites
usedaconsonantalscript.ThoughtheHebrewscriptevolvedfrompictographicsigns,bythe
timeoftheIsraelitesithadlostitspictographicassociations.Consequently,itsassociativedi-
mensionwaslimitedlargelytosounddeviceslikeparonomasiaandpolysemoushomonyms.
See,forexample,avisionoftheprophetAmosinwhichYahwehshowsAmosabasket
of'summerfruits((,qayis |,objectsthatareinterpretedassignalingthe'end((,qes |
ofIsrael(Amos8:1-2|.
35
Similarly,inthebookofJeremiahYahwehshowstheprophetan'almondbranch(+(u,
sqed|,whichisdecodedasmeaningthatYahwehwill'watch(+(u,so qed|toensurethat
hiswordisfulfilled(Jeremiah1:11-12|.LikethevisionofAmos,theinterpretationexploits
thephoneticsimilarityofthesehomonyms(Noegel2007:265|.
36
TheexamplesfromAmosandJeremiahdonotentirelyruleoutthenotionthatdivinesigns
werewrittendownorconceivedofinwritingbeforeinterpretingthem,becausehomonyms
also operate on a visual level.Nevertheless, they do appear to place a greater emphasis on
oralityintheinterpretiveprocess.
37
Moreover,unliketheEgyptianconceptionofcreation,whichpermitsaroleforwriting
(Frankfurter1994|,thebookofGenesisreportscreationassolelyanoralwork,thoughlater
Jewishtraditionrecallstheroleofthealphabetinthecreativeprocess(BabylonianTalmud
Menahot 20b: Midrash Rabbah 1:10|. It therefore seems likely that in the same way that
pictographic scripts played formative roles inMesopotamian and Egyptian conceptions of
thedivinesign,thenon-pictographicscriptplayedaroleinshapingtheIsraeliteconception.
TheHebrewBible`spreferenceforreferencingoralasopposedtowrittenmodesofper-
formativepoweralsomightrepresentaconceptualshiftwithregardtotheperceivedlocusof
thispower.InMesopotamiaandEgypt,performativepowerwascenteredinthedivinesign
andscript,andwasactivatedbytheprofessionalduringtheprocessesofspeaking,writing,and
decoding.Israelinclinedtowardoralmodesofperformativepower,whichnaturallycentered
thelocusofpowermorefirmlyonthespeaker.Consequently,anIsraelitecouldembodythe
same performative power that a cuneiform or hieroglyphic sign could in Mesopotamia and
34
Arelateduseofritualisticwritingintheancient
NearEast,includingIsrael,isthecomposingofde-
votionalprayers,seevanderToorn2008.
35
Though the two words contain different Proto-
Semiticphonemes(i.e., (|qy: ]and(|qs]|,by
Amos`stimethephonemeshadmerged.
36
Asinthepreviousexample,thetwowordscontain
different Proto-Semitic phonemes (i.e., 'almond
| tqd]and'watch|sqd]|,butthesephonemesalready
hadmerged.
37
The two passages might also reflect an effort to
distanceAmosandJeremiahfromotherdivinatory
experts,forinbothcases,Yahwehbothprovidesthe
signandinterpretsit.
oi.uchicago.edu
SCOTT B. NOEGEL 154
Egypt.
ThisexplainswhyIsaiahcouldrefertohimselfandhischildrenasonavo:v nv:,
lt ul-mjtm 'signs and portents (Isaiah 8:18|,
38
and Ezekiel could be called anv t
'signwhilepersonifyingthesiegeofIsrael(Ezekiel4:3|.
39
CONCLUSION
In this essayI argue for the importance of viewing the divinatory enterprise through a
cosmologicallensthatbringsintofocusanontologicalunderstandingofwordsandscriptas
potentiallypowerful.IargueforthecentralityofwritingintheexegeticalprocessandIsug-
gestthatweseetheinterpretationofdivinesignsasanactofritualandideologicalpowerthat
serves to promote the cosmological system upon which divination is based. Building upon
theseobservations,Ioffersomeexplorativethoughtsonthegenerativerolethatscriptsplay
inshapingancientNearEasternconceptionsofthedivinesign.Asresearchcontinuesonthis
subjectitismyhopethatscholarspaygreaterattentiontosuchtopicsandtesttheframework
Iprovidehere.
38
It is important to distinguish here what I have
calledthelocusorembodimentofdivinepowerfrom
theperceivedsourceofthispower.Asabundantbibli-
caltextsmakeclear,theIsraeliteprophetsandtheir
audiences perceived the power to be divine in ori-
ginevenifembodiedinaprophet.Yet,thefactthat
prophets could be called an nv t 'sign means
thattheirbodiesservedtoencodedivinemeaningin
awaythatthecuneiformandhieroglyphicscriptsdid
inMesopotamiaandEgypt.Thisdoesnotmeanthat
writingdidnotretainitscosmologicalsignificance
for the prophets. As we see in Isaiah 8:1, Yahweh
commanded Isaiah to write the divine signs on a
largescroll.Thesigns(i.e.,ta u ::u +omaher
sll h s ba:'swiftisthebooty,speedyistheprey|
wouldlaterbecomethenameofhisson.Notealso
thatinIsaiah8:19thefunctionofIsaiahandhischil-
drenas'signsandportentsisplacedincontradis-
tinctiontothosewhoseekoraclesfromnecromancers
andotherdiviners.
39
Note also that even an idolatrous man could be-
comeannvt'sign(Ezekiel14:8|.Italsoisof
considerableinterestthatatMariaprophetalsocould
becalledanittu'sign.SeeDurand1982:44andthe
EpicofZimri-Lim,line139,citedinNissinen2000a:
263.CuriousisthementioninAtrahasisI215-16of
ahumanghostproclaimingthelivinghumanasittasa
'itssign.InIsrael,theshiftinthelocusofperforma-
tivepowerfromthewrittensigntospokenwordto
theindividualperhapsprefigurestheroleoftherabbi
inlateantiquitywhoembodiedforhisdisciplesthe
OralTorah(Jaffee2001|.
oi.uchicago.edu
ABBREVIATIONS
YOS10 Goetze1947
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THE CALCULAT/ON OF THE ST/PULATED TERM /N EXT/SP/C 163
9
THE CALCULATION OF THE STIPULATED
TERM IN EXTISPICY
NILSP.HEEEL,UNIVERSITYOFHEIDELBERG
AmongthemanydifferentdivinatorymethodsusedinMesopotamia,thepracticeofex-
tispicystandsapart.Ithasalwaysbeenofspecialimportancetosocietyasitrepresentsthe
onlymeansofdirectcommunicationbetweenmankindandtherealmofthegods.Whileother
divinatorygenresareconcernedwithsignsasmessagesfromthegodsandsacrificerepresents
a human way to beseech the gods, they remain techniques for a one-way contact. Quite on
thecontrary,extispicyfunctionsinbothdirectionsandthereforeitisrealcommunication:A
humanbeingformulatesaquestionthatcanbeansweredwith'yesor'no,thegodsdecide
upontheanswerandwritetheirdecisionwithintheentrailsofasacrificialanimal.Extispicy
makesitpossibletocommunicatewiththedivinesphereinordertofindoutthewillofthe
godsconcerningspecificeventsandtoalignone`sdeedswithit.Therefore,extispicyhasbeen
calleda'checkingtechnique,
1
whichcoordinatesaplannedactionwiththewillofthegods.
This possibility to communicate with the divine sphere can be seen as a highly stabilizing
factor for a community, as the society could be sure to live in accordance with the decrees
ofthegods.
However,thewillofthegods,evenwhenformulatedasasimpleyes-or-noanswertoa
predeterminedquestion,wasnoteasytoread.Forthegodsgavetheiranswersnotforfree,but
onlyafterasacrificehadbeenmade:asacrificethatrepresentedsomethingvaluableforthe
personseekingadivineanswertoaquestion,beitcedarfromadiviner,flourfromawidow,
oil from a poor woman, or a lamb from a rich man.
2
No matter how poor or rich a person
might be, in order to get an answer from the gods one had to sacrifice something valuable
foroneself.Andtheanswerofthegodswasnotcommunicatedbyadreamorarevelation,
inaformthatanyonecouldeasilyunderstand,butitwaswrittenwithinthephysicalmaterial
ofthesacrifice,intheshapeofeithersprinkledflour,thesmokegeneratedbyburnedcedar
wood,oroilpouredinwater.However,themostsophisticatedtechniquewasalwaystoread
theentrailsofasacrificiallamb,intowhichthegodswrotetheanswertoaquestion.Numerous
passagesillustratethatespeciallytheliverofthesacrificiallambwasregardedasthe'tablet
of the gods.
3
And, therefore, the different elements of the liver surface, its marks, colors,
sizes,andsoon,couldbeviewedasascriptthatlikecuneiformsignscouldbepiecedtogether
intoameaningfulwhole.Inordertobeabletoreadtheanswer,onehadtobeinitiatedinthe
artofextispicyandhaveathoroughunderstandingofthecorrectinterpretationofextispicy
results.Thesehermeneuticsofextispicyarequitestraightforwardatfirstglance,astherules
1
Pongratz-Leisten(1999:12,14|usesthe German
term'Vergewisserungssystem,whichdescribesex-
tispicywell,contraBrown2004:113f.
2
na-sak-ka DUMU
l
HAL
gis
EREN
munus
al-mat-tu
Z.MAD.Gla-pu-un-tu+GISsa-ru-u ina sa-ru-ti-su
na-si
udu
SILA'(OhSamas,|thedivinerbringsyouce-
dar,thewidowroastedflour,thepoorwomanoil,the
richfromhiswealthbringsyoualambK.3333iii
9-10//KAR252iii21-23//K.3286(Gray1900/1:
pl.3|3-6:seeOppenheim1956:301and340.
3
Lambert 1998, 148, line 8, 149 lines 14 and 16:
Maul2003-05:76f.
163
oi.uchicago.edu
N/LS P. HEEEL 164
ofinterpretationfollowthebasicprinciplesofsocietywhichareatthesametimethebasis
fortheinterpretationofotherdivinatorygenres.Simpleexamplesare:rightispositive,leftis
negative,whiteisgood,blackisbad,etc.
4
Butitdoesnotendwiththissimpleinterpretation.
Certainmarkshadtheirownvalueofinterpretationthatmightaffectthebasicrules,
5
signs
hadtobeevaluatedaccordingtotheirexactlocation,differentsignshadtobebalancedagainst
eachother,andcertainsignscallednipu orpitrustucouldaffectand,indeed,changetheresult
ofthewholeextispicytotheopposite
6
-anditishereatthelatestwhereitbecomesincreas-
inglydifficultformodernscholarstounderstandtherationaleofBabylonianextispicy.And
soBabylonianscholarsputlayeronlayerofinterpretationandtheimplicationsofeachlayer
needtobeassessedfortheirimpactontheprecedinglayersofinterpretation.Oneofthepar-
ticularlyenigmaticlayersofinterpretationissetforthinagroupoftextscalled'Calculation
oftheStipulatedTermthatproblematizethetimeperiodinwhichagivenextispicyresult
canjustlyexpectvalidity.
TheearliestreferencestotheuseofacertaintimeperiodinextispcycanbefoundinOld
BabylonianMari,whereextispiciesaresaidtobetakenforaspecifiedtime,forexamplefor
the well-being of a city or an area 'for one month.
7
However, in Mari the technical term
adannu for the 'stipulated term is not (yet| used, but the time period for the validity of
theextsipicyresultisusuallyrenderedas:tretim ana sulum alim/sabim/GN anaUx-KM
epus'Imadeextispiciesforthewell-beingofthetown/troops/GNforxdays/months.Inthe
extispicyqueriestakenatthecourtoftheSargonidkingsthe'stipulatedterm(adannu|,is
mentionedfrequentlyasapredeterminedperiodoftime,whichisoftenwelldefined.
8
This
chronologicalrangeshowsthattheideaofacertaintimeperiod,forwhichagivenextispicy
wasconsideredvalid,hadalreadybeendevelopedwhenthefirstextispicytextswerewritten
downandthatitwascarriedonuntiltheendofcuneiformculture.
IntheOld-BabyloniantextsfromMariaswellasintheextispicyqueriesfromNinivethe
timeperiodforthevalidityofextispiciescouldbeartificiallydefinedbythepersoncarrying
outtheextispicy.However,inadditiontothissimplesystemoffixingacertaintimeperiod
fortheextispicy,ahandfuloftextspresentuswithmoreelaboraterulesforthecalculation
ofthestipulatedterm.ThesetextshavebeenrecentlyeditedbyUllaSusanneKoch:
9
while
Koch was not the first in editing a text of this particular enigmatic group of extispicy trea-
tises-thiswasErnstWeidneralreadyin1917-shewasfirstinputtingtheminacoherent
contextandtoexplainthebasicrulesgoverningthetexts.Thisgroupoftextsmakesitclear
thatthestipulatedtermcanbeextrapolatedbytheappearanceofthefinger(ubnu|,oneof
the basic elements of the sheep`s liver. The finger, today called theprocessus caudatus by
veterinarysurgeons,
10
isapieceoffleshstickingoutoftheliver,havingthreeratherflatsides
orsurfaces.Allthesetextsusethemostcommonmarks-pitru'notches,silu'holes,and
kakku'weapons-placedonthethreezones(top,middle,basis|ofthetwooutersurfaces
of the finger to calculate the stipulated term. AsUlla Koch has shown, the significance of
4
For these basic rules of interpretation, see Starr
1983:15-24.
5
Thedifferentmarkshavebeenstudied,interalia,
by Meyer 1987: Leiderer 1990: Koch-Westenholz
2000:43-70.
6
Fornipuandpitrustu,seeKoch2005:10-22,with
olderliterature.
7
See the examples listed in Starr 1990: p. XVII,
andaddtheinformationcompiledinDurand1988:
57-59.
8
SeeStarr1990:pp.XVIf.
9
Koch2005:459-79.
10
Fortheidentificationofubnu,seeJeyes1989:65:
Leiderer1990:119-34:andKoch-Westenholz2000:
69f.Foragoodpictureofthe'finger(ubnu|,see
Leiderer1990:182f.
oi.uchicago.edu
thezonesofthefingerisquitestraightforward,asthestipulatedtermdependsonhowmany
marksappearinwhichzoneofthefinger:
11
Right/Lejt Surjace
1 mark
Right/Lejt Surjace
2 marks
Right/Lejt Surjace
3 marks
Top 1 4 7
Middle 2 5 8
Basis 3 6 9
Butinordertocalculatethestipulatedtermanotherfactorhastobeknown.Thisisthe res
adanni'thebasisfor(thecalculationof|thestipulatedterm.Theres adanniagaindepended
ontwofactors:
1. Thetimeperiodforwhichtheextispicyshouldbeperformed,usuallyaday,a
month,orayear.Thisisphrasedinthetextsas'Ifyouperformtheextispicy
foraday/amonth/ayear.
2. Theudda:all,the'correction,whichrepresentstheconstantcoefficient.
The time period for which the extispicy is performed is multiplied with the udda:all,
theconstantcorrection,aswellaswithacertainnumber,andtheresultofthismultiplication
isinturnmultipliedwiththenumbergainedfromtheobservationofthemarksontheouter
surfacesofthefinger.Thisresultthenrepresentstheadannu,thetimeperiodforwhichthe
extispicyisactuallyvalid.
But what exactly is the udda:all, the constant correction in extispicy, and with what
exactvalueisittobemultiplied?UllaKochhasshownthattheudda:allinextispicydiffers
fromtheudda:allforastronomicalpurposesaslaiddownintheastronomicalcompendium
Mul.apin.
12
Inextispicytheudda:allaccordingtothetextK.4061,publishedinCT31/16,
and18
13
thatlaysdowntheserules,seemstobe62/3(or:6,666|foroneday.However,the
relevantpassageinK.4061,whichmightexplainwhythisisthevalueoftheudda:all,is
broken,asK.4061isonlythelowerleftedgeoftheoriginaltablet.However,whilelooking
forparallelstotheextispicytextsfromAssuramongtheNinivetextsintheBritishMuseum
(siglumK.|Iwasabletofindthemissingrightsideofthattablet.Bythisnewjoin(K.4061+
K.10344|itbecomesclearthattheudda:allwasmultipliedwiththreetimesthesikin ubni
'shapeofthefinger(seetheAppendixandfigs.9.1-2|.Therelevantpassagereads:
7 sum-ma a-naMU 1-KM D-us0:6,40ud-da-:al-le-eu-mi a-na6USu-mi
0:6,40L-ma
8 0:6,40A.R36040tam-mar40ud-da-:al-le-eMU 1-KM a-na 3si-kinSU.SI
i-si-ma
9 40A.R3120 tam-mar 1204ITIinaNG.KA i-ta-bal
10 anaMU 1-KM a-dan-na GAR-anSAGa-dan-ni-ka 120
11
Koch2005:65.
12
Koch2005:64.
13
Transliterated and translated by Koch (2005:
471-74|.
oi.uchicago.edu
N/LS P. HEEEL 166
7 Ifyouperform(theextispicy|foroneyear,then1/9isthecorrectionofaday,
multiply(it|with360daysand
8 youwillseethat1/9times360is40.40isthecorrection(udda:all|forone
year:multiply(it|withthethreeshapesofthefinger(sikin ubni|and
9 youwillseethat40times3is120.120correspondstofourmonthsinthere-
sult.
10 (If|youdeterminetheperiodforayear,(then|thebasisfor(thecalculation
of|yourperiodis120.
The still enigmatic termsikin ubni appears several times in the so-calledDUB HA.LA
texts, but we are far from really understanding what it means.
14
According to K. 4061 +
K.10344obv.8,itseemsreasonabletoviewsikin ubniasasynonymtothesurfaceofthe
finger(ser ubni|.ThiswouldfurthersupporttheconvincingideaputforwardbyUllaKoch,
thatthereciprocaloftheudda:allinextispicybeing9correspondstothethreesurfacesof
thefingerandtheirsubdivisionintothezonestop/middle/basis.
15
Butthisnewjoinalsoputsintoquestionthepreviouslyassumednumberfortheudda:all
inextispicy.InhisfirsteditionofthistextErnstWeidner(1917:260|readthenumberofthe
udda:allas62/3andallscholarsfollowedhim.However,agivennumberinthecuneiform
sexagesimalwritingsystemhasmanypossiblereadings,as,forexample,oneverticalwedge
canstandforthenumbers1,60,3600andsoonoreven1/60,1/3600,etc.
16
Theactualvalue,
be it 60 times higher or lower, can only be determined through the context. The new text
K.4061+K.10344showsthattheudda:allistobemultipliedwiththethreesikin ubni
and not, as was formerly surmised, with the number 3/60 (or 1/20|. Since it is much more
likelythattherearethreesikin ubni andthattheyrefertothesurfacesofthefinger,wehave
tolowertheudda:allbythefactor60,whichisperfectlypossibleinalltexts.Soinsteadof
theformerlyassumedudda:allof62/3foraday,200foramonthand2400forayearwe
nowhaveanudda:allof1/9foraday,31/3foramonth,and40forayear.
Now,havingestablishedtheactualvalueoftheudda:allanditsmultiplicationwiththe
threeshapesofthefinger(sikin ubni|,wecanderiveaformulaforthe'calculationofthe
stipulatedterm:
(planned time period uJJuzull 3 vlklu uluul) marks on the finger = uJuuuu
Thefirstmultiplicationsintheparenthesesconstitutetheres adanni,thebasisforthestipu-
latedterm,whichisthenmultipliedwiththevalueofthemarksonthefinger.Toillustrate
this,wecannowanalyzelines7-16oftheobverseofK.4061+K.10344,whichinitsfirst
sectionexplainstherulesforthecalculationoftheres adanni,whichwehaveusedtoderive
the formula, and in the second section actually calculates the stipulated term (adannu| by
multiplyingtheres adanni withtheresultsfromtheobservedmarksonthefinger.
7 If you perform (the extispicy| for one year, then 1/9 is the correction
(udda:all|ofaday:multiply(it|with360days,and
8 youwillseethat1/9times360is40.40isthecorrection(udda:all|forone
year:multiply(it|withthethreeshapesofthefinger(sikin ubni|and
14
Forsikin ubni,seethediscussioninBorger1957:
191f. For the DUB HA.LA texts, see the edition in
Koch2005:nos.90-95.
15
Koch2005:64f.
16
SeeFriberg1987-90:533f.
oi.uchicago.edu
sult.
of|yourperiod(res adanni|is120.
_______________________________________________________________________
11 Ifaholeliesinthetopoftherightsurfaceofthefinger:120times1is120,4
months.Theenemywillbesiegeandseizethetown,
12 inbattle:defeatofthearmy,itwillrain,apatientwillrecover.
13 Ifaholeliesinthemiddleoftherightsurfaceofthefinger:120times2is
|240],8months.Theenemywillbesiegeandseizethetown,
15 Ifaholeliesinthebasisoftherightsurfaceofthefinger:120times3is|360,
oneye]ar.Theenemywillbesiegeandseizethetown,
_______________________________________________________________________
Theplannedtime periodisa yearor360days,the udda:all-correctionis 1/9 andthis
together with the 3 sikin ubni gives a number of 120 for the basis of the calculation (res
adanni|.Thisisnowmultipliedwiththevaluegainedfromoneholeinthedifferentzones
17
ofthefingerinordertogettheresultforthestipulatedterm(adannu|.
Fromthesetextsforthecalculationofthestipulatedterm,twoimportantaspectsforthe
Babylonian understanding of extispicy can be deduced: First, theadannu, the time period
inwhichtheextispicyisactuallyvalid,isnotnecessarilyidenticalwiththetimeperiodfor
which the extispicy is performed. Even if a diviner 'performs the extispicy for a year, its
adannucanbeshorterorlonger,oritcanbeidentical,butthisdependsonthecalculationof
thestipulatedtermand,therefore,ontheobservationhowmanymarksarelocatedonthedif-
ferentsurfacesofthefinger.WhenaBabyloniandiviner'performsanextispicyforayear,
thisextispicyisnotnecessarilyvalidforayear.Basically,heisproposingatimeperiodheis
interestedin.However,itisthepartofthegodstodecidehowlongtheextispicyisactually
valid.Andtheyplacetheirverdictintotheappearanceofthefingeroftheliver.Thediviner,
then,calculatesthistimeperiodforthevalidityoftheextispicyresultaccordingtotheplanned
periodandtheudda:all-correction.Inthiscase,theadannuisnotdeterminedbythediviner
ortheclient,butbythegods.
18
Thesecondaspectconcernsthefactthattheadannunotonlyindicatesthetimeperiodof
validityoftheextispicyresult,butitalsodeterminesthemaximumtimeperiodthatwillelapse
untilacertaindreadedorhopedforeventwillhappen.Thisismadeclearbymanyentriesin
thetextsforcalculationofthestipulatedterm,speakingof'inxhours/days/monthsyouwill
besiegeandseizetheenemytown.
19
17
Seethetableabove.
18
Thisisalsoillustratedbypassagesinthechapter
Summa multbiltuoftheseriesBrtu,whichtellthe
divinertowaitforthetimeperiodsetbythegod(s|:
a-dan ili(DINGIR|u-qa-a-a:seeKoch2005:7/1and
8/1.
19
SeeK.4061+below,obv.24-rev.end,andVAT
9492(KAR452|,forwhichseeHeeel,forthcom-
ing,no.64.
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N/LS P. HEEEL 168
Thislayerofinterpretationcalledthe'calculationofthestipulatedtermagaincallsto
mindthefactthatBabylonianextispicywasneverusedtogainsecure,unchangeablestate-
ments about the future. Extispicy results had a limited validity that seldom exceeded one
year.
20
Therefore, extispicy was not used to make general statements about the far away
future,butonthecontrarywasindicatingtheresultofadevelopment,whichwasviewedas
threateningordesirableinthepresent.Thismightberegardedasoneofthemainreasonsfor
itssuccesswiththecommonpeopleaswellastherulingclass,asitansweredtothecurrent
needsandhopesofpeople.
APPENDIX
EditionofK.4061(CT31/16,18|Koch2005:471-74]|+K.10344
K.4061+K.10344,representsthelowerhalfofaone-columntablet.Thejoinedfragment
measures929520mm(seefigs.9.1-2|.
Obv.1 lBEinaMURUBEDIN 15 SU.SI BR SUBl-|di ]lURU NIGIN-milD|AB-
bat]
2 ina
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN-ni|AN-uSUR]-nunGIG T|I.LA]
3 BE SUHUS EDIN15SU.SI BR SUB-di 10A.Rl330l|ITI1-KM/30u-miK]R
URU NIGIN-maDAB-|bat]
4 ina
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN-niAN-lul|SUR]-nunGIG TI.|LA]
5 sum-ma a-naITI 2-KM D-usSAGa-dan-ni-ka2020u-m|i]EN MU 1-KM
tu-mal-lu-lul
6 40 ud-da-:al-le-eMU 1-KM GUB-ma 3,20ud-da-:al-le-eITI 1-KMtus-te-qa
7 sum-ma anaMU 1-KM D-us0:6,40ud-da-:al-le-eu-mi a-na6USu-mi
0:6,40L-ma
8 0:6,40A.R36040tam-mar40ud-da-:al-le-eMU 1-|K]M a-na 3si-kinSU.SI
i-si-ma
9 40A.R3120 tam-mar 1204ITIinaNG.KA i-ta-bal
10 anaMU 1-KM a-dan-na GAR-anSAGa-dan-ni-ka 120
_______________________________________________________________
11 BE SAG EDIN 15 SU.SI BR SUB-di 120A.R l1 120 4 ITIl KR URU NIGIN-ma
DAB-bat
12 ina
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN-nilAN-ulSUR-lnunlGIG TI.LA
13 BE MURUB EDIN 15 SU.SI BR SUB-di 120A.Rl2l|240]8ITI |K]R URU
NIGIN-ma DAB-bat
14 ina
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN-niAN-luSURl-nunGIG TI.LA
15 BE SUHUS EDIN 15 SU.SI BR SUB-di 120A.Rl3360l|MU 1]-KM KR URU
NIGIN-ma DAB-bat
20
SeeStarr1990:p.16.
oi.uchicago.edu
16 ina
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN-niAN-|uS]UR-nunGIG TI.LA
17 sum-ma a-naMU 2-KM D-usSAGa-dan-ni-ka2408ITIa-dan-ni ana MU
1-KM
18 EN UD.L-aGAR-an
_______________________________________________________________
19 BElu ina SAG EDIN 15 Ulu ina MURUB EDIN 15 Ulu ina SUHUS E|DIN] 15 U
BR.MES
20 u-lu 1 u-lu 2u-lu 3SUB.MES KR URU NI|GIN-m]aDAB-bat
21 ina
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN-niAN-lulSUR-|nu]nGIG TI.LA
22 sum-ma anaU 1-KM D-usa-dan-ni u-mi 0:20'(Text:0:10|l150lSUB-ku
23 BEinaSAG EDIN 150 U BR SUB-di 0:20A.R10:20ina4DANNAu-mi URU
KR NIGIN-ma DAB-bat
24 a-na
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN KR AN-uNU |SU]R-nunGIG BA.S
Endofobv.
Rev.1 BEinaMURUB EDIN 150 U BR SUB-di 0:20A.R20:40ina8DANNAu-mi
URU(erasure|KR NIGIN-ma DAB-bat
2 a-na
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN KR AN NU SUR-nunGIG BA.S
3 |BEinaS]UHUS EDIN150U BR SUB-di0:20A.R31ina12DANNAu-mi
|ga]m`-mar-ti a-dan-ni URU KR NIGIN-ma DAB-bat
4 |sum-m]a anaITI 1-KM D-usa-dan-ni <<10>>ITI10150SUB-ku
5 lBElinalSAGl EDIN150|U B]R SUB-di10A.R110ina10u-mi URU KR
NIGIN-ma DAB-bat
6 ina
lgisl
T|UKUL SUB-ti]RIN KR AN-uNU SUR-nunGIG BA.S
7 BE|ina]lMURUBl|EDIN 15]0 U BR SUB-di 10A.R220ina20u-mi URU
KR NIGIN-ma DAB-bat
8 inal
gis
TUKUL SUB-tilRIN KR AN-uNU SUR-|nun]GIG BA.S
9 BEinaSUHUS EDIN150U BR SUB-di 10A.R330in|a30u-mi URU KR
NIGIN-ma DAB-bat
10 ina
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN KR AN-u|NU SUR-nunGIG B]A.S
_______________________________________________________________
11 sum-ma ina a-dan-ni MU 1-KM| ]
12 BEinaSAG EDIN 150 U BR SUB-di-lmal | ]
13 a-na
gis
TUKUL SUB-tiRIN |KR ]
14 BEinaMURUB EDIN 150 |U BR SUB-di-ma ]
15 a-na
gis
TUKUL| ]
16 BEinaSUHUS EDI|N 150 U BR SUB-di-ma ]
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N/LS P. HEEEL 170
17 a-na|
gis
TUKUL ]
_______________________________________________________________
18 BEinaSAG | ]
19 BEina| ]
20 B|E ]
TRANSLATION
Obv.1 If a hole lies in the middle of the right surface of the finger: | . . : The
enemy]willbesiegethetown,hewillt|ake(it|],
2 inbattle:defeatofthearmy,|itwillra]in,apatientwillrec|over].
3 Ifaholeliesinthebasisoftherightsurfaceofthefinger:10times3is30|days
. . :Theene]mywillbesiegeandseizethetown,
4 inbattle:defeatofthearmy,itwillrain,apatientwillrec|over].
5 Ifyouperform(theextispicy|fortwomonths,thenthebasisfor(thecalcula-
tionof|yourperiodis20,20daysuntiloneyearyoumakefull,
6 40isestablishedasthecorrectionforoneyear,31/3isthecorrectionforone
month,youletitpass.
7 Ifyouperform(theextispicy|foroneyear,then1/9isthecorrectionofaday,
multiply(it|with360daysand
8 youwillseethat1/9times360is40.40isthecorrectionforoneyear:multiply
(it|withthethreeshapesofthefinger(sikin ubni|and
sult.
of|yourperiodis120.
_______________________________________________________________
11 Ifaholeliesinthetopoftherightsurfaceofthefinger:120times1is120,4
months.Theenemywillbesiegeandseizethetown,
13 Ifaholeliesinthemiddleoftherightsurfaceofthefinger:120times2is
|240],8months.Theenemywillbesiegeandseizethetown,
15 Ifaholeliesinthebasisoftherightsurfaceofthefinger:120times3is|360,
oneye]ar.Theenemywillbesiegeandseizethetown,
17 Ifyouperform(theextispicy|fortwoyears,thenthebasisfor(thecalculation
of|yourperiodis240,8.Theperiodforoneyear
18 togetherwiththecorrectionyoudetermine.
_______________________________________________________________
oi.uchicago.edu
19 Ifholeslieeitherinthetopoftherightsurfaceofthefingerorinthemiddle
of the right surface of the finger or in the basis of the right surface of the
finger
20 eitherone,two,orthree:Theenemywillbesiegeandseizethetown,
22 Ifyouperform(theextispicy|foroneday,thentheperiodforonedayis1/3,
theleftsideoccursforyou
23 Ifaholeliesinthetopoftheleftsurfaceofthefinger:1/3times1is1/3.In4
double-hoursofadayyouwillbesiegeandseizetheenemytown,
24 inbattle:defeatoftheenemyarmy,itwillnotrain,apatientwilldie.
Endofobv.
Rev.1 Ifaholeliesinthemiddleoftheleftsurfaceofthefinger:1/3times2is2/3.In
8double-hoursofadayyouwillbesiegeandseizetheenemytown,
3 |If]aholelies|intheb]asisoftheleftsurfaceofthefinger:1/3times3is1.
Inthe12double-hoursofaday,inthecompletionoftheperiod,youwillbe-
siegeandseizetheenemytown.
4 |I]fyouperform(theextispicy|foronemonth,thentheperiodforonemonthis
10,theleftsideoccursforyou.
5 Ifa|holel]iesinthetopoftheleftsurfaceofthefinger:10times1is10.In10
daysyouwillbesiegeandseizetheenemytown,
6 inba|ttle:defe]atoftheenemyarmy,itwillnotrain,apatientwilldie.
7 Ifaholelies|inthe]middle|ofthelef]t|surface]ofthefinger:10times2is
20.In20daysyouwillbesiegeandseizetheenemytown,
9 Ifaholeliesinthebasisoftheleftsurfaceofthefinger:10times3is30.In30
daysyouwillbesiegeandseizetheenemytown,
10 inbattle:defeatoftheenemyarmy,itwill|notrain,apatientwilld]ie.
_______________________________________________________________
11 Ifintheperiodofoneyear|..].
12 Ifaholeliesinthetopoftheleftsurfaceofthefingerand|..],
13 inbattle:defeatofthe|enemy]army,|..].
14 If|aholelies]inthemiddleoftheleftsurface|ofthefingerand..],
15 inbattle:|..].
16 If|aholelies]inthebasisofthe|left]surf|aceofthefingerand..],
17 inb|attle:..].
_______________________________________________________________
18 Ifinthetop|..].
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N/LS P. HEEEL 172
19 Ifin|..].
20 I|f..].
COMMENTARY
obv.1 DespitethefactthatthislineisbrokenitisclearthatthescribewroteURU
NIGIN-miandnot,asinobv.3etc.,URU NIGIN-ma.
22 Hereandinrev.4thephrase150SUB-kushowsthatconcerningthecalculation
ofthestipulatedtermtherightsidereferstotheenemyandtheleftsidetothe
clientoftheextispicy,contrarytotheusualcustominextispicy.
rev.1 ThescribeerasedthesignNIGINafterURUashehadforgottentowriteKR
beforeNIGIN.
Figure9.1.K.4061+K.10344obverse
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Figure9.2.K.4061+K.10344reverse
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N/LS P. HEEEL 174
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Borger,Rykle
1957 'nisirti brti, Geheimlehre der Haruspizin (ZuNeugebaurer-Sachs, MCT, V und
W,undeinigenverwandtenTexten|.Bibliotheca Orientalis14:190-95.
Brown,David
2004 ReviewofHerrschajtswissen in Mesopotamien,byB.Pongratz-Leisten.Zeitschrijt
jur Assyriologie94:112-21.
Durand,Jean-Marie
1988 Archives epistolaires de Mari I/1. Archives Royales de Mari 26/1. Paris: ditions
recherchesurlescivilisations.
Friberg,Joran
1987-90 'Mathematik.Reallexikon der Assyriologie7:531-85.
Gray,CliftonD.
1900/01 'TheSamasReligiousTexts.American 1ournal oj Semitic Languages and Literatures
17:129-45and222-43.
Heeel,NilsP.
forthcoming Divinatorische Texte II: Opjerschau-Omina.KeilschrifttexteausAssurliterarischen
Inhalts,WissenschaftlicheVerffentlichungenderDeutschenOrient-Gesellschaft.
Jeyes,Ulla
1989 Old Babylonian Extispicy. Publication de lInstitut historique-archologique ner-
landais de Stamboul 64. Leiden: Nederlands historisch-archeologisch Instituut te
Istanbul.
Koch(-Westenholz|,UllaSusanne
Babylonian Extispicy Series Mainly jrom Assurbanipal`s Library. Carsten Niebuhr
InstitutePublications25.Copenhagen:MuseumTusculanumPress.
and Nisirtibrti Texts mainly jrom Assurbanipal`s Library.AlterOrientundAltes
Lambert,WilfredG.
nem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai 1994. tikipsantakkimalabasmu.,editedbyS.M.
Maul,pp.141-58.CuneiformMonographs10.Groningen:StyxPublications.
Leiderer,Rosemarie
1990 Anatomie der Schajsleber im babylonischen Leberorakel.Munich:Zuckerschwerdt.
Maul,StefanM.
2003-05 'OminaundOrakel.A.Mesopotamien.Reallexikon der Assyriologie10:45-88.
Meyer,Jan-Waalke
AltesTestament39,Neukirchen-Vluyn:NeukirchnerVerlag.
Oppenheim,A.Leo
1956 The /nterpretation oj Dreams in the Ancient Near East, with a Translation oj an
Assyrian Dream-book.TransactionsoftheAmericanPhilosophicalSociety,n.s.,46/3:
177-373.Philadelphia:AmericanPhilosophicalSociety.
1999 Herrschajtswissen in Mesopotamien.StateArchivesofAssyriaStudies10.Helsinki:
HelsinkiUniversityPress.
oi.uchicago.edu
Starr,Ivan
1983 The Rituals oj the Diviner. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 12. Malibu: Undena
Publications.
1990 Queries to the Sungod. Divination and Politics in Sargonid Assyria.StateArchives
Weidner,ErnstF.
1917 'Zahl enspi el erei en i n akkadi schen Leberschaut ext en. Ori ent al i st i sche
Literatur:eitung 20:258-66.
oi.uchicago.edu
oi.uchicago.edu
177 THE D/\/NE PRESENCE AND /TS /NTERPRETAT/ON /N EARL MESOPOTAM/AN D/\/NAT/ON
10
THE DIVINE PRESENCE AND ITS
INTERPRETATION IN EARLY
MESOPOTAMIAN DIVINATION
*
ABRAHAMWINITZER,UNIVERSITYOFNOTREDAME
1
Divination,ifoneseekstodefineit,islessdifficultataskthanisthecounterpartforits
allegedparent,religion-thoughperhapsonlymarginallyso.Afterall,onecanapproachthe
topicfromvirtuallyeveryentrywaythroughwhichthedrivetounderstandreligionistackled.
Whetherviaitsmythologyorritual,itsaccompanyingliturgy,orthetreatisesitsrecordmay
leavebehind,thecomplexityofthephenomenonissuchthatitshouldgiveanyonedeluded
in believing that the meaning of divination is somehow self-evident room for pause. Still,
nomattertheapproachtowhichoneresorts,acentraltenetthatmustbeconfrontedatsome
point concerns not merely the existence of a divine realm, but of its willingness to reveal
something of itself in the natural order, something perceivable to man: this, perhaps, does
standincontrastwithreligion.
Andsoquestionsconcerningtheproclamationorsignsofthedivine`smanifestationor
'presence in divination systems, including those from ancientMesopotamia, must be un-
derstoodasbasictothebroaderenterprise.InaveryrealsensewhatenabledMesopotamian
diviners to proceed with their queries was the fundamental assumption of and hope for the
divine`s manifestation via one of the various divinatory channels, of and for the divine`s
virtual'presenceintheexaminedmedia,intheformofasign.
When,however,oneturnstotheomencollectionsfromancientMesopotamia-byfar
the most elaborate testimony of divinatory interest stemming from this civilization - it is
therelativesilenceconcerningthementionofdeitiesthatisstriking.Onoccasiononedoes
encounterstatementsexhibitinganinterestinthisbasictheologicalpremise,thoughfrequently
upon their assessment it becomes clear that these are marginal to the broader enterprise of
thecollections.Andperhapsmosttellingofthedivinerealm`splaceinthesetextsarethose
omenswhoseforecastsheraldthepresenceofthisorthatdeitybutimmediatelyseefittogloss
thesestatements,asiftoreconfigurethem,subsumingintheprocessproclamationsof'divine
presenceintheliterature`sdeeptechnicalsea.
In the following I attempt to explore this discrepancy, something that may be seen as
onebetweenMesopotamiandivinationtheoryandpractice,asNiekVeldhuisputitrecently.
1
Inparticular,Itrytopositanexplanationforitandtoprovideamodelforitsdevelopment.
InsodoingIhopethatsomelightmaybeshedonthefollowingtwoquestions:Whatdoes
the evolution in the place of the divine mean for an understanding of divination in ancient
* This paper draws on two previous ones given at
the Harvard Workshop on the Religion of Ancient
MesopotamiaandAdjacentAreas,inOctober2002,
177
andFebruary2004,andisthebeneficiaryoffeedback
receivedinthatvenue.
1
Veldhuis2006.
oi.uchicago.edu
178 ABRAHAM B/N/TZER
Mesopotamia? Is there a way in which this development reflects a change in attitude in
Mesopotamiaconcerningthewaybywhichdivinatoryknowledgewasaccessed,perhapseven
abouttheverymeaningofdivination?
2
Wemightbeginwithaconsiderationofthetestimonyfromthetheoreticalsideofthings.
A recent study by Piotr Steinkeller (2005| presents a comprehensive picture of the con-
ceptual setup of early Mesopotamian divination, at least for its most significant channel,
extispicy.Thisreconstruction,itshouldbenotedattheoutset,isnotwithoutitsdrawbacks.
OnemayquibblewithparticularaspectsinSteinkeller`soverallmodelorevenobjecttohis
synchronicapproach:whatfollows,infact,raisessomechallengestohisoverallscheme.Still,
Steinkeller`scontributiontotheunderstandingoftheoverallpicturecannotbeoverestimated:
moretothepoint,forthepresentpurposeshisreservationsaboutit,evenifultimatelyjusti-
fied,provetobetangential.Accordingly,itisrecappedinwhatfollows.
Table10.1.ThegodsofMesopotamiandivination(followingSteinkeller2005|
MajorGods: Samas Adad(?|
2
Description: bel dinim bel birim/bel ikribi u birim

'LordofJudgment 'Lordof(extispicy|
Inspection/Petitionsand
Inspection
OtherDeities: Istar.(Venus|,Sulpae(Jupiter|,
mul
gal.si.s(Sirius
|Ninurta]|,Sin(Moon|,etc.
Description: ilu musitim bel trtim
'GodsoftheNight
(Collective|
'LordoftheOmen
(Individual|
Inhiswork,SteinkellersoughttounderstandtheplaceofSamas,thesun-god,Adad,the
weather-god-respectivelythebel dinim'lordofjudgment andthebel birim/bel ikribi u
birim 'lord of (extispicy| inspection/petitions and inspection - as well as the so-called
GodsoftheNightintheMesopotamianconceptionofthedivinatoryuniverse.Inparticular,
itisthepairingoftheformertwothatappearsinmanyofextantprayersandprayerritualsof
OldBabyloniandivination(includingikribu-andtamitu-prayers,andotherrelatedmaterial|,
somethingevenmoreappreciablenowwiththerecentpublicationofthetamitu(oracle|texts
byLambert.
3
AsSteinkellerexplainsit,thisSamas-Adadduooperatesintandem-withAdad
providingforSamas,therealactor,aturbo-likeboost-toenablethecosmicprocess.That
divinationtakesplaceatnightowesitselftothebeliefthatatthistimeSamastraversesthe
2
Seebelow.
3
SeeLambert2007:esp.5-9,12-14,foradescrip-
tionofthegenreandrelatedmaterials.Seealsothe
subscript in text VI of the MDAI 57 Susa omens,
surri Samas u Adad,perhaps'ifstatement(s|(=ca-
suistic omen sentences| of Samas and Adad, dis-
cussedrecentlyinMichalowski2006.
oi.uchicago.edu
Netherworld`shorizon,amirrorimageoftheonevisibleindaytime(fig.10.1|.Atthistime,
whenearthlyjudgmentceases,theinterestofthecosmicjudgeturnstodivinatorymatters,the
heavenlycounterpartoflegalverdicts.
4
TheGodsoftheNight,accordingtoSteinkeller,are
theselfsamedeitiesnamedinmanyextispicyreports-includingIstar(inhervariousguises|,
Sulpae,Ninurta,Sn,andsoon-thatarealsotobeequatedwiththenight`sstars(thusIstar
=Venus,Sulpae=Jupiter,Ninurta=Sirius,Sn=Moon,etc.|.Foragivenextispicyoneof
thesefunctionsasthebel trtim,orthedeityresponsibleforthatextispicy,perhapsinaccor-
dancewithpersonalproclivityorwithastronomicaland/ormeteorologicalrealities.
5
Inallthe
systemis,Steinkellerclaimsearlyon,'highlycoherentand.internallylogical,
6
and,more
significantforthepresentpurposes,unequivocalabouttheplaceofthedivinerealminit.
Further evidence of the centrality of the idea of divine manifestation or presence in
Mesopotamian divination may be witnessed when one turns to the phenomenology of the
divinatory act, at least as it is met - jaute de mieux - in the accompanying prayers and
related literature. In this respect, the transformation inherent in the extispicy act must be
understoodasaquasi-transfigurationforitspractitionerandtheconceptualuniverseheinhab-
its.Accordingly,therooftopthatprovidedthesettingfortheeventservesastheaxis mundi
wherethegodsencounterthehumanrealm.Indeed,thetextsallbutspelloutthefulcrumon
whichthecosmicbeamrests:havingconcludedthepreparatoryritual,thedivinermoveson
to beseech the gods to have 'truth (kittum| established - or, perhaps better, materialized
4
Forarecentwordofthisepistemologicalmetaphor
initsbroadercontext,seeWilcke2007:224ff.
5
Steinkeller2005:41-42.
6
Steinkeller2005:17.
Figure10.1.TheBabylonianuniverse(afterSteinkeller2005|
oi.uchicago.edu
-beforehim.Thecodaofthewell-knownPrayer(totheGods|oftheNight
7
(example1|
makesthepointclearly:
1. IntheextispicyIamperforming/InthelambIamoffering
8
/Establishtruth
(kittum|jor me!
9
So,too,fortheOldBabylonianprayerofthedivinationpriestYOS1122(example2|,where
thislastimperativefunctionsastherefrainoftheentiretext.Thedivinerbeseechesthegods
toestablishtruth(kittam saknum| withinhisreach:
2. Intheikrib-blessingIampronouncing/IntheextispicyIamperforming/
Establishtruth(kittam suknam|forme!
10
And what is here understood as 'truth is qualified elsewhere even further. Thus, upon the
appealfortheestablishmentoftruthviatheextispicyperformed,thepetitionerturnstothe
godsintheinitialprayerofthegreatOldBabylonianextispicyliturgicalmanualYOS1123
(and//|
11
withthefollowingplea(example3|:
3. Causethegod,thelordoftheomenIamperforming,tobepresentforme!
IntheextispicyIamperformingestablishtruthforme!
Inthemanijestation(s|
12
ofthegreatgods(siknt il rabtim|,inthetablet
ofthegods(t uppi sa ili|,
Mayatakaltumbepresent!
13
Thepreciseidentificationofthetermtakaltum inthispassagehasbeenamatterofsome
debate. If one follows the view espoused most recently by Steinkeller, then in the present
context the word should be understood as a euphemism for the (whole| liver, this on anal-
ogy with its primary meaning, a carrying bag for storage of small tools.
14
Accordingly, the
un-inscribedliverwasenvisagedasthedepositoryofequipmentofadifferentsort,namely,
7
Followingtherecenteditionandsigla(|a]AO6769
//|b]Erm15642|inWilcke2007:225-28.
8
In one version (a|: 'In the ikrib-blessing I am
pronouncing.
9
Ibid.,lines22-24.Ontheunusual-ndativedual
ending on the imperative (directed at Samas and
Adad|inversion (b|,seeWilcke2007:227n.82:
and,better,Lambert2007:8.Thesameformulawith
this ending appears repeatedly in YOS 11 23, for
which see Starr 1983 (full edition|: Wilcke 2007:
233-38(updated,partialedition|.
10
Wilcke2007:230-33,(text|lines12-13,17-18,
31-33,40-41,49,52-53,56-57,64-66.
11
Wilcke2007:233-38.
12
Or perhaps 'creation(s|: pace CAD S/2, 431b:
'decree(?|.
13
Ibid.,ms.A(=YOS1123|,lines15-16.
14
Steinkeller(2005:30andn.43|cleverlyunder-
stands the enveloping t uppi sa ili in this image as
referringtothelambitself:cf.earlierLambert1967:
133: Starr 1983: 53-56: Vanstiphout and Veldhuis
1995: 31-32. Note in particular the equation gis.
tn= takaltuminvarious(native|lexicallists,es-
peciallythoseinHh,citedinCADT,61,s.v.takaltu
A, already noted in Starr, ibid., 53-54 n. 98: also
VanstiphoutandVeldhuis,ibid.,p.31n.9.
Atissueistherelationbetweenthe takaltum(ta-
ka-al-tum|andthet uppi sa ili.Ifthelatteristakenas
ametaphorfortheliveritself,thenonemusteither:
(a|interpretthetakaltumasasubsetoftheliveroras
somethinginitsinterior(so,e.g.,Glassner2002:10
'lesviscres:Wilcke2007:236'Tasche|,or(b|,
moreradically,readthewordinthegenitive(ta-ka-
al-tm|soastohaveitinappositionwiththe t uppi
sa ili(soLambert1998:147|.
Thefirstoftheseoptionsispossible,thoughitis
notwithoutitsproblems.Itseemsunlikelythatthe
prayerwouldhaveinmindhereeithertheliver`s'or-
gansgenerally(whosesoundpresence,thoughcer-
tainlymeaningfulanddesirable|seefurtherbelow],
didnotarticulateonitsowntheprecisesignification
forwhichthedivinerfrequentlyawaited|,or,alterna-
tively,the(non-'canonical|zonebythesamename
(forwhichsee,e.g.,Jeyes1989:76|,totheexclusion
ofalltheothers.LesslikelyisLambert`ssolutionto
oi.uchicago.edu
thedivinemessage,withtheliveramountingtoaveritabletabula rasa,an emptyslateupon
whichthismessagewasrecorded.Elsewheretoo,inataleintendedtoprovideanetiologyfor
divination,itislikenedtonothinglessthantheTabletoftheGods.Thistale(example4|,the
openingofatextconcernedwithproperdivinerqualificationsandprocedures,whichwasre-
editednotlongagobyLambert,
15
tellshowEnmeduranki,thelegendarykingofSippar,was
given'theTabletoftheGods,theliver,secret(or,justbelowinthesametext:mystery|of
HeavensandEarth,alongwithinstructionsabouthowtoconductthecraftofvarioussorts
ofdivinationanddeterminewhomightbetheirrespectivepractitioners.
4. SamasintheEbabbara|appointed]Enmeduranki,|KingofSippar],the
belovedofAnu,Enlil,|andEa].SamasandAdad|broughthimin]totheir
assembly,SamasandAdad|honoredhim],SamasandAdad|seatedhim]
before|them]onagoldenthrone.Theyshowedhimhowtoobserveoilin
water,amysteryofAnu|EnlilandEa].|Th]eygavehimtheTabletofthe
Gods,theliver,asecretofHeavenandtheNetherworld(t uppi ilni takalta
piristi sam u erseti |i]ddinusu|,theyputthecedarinhishands,beloved
bythegreatgods.
Andhe,|inaccordancewith]their|command],broughtintohispresence
thecitizensofNippur,Sippar,andBabylon,andhonoredthem,heseated
thembeforehimonthrones,heshowedthemhowtoobserveoilinwater,
amysteryofAnu,Enlil,andEa,hegavethemtheTabletoftheGods,the
liver,asecretofHeavenandtheNetherworld(t uppi ilni takalta piristi
sam u erseti iddinsunuti|,heputthecedarintheirhand,belovedbythe
greatgods,theTabletoftheGods,theliver,amysteryofHeavenandthe
Netherworld(t uppi ilni takalta nisirti sam u erseti|..
16
NowLambertwasastutetonotesimilaritiesbetweensomeofthequalificationsofwould-
be divination-priests and those incumbent upon Levitical priests in the Bible.
17
Actually, a
broader comparison - note: functional, not genetic - may be suggested, one that sheds
furtherlightondivination`stheoreticalconceptualstance.Afterall,aspresentedintheleg-
endsand prayers surveyed,
18
theentire extispicyevent parallelsmuch ofwhatisthe defin-
ingeventinthebiblicaltext,indeedofallrevealedreligions:revelationandtransmissionof
thedivinewordfromthegod(s|tohis/theirselectgroupofpeople.
19
Andifoneacceptsthe
premisethattheMesopotamiansreckonedthesignorsignsdetectedviaextispicy,orthrough
any divinatory channel, as divinely inspired in some transcendent fashion, then logically it
follows that extispicy, or divination in general, is nothing less than a source of revelation,
itsproducttantamounttothedivinelyrevealedword.Infactthispointwasmadelongago,
20
readTUMastm,whichlosesstrengthwhenonenotes
theregularuseofTIMfortimelsewhereinthistext,
indeedevenintheverysameline(ra-bu-tim|.The
tentativesuggestioninCAD(ibid.|thatthebagin
questionwasintendedforthe(diviner`s?|reedstylus
seemsstilllesslikely.
15
Lambert1998:originallyLambert1967.
16
Lambert1998:148-49,lines1-16.
17
Lambert1998:147-48.
18
Therearestillothers,forwhichseeLambert2007:
13-14.
19
InfactthistoohadoccurredtoLambert,andeven
earlieratthat(1967:127|,thoughhedrewtheparal-
leltoamoreexplicitinstanceofthisidea,namely,the
famous'chainoftraditioninMishnahAvotdescrib-
ingthetransmissionoftheTorah.
20
For example,Moran 1969: 23. Compare Durand
1988:25(alsoidem2008:492|,who,unfortunately,
stillsubordinatesthestatureofdivinatory-basedrev-
elationtothatfromrealmofprophecy('Danscer-
tainscasprivilgis,larponselìnterrogationora-
culairesemueenunvritablediscoursprophtique.
oi.uchicago.edu
butappearsunderappreciatedforitsbasicphenomenologicalsignificance.
21
Allthesame,of
itsbasictruththerecanbenodoubt.Andif,arbitrarilyorfromacomparatist`sstandpoint,
divinationisnotincludedamongthepremierleagueofmomentsofthedivine`smanifesta-
tioninthehumanrealm-thoseincludingrevelation,incarnation,transubstantiation,oran
ongoing mystical divine presence (the s
e
k in in Jewish Kabbalistic terminology, a cognate
oftheaforementionedsikntu'manifestation(s|ofthe ili rabtim
22
|-thenatleastwithin
a more modest Mesopotamian scope one is wise to include this version ofMichelangelo`s
'touchofGod.
23
Danscederniercas,ledevinestdoubl,cependant,
par un autre personnage, le Rpondant du Dieu,`
l`pilum|.
21
By contrast, much has been made of the socio-
logicalcontextandideologicalmanipulationofthis
knowledgebyselectparties.WithrespecttotheOld
Babylonianperiod,understandablythesematterswere
firsttackledatlengthbyDurand(1988:3-68,esp.
11-24|,whosepublicationofthedivinatoryepistolary
andrelatedmaterialsaffordedapreviouslyunimagi-
nablewindowintoOldBabyloniandivinersaswell
astheirmachinationsandrelationstothestateand
stateaffairs.Thelatterangle,drawingfurthersupport
fromthemorerecenteditionofprophecytextsfrom
Assyria(Parpola1997|,hasbeendevelopedfurther,
especiallyinPongratz-Leisten1999:alsoLenzi2008:
andnowRichardsoninthisvolume.
Needlesstosay,thequestionofhowtoapproach
thestudyofMesopotamiandivinationmustnotpro-
ceedalong'either-'orlines.Generallyspeakingin
thestudyofreligion,theideathatspecializedsecret
knowledgeattributedtodivinesourcescouldbeand
wasmanipulatedforpoliticalpurposes,withadevel-
oping'guildarounditcultivatingacertaincloutfor
itselfinthebargain,isclearandlegitimate-ifnot
new.Yetthismustnotdenyorevenovershadowthe
religiousdimensiontoaparticularphenomenon,in
thiscasethepossibilityofalegitimatebeliefindiv-
inatory-basedrevelationbytheancients.Toassume
otherwiserisksamisunderstandingoftheverynature
ofdivinationanditsplaceinancientthought.
Thissameissue,butwithrespecttotheoracleat
Delphiintermsofitsmoderninvestigation,wasar-
ticulatedeffectivelybyHughBowdennotlongago.
As Bowden observes (2004: 122-23|, not merely
havehistoriansunderestimatedwhat,intermsofsub-
ject,representsthelargestcategoryofconsultations,
namely,religious:theyhavealsomisrepresentedthe
verynatureoftheoracularactivity,assumingadis-
tinctionbetweenconsultationsmoresecularinnature
and those concerned, prima jacie, with the divine
realm.Hewrites:
TheanalysisofAthenianconsultationsofDelphi
hasdividedthemintocategoriesthatinvolved
political,militaryanddiplomaticissuesaswell
as religious` ones. However, in every case
where we know the terms of the enquiry, and
quiteprobablyinallthecaseswherewedon`t
know, the actual question asked of Delphi is
directlyaboutrelationswiththegods(Bowden
2004:132|.
The point is illustrated even further if, upon re-
turningtotheMesopotamiansphere,weconsideran
analogoussituationfromacomparablephenomenon:
therecordofprophecyandpropheticactivity,along
withthetransmissionofthisinformation,atMari.In
onewell-knowninstanceknownfromthiscorpus,an
episodeinvolvingthedeliberationsof(king|Zimri-
Liminaforeign-policymatter,reportsofacertain
prophetic utterance reach the king from multiple
sources. The events surrounding these missives, if
one follows their explication in Sasson 1995: also
vanderToorn2000:230-33:idem2007:112-13,are
intricate,andofferasupremeexampleofself-interest
andcraftydiplomacybypoliticallysavvyparties.But
thisdoesnotgainsaytheexistenceofanenigmatic
propheticutteranceatthecoreofthematter(sapal
tibnim m illaku'watersrunbeneathstraw|,evenif,
asSasson(ibid.,607-08|andvanderToorn(2000:
232-33: 2007: 113| wonder, it may be impossible
eveninthisinstancetosettleontheipsissima verba
(assumingtherewasmoretoitthantheabove-men-
tionedaphorism!|.
22
AlreadynotedinStarr1983:53.Tobesure,earlier
reflexesofthisideaaboundinbiblicalwritings,from
Deuteronomy`s so-called Name Theology (sikken
sem|totheinitialpromisebythe Israelitedeityof
presence in the portable sanctuary (Exod. 25:8|
and,indeed,tothebasictermforthis'tabernacle
(miskn|.
23
CompareDurand2008:431-33.
oi.uchicago.edu
3
OfcourseallthisrestsonamodelofthetheoreticalconceptionofMesopotamiandivina-
tion. As such, its value may be challenged on two fronts. First, there is the question of the
model`saccuracy:towhatextenthavewerepresenteditsbasicingredientscorrectlyandpro-
portionally?Andthereisasecondquestion,oneinvolvingthedegreetowhichtheoryreflects
andmatchespractice.Awordoneachofthesemattersisinorder.
Concerningthemodel`saccuracyonemightconsider,bywayofexample,thequestion
oftheplaceofAdadwithintheconceptualframework.Asdescribedabove,Steinkellerhad
contendedthatnumerousreferencestothisgodasthebel birim,or'lordofdivination,arenot
incidentaltotheoverallsetup.Andyetinnumeroustextsandevenentiretextgenresthatbear
ontheissueofthetheoreticalframework,Adaddoesnot figureasSamas`counterpart.
24
Even
intheEnmedurankietiology,connectedasitistoSamasandhisSipparhome,theEbabbar
temple,theplaceofAdadshouldprobablybeseenasanexternalintrusiontoanativetheol-
ogy,asLambertobservedrecently.
25
ItisthusnotunlikelythathisplaceintheBabylonian
divinatoryuniverse,andevenhistitlebel birim,representsaspecifichistoricaldevelopment,
andnotsomethingthatcanbedeemedautochthonous.
26
24
For example, the Middle and Neo-Babylonian
'GodsoftheNightprayers(forwhichseeLambert
2007: 13| where Adad does not appear, and espe-
ciallytheso-called'QueriestotheSungod(Starr
1990|,thefirst-millenniumlargecollectionoforacle
questionsbydivinersintheSargonidcourtthat,as
their modern designation suggests, address Samas
-alone.
25
Lambert2007:8.
26
CompareSchwemer2007:149.Notealsoobjection
raised by Durand (1997: 278: 2008: 220-21| con-
cerningtheunderstandingofbiruminthetitlebelet
biri/biri('ladyof.|as'divination.Accordingto
Durand,thisistobeunderstoodas'well(s|,pit(s|,
withthedeityinquestion-elsewhereareference
toIsara-oneincommandofwatersources('la
divinitdespointsdèau|.Thatthisdeityandtitle
becameassociatedwithdivination(Steinkeller2005:
15n.6|maybeentirelysecondary,whetherowing
toherassociationwithAdad(connectedinhisown
rightwithundergroundwater:seeSchwemer2001:
170andn.1202|orotherwise,inthereinterpretation
ofbiruminlightofparalleldevelopmentsinAdad`s
character.
Notincludedinthisassessment,thoughperhaps
deserving of brief mention, are the many passages
fromnon-divinatoryliterarygenresthatrefertodivi-
nation,andinparticularextispicy.Onethinks,forin-
stance,ofthewell-knownpassagesinGudeaCylinder
A(Edzard1997:69-88|describinghisdivinatoryin-
quiries,extispicyincluded(xii16-17:xiii16-17:xx
5|,concerningtherebuildingoftheEninnutemple.
Thesearesilentasregardstheconceptualframework
ofthedivinatoryact.Granted,fromthestandpointof
thenarrative,thismaywellhavebeendeemedbeside
thepoint.Thenagain,thetext,whichspareslittlein
conveyingGudea`spietythroughouthissacredtask,
certainlydoesnotrefrainelsewherefromthemen-
tionofotherdeities.Onefindsthemajorgodsofthe
Lagaspantheontobesure,butalsoothers,parentheti-
callymentioned,includingNisaba,IstarnandSamas,
NinzagaandNinsikila,etc.,eachinconnectiontohis/
herdefiningattribute(respectively,writing,justice,
relationtoDilmun|.Why,then,nomentionshould
havebeenmadeofthegodsofdivinationinthetell-
ingofeventsisworthconsidering.
Andelsewherewheretheperformanceofextispicy
isdescribedthismatterisevenmorecurious.Acase
in point is the intriguing portion of a school letter
'by Ibbi-Sn, recently published in Michalowski
2006a.ThereIbbi-Snreportsofhavingreceivedafa-
vorableomenviaextispicy.Thedeityresponsiblefor
this,wearetold,isEnlil,who,Ibbi-Snswanks,'has
lookeduponmewithgraceandhastakenmysuppli-
cationin(his|holyheart:heestablishedformeinmy
omensthefavorableparts.(ibid.,251|.Theverisi-
militudeofthisomen,toputitmildly,isproblematic:
attheveryleasttheissuemustbeconsideredinthe
contextoftheOldBabylonianscribalcurriculumand
in light of the literary and historiographic conven-
tions of the royal letter genre (Michalowski 1976:
3-16,27:2006a:256-57|.Nevertheless,thequestion
maystillberaisedasregardsitsimageofextispicy
therein,since,as Michalowskirightlyobserves,its
language does contain elements that capture accu-
ratelyboththetechnicalsideofextispicyandthere-
portingofextispicyomensinthe(non-literary|Old
Babylonianepistolary.Whythen,inthislight,isit
Enlilwhoisdepictedfashioningtheliver`sregions
(uzuzid/gub.ak|andsettingsignsinit(kin-gi-a/
oi.uchicago.edu
One is thus left to wonder what other aspects of the theoretical setup are secondary to
native ideas of Mesopotamian divination, or, for that matter, whether such a 'trait-list in-
vestigativeapproachisprudentinanycase.Nowhappily,thisskepticismtoohasitslimits.
CertainlyfordivinationliteratureinbroadtermsSteinkeller`smodelisdefensiblefortheearly
second millenniumB.C., such that at least conceptuallyit may be said, in the spirit of Paul
Veyne,thattheMesopotamiansdidindeedbelieveintheirdivinationmyth.
Butthenthereremainsthesecond,largermatter,theoneconcerningtherelevanceofany
ofthisfortheunderstandingoftheplaceofthedivinein'practicalMesopotamiandivina-
tion.Theoriesofallkindsruntheircourse,
27
andinanycaseinpracticethingstypicallyoper-
atedifferently.Withrespecttothetopicathandonemustasktowhatextentthetheoretical
frameworkcanserveastheguidetoideasabouttheplaceofthedivinerealminMesopotamian
divination. Inotherwords,atsomepointourquestmustshiftitsfocusontootherfacetsof
thephenomenonofdivination,lestwebefooledbythe'fantasticscreenoftheconceptual
setup,toborrowLeoOppenheim`smetaphor,
28
andequateMesopotamiandivinatorymythol-
ogywithMesopotamiandivination.
So what place exactly did the divine realm hold in the eyes of its practitioners? What
ofthepetitionersforwhomthedivinationwasperformed?Afterall,if,assuggestedbythe
theoreticalframework,divine'presencewasabasic,evendeterminative,facttothebroader
enterprise,thenshouldonenotanticipateacontinuousandexplicitwitnesstodivinemani-
festation,whetherinaccountsofdivinatoryactivityor,betteryet,intheomensthemselves?
Mightwenotexpectomenliteraturetobe,inaword,more'theological-andconsiderably
less'technical?
29
4
Naturally, a comprehensive answer to this question must build on different areas of
data,ofwhichtwoinparticularstandout.Theseare:(1|thetestimonyoforaboutdiviners
anddivinatoryconcerns,especiallythatappearingintheconsiderabledivinatoryepistolary
corpus from the Mari archives,
30
and (2| the Mesopotamian omen collections themselves.
Unfortunately,thepresentsettingcannottakeupboththeseangles,butrathermustlimititself
toonlythelatterofthese.
31
As is well known, Mesopotamian divination left an immense corpus of omen collec-
tions,fromvariousdivinatorychannels,beginningapparentlyintheOldBabylonianperiod.
uzu.gar|?Thatthisistobereadinthelightofhis
roleinthehistoriographicdepictionoftheunravel-
ingoftheUrIIIstate(cf.,fortheearliercaseofthe
collapseofAkkad,Enlil`sdepictionintheCurseof
Agade,lines98-99|Cooper1983:54-55,andearlier
22]|maynotexplainthisquestionaway.Theissue
mayultimatelyfindresolutioninouracceptingthe
possibilitythatSteinkeller`smodel,ingeniousthough
itis,didnotextendfarbeyondtheparametersofthe
divinationliteratureitself.
27
Enjoyably, as even Terry Eagleton now tells it
(Eagleton2003|.
28
Oppenheim1977:177,thereappliedmoregener-
ally to significance of Mesopotamian myths to the
understandingofMesopotamianreligion.
29
CompareJacobsen1976:84
30
CollectedforthemostpartinDurand1988:addi-
tionallyGlassner2005:281n.22,towhichadditional
lettersmaybeadded,includingsomepublishedear-
lierandtreatedinDurand2000:98(no.949|,100-04
(nos.952-56|:259-60(no.1174|,andstillothers,
appearing in the more recent editions of Mari let-
ters: e.g., FM 7 and 8: see esp. FM 7 50 (Durand
2002:167-68|.
31
I hope to return to the issue regarding the Mari
evidenceinthenearfuture.See,meanwhile,Durand
2008,intheaptlynamedchapter,'Lecontactavecla
divinit,especiallypages492-94.
oi.uchicago.edu
To be sure, these cannot be conceived as the direct testimony of Mesopotamian divination
or diviners. They represent, rather, part of the scientific literature of ancientMesopotamia.
MorebroadlythismeanstheMesopotamianpenchanttoorganizedatainmassivelists,what
attimesislabeledListenwissenschajt:morespecifically,thecollectionsformasubsetofthe
casuistic literature - of which the law 'codes are better-known examples - and are the
productofscribes,whoorganizedand,onthebasisofhermeneuticprinciplesanddeductive
reasoning,generatedtheoverwhelmingmajorityofthismaterialfromanempiricallybased
kernel.
32
Nevertheless,arelationbetweenMesopotamiandivinationandtheomencollections
isbeyonddispute,
33
suchthat,ifproperlyexecuted,thegleaningofdetailsfromthecollec-
tionscanserveasalegitimatesourceofinformationonMesopotamiandivination,especially
intermsofitsbroaderassumptions.
Let us turn, then, to the omen collections, and specifically to a branch of the literature
that has not received the attention of extispicy but which exists from the early periods of
Mesopotamian divination and which, if the tradition reflected in the Enmeduranki etiology
canserveasanyguide,enjoyedaprivilegedstatusintheeyesoftheancients.
34
Thisisleca-
nomancy,orthedivinatorymethodstudyingtheconfigurationofoilpouredinwater.Though
itsplaceinthefirst-millenniumdivinatorysciencesorinthecuneiform'streamoftradition
appearsnegligible,
35
thereexistsarespectablecorpusofoilomensfromtheOldBabylonian
period.ThesewerethesubjectofacomprehensiveeditionandstudybyGiovanniPettinato
(1966|, now over forty years ago, though apparently they have not inspired much interest
since. For the present purposes their significance stems from the fact that they contain a
considerablenumberofindividualentries,eachintheclassiccasuisticlogic-sentenceform,
whose interpretations bear statements about the 'presence, orman::um (or: ma:::um|,
ofparticulardeities,literallytheir'stand.Nowsimilarstatements,itisnotedbelow,arenot
absentinextispicy,butwhencomparingthesizesoftherespectivecorporaitisclearthatsuch
statementsfiguremoreprominentlyinlecanomancy.
36
Concerningsuchman::u-formulas,thequestiontobeposedisasimpleone:whatistheir
meaning?Howtointerpretapodosesprofessingaparticulargod`s'presence?Canonejustly
speakoftheseasconveyinganearlysortofwhatlatertheologicalreflectionmightlabelan
epiphany?Toanswerthesequestionsonemustcontendwithanothermatterthatfrequently
presentsitselfinthoseomensmentioningtheman::umofparticulargods.Thisinvolvesthe
mention of 'requests (singular: eristum| for specific items that accompany statements of
divine'presence.Asthefollowingdemonstrates,theunderstandingoftherelationbetween
these terms sheds considerable light on the meaning of the man::u-formulas themselves,
32
Withrespecttotheomenliterature,seeprovision-
allyWinitzer2006.Forarecentandexcellentover-
viewofthescribalcurriculum`sroleinthisprocess,
seevanderToorn2007:54-70,109-41.
33
SeemostrecentlyWinitzer2006:234ff.
34
On the presumed antiquity of the Enmeduranki
tradition, see Lambert 2007: 4. For another indi-
cation of the place of lecanomancy early on, see
SulgiCline102(ETCSL`snumbering|:-gdng-
nade-ga IGI PI/x-re -bi-! in-ga-zu 'Moreover, I
properly know the inspecting of lecanomancy and
libanomancy,followingroughlytheinterpretation
firstsuggestedinKlein1980:xv-xvii:morerecently
Sallaberger2005:237(withadditionalbibliography|:
alsoVolk1996:210n.187.
35
Eventhoughinpracticethistechniqueremained
common: for which, and on post-Old Babylonian
lecanomancy generally, see Maul 2003: 83. The
mostsignificantwitnessofinterestinthescholastics
oflecanomancycomesfromthediviner`s'manual
KAR151,discussedandeditedmostrecently(with
parallels| in Koch 2005: 39-45, 273-96: to be re-
editedbyNilsHeeelintheforthcomingvolumeof
theKAL.
36
Anexplanationforthisdiscrepancyissuggested
belowinsection6.
oi.uchicago.edu
andalsoonthebroaderissueoftheplaceoftheveryexpressionof'divinepresenceinthe
omencollections.
5
From almost the very beginnings of the study of Mesopotamian divination, a relation
wasobservedbetweenstatementsaboutadeity`srequestandthoseofitspresence.Jastrow,
inhispioneeringworkonMesopotamiandivination,
37
hadalreadyqualifiedtherelationbe-
tweenman::um anderistumasthedeity`s'Bestandand'aktiveTtigkeit,respectively.
38
Pettinatoadvancedthisideainhisstudyofthelecanomancycorpus,observingthatinthese
omenstheman::u-formula wasattimesclarifiedand/ormademorespecific,mostfrequently
viaastatementdescribingarequest,eristum.
39
Theevidencefromtheoil-omenscorpusisin-
structiveforthepresentpurposes.Itsreassessment,conductedbelow,providesanopportunity
totestPettinato`sobservationsystematically.Moreimportantly,itshedsadditionallighton
theancientsàttemptstocontendwiththerootoftheproblem:themeaningofdivinepresence
inMesopotamiandivination.
Withinthelecanomancycorpus,apodoseswithman::u-formulasand/oreristu-statements
are attested in distinct types, summarized in the following (table 2|, where an element Y
somehowqualifiesorisqualifiedbyastatementaboutadeityX:
Table2.Synopsisofman::umanderistumattestations
inOldBabylonianlecanomancyomencollections
Syntagm Examples(=Apodoses|
(a| man:: X man:: Sn
40
/Samas
41
(b
1
| man:: Xeristi Y man:: Samaseristi samsim
42
/ man:: Ea eristi nrim
43
(b
2
| man:: Xeristi Y man:: Sn
44
//star
45
eristi kaspim
(c| man::X(ana| Y man:: il awilim ana damiqtim/lemuttim
46
/ man:: Adad ana
damiqtim
47
(d| man:: YeristiX man:: seni
48
/ersetim
49
eristi Sumuqan
(e| YeristiX mukil res damiqtim eristi Sn
50
/mukil res lemuttimeristi
Samas
51
37
Jastrow1905-12,vol.2.
38
Ibid.,775,andseetheevenearlierefforttounder-
standthesetermsinHunger1903:25-27.
39
Pettinato 1966, vol. 1: 192-93: more recently
Durand1997:281.
40
E.g.,lwahrsagungI58.
41
E.g.,lwahrsagungI60.
42
lwahrsagungI59:cf.ibid.,I6andII65.
43
lwahrsagung I 61: on the variant in ms. C, see
ibid.,41.
44
lwahrsagungI57.
45
lwahrsagungII53.
46
lwahrsagungIVrev.12-13.
47
lwahrsagungIVrev.5.
48
lwahrsagungI56.
49
lwahrsagungII52:cf.ibid.,II50.The'Land
certainlyreferstotheNetherworld(soPettinato1966,
vol. 2: 72|, with which Sumuqan (Sum. Sakkan|
is associated in the Sumerian tale of the Death of
Gilgames:seefurtherGeorge2003,vol.2:850-51.
50
lwahrsagungII48.
51
lwahrsagungII49.
oi.uchicago.edu
Mostfrequentlyattestedareapodoseswhereasimplestatementaboutthe'presenceof
aparticulardeity(DN|,expressedbywayofaman:: Xformula,appearsunqualified(a|,
forexample,man:: Sn/Samas,'(itrepresents|thepresenceofSn/Samas.Ofthequalified
variety (b-e|, most common are cases where aneristu -statement appears to comment on a
precedingman:: Xformula(b
1-2
|.Attimesthisisachievedviaaparanomastichermeneutic
(b
1
|likethephraseeristi samsim,'(itis|arequestof/forthesundisk(written:sa-am-si-im|,
that follows man:: Samas, 'presence of Samas (written: utu|, or eristi nrim, '(it is| a
requestof/forthecanal,apparentlyascommentarytheprecedingman:: Ea, 'thepresence
ofEa.Inotherinstancesofthistype(b
2
|thequalificationoftheman::Xformulabythe
eristu-statement does not seem to be based on paranomastic grounds: the presence of Sn/
Istar, man:: Sn//star, is followed by a request (eristum| of/for silver, eristi kaspim. Still
elsewhere the man:: DN formula may be qualified without resort to aneristu-statement:
forexample,in(c|thephrases'forgood/badqualifythepreviousman:: Xformulas.Ina
coupleofcases(d|theman::umanderistum appearcrisscrossed:intheapodosesman::
seni/ersetimeristi Sumuqan'thepresenceoftheflock/Land:(itis|therequestofSumuqan,
theDNappearsaspartoftheeristu-statement,seeminglyasanexplanationoftheprevious
man::u-formulas.Finally,intheapodosesmukil res damiqtim eristi Sn /mukil res lemuttim
eristi Samas(e|,aneristiXstatementalsoappearstoexplainaprecedingelement,thoughin
thiscasethiselementisnotboundwithman::um.
Anumberofgeneralobservationsmaybemadefromthissurvey.First,itisapparentthat
an eristu-statement, where it appears (b
1-2
, d, e|, jollows some component of the apodosis,
whetheraman::u-formula(b
1-2
,d|ormerelytheelementY(e|.
52
Second,itisalsoevident
thataman::u-formula,whereitappearsandisqualifiedby(or,lesslikely,qualifies|another
elementintheapodosis(b
1-2
,c,d|,precedesanyothercomponentoftheapodosis,whether
aneristu-statement(b
1-2
,d|ormerelyY(c|.Third,itisplainthattheman::DNformula
canbequalified,forexamplebyana damiqtim/lemuttim,thatis,aspositiveornegative,and
thuscannotbeunderstood,inandofitself,ashavinganabsolutevalue.
53
Fromtheseobser-
vationsitfollowsthattheeristu-statementsfillafundamentallydifferentrolefromthoseof
man::u-formulas(notwithstandingthecases|d-e]whereadivinenameappearsaspartofthe
eristu-statement|.Itisalsoapparentthatthesameeristu-statementcanfollowtwoalternative
man::u-formulas(b
2
,d|:theconverse,however,isnotattested.Finally,onthebasisofall
these factors it seems likely that, if at least for the oil omens, Pettinato`s judgment stands:
wheretheyappear,theeristu-statementsclarifyorspecifyaprecedingelement-thelatter
oftenaman::DNformula.
Yet,asnotedabove,thisexaminationoftheoilomensisinstructiveinanothermanner,
onedovetailingwiththeprecedingobservationandilluminatingthebroaderunderlyingissue
ofthemeaningofdivine-presenceformulas.Inatleasttwopairsofomensfromthiscorpusan
inverserelationseemstooperatebetweeninterpretiveeristu-statementsinapodosesandthe
appearanceofsimilesormetaphorsinthecounterpartprotases.Onereads(example5|:
5
1.
Iffromthemiddleofthemassa(noil|bubblecameup
54
andhasburst(it
represents|thepresenceofSn:arequestof/forsilver(eristi kaspim|.
52
Tomyknowledgenoexampleoccursintheleca-
nomancycorpusofanunqualified eristu-statement.
Certainlyelsewhereinearlydivinationliterature,e.g.,
intheextispicycorpus,thisisnotthecase.
53
So,too,Pettinato1966,2:193.
54
Inanotherversion:'detached.
oi.uchicago.edu
2.
Iftheoil,inyourpouringwater(onit|,hastaken(theshapeof|twohorns
(qarnin
55
| (itrepresents|thepresenceofSn.
56
3.
If in your pouring water into the middle of the oil one fourth of the oil
separated(itrepresents|thepresenceofSamas:arequestof/forthesun
disk(eristi samsim|.
4.
Ifinyourpouringwaterintothemiddleoftheoil(theoilbubble|cameup
likeastar(kima kakkabim isit |(itrepresents|thepresenceofSamas.
57
Notably, eristu-statementsappearintheapodosesofthefirstomensofeachpair(lines
1,3|,whileinthelatterofeachcouple(lines2,4|theydonot(indicatedbyabove|.What
is remarkable about this is the relation of these apodoses with what precedes them. In the
protases of the second omen of either pair one observes a transparent signification for the
presenceofSnandSamas:themetaphorof'horns(qarnu|andthesimileofarisingstar
(kima kakkabim isit |,respectively:nosuchsignificationisfoundinthecounterpartprotases
ofomens(1|and(3|.Thisfindingcanhardlybecoincidental.Rather,onemustassumethat
theappearanceoftheeristu-statementsinthefirstofeachpair,andtheirabsenceinthesec-
ond,isdirectlyrelatedwiththeinformationgivenintheprotases.Towit:whereasufficiently
clear signification is offered in the protasis no explanatory gloss appears in the respective
apodosis:wherenosuchclarityisinitiallyaffordedontheotherhand,onefindsacompensa-
toryexplanationintheoracleitself.
Inotherwords,statementsofrequestsoccurintheseexampleswhereformulasofdivine
presenceappearbutarenotpromptedbysomeunusualfindinginthecorrespondingprotasis.
By'unusualherewhatismeantispreciselywhatNougayrol(1976|hadinmindwhende-
scribinghis'silhouettes de rejerence,thosesimilesoccurringinmanyomenprotasesthat
stoodoutsidethestandardizedmetonymicsignificationsystemofagivendivinatorytechnique.
With these for one reason or another a choice was made to keep things at the metaphoric
level, that is, outside the bounds of the divinatory technique`s established signification.
58
The divine-presence formulas in these examples represent the product of such cases. Their
expression, when matched by the accompanying 'silhouettes, appears foreign within the
contextoftheestablisheddivinatorysemiotics.Elsewhere,however,wherefounddetached
fromtheir'silhouettemoorings,theyaremediatedbyexplanatoryglosses.Suchinstances,as
alreadyobserved,representthemajorityamongtheoverallnumberofoccurrencesofdivine-
presenceformulas.Fromthispictureitthusseemsthatnotonlydoeristu-statementsclarify
often-preceding formulas of divine presence: they appear to do so when the accompanying
man:: DNformulasarenotheraldedby-oneistemptedtosay:havelost-metaphorical
signspromotingvariousdivine-presencesignifications.
Thisevidence,then,thoughlimitedinscope,nonethelesspointstoametaphoricallybased
connectionbetweenstatementsconcerningdivine'presenceincertainomenapodosesand
particularsignsinthematchingprotases.Thisconnectionseemstorepresentanexceptionto
thecollection`smetonymy-basedinterpretiveapparatus,whatelsewhereindivinationlitera-
tureisplainlyoneofitsdefiningfeatures(seebelow|.Onewonderswhethertheunevenness
inthesefindingssuggeststhatareconfigurationofideasconcerningthedivinepresencewas
55
Alsowrittenqannininoneversion:onwhichsee
Pettinato1966,vol.1:66,2:41:GAG35d.
56
lwahrsagungI57-58.
57
lwahrsagungI59-60.
58
Asimilarpointconcerningtheuseofmetaphorin
celestialdivinationismadeinRochberg1996:476.
oi.uchicago.edu
alreadyunderwayinOldBabylonianlecanomancy,thoughwiththedataavailable,atleastfor
theoil-omencorpus,thisquestionmustremainintherealmofspeculation.
6
Indeed, it remains to be seen whether the observations witnessed above for the case of
lecanomancyholdforotherbranchesofdivination,mostsignificantlyextispicy.ElsewhereI
arguethatinfactasimilarpicturemaybegleanedfromtheextispicyomens.
59
Onestriking
exampleinvolvesthefollowingpassage,whereonefindsjustthesortofreferencetothedivine
presencethatwasencounteredwiththeoilomens(example6|:
6.
1-2.
|If]inthebackoftheCrucibleoftherightsideafoo|t(-mark|](sepum|
hasa|f]ork(|la]riam|(itrepresents|thefootofNergal.
3-4.
IfinthebackoftheCrucibleoftherightside(thereare|twofeet(-marks|
(sepn|Adadwilldevastatetheiskaru-fieldsofthepa|lace].
5.
IfinthebackoftheCrucibleoftherightsideafoot(-marklooks|likea
shawlwith(of|aparsikku-band((<u>|purparsikkim|
60
(itrepresents|
thepresenceofIstar.
61
Ofparticularinterestisthethirdentry(line5|.Inthisinstanceagainoneencountersan
unusualsimileintheprotasis,describinganimagewelloutsideofthestandardmetonymy-
basednomenclatureandsemiologyofextispicy(somethingevenmorestrikingwhencompared
withthestandardmarksinlines1-2,3-4:the'foot|sepum]and'fork|larm]
62
|.Thatit
shouldthusbethesubjectoftheologicalspeculationaboutthe'presenceofadeity,inthis
caseIstar-thisoveragainstmorestandardformulationsasthoseintheprecedingentries
63
-isthereforelesssurprisingthanbefore.
64
Andyetacomparisonbetweenlecanomancyandextispicyisactuallyneitherfairnorval-
id,sinceinthecaseofthelatter,whichwasnotonlythemostsignificantintheearlyperiods
butalsothemosttechnicallyadvanced,statementsconcerningdivinepresenceandrequests
hadassumed,viametonymy,aplacewithinthetechnicalapparatusitself.Inthecaseofdivine
presencethiswasprobablythesecondaryname-man::um,the'Presence-ofthefirst
zone of the liver, naplastum (or: naplastum, the 'View|, as Nougayrol first suggested.
65
59
Winitzer,forthcomingb.
60
Onthereadingandsignificanceofthis'silhouette,
seeWinitzer,forthcomingb.
61
MAH 15994:1-5 (Nougayrol 1969: 153-56: for
collations and analysis, see Winitzer, forthcoming
b|.
62
On these marks, see, for example, Jeyes 1989:
83-84,92-93.
63
For apodoses based on the sep X formula, see
Richter 1994: 241 n. 87. The apodictic mention of
Nergal and other gods of plague and pestilence -
and pestilence itself - for which Nergal is prob-
ablythehypostasis(seethediscussionofCT29:1b
|=AbB2118]apudJeyes1989:121:Wiggermann
1999:216-17|,iswellattested:seeCADA/2,96s.v.
amutuA,mng.2a:M/2,296b,s.v.mutnumng.b:
AO7539rev.67(Nougayrol1971:72-77|:OBE1
obv.19:3iv11:16obv.4.Forattestationsofthe
commonAdad(X|iraisformulaanditsvariations
inapodoses,seeSchwemer2001:416-19.
64
SeefurtherWinitzer,forthcomingb.
65
Nougayrol1950:3-5,23:idem1967:219n.6:so
Labat1974:123:Starr1983:77:butcompareJeyes
1989:53:andKoch-Westenholz2000:52,whoseem
tofavorthefactorofgeographical-regionaldistribu-
tionforthevariantappellations.Again,needlessto
say,thematterneednotbemutuallyexclusive.
Additional support in favor of Nougayrol`s pro-
posalmaybefoundifoneconsidersthenameofthis
oi.uchicago.edu
Concerningrequeststhereexistedamarknamederistum,or'Request,whoseappearancein
theprotasisfrequentlycoincidedwithastatementofrequestintheaccompanyingapodosis
(see, e.g., example 7 below|.
66
In short, 'presence begat 'Presence: divine (and other|
'requestsengendered'(the|Request.
7. IfattheView`shead(is|aRequest-mark(eristum|(itis|arequestbythe
greatgod(eristi ilim rabm|.
67
Consequently,intermsofbothprotasesandapodoses,omenstatementsfromextispicy
collectionsarehighlysystematizedandratherpredictable,certainlyrelativetocontemporary
divinationfromotheravenues.Onesuspects,forinstance,thatwerethetechnicalapparatus
ofextispicylessadvancedandabstractinthisperiod,thentheapodosisofanomenlikethat
in example 7 might initially have made mention of the deity`s 'presence, and then follow
withtherequeststatement,perhaps:*man:: DN eristi ginm,'presenceofDN:requestfor
anoffering.
Remarkably,however,evenamongthishighlystandardizedmaterialonestillfindstraces
oftheoldinterestinthedivinepresence.Evidenceofthisappearsinanumberofthecollec-
tions themselves, which entertain in various ways a deity`s 'standing, or presence, in the
performedextispicy(examples8-11|.
8.
1.
'IfithasPalaceGateinwhicheverstanc|e(lit.,stand|you]takethede-
itywillprotectyou.
2.
'IfitdoesnothaveaPalaceGatethegodswillabandontheland.
68
9.
1.
'|Ifitha]s|aView]theman`ssacrificefor(lit.,with|thegodwillbe
(lit.,is|accepted.
2.
'|IfitdoesnothaveaView]it(i.e.,theman`ssacrificeforthegod|
willnotbeaccepted(lit.,didnotstand|.
69
10. 'If the Path is situated (normally| the god will set straight the man`s
path.
70
samezoneatMari:sissiktum,the'Hem(onwhich
seemostrecentlyGlassner2005:282-83|.Asiswell
known, the mention of a sissiktum, at times paired
withalockofhair(srtum|,isfrequentatMariand
elsewhere,withthesefunctioningasmarkersofper-
sonalidentification(forreferencesseeCADSs.v.
sissiktu,mng.c|.Undoubtedlythiswasthesensebe-
hindthenameoftheextispicyzoneatMari,which,
consequently, must be understood as a secondary
development, again via metonymy, to signify the
sameconceptthatisatissuewithman::um:divine
presence.
66
Jeyes 1989: 86. The mark`s logographic render-
ing as kam/km(-tu| is perhaps to be explained as
derivingfromak.am,thatis,thegenitivepostposi-
tionfollowedbythecopula,andthusmeaningsome-
thinglike'concerning,regarding.Itswritingasuru
(APIN|representsundoubtedlyaconfusionwiththe
homonymous eresum 'to plow: compare also the
lexical equation ng.al.di = eristum (e.g., Hh 1 41
|MSLV12]|.
67
Text: YOS 10 17:66: and cf. its parallel in AO
9066:26-28(Nougayrol1950:26andpl.1|:
If at the View`s head (is| a Request-mark
(eristum| (it is| a request by the great god
(eristi ilim rabm|: the god requests a regular
offering(sa ginm ilum irris|.
Interestingly, the additional gloss (for which see
Winitzer2006:153-54|inthisversionconcernsthe
objectofthedivinerequest-nosmallmatter,theo-
logicallyspeaking.Andyetstillonefindsnoprocla-
mationoftheverydeity`spresence.
68
YOS1023:1-2.
69
YOS1017:1-2:alsocomparetheparalleltoYOS
1017:1,AO9066:1-2(Nougayrol1950:23andpl.
1|.
70
YOS1011i1-2.
oi.uchicago.edu
Andcompare:
|6omenentriesconcerningthePath]
11. 'IfithasaStrengthdivineumbrage|willb]eupontheman.
71
Whatisparticularlystrikingabouttheseexamplesistheirplaceintherespectivecollec-
tionsinwhichtheyappear:theserepresenttheveryopeningofeach.Evenanapparentexcep-
tionprovestoconfirmtotheruleuponcloserexamination.Thisisexample11,anentryfrom
acollectionstudyingtwodifferentzones,which,whenconcernedwithonlythepresenceof
the'Strength,figurestobetheveryfirstinitsrespectivesection-immediatelyfollowinga
doublelinedemarcatingbetweentheformerandthecurrenttopics.
72
Followingeachofthese
entries their respective compendia turn to deal with more usual concerns, those describing
abnormalitiesofonesortoranotherintheveryzoneforwhichtheissueofnormalpresence
had first been explored, though now in more specific terms and in greater detail.It would
thusseemthatinaveryrealsensetheideaofagivenzone`snormalstatewithwhichcertain
collectionscommencewasintendedtodefinethecompendia,andtospelloutthestructural
oppositionbetweensoundnessandabnormalitythatelsewhereintheextispicycollectionswas
theunderlyingassumption,whathasbeendubbedthe'firstparadigmofdivination.
73
Thisevidencerepresents,inasense,avestigeofanolderinterestthathasbeenfossilized
inthecollections.Butitisallthemoresignificantforit.Onitsbasisitispossibletosaythat
atafundamentallevelthebasictheoreticalnotionofthedeity`spresenceremainedthecentral
-indeedfoundational-tenetforthebroaderenterprise.Thatthecollectionsarefrequently
anchoredbythispremisecannotbeignored:thatsoonthereaftertheyshifttomorecomplex
algebraicpermutationsis,inarealsense,secondary.Onecannot,despitetheimmensetechni-
calseathatfollowed,overlookthatwhichservedasthefoundationtoitall:thebeliefinthe
theologicalnotionofdivinepresenceassine qua nonforMesopotamiandivination.
Evidently,inalltheseexamplestherealityofthezone`spresenceorabsencewasequated
withthetheologicalmetaphorofdivinepresenceorabandonment,respectively.Onewonders
towhatextentthissignificationreflectedanarticleoffaithforthediviner-scholar,onethat
operatedcoherentlyandconsistentlywithinhissystemofhermeneutics,and,subsequently,
from which additional theological ominous postulates were (or could be| generated. This
question, too, cannot be entertained in the present context, and must await a full treatment
elsewhere.Nevertheless,italreadyseemsclearthatitsanalysiswillyieldimportantfindings,
andnotonlyforourunderstandingofthesemioticsofdivinationliterature.Afterall,inthe
finalanalysis,statementsconcerningthedivinepresenceinOldBabylonianMesopotamian
divinationbearmorebroadlyoncontemporaryconceptionsofreligionandthedivinerealm
withinit.
71
AO7028:7(9|(Nougayrol1941:80:idem1946:
56-57andpl.1|.
72
Notably,anothersuchinstance,ARM263:18,an-
otherapparentexceptiontothispattern,alsofollows
a ruling and begins a new section in its collection
ARM263(Durand1988:66-68|.Whatismore,it
comprisesthefirstentryofanumericalgradation(on
whichseeWinitzer2006:553-605|.Inalllikelihood,
therefore,itsplaceinthecollectionistobeattributed
tothesefactors,somethingthatexplainsitsapparent
exceptiontotheruleasjustthat.
73
SeeWinitzer2006:234-47,buildingonStarr1983:
18.Whynoexplicitstatementtothiseffectisappears
inthemajorityofthecollectionsseemsinkeeping
withthegeneralattitudetowardsecond-orderthink-
ingatthistime,onwhichseeMachinist1986.
oi.uchicago.edu
7
Ourjourney,whichmustend,hasnotbeenafruitlessone,forwehavegatheredfromit
ananswertoourinitialquery.ThenotionofdivinepresenceinMesopotamiandivination,it
isnowclear,wasnotlimitedtotheoryalone.ThisremainedacentraltenetofMesopotamian
divination,evenafterthelatterwasreconfiguredinpart,withitsempiricalrecordincorporated
into the scribal curriculum and theMesopotamian written sciences.
74
In that new context a
branch of Mesopotamian divination developed which no longer resembled what had previ-
ously been: Mesopotamian divination literature. This omen literature describes a different
sortofdivinationaltogether,onewhosetheaterofoperationwasthewrittentextandwhose
reasoningwasderivativeofthewordsthemselves.Inthisrichnewliteraryworld-aworld,
inthemanneroflanguageitself,limitlessinitsdeductivebounds-themanifestationofthe
divine figured much less prominently. Indeed, the beginnings of this process were already
encounteredabove.Theappearanceofinterpretativeglossesdescribing'requestsfollowing
statementsofdivine'presenceinsomeexamplessuggeststhatevenwithintheconceptual
frameworkof anygiven divinationtechnique,this Ursprache was,simply put, not enough:
commentarywouldbeneededtoexplainrevelation.Andwhat,onemightaskbywayofcon-
clusion,wasthefateofthelatter?This,inturn,wasrelegated,inthewayofadeus otiosus,
toaconceptualatticfromwhich,onunprecedentedoccasions,itcouldscarcelymutterathin,
smallvoice.
Whichremindsusofanold,ifsomewhatlessancient,Mesopotamianstory,atfirstglance
aboutanintellectualdebateonanaltogetherdifferentmatter,unrelatedtooursubject:
On that day Rabbi Eliezer brought forward every imaginable argument, but they
|theotherRabbis]didnotacceptthem.Hesaidtothem:'IfthelawisasIsay,let
thiscarobtreeproveit!Thereuponthecarobtreewastornahundredcubitsoutof
place(others affirm:four hundredcubits|.'Noproofcanbe broughtfromacarob
tree,theyanswered.Againhesaidtothem:'IfthelawisasIsay,letthestreamof
waterproveit!Whereuponthestreamofwaterflowedbackwards.'Noproofcanbe
broughtfromastreamofwater,theyanswered.Againheargued:'IfthelawisasI
say,letthewallsoftheschoolhouseproveit.Whereuponthewallsinclinedtofall.
(ButRabbiJoshuarebukedthem,saying:'Whenscholarsareengagedin.dispute,
what have you to interfere? Hence they did not fall in honor of Rabbi Joshua, nor
didtheyremainupright,inhonorof RabbiEliezer,andtheyarestillstandingthus
inclined.|
Again he said to them: 'If the law is as I say, let it be proved from heaven!
Whereuponaheavenlyvoicecriedout:'WhydoyoudisputewithRabbiEliezer,see-
ingthatinallmattersthelawisashesays!ButRabbiJoshuaaroseandexclaimed:
'Itisnotinheaven(Deut.30:12|.Whatdidhemeanbythis? SaidRabbiJeremiah:
'ThattheTorahhadalreadybeengivenatMountSinai:wepaynoattentiontoaheav-
enlyvoice,becauseYouhavelongsincewrittentheTorahatMountSinai..
RabbiNathanmetElijahandaskedhim:'WhatdidtheHolyOne,blessedbeHe,
doatthatmoment?Hereplied:'Helaughed,saying:Mysonshavedefeatedme,my
sonshavedefeatedme`(BabylonianTalmud,Bava Met:ià59b|.
74
Forramificationsofthisreconfiguration,see,for
example,Glassner2005:276-77:Winitzer,forthcom-
inga.
oi.uchicago.edu
ABBREVIATIONS
AbB AltbabylonischeBriefeinUmschriftundbersetzung
AO MuseduLouvretabletnumber
ARM26 Durand1988
CAD A. Leo Oppenheim et al., editors, The Assyrian Dictionary oj the Oriental
/nstitute oj the University oj Chicago
Erm HermitageMuseumtabletnumber
ETCSL TheElectronicTextCorpusofSumerianLiterature
FM7 Durand2002
FM8 Durand2005
GAG W.vonSoden,Grundri der Akkadischen Grammatik
Hh HAR.ra=ubullu(lexicalseries|
KAL KeilschrifttexteausAssurliterarischenInhalts
MAH MusedÀrtetd`Histoire(Geneva|tabletnumber
MDAI MmoiresdelaDlgationarchologiqueenIran
MSL MaterialsfortheSumerianLexicon
OB OldBabylonian
OBE Jeyes1989
lwahrsagung Pettinato1966
YOS10 Goetze1947
YOS11 vanDijk,Goetze,andHussey1985
oi.uchicago.edu
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vanDijk,JohannesJ.A.:AlbrechtGoetze:andMaryI.Hussey
1985 Early Mesopotamian /ncantations and Rituals.YaleOrientalSeries11.NewHaven:
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Durand,Jean-Marie
1997 'Ladivinationparlesoiseaux.Mari: Annales de Recherches /nterdisciplinaires8:
273-82.
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1974 Textes litteraires de Suse.MmoiresdelaDlgationarchologiqueenIran57.Paris:
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oi.uchicago.edu
oi.uchicago.edu
PHS/OGNOM /N ANC/ENT MESOPOTAM/A AND BEOND 199
11
PHYSIOGNOMY IN ANCIENT
MESOPOTAMIA AND BEYOND:
FROM PRACTICE TO HANDBOOK
*
BARBARABCK,CSIC,MADRID
Big head, little wit,
Small head, not a bit.
1
INTRODUCTION
Physiognomy - the art of reading the face and general appearance as well as the idea
that specific body characteristics are indicative of personality traits and man`s future and
fate - is deeply rooted in ancient cultures and still persistent in our day within the disci-
plineofpsychology,albeitinamarginalposition.Notonlytheideatojudgeotherpeople`s
destinyandpersonalitybyvisualinspectionisarecurrentelementinsocieties,butalsothe
contextsinwhichphysiognomicinformationhasaneffectareremarkablyconsistent.Ancient
Mesopotamiahasproducedanampleamountofphysiognomicomens.Althoughtheyarenot
aslargeinextentasextispicy,astronomicalomens,orpredictionsdrawnfromoccurrencesin
thehumanenvironment-suchastheobservationsoftheSumma lucorpus-theportents
ofhumanfaceandappearancearecomparableinsizetotheteratologicalomenscompiledin
theSumma i:bu treatise.Despitetheamountofphysiognomicomens,thereishardlyanyevi-
denceonhowphysiognomywasputintopracticeinancientMesopotamia.Neitherthenature
ofthecuneiformsourcesnorthequalityofinformationpermitsustosafelydrawconclusions
aboutreasons,circumstances,andindividualsinvolvedinperformingtheartofphysiognomy.
Thepresentarticlesuggestsplausiblesituationsforcarryingoutphysiognomicevaluationin
ancientMesopotamiainthelightofancientandearlyChineseandSanskritliteratureonbody
divination.AnotheraspectItreatisrelatedtotheauthoritativecharacterofdivination.Ialso
includesomereflectionsoncuneiformhandbooksasrepresentationalobjects.
THECUNEIFORMCORPUS
The first systematic treatment of physiognomic omens is owed to F.R. Kraus. In his
workDie physiognomischen Omina der Babylonier (1935|,Krausprovidesanintroduction
tothehandbook,whichincludesdescriptionsofitsinternalorganization,function,andtextual
*ThisarticleispartoftheresearchprojectFFI2008-
00996.CSIC=ConsejoSuperiordeInvestigaciones
Cientficas.
1
Thequoteistakenfromthereviewarticle'Genius
as to Feet and Inches: Is It the Tall Man or the
ShortOneWhoIsGreat-FamousMenandTheir
Measurements, published in The New ork Times
onJuly31,1897.
199
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 200
history.Someyearslater,in1939,appearedhisTexte :ur babylonischen Physiognomatik(=
TBP|, which contains a catalog of all physiognomic texts and fragments known to him at
thattime.ThematerialKraushaspublishedintheformofcuneiformautographsisabout66
percent of the corpus we know today.
2
The present author has identified some 18 percent,
whichareincludedin Die babylonisch-assyrische Morphoskopie.
3
Singlecontributionsand
texteditionscarriedoutbyanumberofscholarsamountto16percentofthematerial.
4
Now,
asregardsthecriticaltexteditionofthiscorpus,5percenthavebeentreatedbyvariousschol-
ars,15percentareowedtoKraus,andtheremaining80percenthavebeenpublishedbythe
presentauthor.
Physiognomic omens are first attested in the Old Babylonian period. The bulk of text
material, however, dates from the first millennium B.C., like most of cuneiform scholarly
literature.ThegreatmajorityofcopiescomesfromEsarhaddon`sandAssurbanipal`slibrar-
iesatNineveh,othershavebeenunearthedattheancientcitiesofAssur,Nimrud,Sultantepe,
Sippar,Babylon,Kis,Ur,andUruk.ThehandbookAlandimmcontainsvarioussub-series,one
entitledlikethewholeseriesoftwelvetabletsonthephysicalappearanceofmaleanatomy,
anothersub-seriesoftwotabletscalledinAkkadianSumma nigdimdimm('Iftheoutward
look|,thesub-seriesKatadugg 'Statement,thesub-seriesonwomen`sphysiognomy,the
sub-seriesofbirthmarks,and,finally,thesub-seriesonmuscletwitching.Therearetwenty-
seven chapters in total, twenty-two of which are still preserved.Moreover, a considerable
amountofcommentariesandextra-serialtabletsaretobeaddedtothiscorpus.
Thephysiognomichandbookwasarrangedandedited,asitseems,byasinglescholar,a
certainEsagil-kn-apli,exorcistatthecourtoftheeleventh-centuryBabyloniankingAdad-
apla-iddina.Esagil-kn-apliwasalsoresponsiblefortheredactionofthecorpusofdiagnostic
andprognostictextsSakikk.
5
Asfarasthenumberoftabletscomprisedinbothhandbooks
isconcerned,J.ScurlockhasputforwardthatthefortytabletsconstitutingSakikkreferto
thegodEa,whomsometraditionsconsiderastheauthorofthehandbook.Accordingly,the
numberoftabletsofthehandbookAlandimmshouldalsoimplicitlybelinkedtoagod.She
proposed thirty tablets evoking the moon-god Sn.
6
There is, however, no space for thirty
incipits in the catalog of Esagil-kn-apli. At most, twenty-seven incipits can be restored in
thebrokenpassagequotingthetitlesofthedifferentsub-chaptersonomensfromflecksand
macula.Thisnumber,furthermore,isreconstructedonthebasisofthepreservedcolophons.
IshouldaddthattherearetraditionsthatalsoattributetheAlandimmhandbooktothegod
ofwisdomandmagic.
2
FurthertextshavebeenpublishedinKraus1936a:
Kraus1936b:Kraus1947.
3
SeeBck2000andBck2004.
4
Thefollowingcontributionsincludetexteditions
withtranslations:KcherandOppenheim1958:Labat
andEdzard1974:177-94:Hunger1976:85-98(nos.
82and83|:Arnaud1985:343:Arnaud1987:309:
vonWeiher1993:65-80(nos.149,150,and151|.
TranslationshavebeenofferedbyvonSoden(1981|
andReiner(1982|.
5
SeeFinkel1988.
6
SeeScurlock2003:396.
oi.uchicago.edu
ALAND/MM:FROMPRACTICETOHANDBOOK
Alandimm:
TabletIIIline63'Ifthecurlinhisfrontpointsdownwards:losses,hewill
becomeworried.
7
TabletVIIIline69'Ifhisrighteyeislong:hewillbecomerich.
8
Spotomens:
Summa tirkuline8'If(ablackbirthmark|is(abovehis|left(eyebrow|:he
willbecontented.
9
Summa kittabru(saidofwomen|line9'Ifshehasasmallbirthmarkon
herrightear:shewillmakemischief.
10
Twitchingmuscle:
Summa sern putisuline1'Ifthemuscleoftherightsideofhisforehead
twitches:god|willgivehimhappiness].
11
Behavioralomen:
Kataduggline63'Ifheoftenactshumbly:godwillhavemercywith
him.
12
Kataduggline117'Ifheislavish:he|willsuffer]losses.
13
ON THE NATURE OF PHYSIOGNOMIC OMENS
Ifwehadtocharacterizetheomensincludedinthedifferentsub-seriesandchaptersofthe
physiognomichandbook,wewouldcertainlyhavetheimpressionthattheysmackofpopular
wisdomandappeartobewidespreadmaxims,aphorisms,andcommon-sensetruths.Instead
offolklore,wepreferanotherterm,whichhasbeencoinedbytheclassicistscholarGilbert
MurrayandappliedbyE.R.Doddsinhisclassicstudy The Greeks and the /rrational,namely,
'inherited conglomerate. The expression refers to the folklore or the mass of experiences
andforces,whichhaveworkedonacommunityinthepastandlefttheirmarkontheminds
andhabitsofthoughtofindividuals.Wewouldthendescribethestatementsincludedinthe
physiognomic text corpus as inherited conglomerate of the ancientMesopotamian insights
intohumanconditionandcharacter.
Thankstoitsvisual,evennon-literatenature,physiognomyiseasilyspreadandaccessible.
Indeed,partsofthephysiognomictextcorpusarecharacterizedbyacertaintransparencyof
what we could term the otherwise hidden webs of divination, which is due to a somewhat
straightforward surface connection between portents of the human face and body and their
respectiveinterpretations.Wearereferringtopredictionsthatresultfromcommonplaceas-
sociationsofcontentsthataccountforanimmediateaccesstothemeaningofaportent.As
canbeobserved,omensdescribingfrecklesandflecksofdifferentnaturelocatedaroundthe
7
SeeBck2000:92.
8
SeeBck2000:112.
9
SeeBck2000:204.
10
SeeBck2000:230.
11
SeeBck2000:234.
12
SeeBck2000:134.
13
SeeBck2000:138.
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 202
mouth are often linked with statements involving speech or food references. Some predic-
tions derived from macula omens, which are observed on the feet, play with formulations
that contain verba movendi, metaphorical expressions for legs and feet, or refer to motion
andimmobility. On the other hand,the sizeofthemale membershedslight onvirilityand
accountsforthenumberofchildren,whiletheformofbreastandnavelofwomenstandsfor
fertilityandthecapacityofbirthing.
Mouth
'Ifit(=umsatufleck|isonthesurfaceofhistongueontherightside:hewill
beoverwhelmedbyblasphemy.
14
'Ifit(=umsatufleck|isbelowhistongue:hewillswearandgodwillnotseize
him.
15
'Ifthereisakittabru fleckonhisupperlip,beitinside,beitoutside:godwill
providehimwithplentyoffood.
16
'Ifthereisakittabru fleckaboveandbelowhislips:aphasiawillseizehim.
17
'Ifthereisakittabru fleckonhisuppergums,beitontheright,beontheleft
side,hewillhaveplentyoffood.
18
Feet
'Ifthey(=umsatu flecks|coverhisankles:hewillbeconfinedinbed.
19
'Ifthereisakittabru fleckontherightorleftheel:hewillfollowtheroadof
success.
20
'Ifthereisakittabru fleckonthesideofhisfeet,beitup,beitdown:wherever
hegoesitwillbepropitiousforhim.
21
'Ifthereis(adarkspot|onhisleftfoot:hewillnotfollowtheroadofsuc-
cess.
22
'Ifthereisakittabrufleckontherightsideofthesoleofherfeet:solidfunda-
mentswillbeassignedtoher.
23
Primarygenitaliaandbreast
'Ifhispenislookslikeafish:hewillbecomepowerfulandhavesons.
24
'Ifhispenisislongandthick:hewillbegetmales.
25
'Ifit(=liptufleck|isontherightsideofhispenis:hewillhavefewsons.
26
'Ifit(=darkspot|isontheleftsideofhispenis:he|willhave]sons.
27
14
SeeBck2000:188(line70|.
15
16
17
18
19
20
See Bck 2000: 227 (line 120|. Note that the
Akkadianphraseplayswiththetermtallaktu'way
andtheGtnstemofalku.
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
oi.uchicago.edu
'Ifthereisakittabruontheuppersideofhispenis,beitupordown/beit
rightorleft:hewillhavesonsanddaughters,hewillmakeprofit.
28
'If a woman`s navel is hard: she is a woman who has difficulties to give
birth.
29
'If a woman`s navel is soft: she is a woman who brings her pregnancy to
term.
30
'Ifumsatufleckscover(thenipples|ofawoman:sheisbarren.
31
Butitisnotonlytheissueofvisibilitythatdemarcatesphysiognomicomensfromother
divinatorytreatisesinwhichtheperceptibleworldappearsonlyasasmallpartofrealityand
whosehiddenrealmsclearlyrequireunderstandingandunravelingbyexperts.Itisthenature
andappearanceoftheobjectofphysiognomy-namely,anormalphysique,ahealthycom-
plexion, and an able-bodied person - that stand out against truly disturbing and ominous
observationssuchas'aewethatgivesbirthtoalion,andithasthefaceofanass,
32
or'an
anomalyhasthreeextraearsbehindbothofitsearsandtheyfaceitsback,
33
ortheprospect
of'agoat-likecatcherdemonwhichisseeninaman`shouse,
34
or'aghostcryingoutagood
dealinaman`shouse.
35
Yet one more characteristic of the physiognomic text corpus should be mentioned: all
predictions refer exclusively to the person who is object of or subject to visual inspection.
Inotherwords,ascomparedtopredictionsreferringtokingandcountrycompiledinomen
handbooks such as Summa i:bu, Summa lu, Enuma Anu Enlil, or extispicy, the impact of
physiognomicomenswasverylimitedandreduced:whetheramanhadablackfleckbehind
or on top of his left ear scarcely concerned anybody else but him, since he would have to
copewiththeconsequences.Thequestionofwhomightbeaffectedbyanomenwasaserious
matteranditwasapparentlyoneofthefirstissuesaddressedbytheexpert.Quiteillustrative
inthisregardisoneofthelettersoftheastrologerBalaswhowroteinearly670B.C.toking
Esarhaddon:
Astowhattheking,m|ylord,wr]ote|tome]:'|In]thecityofH|ar]ihumbalightning
struckandravagedthefieldsoftheAssyrians-whydoesthekinglookfor(trou-
ble|,andwhydoeshelook(forit||intheho]meofatiller?Thereisnoevilinsidethe
palace,andwhenhasthekingevervisitedHarihumba?
36
28
SeeBck2000:222(lines87-88|.
29
SeeBck2000:163(line188|.Inherrecenttrans-
lationofsomeoftheomensincludedinthechapter
onwomen`sphysiognomy, R.Pientka-Hinz(2008:
46-47withfnn.87and92|translatestheapodosis
mulamminatwith'istsieeine,dieBsestutrefer-
ring to AHw 542. W. von Soden, however, states
in AHw 542b s.v. lemenu(m| D 2, that the mean-
ingoftheparticipleintheD-stemstativeisunclear.
CADL118as.v.lemenu5a|5,inturn,suggeststhe
meaning'shewillhaveadifficulttimegivingbirth.
ThetranslationchosenhereandinBck2000:163
followsCADandtakesintoaccounttheopposition
betweenmulamminatandmusallimatinthefollwing
line. As for musallimat, we prefer to follow CAD
S/1s.v.salmu226b11f.,whichgivesforsalmuin
D-stemthemeaning'tobringtotermandpreserves
moreaccuratelythebasicmeaning:AHw1145as.v
salmu(m|D5ctranslates'gesundgebrenwhich
isalsothetranslationofR.Pientka-Hinz.
30
31
32
ThequoteisfromLeichty1970:78(Vline53|.
33
The quote is from Leichty 1970: 142 (XI line
138|.
34
ThequoteisfromFreedman1998:276(XIXline
1|.
35
ThequoteisfromFreedman,1998:280(XIXline
65|.
36
SeeParpola1993a:32-33no.42lines5-15.
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 204
WASTHEREANORALPHYSIOGNOMICALTRADITION?
IhavestatedthatphysiognomyformedpartoftheMesopotamianinheritedconglomerate
andassumedthatithaditsrootsinandarosepartlyfrompopularwisdomandgeneralnotions
ofphysiognomicalcharacteristics,thoughdistinctforancientMesopotamians.Ourarguments
referred to a certain transparency and immediacy of the divinatory speech - as it may be
observedinsomeomens-aswellastothemodesofinterpretingphysicalsignsbasedon
associationsorwordplaysthatmusthavebeencommontoallpeople.
37
Inordertoprovethe
assumptionthatphysiognomygrewinpartoutoffolklore,Ishouldwondernowhowsignifi-
cantoraltraditionwasandwhatwasitsrelationshipwiththephysiognomydescribedinthe
handbookofphysiognomicomens.
Therearetwotextcorporarepresentativeoforaltraditions,whichseemtohaveabsorbed
someideasincorporatedlaterinAlandimm.Remnantsoforaltraditioninbothphysiognomy
andhumanbehaviorhavebeenhandeddownintheformofproverbs,andotherphysiogno-
micalexpressionshavepenetratedoneofthelexicaltexts,namelytheOldBabylonianList
ofHumanClasses-theso-calledlzlag:aslkum.Itisworthnotingthatallinallthere
areonlyveryfewparallelsthatcanbedrawnand,asshownbelow,correspondencesbetween
proverbialsagesseandthephysiognomicomenhandbookareconfinedtothesectiononbe-
havioralomensonly.AsfortheOldBabylonianlexicaltexts,theyechoeitherthephysical
descriptions or the state and fate of the person, but they do not provide a link between the
signifier and the thing signified. It should also be emphasized that there is a temporal gap
betweentheproverbsandthelexicaltextontheonehand,andtheAlandimmhandbookon
theother.Finally,thereisalsoadifferenceinlanguage.
As discussed further below, there are no exact parallels, but rather what we might call
'variationsonatheme.ExamplesaretakenfromtheSumerianproverbcollectionquoting
theB.Alster`s1997Proverbs oj Ancient SumerandthoseproverbsW.G.Lambertincluded
inhis1960Babylonian Bisdom Literature.
Example1:
Proverbs:(a|Alster1997:20:(b|K.4347+16161,Lambert1960:240
(a|line78'Hehurledhisinsult,and(soon|therewasacurse(onhim|.
(b|iilines15-17'Slandernoone,andthengrief|willnot]reachyourheart.
F.R.Kraus` Sittenkanon (Kraus1936a|:Summa katadugglines27,32,
141,142,191,192
38
'Ifheslandersandcausestroubles:hisgodwillobligehimtocorveework.
'|Ifhe]slanderssomeone:hewilldieduetodenouncement.
'Ifheconstantlyhurlsinsults:itwillturnagainsthim,|.].
'Ifhecalumniatessomeone:ditto.
'Ifheisacalumniator:hewillbedenounced.
37
Forassociationasoneoftheprinciplesoforderin
Hammurabi`slawcode,seePetschow1968:foras-
sociationbasedontheshapeofcuneiformsigns,see
Edzard1982:fortheroleofphonologicalassociation
and semantic attraction in lexical lists, see Finkel
1982:23-36:foranalogyasoneofthedecoding/en-
codingdevicesindivination,seeGlassner1984.
38
SeeBck2000:132,140,142.
oi.uchicago.edu
'Ifhehurlsinsults:hewillbedenounced.
Example2:
Proverbs:Alster1997:87
3.33'(Hewhosays|Letmelivetodayìsboundlikeabulltoaleash.
F.R.Kraus` Sittenkanon (Kraus1936a|: Summa kataduggline4
39
'IfhesaysIshalllive!`:hewillnotlive.
Example3:
Proverbs:(a|Alster1997:216:(b|Lambert1960:263
(a|14.1'Letkindnessberepaidtohimwhorepaysakindness.
(b|Obv.lines12-13'Maykindnessberepaidtohimwhodoesakindness.
F.R.Kraus` Sittenkanon (Kraus1936a|:Summa kataduggline58
40
'Ifherepayskindness:hewillbecompletelypleased.
Example4:
Proverbs:K.4347+16161,Lambert1960:240
iilines11-14'Commitnocrime,andfear|ofyourgod]willnotconsume
you.
F. R. Kraus` Sittenkanon (Kraus 1936a|: Summa katadugg lines 87,
145
41
'Ifhehateswrongdoing:hisgodwillgotogetherwithhim.
'Ifheisacriminal:hewillbediscontent.
The other text corpus, which presents some physiognomical references, is the Old
BabylonianListofHumanClasses.
42
SinceIhavealreadytreatedresemblancesbetweenthis
lexicaltextandexpressionsintheomenhandbook,
43
Irefertoafewexamplesinordertoil-
lustratethedegreeofcomparability.Apersonwhomgodhasrejectediscalledldingir.zag.
tag.ga:sa ilum iskipu|su](OBLrec.A380|.Thesamephraseoccursasomenapodosisin
theOldBabyloniantreatiseonfleckscalledinAkkadianumsatum:'Ifthereisanumsatum
fleckontherightsideofhisbreast:heisrejectedbyhisgod.
44
Abashfulpersonisreferred
tointhelexicalentrylts.tuku.tuku:bajjisum(OBLBii25|.Comparethetwoomens'If
amanhaslongeyelashes:heisbashful:iftheyarethick:heisbashfulandfearsgod.
45
The
lastexampleisapersonwithaparticularhairgrowthcalledinAkkadian(|appar(m|.The
lexicalentryreadslsk.guz.za:apparr(OBLC22|andtheomen'ifaman`sheadis
shaggy:happiness.
46
39
SeeBck2000:130.
40
SeeBck2000:134.
41
SeeBck2000:137,140.
42
SeeLandsberger,Reiner,andCivil1969.
43
SeeBck1999:60-67.
44
45
SeeBck2000:290(line21|and292(line23|.
46
SeeBck2000:76(AlandimmIIline52|.
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 206
Tofinishthispart,weincludeaproverbaboutawifewhoisquiteextravagant,whichis
inturnoneoftheargumentsthatspeaksinfavororagainstherbeingchosenasbride.
Proverbs:Alster1997:31:BM385394-7:Lambert1960:266lines4-7(first-
millenniumversion|
line151'Inmarryingathriftlesswife,inbegettingathriftlessson,anunhappy
heartwasassignedtome.
line154'Athriftlesswifelivinginahouseisworsethanalldiseases.
Physiognomicomensonwomen:Summa sinnistu qaqqada rabtlines4,6,70,
74
47
'Ifthereisaredumsatufleckonherrightear:sheismarriageablebutthrift-
less.
'Ifthereisayellowumsatufleckonherrightear:sheismarriageablebut
thriftless.
'.arebeclouded:shewillruinthehousewhereshewillbeliving.
48
'.:shewillruinthehousesheenters.
49
There are strikingly few comparable statements between the physiognomic handbook
andthetextcorporaofproverbsandtheOldBabylonianListofHumanClasses.Sinceany
resemblanceorlinkbetweentheoralfolktraditionpreservedinproverbsandtheknowledge
assembledinAlandimm ismorearbitrarythannatural,wecanmerelydeducethatoraltradi-
tiononphysiognomyhasnotbeencapturedintextgenresoffolklore,suchasthecollectionsof
proverbs,andhasthusbeenlost.Thereis,however,onecommentarytophysiognomicomens
preservedwhichaccordingtoitscolophongoesbacktooralinterpretivetradition.
50
Whether
alsootherpartsofphysiognomiclorewerehandeddownorally,wewillneverknow.
THELANGUAGEOFPHYSIOGNOMICOMENS
ANDTHEISSUEOFSTANDARDIZATION
Thesayingsandstatementsofthephysiognomichandbookwere,inalllikelihood,rather
familiartothemembersofancientMesopotamiansociety.Oneshouldaddthatthisisafea-
turethatcanbefoundinotherdivinatorytreatises,too.Thisproximitytoorfamiliaritywith
47
SeeBck2000:152,154,156.
48
Theapodosisallowstwotranslations:theonegiv-
enhereandthepassiveversion'thehouseinwhich
shewilllive,willberuinedasgiveninBck2000:
155.
49
Again, the apodosis allows two translations: the
one given here and the passive version 'the house
inwhichshewillenter,willberuinedasgivenin
Bck2000:157.
50
ThetextispublishedinHunger1976:87(no.83|:
thereferenceisinrev.28:NIG.ZI.GAL.EDIN.NA su-
ut pi-i u mas-a-a-al-tum sa um-man-nu saDIS SAG.
DUu-la-mi-suGAR'Wordlist,oralexplanationand
examination of a scholar for If he has a head like
achameleon.`Thetextcomments,words,andex-
pressionstothetabletpublishedbyKrausasTBP17
(Kraus 1939: pl. 24|, which is an explanatory text
(perhaps a mukallimtu commentary| to the second
tabletoftheAlandimmhandbook.Seeforbothtexts
alsoBck2000:246-49,254-56.
oi.uchicago.edu
physiognomyiscorroboratedbytheterminologyusedforthedifferenttermsoffaceandbody,
whichdonotrequireanyspecificanatomicalknowledge.
51
Rather,asIhavealreadyputfor-
wardbycomparingphysiognomicterminologywiththelistonhumananatomy,Ugu.mu-a
lexicaltextthatwaspartofthebasiclearninginschools-physiognomy-relatedwordsform
partof'everydaylanguage.
52
Asforthecompleteomensentences,theyarecertainlynottheeverydaylanguageofthe
period to which most written testimonies of physiognomy and the physiognomic handbook
itselfdate,thatis,aroundthetimeofAssurbanipal.Thisisbestattestedbythevariouscom-
mentariestophysiognomicomensdatingroughlyfromthetimeofAssurbanipaltothefourth
centuryB.C.Inthesecommentaries,theAssyrianandBabylonianscholarsexplainedthelost
meaningofsomeobscure,difficult,orobsoleteexpressionsandphenomena.
53
Note,forex-
ample,acommentaryoftheUrukaenexorcistAnu-iksur,wherethetypicallyOldBabylonian
writingwa-su-u,whichwasnotanymoreunderstood,isexplainedbyspellingitouta-su-u.
54
Itis,however,notbeyonddoubtthatspellingssuchasthisactuallypointtoanOldBabylonian
precursorofthetext.Itisalsolikelythatscribesusedold-fashionedwritingsintentionallyin
ordertodemonstratetheirlearnednessortomakethetextappearolderandantiquated.
Apodosesfoundinthephysiognomichandbookarecharacterizedbystandardformulations
whicharealsofoundinotheromentreatisessuchasSumma luandSumma i:bu.Thesame
phraseology entered into the genre of Suila-prayers, which also formed part of apotropaic
namburbi rituals that were performed to avert the evil predicted by an ominous sign.
55
As
comparedtotheOldBabylonianapodosesofthephysiognomiccorpus,whicharemorevaried
as regards themes and formulations, the first-millennium versions seem, from a subjective
pointofview,unoriginal,repetitive,andrathersimplified.
56
Yet the standardized written form of expressions did not only facilitate the association
betweenthedivinatoryliteratureandformalprayerssuchastheSuilatype,butitalsohelped
fostertraditionaltexts.Theimportanceofpreservingthese'ancientbeliefs,entailingthus
the need for scholarship, becomes more evident if we consider the language or dialect in
whichthetextsarewritten.DivinatorytextswerelikeAkkadianfirst-millenniumliterature
composed in theStandard Babylonian dialect, which differed formally, grammatically, and
lexicallyfromtheAssyrianandBabylonianvernaculardialects.Tokeepalivearichwritten
cultureinAkkadian(StandardBabylonian|andSumerianhadanimpactonthepositionand
authorityofspecialistsandexpertsintherespectivefieldsofknowledge,asamplytestified
bythenumberofscholarsattachedtothecourtoftheAssyriankings.
51
Thisobservationaswellasacomparisonbetween
medicalandphysiognomicaltextswillbefurtherde-
velopedinaforthcomingarticle.
52
See,foracomparisonbetweensometermsattested
in Ugu.mu and in the physiognomic omen corpus,
Bck2000:45-46.
53
ForastudyofBabylonianandAssyrianhermeneu-
tics,seeFrahm,inpress.
54
ThetextisHunger1976:86-89(no.83|:thetext
is a stu-commentary, for which see Frahm 2004:
46-47n.15.
55
SeeBck2002foracomparisonoftheterminol-
ogy:forathoroughstudyofapotropaicrituals,see
Maul1994.
56
Itisworthnotingthatasomewhatsimilarprocess
tookplaceinthetransmissionofAkkadianliterary
texts.J.S.Cooper(1977:509|,inhisstudyofthe
OldBabylonianandStandardBabylonianversionof
theMythofAnzu,observes'theOBversionchoseto
phrasesimilarideasdifferentlyindifferentcontexts,
whereastheSBtextconflatesandhomogenizes,al-
beitartfully,producingatextinwhichsubtlydiffer-
entexpressionsbecomemonotonouslyidentical.The
narrativenotonlybecomeslessinteresting,butmay
beimpoverishedaswell.
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 208
Therearefewreflectionsabouttheeffectandcircumstancesoftheprocessoffixingtexts.
A.L.Oppenheimpointedtothe'freezingimpactofwriting,relevantforcertaintextgenres,
keeping'aspecificwordingandanestablishedarrangementofcontent,whichhesituatesinto
thethirdquarterofthesecondmillenniumB.C.Asfortheconsequences,hefurtherexplains,
'standardizationeffectivelymaintainedtheoriginalcontentsagainstthepressureofchanging
conceptsandattitudes,preservingobsoletetextmaterialthatotherwisecertainlywouldhave
disappeared.
57
InhisstudyThe Logic oj Briting and the Organi:ation oj Society,J.Goody
takesuptheissueofthefixednessoftext,referringespeciallytoprayers.Onceaprayersuch
astheLord`sPrayerisfixed,itrequiresexactrepetitionregardlessofwhetherthewordsare
understoodoriftheyaresuitableforspecifictimesandoccasions.This'repetitiousdiction
tends,asGoodydescribes,'tosimplifycomplexprocedures(.|forwhichendtheBookis
highlyinstrumental.
58
Iwouldliketoaddtwomoreaspectstothediscussion,whichinvolvetheadvantagesof
standardization and the intention of divination language. Standardizing texts or languages
hasundoubtedlytheadvantagethatiteaseslearning.Thisisanissuethatisoftenoverlooked
sincewedonothaveanydataabouthowmuchanexpertscribelearned,memorized,orin-
ternalizedthroughouthiscareer.Wecancertainlyreconstructtheschoolpensumofscribes
andwealsoknowfromtexts,suchasthecatalogofworksbelongingtotheartofexorcism
(siputu|,what anincantationpriest wassupposed to havestudied.
59
Despite thisinforma-
tion,thepictureofhowmanytextswereactuallyknownbyexpertscholarsbyheartremains
somewhatblurred.
QuiteinstructiveinthisregardisthenumberoftextversesW.Bascomgivesinhisstudy
oncastingcowriedivinationamongtheYorubainNigeria.HismainsourceistheNigerian
divinerSalakhowhocouldreciteforhimmorethan12,000linesofdivinatorytext.
60
Justto
compare,ifthephysiognomichandbookwerecompletelypreserved,itwouldincludeabout
2,000linesoftext.Additionalinformationformemorizingcomesfromthecorpusofpropi-
tious rituals, the so-callednamburbi. At least two tablets could have been used as memory
prop,asS.M.Maulsuggests.BothtextsareSammeltajelnandseemtobeconciseversionsof
severalritualscontainingkeywordsandincipitsofprayers,whichintheirfullformwouldhave
occupiedthespaceoftentotwelvetablets.
61
Inalllikelihood,Alandimmhadtobelearned
andmemorizedforquotation.Thecatalogofincipitsofboththediagnosticandprognostic,
andthephysiognomichandbookprovidesupportforthisassumption.Thecatalogstates,'one
whodoesnotachieveacertaindegreeofknowledgeshallnotpronouncetheSakikkhandbook
andshallnotreciteAlandimm.
62
Aswemayobserve,quiteanumberofphysiognomicpredictionsdisplay'philological
knowledge,which-asitisgenerallyassumed-wasonlyaccessibletothescholarlyelite
57
Oppenheim1975:18:seealsoOppenheim1978:
642onthestandardizationofomenapodoses.Forthe
processof'canonization,seeLeichty1993:24.
58
Goody1986:39.
59
SeeGesche2001forfirst-millenniumschools.For
thecurriculumofansipu,comparetheworkslisted
inKAR44andduplicates,forwhichseetheedition
Geller2000:242-54.
60
Thetransliterationandtranslationofthedivination
versesoccupymostofthestudy:seeBascom1980:
54-773.
61
Maul (1994: 203-04| suggests that the tab-
lets K. 9718(+| and K. 9789+ 'waren fr einen
Beschwrer von Nutzen, der die Ritualtexte be-
herrschte und den Text der Tafel lediglich als
Gedankensttzebentigte.
62
Quoted are lines A 64-65 / B 27-28 according
totheeditionofFinkel1988:148.Thefirstverbis
dabbu(m|writtenlogographicallyDU.GA,thesec-
ondnab(m|.
oi.uchicago.edu
andenabledthemthustoprovideinterpretations.Byphilologicalknowledge,Imeanthediffer-
enthermeneuticaltechniquessuchasassociation,analogy,andbringingintoplaylanguageand
writing.Unliketheuseofwritingskills,association,analogy,andwordplaywerecommonde-
vicesofdialog,interpretation,andunderstandingthathadtobesharedbyanyMesopotamian.
Itispreciselythisgraphiclevelthatallowsustore-assessthenatureofAlandimm.Itseems
that,intheprocessofcompilingandcomposingthehandbookofphysiognomicomens,the
AssyrianandBabylonianscribeswouldhaveattributedascholarlyrationalizationlater,with
thebenefitofhindsight.Thereareseveralomensinwhichthescribestressedorplayfullyhid,
throughthechoiceofcuneiformsigns,anassociationorinterpretation.
63
Perhapsonecould
saythattheimpetusforintellectualendeavorsandaspirationsoftheAssyrianandBabylonian
scholarslaynotsomuchintheformationandcreationofomensbutratherindemonstrating
their - writing - skills of reasoning, corroborating thus the prediction.
64
The following
examplesdemonstratethisassumption.
Example1:AlandimmIIline107,textduplicateD
65
DIS SIK bi-tam na-da-at ek-lis GAL

ina tam-ta-a-ti GEN.MES
'Ifthehairturnsinside:hewillbegloomy,hewillsufferlosses.
Acloserlookatthecuneiformwritingrevealshowtheexpertscribesplayedwiththesigns
orratherchosethemdeliberately,asiftoshowtheevidentconnectionbetweenprotasisand
apodosisonthewrittenlevel.Inordertodemonstratethevisualeffect,thewordsandsigns
aretransliteratedregardlessoftheircorrectreading.
Theverbalformwrittenna-da-at inthe protasisisgraphicallyresumedintheapodosis.
If we compare the appearance of the signs, what is read ina tam- looks very much like the
NA-sign.Wewouldthenhave,onagraphiclevel,thesequenceNA-DA-A-TIwhichhastobe
correctlyreadina tam-ta-a-ti.Anothergraphicplayisthewritingofek- inek-lisintheprotasis
andGALintheapodosis,bothbeingthesamecuneiformsign.
Example2:Summa umsatuline3
66
DIS SAG.DU-su ma-la-a HUL.GIG u-tam-mat-su ma-la-a IL.MES
'Ifhisheadiscovered(withumsatuflecks|:rancorwillmakehimrestless,he
willwearthehairgearofmourning.
Theverbmalisattestedseventytimesinthephysiognomichandbook:infifty-eightoc-
casionsitiswrittenlogographicallywithDIRIandintwelve timesitisspelledsyllabically.
IntheSumma umsatusectionDIRIisattestedtwelvetimesandmalinsyllabicwriting,three
63
SeeEckartFrahm,'ReadingtheTablet,theExta,
andtheBody,inthisvolume.
64
See also the discussion of Larsen 1987: 222-25
ontheroleofwritingandliteracyin Mesopotamian
divination.
65
SeeBck2000:82.
66
SeeBck2000:184.
Figure11.1.Kraus1939:pl.4,text3brev.iiiline10
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 210
times.Thechapteronthekittabrufleckdoesnotusemalsyllabicallyspelledbutninetimes
uses the logogram. Though in roughly 17 percent of all preserved passagesmal is written
syllabically,Ibelievethatitisnoteworthythatitisspelledoutinthelineunderdiscussion.It
seemsthatthescribeintendedtostressthevalidityoftheinterpretationbychoosingthesame
spellingforthehomonymousformsofmal'hairdressofmournersinaccusativesingular
andofmal'tocoverstativeGinpluralfeminine.
Example3:Summa umsatulines6-8(andlines1-14|
67
DIS ina GU.TAL ZAG GAR mu-kil ku-tal-su UG SA HUL IGI
DIS ina GU.HAS KIMIN SAG.HUL.HA.ZA SIG-su-ma UG-su
DIS ina GU.HAS : GU.TAL GUB GAR KIMIN SI.SA : SUB EN INIM-su
'Ifit(=theumsatufleck|isontherightsideofthebackofhishead:theone
whosupportshimwilldie,hewillexperienceworry.
'Ifit(=theumsatufleck|ditto(=isontherightsideofthebackofhishead|:
thedemoncalledtheonewhoprovidesevil`willaffecthimandhewilldie.
'Ifit(=theumsatufleck|isontheleftsideofthebackofhishead:ditto(=
thedemoncalledtheonewhoprovidesevil`|willadvanceagainsthim,de-
featofhisenemyincourt.
68
Whatmarksthecompositionoftheselinesistheuseofthetermkutallu.Awritingplay
isincludedinline6withthelogogram GU.TAL insteadoftherathercommonGU.HASin
theprotasis,whichistakenupagainintheapodosiswithku-tal-su.Thiswritingisclearlya
wordplaysinceonewouldratherexpectthecorrectspellingku-tal-li-su.Theconnectionfrom
line6toline7isonanassociativelevellinkingtheexpressionmukil kutalliwiththename
ofthedemonmukil res lemuttiwhichisrepeatedinline8.Onthewritinglevelitshouldbe
notedthatthelogogramHUL ofthedemonSAG.HUL.HA.ZA appearsintheprecedinglinein
theexpressionSA HUL.
AcloserlookatthewholesectionofTBP 36i1-14(Kraus1939:pl.40|seemstosug-
gest that the scribes were guided by keywords, in particular by logograms. Once a term is
introduced, it comes up again in the following line(s|. The apodosis in line 1 contains the
expressionHUL SA GIG,someoftheselogogramsappearinthefollowingomens,namely,in
line2GIG,inline3HUL.GIG,andinline6SA HUL.Inline4appearsthetermSUB KAwhich
isusedinline5,too.Inline8wefindSUB EN INIM-su,thefollowingline9andalsoline13
refertoEN INIM.InordertobettervisualizetheoccurrencesoflogogramsinSumma umsatu
lines 1-19, Kraus` copy is included below. Only parallel logograms and syllabic writings
havebeentransliterated.
67
SeeBck2000:184.
68
The apodosis allows two translations since the
KIMINsigncanrefertoboththenameofthedemon
onlyorthenameofthedemonandthefollowingverb
masu. In the translation here I have given pref-
erence to the first option: the logogram SI.SA has
been equated with the verb kasdu. In Bck 2000:
184(line8|,however,IunderstoodthatKIMINwould
includethewholeexpressionandthefollowinglogo-
gram SI.SA would stand in opposition to mat 'to
die in the preceding line. Accordingly, I read the
logogram as isser derived from the verb eseru 'to
getwell.
oi.uchicago.edu
Summa umsatu,textduplicateK.12548+(=TBP36|
Figure11.2.Kraus1939:plate39,text36obv.i1-23
1 HUL SA GIG
3 GIG
4 ma-la-a HUL GIG
5 ma-la-a
6 SUB KA
7 SUB KA
8 GU.TAL ku-tal SA HUL
9 (SAG.|HUL(.HA.ZA|
10 GU.TAL
11 SUB EN INIM
12 GU.TAL LU SUB
13 EN INIM u-sa-mar
14 ma-la-a SUB.SUB
15 u-sa-am-mar
16
m
KALA.GA LU
17
m
KALA.GA EN INIM
19
m
KALA.GA
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 212
Example4:Secondexcerpttabletoftheseriesofextra-serialAlandimm omens
TBP 23 (Kraus1939:pl.29|
69
line8 |DIS U.]MES GIR
3
.II.MES-su TUR.MES NIM.MES UGU SES.MES-su i-saq-qu
line9 |DIS U.MES] GIR.II.MES-su TUR.MES sag-ga-ma(.|
Inline8thescribalplayisaboutthedifferentwritingformsoftheverbsaq:aslogogram
NIM intheprotasisandsyllabicallyspelledintheapodosis.Inaccordancewiththefollowing
lines, the form in the protasis should be transliterated as stative plural feminine saq. It is
worthnotingthattheverbalformsagg-mainthesucceedingline9isasoundplayonsaq
andatthesametimeagraphicplayonisaqq,bothbeingspelledwiththeSAGsign.
Anotheraspectofthestudyofphysiognomictextsrelatestothelanguageofdivination
andtheidentityofthe'authoroftheprediction.Althoughdivinationisassociatedwiththe
divinerealm,asdiscussedbelow,thegodsarenotconsideredtheauthorsofomensbutrather
supervisorsofadivinatoryprocedure.Asforthephysiognomichandbook,thegodEaorthe
greatgodsarenotspecifictophysiognomyordivinationingeneral.Theformulationandstyle
of predictions rather point to anonymity for which no one accounts. There are no personal
intentionsbehindthewords:nooneappearstoberesponsibleeitherfortheselectionofwords
orfortheirconsequencesandnoonequestionsthevalidityofaprediction.Onthecontrary,
asignanditspredictioncouldonlybecanceledoutorcounterbalancedbyanothersignand
expertscouldmanipulateameaningbysearchingforalternativeinterpretations.
70
Asstated
byUllaKoch-WestenholzconcerningtheinterferenceofAssyrianandBabylonianexpertsin
astrology,'theindividualastrologer`sjudgmentofwhatseemsrelevantplaysadecisiverole
inwhatominaareselected.
71
Itseemsthatwhatauthorizesdivinationistheabsenceofhu-
manresponsibilitywhichisbestdemonstratedbytherelianceontextsfullofold-fashioned,
learned,andobscuremeanings.
THE PHYSIOGNOMIC HANDBOOK AS REPRESENTATIONAL OBJECT
Thecorpusofphysiognomictextsappearsasanamalgamofideas,beliefs,andcustoms
that,havingreceivedthesanctionoftradition,wassystematicallyestablished,documentedand
copiedusingeventuallyasophisticatedwritingsystem.Physiognomybecamethusthebook
Alandimm.Thefactthatscribestookcareinwritingandhighlyregardedthecontentsoftheir
tabletsturnedthetablethandbookintoarepresentationalobject.Althoughbecauseoftheirma-
terialcuneiformmanualslackartisticdecorationsandcolorfulillustrations,ascomparedwith
themasterpiecesofEasternandWesternliteraturewrittenonpapyrus,parchment,andpaper,
69
See Bck 2000: 280 (with text duplicate TBP
69|.
70
See Koch-Westenholz 1995: 146 for the issue
of cancellation and a discussion of the so-called
Diviner`sManual.
71
Koch-Westenholz1995:150.
Figure11.3.AfterKraus1939:plate29,text23obv.lines8-9
oi.uchicago.edu
which are in the truest sense representational objects, they do actually share some features
withthelatter.Needlesstosay,nocuneiformhandbookcouldeverequalamanuscriptsuch
asthefamousKennicottBible,oneofthemostcostlymedievalSpanishmanuscripts,copied
byMosesIbnZabarainLaCoruaintheprovinceofGaliciainnorthwestSpain.Cuneiform
texts are not as beautifully written as the aforementioned Hebrew Bible manuscript, but at
least,asfarasthetabletcollectionofAssurbanipalandhisfatherisconcerned,thetabletsare
distinguishedbyastylisticcalligraphythatallowseventinyfragmentstobeeasilyidentified
asbelongingtooneoftheNinevehlibraries.
72
Admittingthesomewhatinappropriatecom-
parison,I believe that the binding of the Kennicott Bible into a splendid morocco goatskin
boxiscertainlyrivaledbytheskillfullyanddelicatelycarvedivoryboardssheetedwithwax,
whichSirMaxMallowandiscoveredatNineveh.
73
Another characteristic feature of books as representational objects concerns how much
theirownersvaluedthem.Asforcuneiformhandbooks,thisisevidentfromcolophonsstat-
ingthenameoftheownerandcopyistofatablet,stressingthatthetextwasneatlywritten,
collated, and copied from an older \orlage, describing the purpose and circumstances of
writing, and adding expressions of desire and exhortation for the one handling the tablet.
Finally,thewarningtokeepthecontentssecretandtheadmonitiontopronouncethemcor-
rectlyisundoubtedlyasignofthereverenceandhighprizethatcuneiformmanualsmeantto
theirowners.
74
I include below some examples of colophons from the Alandimm handbook. The so-
calledAssurbanipalcolophond|isattestedorpreservedthreetimesinthehandbook,namely,
inAlandimmtablets2and3,andattheendoftheliptufleckchapter.Therestoredversion
readsasfollows:
PalaceofAssurbanipal,kingoftheuniverse,kingofthelandofAssur,whomNab
andTasmetubestowedwithunderstandingandwhomtheygrantedbrighteyes-the
highestlevelofscribalartwhichno-oneofthekingsprecedingmehadachievedin
thisdiscipline. Ihavelaiddownontabletsthewisdomof Nab,thewritingofcu-
neiformsignasmanyasthereare,Ihavecheckedandcollatedthem.Inordertoread
aloud,(thistablet|isdepositedinmypalace.
75
Weseldomfindbecauseoflackofpreservationcolophonsmentioningthescholarwho
hascopiedthetablet.Alandimmtablet5hasthefollowingcolophon:
Notcompleted.Copyfromawaxtablet.,tabletofAnu-iksur.,HandofAnu-.
76
Thereadingofcuneiformhandbooksasrepresentationalobjectsissupportedbyanumber
oftextsthatdelegatetheirauspicestothedivinerealm.Theclaimofdivinepatronsorsuper-
visorsofthedivinatoryprocedurecertainlyservedtoexpressthatthetraditionofdivination
was authoritative and sanctioned. And it is probably safe to say that this form of authoriz-
ing turned the possession of such a handbook into the intellectual delectation and spiritual
72
ThisholdsalsotrueforthoseNinevehtextswritten
inBabylonianductus.Incomparisonwithcontempo-
raryandyoungertabletsfromSippar,theBabylonian
tabletsintheNinevehlibraryshowslightlydifferent
proportionsofwidthsandlengthsofthecuneiform
signs.
73
Mallowan1966:148-63,278.
74
Forthethemestreatedincolophons,seeHunger
1968: 3-15. See also the contributions of Leichty
1964:andPearce1993:fortextslabeledassecretor
esotericknowledge,seeWestenholz1998.
75
Forthecolophonin Alandimm,seeBck2000:
88,96,and178.SeealsoHunger1968:97-98.
76
SeeBck2000:98.
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 214
edificationoftheowner.Ofinterestforthepresentdiscussion,arethosepassagesthatreferto
thehandbookAlandimmaswellastootherdivinatorytreatises.Thewell-knowncatalogof
textsandauthors,astermedbyW.G.Lambert(1962|,isoneoftheexamples.Thetextopens
withallthoseworksthathavebeenrevealedbyEa,who,asLambertformulates'hastheplace
ofhonorattheheadofthelist,andincludesthehandbookofastrologicalomens,theseries
Alandimm, Summa i:bu, Sakikk, Katadugg, and the mythological narrations Lugale and
Angindima.Similarly,EnmedurankiandRelatedMatters,anothertextwhichhasbeenbrought
tolightbyLambert(1967|,attributesliverandoildivination,butalsoastrologicalomensto
thegodsAdadandSamas.Thedivinepatronageofphysiognomicomensiscorroboratedby
theintroductiontotheKataduggpartofthehandbook,whichopenswithaphraserelatingto
thegreatgods:'Whenthegreatgodspreparedthesoulofmanorhuman charactertoexercise
thedivinepowerofruling,theyestablishedasguidelineforhimKatadugg.
77
PHYSIOGNOMIC OMENS IN ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA: WHO, WHY, AND HOW
Thereareonlyafewtextpassagesthatalludetothesettingofthephysiognomicomen
handbookandbesidesthetworeferencespreservedhavemorethanonepossiblereading.One
istheaforementionedparagraphfromtheKataduggsectionpointingtotheuseofspeechand
behavioralomens,which,ifwetakethelineliterally,seemstohavebeenmeantasasortof
instructionsforrulinganddecision-making.Thelinecouldbeequallyinterpretedasarefer-
ence to the mythological and divine realm in order to provide authority to both the omens
andtheexpertswhohandledthisknowledge.Also,theothertextualreferencerelatingtothe
usageofphysiognomicomenshasthesetworeadings,whichdonotexcludeeachotherand
intersectinsomeway.
The reference is included in the already-mentioned catalog of the wise scholar Esagil-
kn-apli,whichstates:
'Lettheexorcist,whomakesdecisionsandwhowatchesoverpeople`slives,
WhocomprehensivelyknowstheSakikkandAlandimmhandbooks,inspect
(thepatient|andcheck(theappropriateseries|,
Lethimponder,andlethimputhisdiagnosisatthedisposaloftheking.
78
Again,wemaytakethelinesplainly:thekingwouldbethebeneficiaryoftheexamination
ofpeopleandanexorcisttrainedintheloreofAlandimmandSakikk wouldhavetocarry
outtheinspection.TheassumptionthatsuchexpertswereneededattheAssyrianroyalcourt
is supported by a letter from a certainMarduk-sapik-zri addressed to king Esarhaddon or
Assurbanipal.Hedescribesallthefieldsinwhichheislearnedincludingthephysiognomic
treatisesAlandimm,Katadugg,andNigdimdimm.
79
Wecouldthencreatethescenariothat
the king drew uponKatadugg for guidance in ruling, and uponAlandimm for examining
people.Theexpertwhoprovidedhimwithallthenecessaryinformationwastheexorcist.How
77
FortheAkkadian,seeBck2000:130(lines1-2|.
TheAkkadianallows,certainly,differentinterpreta-
tions since the terms used are difficult or obscure:
:aqiqu sa ameluti 'soul of mankind, ana illiluti
saknu'toturnintosupremepower,andtheGtnof
theinfinitiveofred'tolead.
78
Forthelinesquoted,seeFinkel1988:148(A69//
B31-A71//B33|.
79
Parpola1993a:122no.160obv.line41.
oi.uchicago.edu
theresultandconsequencesofthisinspectionwasputintopractice,however,isnotcertain.
Now, we also could interpret Esagil-kn-apli`s statement as an autobiographical reference,
which was meant to stress his far-reaching importance for the king, demonstrating that his
positionattheroyalcourtwasessential.AtleastfortheNeo-Assyrianroyalcourtweknow
that,asfortheirlivelihood,scholarsdependedheavilyonthefavorgrantedbytheking.Inthis
regard,itisnotsurprisingthatscholarsinsistedontheirexpertiseandindispensability.
80
The setting of physiognomic omens was certainly not restricted to the royal court, but
itwasneithertoocommon:therewassurelyaphysiognomistrequiredtoperformthephysi-
ognomicalinspection.Ifthiswerecertain,thecircleofpersonswhocouldhavehadaccess
toandaffordedhiringansipu trainedinphysiognomictreatiseswouldbereducedtowhat
wemightcalltheelite.Omensconcerningwomen-asithasbeenlongstatedbyKrausand
furtherdevelopedbythepresentauthor-refertothemarriageability ofthepotentialbride.
81
Predictionsconcerningfertility,easybirth,fidelity,conjugalcareandaffection,orrulinga
householdareallhumanuniversals.
82
Informationaboutcharacterorfateoftheothercould
havebeenfurthermorerequiredinoccasionssuchasacceptingsomeonetojoincertaincircles
ofpeople, admitting someone foremployment,or choosing abridegroom.Although,tothe
bestofmyknowledge,therearenocuneiformtextspreservedthatwoulddescribeanyofthe
above-mentionedcircumstances,theuseofphysiognomytobringaboutadecisionconcerning
apersonisafeatureof'culture,society,(.|behavior,andpsychefoundinallethnographi-
callyorhistoricallyrecordedhumansocieties.
83
Becauseofthelackofsufficientinformation
incuneiformsources,weincludedinDie babylonisch-assyrische Morphoskopieashortde-
scriptionontheuseofphysiognomicalliteratureandinspectionsinGreek,Hebrew,Aramaic,
Syriac,andArabictradition.InthefollowingsectionweaddinformationaboutSanskritand
Chinesesources.ItisworthstressingthatphysiognomicalknowledgeintheWestandEast
seemedtohavebeenrelevantmainlyinsecularcontexts.
PHYSIOGNOMY IN THE FAR EAST
Aglanceatotherculturesthroughoutthehistoryshowsthatthedifferentsystemsofphysi-
ognomyservedtouncoverthemoralinclinationandintelligenceofindividualsandtogain
insightintothewaypeoplecouldactorwhatwouldhappentothem.Physiognomicinquiries
werenotrestrictedtotheclassicalorbiblicalandMiddleEasternworldonly:Iamblichosand
Porphyrios reported about Pythagoras, who screened potential candidates before admitting
theminhiscircle:PlatotellsusthatSocratespredictedthepromotionofAlcibiadesfromhis
appearance:andJosephusFlaviusdescribesinoneofhisaccountshowCaesardetectedthe
pretenceofspuriousAlexanderfromhisroughhandsandsurface.
84
BothancientIndiaand
Chinahaveproducedanequallyrich,ifnotvaster,amountofliteratureabouttheartofreading
thefaceandgeneralappearanceofmenandwomenand,inaddition,providedinformationfor
reconstructingaphysiognomicsetting.IshouldsayinadvancethatIamignorantofancient
ChineseandSanskritsoIcannotspeakwithauthorityoftheliteratureofancientChinaand
80
SeeParpola1971:xviii.
81
SeeKraus1935:11:andBck2000:58-59.
82
Fortheaspectsofaffection,childcare,familyand
household,moralsentiments,andsexualattractionas
commonfeaturesofculture,society,andbehavior,
seeBrown1991.
83
ThequoteistakenfromBrown2000:157.
84
SeethediscussioninBck2000:61-69.
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 216
India.ThefollowingglimpseatsomeoftheFarEasterntraditionsofphysiognomyiswhatI
havegatheredfromreadingsecondaryliterature.
TheevidenceforcommercialrelationsandpoliticalcontactsbetweenMesopotamiaand
IndiainthesecondhalfofthethirdmillenniumB.C.andlater,inHellenistictimes,hasfos-
teredandlaid the basis for theinterestof researchingfurtherculturalinterferences.Oneof
the most fervent defenders of Mesopotamian intellectual influence and the transmission of
MesopotamianomentextsinIndiawasD.Pingree.HeproposedthatseveralSanskrittreatises
representtranslationsofrecensionsofterrestrialomensincludedinSumma luandastrologi-
calomensfromEnuma Anu Enlil,thatweremadeunderAchaemenidruleinMesopotamiaand
whosecuneiformoriginalsarenotanylongerpreserved.
85
Recently,H.Falk(2000|challenged
this transfer of ideas, as far as methods to measure time are concerned, and argued for the
occurrenceofindependentinternalculturaldevelopments.However,itisnotourpurposeto
comparethecontentsofSanskritandcuneiformmaterialonphysiognomyinordertoestablish
possibleinterconnectionsortoruleoutanydirectborrowing.
As it has been stressed, studying a person`s looks in order to determine his character,
intelligence,orfutureisafundamentaldesireofhumanbeings.Byreadingphysiognomiclit-
eratureofdifferentcultures,onegetstheimpressionthatthevocabularytodescribetheface,
body,andoutwardappearanceisratherlimited.Thelimitedexpressionsoflanguageresultin
terminologicalresemblancesandparallels,thoughnotexact,ofotherphysiognomictreatises
to the contents of the protases in cuneiform omens. The different corpora, however, differ
fromeachotherintheinterpretationofsinglebodyfeaturessincethetranslationofanobject
intoaportentunderliesdistincttheoriesandworldviews,whichareasintrinsictoaculture
asitslanguage,andarebounduptodifferentsystemsofthought.
EvidenceforIndianphysiognomycanbefoundinavarietyofcompositions.
86
Oneofthe
oldestsourcesarethePuras,acollectionofvariousstoriesincludingmyths,legends,and
genealogies.ThePurasaredividedintoeighteenmajorsections,containingeachvarious
sub-sections.Thedatingissomewhatproblematic:theywerewrittendownroughlybetween
A.D. 300and1100.Discussionsonthephysiognomyofprepubescentgirlswereincludedin
theforty-eighthchapteroftheGargasamhit,acompilationofavarietyofdifferentomens
probablywritteninthefirstcenturyB.C.orA.D.
87
Anotherworkistheso-called1yotih sstra,
acompilationofHinduknowledgeonastronomyandastrologywhichalsoincludesachapter
onphysiognomy.
88
TheworkiscommonlydatedintothesixthcenturyA.D.Anindependent
textbookonphysiognomyistheSmudrikatilaka,attributedtothelegendarySamudrawhois
regardedasthefirstauthorofphysiognomy:theworkdatesfromthetwelfthcenturyA.D.
89
PhysiognomyalsofounditswayintocompilationsonHindulawandcustomsuchasthelate
medievalworkofBrahminiclawSmrtinibandhaortheRatistraonconjugallove.Following
Zysk, there are mainly two techniques of physiognomy: one which involves numerology
85
SeePingree1992:379.Inmanyofhispublications,
Pingreeputforwardtheideathatthereexistedintel-
lectualtiesbetweenIndiaandMesopotamiawhich
ledtotheadoptionofMesopotamianideasinVedic
India:see,e.g.,Pingree1987:293-315:orPingree
1998:125-37.Anoverviewofculturalparallelsis
offeredinParpola1993b.
86
Especially helpful for this overview have been
the works of Zysk 2005 and Zysk 2002. As Zysk
(2005: 441| st at es, t ext -cri t i cal edi t i ons and
translationsofmanuscriptsonIndianphysiognomy
areadesideratum.
87
See Pingree 1981: 69-71: Caquot and Leibovici
1968:118,127:Zysk2002:14.
88
SeePingree1981:69:Zysk2005:430-32.
89
As D. Pingree points out (1981: 76|, the actual
composer of the work, which began in about A.D.
1160, was Durlabharja: the composition was fin-
ishedbyhissonJagaddeva.
oi.uchicago.edu
countingthemale`sbodypartsuptothirty-two,andtheother,includingtheexaminationof
thebodyofmenandwomeninordertopredicttheirfuture.Thecheck-upstartedbythesole
ofthefeetandmoveduptothehairofthehead,thatistosay,followingtheoppositedirection
ofcuneiformphysiognomy.Itseemsthatonlytheprivilegedcastesofancientandmedieval
Indiamadeuseofphysiognomy,whichservedtwopurposes:
onefocusedonthemanintheestablishmentofhisrightsuccessionandhissuitability
asaspouse:andtheotherconcentratedonthewomanasapartnerinarrangedmar-
riages.Itwasusedtodetermineaman`sfutureprosperityandfitnesstobealeader
andheadofthehousehold,andawoman`sfertilityandsuitabilityasawifeandmoth-
er(Zysk2005:428|.
Ancient China has produced a large number and great variety of schools and manuals
on physiognomy.
90
As L. Kohn remarks (1986|, 'hardly any of them have been brought
to scholarly attention.
91
Readily available is the work of the anthropologist W. Lessa on
Chinese BodyDivinationor,ashealsotermsit,'somatomancy.
92
Oneofthemostcomplete
andwidespreadChineseworksistheShenxiang quanbian,datingtotheearlyMingdynasty
(1367-1458| and still in use today. The earliest datable texts come from the tenth century
A.D.:
93
information about the application of physiognomy is, however, older. In one of her
contributions, L. Kohn points to a passage in the Zuo :huan, Chronicle oj Zhuo about the
masterofphysiognomyShuFu,whichrepresentsoneoftheearliest-knownreferencestothe
performanceofphysiognomicexamination.TheZuo :huanisnotdatedlaterthanthefourth
centuryB.C.Chinesehistoricalandbiographicalaccountsarefullofreferencestopractitio-
nersofphysiognomyandtophysiognomicinspectionspredictinglongevity,intelligence,and
prosperity,ascertainingthenominationofheirsandsupportingtheappointmentordemotion
ofofficialsandnobles.Sufficeittomentionjusttwonarrationsinordertogetanimpression
ofthestyleofthesesources.TheRecords oj the Grand Historian oj Chinahavepasseddown
ananecdoteaboutMadamWeiandherdaughterBowhowastoliveinthepalaceofWeiBao.
MadamWeitookherdaughtertobephysiognomizedinordertogettoknowherfuture.
94
In
anotherstory, includedin the biographyofChuChien-pìng, askillfulphysiognomist,itis
reportedthatCaoCao(A.D. 155-220|,aregionalwarlordunderthelastHanemperor,named
laterDukeofWei,summonedhimtobecomeacourtgentlemanandphysiognomizetheguests
athiscourt.'General,`Chien-pìngbegan,yourlifespanshouldbeeightyyearsbutatforty
youwillhaveasmallcrisis.Pleasetakecaretoprotectyourself.`HetoldHsia-houWei,You
willbecomeaprovincialgovernor.Attheageofforty-nine,youwillfaceacrisis,butifyou
managetosurviveit,youwilllivetoseventyandrisetothepostofducalattendant.`Hethen
told Ying Ch`, Sir, at the age of sixty-two you will become a high attendant official and
willfaceacrisis.Ayearbeforethathappens,youwillseeanapparitionofawhitedog,butit
90
For a short overvi ew, see Needham 1956:
363-64.
91
SeeKohn1986:227.
92
See also the critical review of Lessa 1968 by
Feuchtwang (1970|. Lessa includes in his book a
briefsurveyintocuneiformomensthatheconsiders
tobetheoldestsourcesforphysiognomy.Heeven
suggeststhatChinesecouldhaveborrowedtheidea
of body divination from Mesopotamia by stimulus
diffusiondevelopingtheirowntheoriesandinterpre-
tations of physiognomy: see Lessa 1968. The term
'somatomancyisintroducedinLessa1952.
93
Sofartwelvemanuscriptsonphysiognomyhave
beendiscoveredatDuhuang,acityinJiuquan,Gansu
provinceofChina:forarecentoverview,seeDespeux
2005:seealsoKohn1988:216-18.
94
SeeWatson1961:381-82.Seealsothetranslation
ofthissectionincludedinHardy1999:77.
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 218
willbeinvisibletothepeoplestandingaroundyou.`Thebiographygoesondescribingthat
Chien-pìng`spredictionswereallfulfilled.
95
ANCIENTMESOPOTAMIANPHYSIOGNOMYINRELIGIOUSCONTEXT?
Finally,weagainraisethequestionwhetherphysiognomycouldhavealsobeenusedin
selecting candidates for religious positions as priests.
96
It is likely that tacit physiognomic
knowledge played a certain role in choosing an appropriate aspirant. However, in light of
thosecuneiformtabletsdealingwiththephysicalappearancerequiredfrompriests,itseems
rather improbable that the result of an inquiry based on the physiognomic omen handbook
had an impact on the consecration. The cuneiform texts in question resemble the specific
instructionsforpriestsasstatedinLeviticus21,namely,thatthecandidatesmustalsobefree
fromphysicaldefects.
97
Thedocumentsrefertotheconditionforordainingdiviners(br|
and nsakku-and/orpsisu-priestswhoserveatthetempleofEnlil.Thelatterareexcluded
fromserviceiftheypossessafacedisfiguredbymutilatedeyes,andiftheyhavebrandings
orirregularfeatures.
98
Thereareprobablymoredefectsstatedbutthetextistoofragmentarily
preserved. The diviner, on the other hand, as far as his physical appearance is concerned,
mustbeperfectastohisbodyandlimbs-asalsothensakku-priest:ifhehasaneyedefect,
chippedteeth,bruisedfingers,oradamagedscrotum,heistobeexcluded.
99
Itistemptingtointerrelatethesecatalogsofphysicalconditionswiththephysiognomic
omen corpus, but one should presumably distinguish the reasons for examining a priestly
candidatefromtheartofphysiognomy.Thepurposeoftheformeristodetectablemish.It
isnotstatedthatthecheck-upofpriestsismeanttouncoverthefutureormoralqualitiesof
the candidate. The physiognomic omens, on the other hand, do not include descriptions of
imperfectbodyparts,butrefertothenaturallooksandshapesofthehumanbody.Inthecase
ofthediviner,itseemsreasonabletoassumethatheshouldnotsufferfromdefectsofeyes
andhands,whichcoulddeterhimfromcorrectlyperformingextispicyandotherdivinatory
practices.Asforhisteeth,Iwouldliketodrawattentiontothepreparatoryritualofthebr
before he undertakes his inquiry: after having cleansed himself with holy water, anointed
himselfwithpurifyingoilcontainingtheplant'resisted1,000(diseases|,thendressedwith
apuregarment,purifiedwithtamariskandsoapplant,hehastochewonanemptystomach
chipsofcedarorcypressinhismouth.
100
Thelatteractpointstothefactthathewasinneed
of goodteeth. Concerning the rupturedtesticles,oneshouldconsiderthemythologicaltext
referringtothelegendarykingEnmeduranki,progenitorofalldiviners.Asstated,arightful
divinerassuminghisancestorsòfficeshoulddescendfromafamilyrootedintheprestigious
citiesofNippur,Sippar,orBabylon-aconditionthatimpliesprocreativecapacity.However,
95
Forthetextquote,seeDeWoskin1982,134-37.
96
See,e.g.,Veldhuis1999:169n.44:Bck2000:
57-58:andmostrecentlyPopovi2007:85.
97
The relevant text material has been published
in Borger 1957: Borger 1973: Lambert 1967: and
Lambert1998.SeealsomydiscussioninBck2000:
57-58.
98
SeeBorger1970:164-65col.i9,29-42.
99
Forthetext,seeLambert1998:149(lines30-32|.
TheAkkadiantermsusedareina gatti u mintisu l
suklulu'(who|isimperfectasregardshisbodyand
hislimbs::aq-tu ini'squintingeyes:e-sr sinni
'chippedteeth:nak-pi ubni'bruisedfinger:iska
DIR.KUR.RA'arupturedtesticle.
100
SeeZimmern1901:112(no.11rev.lines3-6|.
oi.uchicago.edu
asLambertpointedout,inreallifeabrwithoutchildrencouldhaveadoptedasontoassist
andsucceedhiminhisprofession.
101
Inviewofthescantycuneiformevidenceandtheuseofphysiognomyinsecularsettings,
suchasthechoiceofabrideandbridegroominelitecirclesandroyalcourtsandtheappoint-
ment of personnel in Western and Eastern cultures of antiquity (and one should add up to
thetwenty-firstcenturyofourdays|,
102
wewouldpresentlyconsidertheusageinreligious
contextlessprobable.
101
SeeLambert1998:143.
102
See, for example, for the role of physiognomy
inemploymentmattersin SouthKorea,Kim2005:
291-92.
oi.uchicago.edu
BARBARA BOCK 220
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ON SEE/NG AND BEL/E\/NG: L/\ER D/\/NAT/ON AND THE ERA OF BARR/NG STATES (//) 225
12
ON SEEING AND BELIEVING:
LIVER DIVINATION AND THE
ERA OF WARRING STATES (II)
*
SETHF.C.RICHARDSON,UNIVERSITYOFCHICAGO
'TheBeginningoftheWarWillBeSecret
-JennyHolzer,'Survival,1983
1
1.0 HISTORICISMANDA'CREATEDOLDBABYLONIAN
DIVINATORYLITERATURE
A number of postulates about Mesopotamian divination and divinatory literature rest
uncomfortablytogether,eventhoughtheyarebynowstandardequippageinAssyriological
discussions.Thereisageneral,butnotexclusive,sensethatdivinatoryliteraturefirstarose
intheOldBabylonianperiod.Thisideadoesnotprecludethepossibilityorevenprobability,
forsomescholars,thattheOldBabyloniantextsdrewonearliertraditionsoranoralback-
ground.ThereisthefurtherideathatthedivinatoryartsinancientMesopotamiaconstituted
a'scientificformofinquiryordiscourse,orstoodinananalogousculturalposition.Ofall
the formal devices divinatory literature deployed and which puzzle scholars, the largest -
reallythemeta-device-wasthatomenswereeverwrittendowninthefirstplace.Yetitis
thistopicwhichhasreceivedtheleastattention,andprobablyfortheverygoodreasonthat
thiseventorprocessisnotvisibleinanytextualprecipitate.
Still,thisentextualizationisachangeinbothcompositionandpraxis,anditistothese
changesthatthisessayturnsitsattention.Iargue(section2.0|thatourunderstandingofex-
tispicyshouldassumethedeliberatecompositionofthecompendioustexts(manuals|without
priorwrittensourcematerial,andnotanycontinuous,scholarlytransmissionofobservational
forerunners.Thehodgepodgeofevidencethatisoftenusedtodiscussearlyextispicycanbe
shown to be either a| not extispicy, or b| extispicy, but not emphatically non-textual. The
importanceofthisargumentisthatthemomentofthisliterature`scompositionmustbeun-
derstood(section3.0|inawhollyothercontext,inthepoliticalcrisesthatafflictedtheage
ofitscreation.TheOldBabylonianperiod,Mesopotamia`sown'WarringStatesepoch,was
atimeinwhichmanythird-millenniumculturalformswerebeingtransformedbyprogram-
maticrevision and politicalappropriationin thecontesttorestoregeopoliticalequilibrium.
Extispicywasjustsucharevolution.
* The first part of this study was published as
Richardson2006.
1
Iextendthankstoallthosewhohelpedmeclarify
thisstudythroughconversationsandcomments,es-
pecially Joan Westenholz and Piotr Michalowski,
butalsoChristopherWoods,MarcVanDeMieroop,
StevenGarfinkle,MarthaRoth,NatLevtow,Beate
Pongratz-Leisten, Gertrud Farber, Seth Sanders,
EvaVonDassow,AnnGuinan,EckartFrahm,Nils
Heeel, Ulla Koch, Martti Nissinen, Francesca
Rochberg,AbrahamWinitzer,andAmarAnnusfor
hisworkinorganizingtheseminar.Noneofthemis
responsiblefortheopinionsorerrorsherein,which
areminealone.
225
oi.uchicago.edu
SETH F. C. R/CHARDSON 226
2.0 ATRANSMITTEDLITERATURE?EVIDENCEFOREXTISPICALTEXTS
PRIORTOTHEOLDBABYLONIANPERIOD
Theunderstandingofextispicyasatransmittedliteraturefundamentallydependsonthe
existenceofforerunners
2
tothethreeformsoftechnicalliteratureweseearisingintheOld
Babylonianperiod:liver-omenmodels,compendia,andreports.Modelsarethoseclayobjects
which,whetherschematicallyorrealisticallyrepresentingtheorgansofasheep,arelabelled
to indicate signs and marks typical of protases.
3
Compendia are defined as those long and
serializedlistsofcasuistictheoreticalstatementswhichlink(intheory,observed|phenomena
intheorganstothedetemporalizedexistenceoreventuationofother(observable|happenings
and (non-observable| qualities. Reports are those texts which record specific, historically
uniquereadingsofprotasticsignsinorgans:thoughtheseencompassavarietyofoccasions,
forms,andpurposes,sometimesomittingeventhemostsummaryapodicticstatements,they
purporttorecordsignsofrelevance.
4
Ithasbeenaproblemofmanyanalysesofthesethreetext-typesthattheyfreelycompare
termsandfeaturesoftextsfromdifferenttimes,places,andtext-typesonapresumptionof
fixedmeaningsanddirecttransmission.Dispensingwithahistoricallycriticalapproach,this
presumption does not reduce, but rather increases, the possibility of creating anachronisms
and contextual noncomparabilities. Lexical and semantic understandings in extispical texts
areoftenreconstructedbyreferringbetweenMariote,northernandsouthernBabyloniancor-
pora, between the three text types mentioned above, and/or between Old Babylonian and
Neo-Assyrian attestations.So eager are we to know what the 'Comb of the lung is - to
resolvedefinitional problemsthroughintertextualreferences -thatwe haveignoredlarge
problemsofsynchronicanddiachroniccomparability:thetermsofcompendiararelyappear
inthereports(andvice-versa|:theomensofLarsadonotshowupinSippar:theproportion
of hapaxes is through the roof: and so forth. The comparability of these texts is in general
verylow(seebelow,section3.2|.Norshouldweexpectatotalcorrespondence-butifthe
conceitofextispicywasthatspecificobservationsweretobepreservedforfutureuse,one
oughttoexpectamuchhigherproportionofoverlapbetweenmaterialsthanexists.
Ifaunitaryandaccumulatedliteratureexisted,itshouldbedemonstrableinsomemea-
sure-butwhatevidenceforapre-OldBabylonianliteraturedowehave?Eightcategories
of evidence will be discussed relative to arguments supporting the existence of extispical
literaturepriortothenineteenthcentury:
5
2
By'forerunners,Imeanhereanytextthatemploys
anobservationalprinciple,torecordanobservedsig-
nifierwithsomeconnectiontoitssignifiedmeaning:
for an example of a text which discusses extispicy
butneverthelessfallsoutsidethisdefinition,seethe
discussionoftheEbla'omenbelow(section2.4|.
3
Someearlylivermodels,castas'historicalobser-
vations(i.e.,regardingspecifickings|,speakinthe
voiceofreports,asdefinedbelow:asIargue,sinceI
viewtheseomensasfictionaltexts,Iseetheircompo-
sitionalintentiontohavebeenidenticaltootherliver
models:toteachandtodemonstratefeaturestodivin-
ers.Suchmodelsarenotingeneraltobeunderstood
as'reports,thoughsomeambiguitypersistsinthe
Dadusaliver-model,discussedinsection2.2.
4
Ofthethreetexttypes,reportshavebeenthemost
resistant to disclosing their purpose: for instance,
althoughKoch-Westenholz`s(2002|surveyofOld
Babylonianreportsishelpful,itisnotreallypossible
tosummarizethewiderangeofpurposescataloged
there,muchlessanswerthedeceptivelysimpleques-
tion:whyweretheseresultswrittendownatall?
5
Throughoutthisstudy,someslightlydifferingshort-
handtermsareusedtorefertotheperiodpreceding
theessentialchangethatIunderstandtohavetaken
placeca.1850B.C.:'priortothenineteenthcentury,
'pre-OldBabylonian,and'thirdmillenniumshould
allbeunderstoodashavingequivalentmeaningsfor
ourpresentpurposes.Forthesakeofconvenience,all
dateshereemploytheMiddleChronology.
oi.uchicago.edu
2.1 Theappearanceofdivinersinthird-millenniumprofessionallists
2.2 Third-millenniumreferencestoanimalomens
2.3 Third-millenniumreferencestoliverdivination
2.4 Purportedexamplesofthird-millenniumextispicaltexts
2.5 The appearance of third-millennium kings in Old Babylonian 'historical
omens
2.6 Thesize,extent,andcomprehensivenessoftheOldBabylonianextispicalcom-
pendia
2.7 Laterreferencestoextispicy`santiquity
2.8 Proceduraldissimilaritiestoscientificmethodwithrespecttoobservationalism
2.1 THE APPEARANCE OF DIVINERS IN THIRD-MILLENNIUM PROFESSIONAL LISTS
TheearliestevidenceforextispicyistheappearanceofdivinersinEarlyDynasticpro-
fessonal lists, in the entries l.ms.su.gd ('one who reaches the hand (in|to the goat| in
LuEfromEbla
6
andLuCfromFaraandAbuSalabikh.
7
Yetwhiletheseentriesattesttoan
identifiableclassofritualistatthisearlystage,theytellusnothingoftheapparatusofritual
itself.Ifanything,LuC,whichdisplayssomeapparentgroupingsofprofessionaltypes,lists
thel.ms.su.gdtogetherwithpersonsworkingwithanimals,notwithprofessionsmorelikely
tohavebeenworkingwithinascribalorculttradition.
8
It also bears observation that, despite the early appearance of the professional name, it
doesnotappearagainuntilthemiddleoftheUrIIIperiod,whenonceagainthedocumentation
is strictly concerned with the administration of animal management, not with cult or ritual
practiceassuch.
9
Itisalsonotpossibletolocatedivinerswithinrostersofculticpersonnel
atmajortemples.
10
Whatevertheritualfunctionsoftheprofessionalbrinthethirdmillen-
nium,wecannotpointtoanyinstanceinwhichhefunctionedinaculticorliteratecontext
with or within the institutional households where textual traditions were most prominently
supported.
6
Archi1984:TM.75.G.1488.
7
Fara = Civil 1969: 1.3, viii.63: Abu Salabikh =
Civil1969:1.5,130:thetitleisnotintheGasurtext
('SourceC|.
8
Taylor2003:l.ms.su.gdamonglines10-15,in-
cludingsipa.udu,mualdim,andl.g.su.du:seealso
'animal-relatednamesinlines32-38and52-54:cf.
cultpersonnelinlines1-2and47-49,and'music-
relatedpersonnelinlines56-60.Whileitisnotpos-
sibletodiscerninLuEthatl.ms.su.gd(line130|
isgroupedtogetherwithanyparticularprofessional
names,themostidentifiablegroupofculticpersonnel
appearsatquitearemove,lines64-80.
9
S o me f o r t y - s i x a t t e s t a t i o n s o f t h e
(l.|ms.su.gd(.gd| appear in Ur III documents
according to the Database of Neo-Sumerian Texts
(http://bdts.filol.csic.es|inMarch2009.Inthema-
jorityofcases,theactivitiesofdivinersarelimited
tothedeliveryofanimals,animalproducts,orother
goods:oftenotherpersons/professionalsmakeiden-
ticaldeliveriesalongsidetheminthesametexts.A
fewoftheseanimaldeliveries(e.g.,Legrain1912:
no.313:TCL25559|areindeeddesignatedforthe
gods,buttheyinnowayindicateanyritualrolefor
orprocedureofthediviner.Intheremainderofcases,
theappearanceoftheprofessionalnamesimplyap-
pearsintheirsealings.
10
Westenholz(1992|,surveyingtheculticpersonnel
at the five major temples of Nippur from the mid-
third millennium to the end of the Old Babylonian
period,enumeratesnodivinersamongthem.Onelate
exceptionisknown,arationlistforthepersonnelof
Ninurta`sEsumesatemple,fromthereignofDamiq-
ilisu,ca.1800B.C.(thelatestoffourteensuchtablets
treatedbySigrist1984b:160-65|,onwhichthereis
asingleentryforabr.
oi.uchicago.edu
2.2 THIRD-MILLENNIUM REFERENCES TO ANIMAL OMENS
Ahostofthird-millenniumreferencestoomensprocuredthroughsmalllivestockareoften
citedasevidenceforearlyextispicy.Yetwhilesomeareundoubtedlyliverdivinations(see
section2.3|,manyothersarenotsoclearlymarked.Thishasproducedsomedefinitionaldrift
whenbothextispiciesandotherominouseventsorproceduresarebothsimplytranslatedas
'omens-andinanyeventnoneofthesecasessuggestsorconstitutesobservationalrecord-
keepingorspecifictechnicalmeans.
Gudea`s CylinderAiscommonly cited as providingevidence forthird-millenniumex-
tispicy(asindeeditdoes:seesection2.3|.Whatiscommonlyoverlooked,however,isthat
inthisonecompositionaloneseveralotherkindsofanimalomensarealsomentioned.Inone
instance,agoatisledtothebrickshedtoidentifythepurebrickforbuilding.
11
Elsewhere,
Gudealeadstwosheepandakidtoliedownonanimalskinstoinduceanomeninanincense
ritual.
12
Withinhisinitialdream,Gudearecallsseeingadonkeypawingtheground,asignof
hisowneagernesstobuildEninnu.
13
Alltheseanimalomentechniquesalsoappearalongside
severalformsofnon-animaldivinationusedbyGudea:dream,grain,andkledonomens.
14
The
existence of multiple formal procedures for procuring omens from animals should warn us
awayfroma'presumptionofextispicywhenextispicyisnotspecified(asGudeaelsewhere
does|:thereclearlywereanumberofwaystogetanomenoutofagoat.
Thisinturnmustcastsomedoubtonjustwhatproceduresweremeantinthelargenumber
ofsouthernMesopotamianyear-namesfromtheAkkad,Lagas,Ur,Isin,andLarsadynasties
referring to omens.
15
At least twenty-eight year-names - fromNarm-Sn`s years 'o and
'll (ca. 2250 B.C.|,
16
as late as Damiq-ilisu of Isin`s year 4 (1812 B.C.| - refer to sheep
omensidentifyingcultofficialstobeappointedintemples,usingthefollowingformulae(see
Appendix 1foracompletelisting|:
Narm-Sn'o: .ms.e b.dab.ba
Narm-Sn'll: . mas.e b.dab.ba
Lagas:Ur-NingirsuI'a: .mas.e p.da
17
11
Edzard(1997:77|supposedthiswasanextispicy
by interpolating '(bymeansof|thekid(`sliver|:
cf. Ur-Ningirsu I, in Edzard 1997: 8-9, where the
sametranslatorinsteadgivesonly'sacrificalanimal.
Theverb,however,isambiguously/pd/:sigms.e
b.pd(Gudea,Cyl.Axiii17|. Inthetechnicallit-
eratureofextispicy,however,ominous'behavior
oftheanimalonlyreferstohowitactswhilebeing
slaughtered,notatanyothertime(see,forinstance,
the omens of YOS 10 47-49, incipiently: summa
immerum istu tabu.|.
12
Gudea,Cyl.Aviii9.Jacobsen(1987:398|surmis-
esthattheanimalsweretobesacrificed:cf.Edzard
1997:74,whichgoesnofurtherthanthetext.Gudea
elsewheresacrificesgoatsandbullstoinduceadream
omen (Gudea Cyl. A i 14|, but the goat is not the
vehicleoftheomenitself.
13
GudeaCyl.Av10:vi12.
14
GudeaCyl.Axx7-8:xx6:xx2-3,respectively:
seealso'TheHymntoEnlil,Jacobsen1987:104,
lines47f.,forkledon-oraclesprocuredintemples.
15
Thetemple-citiesforwhichpriestlyappointment
omenswereprocuredwere Nippur(northernmost|,
Isin,Uruk,Larsa,Lagas,andUr(southernmost|:sev-
eralyear-namesdonotspecificallynamethetemples
orcitiesofappointedpersonnel.
16
Thedesignationoftheseyear-namesfollowsFrayne
1993:85-87.
17
Contrastthisinstancetothelaterdedicationofa
'sanctuary,theHousechosenbyherheart(s.g.tr
s.gep.da.ni|byUr-Bau:seeEdzard1997:19.
oi.uchicago.edu
UrIII:Ur-Namma'b: .mas.e ba.p.da
Isin/Larsa:Isbi-Erra13: .ms.e ba.p.da
Theseyear-namesdifferonlyinthetypeofpriestanddeitynamed,
18
theexpressionfor
goat (mas/ms|, and the verb (Akkadian dynasty only: dab: thereafter: pd|, all meaning
'YearinwhichNN-priest(ess|wasnamed(dab:installed|by(meansof|agoat.
19
First, a literal-minded translation of these formulae must take note of the fact that ex-
tispicyperse(i.e.,somevariationonsu.gd|isnotmentioned,thoughweknowthatthe
verbal formulation was in use at this time (see sections 2.1 and 2.3|. A further question is
raisedbytheambiguitiesoftheverbpd'tocall,whichismostheavilyemployedincontexts
whichimplyspeaking(or,perhaps,bleating|,thoughofcoursethesemanticrangeof'calling
(bothinSumerianandEnglish|affordstheideaof'naming.
20
Themeaningisthusunclear,
anddabisevenmoreobscureasregardstheominousmethod.Wemustremainsensiblethat
the'callinginquestionisnomorelikelytohaveinvolvedreadingtheentrailsofadeadgoat
thanoftheotherproceduresillustratedintheGudeacylinder.
Further problems arise that make this more than a matter of raising a reasonable doubt
aboutthenatureoftheominousprocedure.Threedisconnects-geographic,temporal,and
functional - must be established between this class of year-names and the later technical
literature:thesedisconnectssubstantiallyseparatethenominativeyear-namesfromthelater
technicalextispicy.First,thepracticeofchoosingpriests'bymeansofagoatwasrestricted
tosouthernMesoptamiancities(Nippur,Isin,Uruk,Larsa,Lagas,andUr|,whichwerenot,
with the exception of Larsa,
21
the cities from which the later technical literature is attested
(Larsa,Mari,Sippar,Babylon,Esnunna|.Second,thetechnicalliteraturepost-datestheyear-
nameswithverylittleoverlap.
22
Ourlatest-knownsheepomenyear-nameisforDamiq-ilisu`s
year 4, 1812 B.C.: the earliest exemplars of technical literature probably date to nineteenth
centuryMari(seesection2.5|:theearliestsecurelydatabletechnicaldocumentforliverdivi-
nationisnowtheomenfortheaccessionofDadusaofEsnunna,ca.1800B.C.
23
Third,theapodosesofthetechnicalliteraturearevirtuallysilentabouttheconcerns(so
farasweknow|ofthethird-millenniumsheepomens,theappointmentofpriestlypersonnel
ortheidentificationoftemplesites.Indeed,theclassesofofficialsinthetwosetsofliterature
showalmostnooverlap:third-millenniumreferencestoextispicyaddressthechoosingofcult
figuressuchastheen,nin.dingir,l.ma,gudu,
24
andisib:thelatercompendioustexts(e.g.,
18
At Esnunna, several year-names of the king
Su-ilija referred to the selection of his 'son and
'daughter.
19
Occasionallyyear-namescelebratedtheinstalla-
tion/elevationofpriestlyofficialswithoutreference
toomens:see,e.g.,Ibbi-Sn4(ba-un|,Isbi-Erra31
(ba-l|,andIddin-Dagan9(mu-un-l|.
20
Edzard(1997|,invirtuallyallothercontexts,ren-
dersp(d|as'called,ratherthan'chosen.
21
Goetze (1947a| estimated the script of the most
'archaicextispicaltextsfromLarsatoresemblethe
cursiveinuseatthetimeofRm-Sn,thuspost-dating
thelastomenyear-nametherebyaboutseventy-five
yearsandtwochangesofdynasty.
22
NotethattheLarsayear-namesinquestionarequite
early,correspondingto1926and1895B.C.,respec-
tively,priortothedevelopmentofthetechnicallit-
eraturetherearoundthetimeofRm-Sn(i.e.,thelast
thirdofthenineteenthcenturyB.C.:Goetze1947:1|.
Oneothergeographicoverlapwithasimilartemporal
gapshouldbenoted:ofOBE10,probablyfromUr,
Jeyes(1989:6|wrotethatitwaswritteninyounger
cursive,probablyfromthetimeofHammurabi,thus
significantlypost-datingthelatestsheep-omenyear
nameforUr(reignofLipit-Istar,ca.1930B.C.|.
23
Al-Rawi1994:no.5.
24
See the curse formula of the Su-Sn inscription
(Frayne1997:3.2.1.4.7,lines27-32|whichrefers
toagudu-priest'chosenbyoracularmeans.
oi.uchicago.edu
YOS10andOBE|areconcernedwithnon-templeofficerssuchasthesukkal,sakkanakku,
sipru,zabardab,nun,andlugal.Thisdichotomyisnotwithoutexceptions.Sulgi,forinstance,
boastsofusingextispicytodeterminenotonlyculticmatters,butalsomilitaryaction(Sulgi
HymnB,lines131-49|.
25
OntheOldBabylonianside,averyfewomensfromthetechnical
literature do take priestly personnel as their subject matter in various contexts - but only
three,outofperhapsthreethousandomens,
26
fortheirselectionorappointment.Inallthree
cases,theseomensareaboutugbabtu-priestesses,
27
whoarenotamongthepersonnelappear-
ingwithinthenominativeyear-names.
Divination of the ms . dab/pd type should be understood as older, southern, and
cultic,whileliteratureofthemssu.gdomensshouldbeseenasnewer,northern,andem-
phaticallystatistandnon-cultic.Theyear-namesandtheOldBabylonianomensaremutually
exclusiveintermsoftime,space,andsubject,twofundamentallydifferentsetsofpractices,
neitherprecursornorfinishedform.
2.3 THIRD-MILLENNIUM REFERENCES TO LIVER DIVINATION
Notwithstanding,thereisnodoubtthatextispicywaspracticedinthethirdmillennium.
Yetwrittenreferencestothepracticeoftheextispicalcraftcannotberegardedasevidence
foratechnicalliteratureofliverdivination.Infact,theundoubtedantiquityofreferencesto
practice then makes the millennium-long absence of procedural and reference materials all
themoreremarkable,underscoringthenatureofthatpracticeasacraft.
The very diversity of contexts for these references (administrative documents, literary
works,year-names-butseesection2.2,above|hasbeendistracting.TwoEarlyDynastic
pieces of evidence are, together with the appearance of diviners in Lu C and E, the oldest
specific mentions of extispicy.Thefirst isanenigmatic Sumerianproverb 'Thesongs ofa
city are its omens (uru' n-du-bi mas-su-gd-gd-bi-im|,
28
which suggests only perhaps a
likenessattheleveloforality.ThesecondisthecultictextOIP99114:
29
thiscomposition
probablynamesritualsforthereadertoperform,butcontainsnoinformationaboutmethodor
25
Thisisnotams.pdomen:onthispassage,see
Richardson2006.
26
Jeyes (1980: 107-08| estimates the total known
OldBabylonianomenstonumberaround3,000.
27
IamawareofnoOldBabylonianomensregard-
ing the suitability of sites, bricks, or times for the
building of temples. A few Old Babylonian omens
do mention en`s and entu`s: these can be typed as
'appointmentomens(i.e.,appointingpriests|and
'incidentalomens(i.e.,omenswhichhavenothing
todowithculticinstallation:e.g.,theOldBabylonian
livermodelapodosis'.onewhofrequentsthetem-
plewillrepeatedlyhavesexualintercoursewiththe
en-priestess |CAD E s.v. enu 2 b| 1-b||. Not to
bemistakenforappointmentomensarethoseinci-
dentalomenssimplypredictingthedeathofpriestly
personnel,e.g.,Nougayrol1950:43(dupl.YOS10
1753-54:cf.Jeyes1989:104|andYOS103937.
Iknowofthreeomenswhichareconceivablyofthe
appointment type, all for ugbabtu-priestesses: the
pairedomenreadingYOS1038r.11andr.16:'the
highpriestesswilldie,andanugbabtu-priestesswill
|r.16:willnot]beinstalled:andYOS101747,'If
thenaplastumislikeaPAB-sign,thegodwantsan
ugbabtu-priestess.
28
Alster1997:SP1.70,II348:'Thesongsserveas
anindicatorofthespiritand,thereby,ofthefutureof
thecity:cf.ETCSL,whichgives'divinersinstead
of 'omens. This is the only ms ... gd construc-
tion in the proverbs collection, where other omens
areindicatedbygiskim.Likemostotherproverbs,
thisisonlyattestedinlaterOldBabyloniancopiesof
thecollections,butwaspresumablypartoftheEarly
Dynasticcorpus.
29
Biggs1974:114(4references|:iii.2(massunun
gd|:iii.15(masnunmegd|:iv.11(TUK NAmas
sumegd|:v.13(massumu.gd|:seeAlster1976:
115.Cf.theduplicateFaratextwithfivereferences:
Deimel1969:no.37iii.10,13andvii.5,13,18:all
mssumu.gd.
oi.uchicago.edu
procedure:thoughitscontentsare'obscure,asAlsternotes,itisnotitselfatechnicaltext.
30
Whatcanbesaidabouttheproverbandthecultictextisthattheypointawayfromwritten
technicalinstruments,andtowardsoralperformance.
Throughoutthethirdmillennium,ahostofliterarycompositionsmakereferencetodivi-
nation with varying emphasis. The most well-known extispicies among these are the two
by Narm-Sn in 'The Cursing of Akkade,
31
at least two performed by Gudea (Cyl. A xii
16-17:xx5|,
32
andthoseboastedofbySulgi(Richardson2006|.Inalltheseinstances,the
verbalformulaemas/mssu.gdisusedtodesignatethemethodusedtogainanomen.In
noneoftheseinstancesisthereanyreferencetotextuality,norcouldthepassagesthemselves
conceivablyconstituteanykindofobservationaldocumentdrawnonbyfuturereaders.The
oneexceptiontothisstateofaffairshaslongseemedtobeacrucialpassageinSulgi`sHymn
B ('I am the very Nintud of the omen collections (gr-gin-na||, which supported the idea
thatafullyserializedlibraryofomensexistedatleastbySulgi`stime.Myrecentargument
(Richardson2006|thatgr-gin-nashouldbetranslatedas'proceduresratherthan'omencol-
lectionsconsiderablyaltersthispicture.AmistakenconflationofSulgi`slearnedskillswith
hisinnateonesinthesecondaryliteraturemaskedtheemphasisonextipicyasanaturaland
intutiveart,nota'book-learnedtechnicalskill,noranobservationalanddocumentaryone.
Categoricalerrorsaboutwhatskillsandpracticeslaybehindextispicyhavebeenmagni-
fiedbyadefinitionaldriftinwhichominousproceduresofallkindshaveoftenlooselybeen
translatedsimplyas'omens.Thetertiaryeffecthasbeenforstudents,scholars,andeditors
to sometimes interpolate extispicies where other kinds of omens were actually meant (see
Appendix 2 for the effects of this problem in a particularly influential set of translations in
Jacobsen 1987|. The image produced has thus been one in which extispicy was practiced
moreoftenthanitwasandstoodinsomeclearlypreeminentpositionvis--visotherdivina-
torysystems.Itdidnot.
However:evenweretheseinstancesalltobeunderstoodasliverdivinations,whatthey
haveincommonisthat-thoughtheywouldcertifythatextispicywasinuse-noneofthem
mentionsorsuggeststheuseoftexts.In'TheCursingofAkkade,theevidenceisequivocal
on this point, sinceNarm-Sn is simply said to 'perform extispicies. But forGudea, the
contextspointmoretowardanintuitiveormemorizedcraftthanascholarlyone.Theomenof
CylinderAxii16-17issaidtorevealNingirsu`sintention(s-nin-gr-su-ka|which'stands
outasclearasdaylight(u-dammu-na-|,andthattherevelationwasduetoGudea`s(repeat-
edly,emphatically|proclaimedqualitiesof'greatknowing(galmu-zu|and'greatcarrying-
out(gal-ga-tm-mu|,epithetswhichsuggestanunmediatedanduntutoredaccesstodivine
knowledgebasedoninnategnosticability-notonlearnedknowledge.
33
30
Alster(1976:114-15|suggeststhattherepetition
ofthetermsfromlinetolinemayindicateaperfor-
mativefunctionforthetwotexts.
31
Cooper1983:54-55(lines94-7|,244:theselines
are not preserved in the Ur III copies (see Cooper
1983:41-44,70,130-32|,butforthesakeofargu-
ment,Iwillassumetheyexistedintheearlierversion
aswell.
32
NotealsoJacobsen(1987:442|translatesGudea`s
Cyl.Bxx12,amessagefromNingirsutoGudeathat
'Theordersconcerning|thetemple]werenotones
spoken by a diviner, I was not keeping |my heart]
remotefrom|you]!Edzard1997providedneither
transliterationnortranslationfortheselines.
33
Theonlytabletstobediscussedwithinthelinesof
Gudea`sCylindersAandBarethoseheldbyNidaba
(Av24-28|andNinuruda(Bvi4-5|.Throughout
thepoems,thedramaticdevicethatmakesGudeaan
ideal man is his innate ability to receive messages
fromthegods,understand,andactcorrectly:inno
instancedoeshemakerecoursetoorboastoflearned
techniques.Onemightcomparethistotheslightly
differentemphasisontextualityexpressedinSulgi`s
hymns,throughoutwhichthekingdictatesforothers
oi.uchicago.edu
2.4 PURPORTED EXAMPLES OF THIRD-MILLENNIUM EXTISPICAL TEXTS
Twoverydifferentletters-onefromEbla,oneaschooltextfromthe'royalcorrespon-
denceofUr-haveeitherbeenproposedasorpretendtobeextispicaltextsdatingtothe
thirdmillennium.Thefirst,however,isnotanomen(thoughitisfromthethirdmillennium|,
andthesecondisnotfromthethirdmillennium(thoughitisanomen|.Athirddirectclaim
inSulgi`shymnstohaveproducedserialliteratureforextispicyisevidenceIhavedisputed
elsewhereonthegroundsthatthecrucialSumeriantermgr-gin-na,oftentranslatedas'col-
lectionsor'library(ofomens,inthiscase|,shouldratherbeunderstoodas'procedures,
relevanttoextispicy`sunwrittenandperformativeprotocols(Richardson2006|.
Inthefirstcase,theEblatextTM.76.G.86hasbeenpublishedasan'extispicyreport.
34
Strictly speaking, it is a letter which refers to an extispicy. Coser asserts that a 'structural
analysisrevealsthatthelettercontainsbothprotasesandapodoses.
35
Thisisnotthecase.The
letterreferstotwoinspectionsofsacrifices(nospecificanimalismentioned|inII.2-3(wa
ul,'and(theomenresult|wasbad|,andIII.7-IV.1(waigi.gargu-sumugas-dagigi.gar,
'and,whenheobservedthevictim,hesawdeathbyyourside|.Anextispicalprocedureis
discussed,buttherelevantpassagesfallshortoftheoperativecriterionofextispicalliterature:
torecordaspecificobservation(aprotasis,indispensibleinreports,asCoserherselfnotes|
inordertoreadaspecificresult(anapodosis,often,thoughnotalways,presentinreports|,
reproducibleconditionswhichcanbeconsultedinthefuture.Nosignormarkisrecordedin
theEblaletter:therearenoprotases,andtherearenotechnicaltermsofanykind.
36
Noobser-
vation,assuch,isrecordedinTM.76.G.86:nothingfromthedocumentcouldbereproduced
asanomen.Thelettertalksaboutanomen,butdoesn`tcontainone.
AdifferentcasepresentsitselfwiththeOldBabylonianschoolletter,inwhichan'omen
appears embedded within long and short versions of a putative royal letter ofIbbi-Sin of
Ur:
Enlilhaslookeduponmewithgraceandhastakenmyprayertohisholyheart:he
establishedformeinmyomensthefavorableparts.Furthermore,hefashionedthe
rightsideforhim,andtheleftsideforme.HebeautifullysettheretheWeapononmy
favorablesidewithastraightflank:theWeapononhisunfavorablesidewaspresent
and(lookedover|totheotherside,boundsteadfasttothefilament.(Thismeans:|
'Myenemywillbedeliveredovertomeandkilled.
37
to write, composes for others to sing, and whose
knowledgeisingeneralsuperiortothescribesand
expertswhosurroundhim.Note,forinstance,when
heboastsofhisexcellentskillasadiviner,while'my
divinerwatchesinamazementlikeanidiot(Sulgi
B144|.
34
Thetextappearstodatetoapproximatelythetwen-
ty-fourthcenturyB.C.(BonechiandCatagnoti1998:
37-38|.Coser2000:169,'Theothertwotypologies,
i.e. liver models and omen collections or compen-
dia, have not (yet| been attested atIII millennium
Ebla. See also Biga 1999, in which references to
good omens (ms . sa| are briefly mentioned in
earlyEblatexts.
35
Coser2000,linesi5-ii1:ndbandbaas-ti/wa
ul,'(thesacrificewassacrificedonmy own initiative
/and(theomenresult|wasbad.Linesiii.3-iv.1:wa
/r-am-Ma-lik ndba-ma ndba / wa igi.gar gu-sum
ugas-dagigi.gar'AndthenYiràm-Malikmadea
sacrifice/and,whenheobservedthevictim,hesaw
deathbyyourside.
36
Coser(2000|discussesTM.76.G.86byusingthe
terms uzu.tertum and piqittum, but the text does
not use these (or any other| identifiably extispical
terms.
37
Michalowski2006.Theadumbratedversionisless
specificinitsreferencetoextispicalsigns,reading:
'Hehasestablishedformeinmyomensthefavorable
parts.Furthermore,whenhefashionedinthemthe
rightsideandtheleftside(themeaningoftheomen
became|Myenemywillbecapturedandkilled.`
oi.uchicago.edu
Thepassage(incontrasttotheEblaletter|referstospecificsigns,employingatechnical
terminology, connected to specific results. Yet although it is genuinely extispical, it is not
genuinelythirdmillennium:eightcopiesofthelongandshortversionsoftheletterareknown,
and they all date closely to the latter half of the reign of Samsuiluna in the late eighteenth
centuryB.C.,andnottothetwenty-first
centuryB.C.reignofIbbi-Sin.AsMichalowskiargues,
the'omenisoneofavarietyofOldBabylonianscribalexercisesinsertedwithinaschool
text,writteninthe'highlybaroquestyleoftheLarsacourt,aninsertionfullyconsistentwith
thewiderprogramofarchaizingelementsofthe'royalcorrespondence.
38
2.5 THE APPEARANCE OF THIRD-MILLENNIUM KINGS IN OLD BABYLONIAN
'HISTORICAL OMENS
Someoftheveryfirstwrittenomenshavebeenunderstoodtorequirewrittenthird-millen-
niumsources:thesearetheso-called'historicalomens,whichmentionthelong-deadkingsof
AkkadandUr,amongothers.
39
Theseomensthemselvesgivenotahintofanycontemporary
conviction,however,thattheobservationshadtheiroriginsin histoire evenementielle.The
'informationtheyprovidebetterreflectsscribal-scholarlyinterestsinparonomasia(e.g.,the
Narm-SnomenaboutApisal|andthehistoriographictraditionofHeils/Unheilsherrschajt,
a dualistic scheme which fit well into the interpretive matrix of extispicy. It is also no ac-
cidentthatthekingsofthehistoricalomenswereoftenthesamefamouskingswhowerethe
subjectsofotherliterarycompositionsthenpopularintheOldBabylonianschoolcurriculum
- Gilgames, the Akkadian kings, Ibbi-Sn, etc.
40
- and visible in the statuary at Nippur.
Thoughtheseominoussignificationsclearlyreferredtothepast-asdidliterarytalesofthose
kings-therewasnoclaimthatthetexts(oreventheomens|themselveshadcomefromthe
past-aswiththecolophonsthatscrupulouslymarkedthecopyingoforiginaldocumentsof
otherkinds,suchasroyalinscriptions.
Fromthestart,theproblematicdatationofthesehistoricalomenshasconfusedthehistori-
cal/historiographicissue.ThelivermodelsfoundatMari(theearliest-knowndocumentstobe
inscribedwithhistorical,indeedany,omens|werewritteninthesakkanakkuscriptwhichdoes
notclearlydistinguishthecenturyoftheircomposition.Ithasthusbeenpossibletosuppose
thattheomenssoinscribedhadbeencomposedcontemporaneouswiththeirsubjectmatter.
ThepivotalhistoricalfigurehereisIsbi-Erra:
41
hisappearanceamongtheseomenshasbeen
used to argue that he marks ateminus ante quem for the liver omens, that is, that they had
38
Michalowski(2006:250|referstotheextispical
terminology here as 'invented: 'the only way to
solvethepuzzles|ofthispassage]istotrytowork
out how the writer invented a Sumerian extispicy
terminologyinbacktranslationfromAkkadian:cf.
Jacobsen1994:147,wherethehistoricityoftheac-
countistakenatfacevalue.Thedatederivesfrom
oneexemplarwhichbearsaSamsuilunadate.
39
MostfirminthisopinionisGoetze(1947b:264-
65|:cf.Cooper1980.
40
Theomenpurportingtomentiontheearliest'his-
torical king names Gi-il-ga (= Gilgames|: see
Goetze1947b.Whiletheomenwiththelatestking
referstoIsbi-Erra,aseparatementionofSn-iddinam
of Larsa (Starr 1983: 13| is elsewhere known. To
thesewemaynowaddDadusaofEsnunna(Al-Rawi
1994:38-40|,thoughtheinscriptiononthisparticular
livermodelbearsmanyofthefeaturesofanextispi-
calreport(multipleobservationsratherthansingle
protasis-apodosisconstruction|-andsoitsgeneric
classificationremainsuniquelyproblematic.
41
TheIsma-DaganwhoisthesubjectofRutten1938:
no.11,isprobablythesakkanakkuofMari(fl.ca.
2050B.C.|ratherthantheIsinkingofacenturylater
(whowouldthenotherwisebethelatest-datedking
mentionedamongthesemodels|.Gelbassertedthis
pointonorthographicgrounds(1956:3n.1|,butwe
canalsoobservethatitistheonlyroyalnameamong
oi.uchicago.edu
allbeencomposedbetweenthetimeofSargonandthedeathofthefirstkingofIsin.
42
Gelb,
tothecontrary,arguedthatthelivermodelscouldnothavebeeninscribedbejorethereign
ofIsbi-Erra-thattherebelkingwassimplytheleastvenerableinthecompanyof'histori-
calkings.
43
Ifeelthisisthemoresensibleexplanation:agroupoftexts,foundtogether,all
mentioningpasteventsinsimilarformandscript,aremorelikelytohavebeencomposedor
compiledtogethersoonafterthelatestrecordedeventamongthem,notfromtheearliestone
andoveraperiodoffourcenturies.
44
Historiansofthesetextshaveaskedwhytheywerefirstcomposed.Butgiventheabove,
weshouldperhapsinvertthequestion:if'historicalomenswereobservational,whydidthey
everstop?Ifthescribesbelievedintheauthenticityofobservationalomens,whywerethere
never again recorded liver omens about any Old Babylonian kings who reigned during the
timewhenthe technicaltextswere actuallybeing produced?
45
The 'historicalliver-model
omens of the twentieth/nineteenth
century B.C.
46
have the highest comparability among the
OldBabyloniantechnicaltexts
47
andarethusthestrongestevidencethatextispicalliteratures
drewoncommon-culturesources.Livermodelsarealsothefirstapparatusappearingamong
thetechnicaltypes,withcompendiasurfacingonlyinthelaternineteenthandearlyeighteenth
centuries, and reports in the eighteenth and seventeenth centuries.Yet the kings who were
treated as 'historical, and whose significance was broadly similar from text to text, was
limited:theyreflectedtheOldBabylonianideaofwhatconstitutedhistory,thatis,theevents
oftheAkkadandUrIIIdynasties.Bycontrast,whencompendioustextswerestillinproduc-
tionintheseventeenthcentury,atatimewhenonomasticastillreflectedpiousvenerationof
HammurabiandSamsuilunaandthekingsstilltracedtheirlineagethroughthem,wenever
findanynewominoussignsnamedfortheseoranyothermorerecentkings.Thus,notonly
arethe'historicalomenspoorhistoricalsourcesforthosekings(asCooper1980statedso
succinctly|,theirtemporalrestrictiontothepre-compositivephaseoftheliteraturealsospeaks
theMarimodelstobeaffordedadivinedetermina-
tive, and therefore more likely to refer to a native
Mariruler.
42
E.g., Starr 1983: 4, stating that the Mari liver
models '. cannot be dated later than the reign of
Isbi-Erra,thatis,theybelongattheendofthethird
millenniumatthelatest:moregenerallyStarr1991:
176:'theprocessofserializationwaswelladvanced
alreadyintheOldBabylonianperiod.Goetze`sopin-
ion(1947a:1-2|ismoredifficulttodiscern:hesaw
Isbi-Erraasthefigureprovidingaterminus post quem
for the texts in YOS 10 1-2, but held the opposite
viewforthecompositionofthe Marilivermodels,
forwhichIsbi-Erraservedastheterminus ante quem.
SeeGoetze1947b:264-65,wherehereferstothem
(linguistically| as 'Old Akkadian and concludes:
'Thereiseveryreasontoassumethatitgoesbackto
goodtraditionthatwasfirstdrawnupcontemporane-
ouslywiththerespectiveevent.
43
Gelb1956:2-3,7:'Thecompositionoftheliver
modelscouldnothavetakenplacebeforethetimeof
Isbi-Erra.Hestated,ontheonehand,thatneither
doesthismeanthatcertain'graphicandlinguistic
features of the models might not indicate copying
from earlier texts, but on the other hand noted the
presenceofdeliberatelyarchaizingfeatures.
44
Meyer,althoughtreatingtheMarilivermodelsas
OldBabyloniandocuments,ultimatelyadmitsthatthe
questionoftheirpreservationfromanolderarchive
cannotnowbeanswered(Meyer1987:8-11,45-16|:
Cooper (1980: 99| does not hesitate to label them
OldBabylonian.
45
Hallo`s(1967:96-97|re-translationofthe'Sn-
iddinam F liver-model omen precludes an under-
standingofthetextasahistoricaltraditionaboutthat
king(`s death| - rather, whether contemporary to
thetimeofSn-iddinamornot(thisisnotclear|,the
omenpurportstogiveadatefortheomen,tohistori-
cizeit,andinthissenseismoreakintotheomenof
DadusaofEsnunna.
46
Regarding the assessment of comparability, see
below,section3.2.
47
Thatis,ominoussignsnamedforancientkingsare
amongthefewtypesthatshowahighrateofdupli-
catesandparallelsbetweencompendia,livermodels,
andreports.
oi.uchicago.edu
againstanyongoinginterestinobservablephenomena.The'historicalkingswerechosenin
alaterperiodpreciselyfortheirhistoricalveneer.
2.6 THE SIZE, EXTENT, AND COMPREHENSIVENESS OF THE OLD BABYLONIAN
EXTISPICAL COMPENDIA
Theimpressionthatforerunnersforextispicalliteratureexistedisalsosuggestedbythe
dramaticappearanceoftheextensivecompendiousliterature:withoutantecedentmaterials,
howcouldsuchacorpusbeformedex novo?Themassiveseriesfromsouthern(nineteenth-
centuryLarsa|andnorthern(eighteenth-seventeenth-centuryBabylonandSippar|Babylonia
aretheearliestcompendiaknown,yetthesealreadydisplayaseriesnumberingnearly10,000
omens. The texts appear to us so fully formed that it is hard to believe they were not the
outcomeofalongprocessofscholarlyredactionorcompilation.Thisseemingimpossibility
inducesassumptionsthatearliertexts,thoughnotyetfound,neverthelessmusthaveexisted
prior to the nineteenth century B.C. This is, of course, precisely the interpretation which
thescattershotofearliersecondaryreferenceswouldseemtofavor(butseesections2.2-5,
above|.
And,indeed,someaspectsoftheinternal,formalorganizationofthecompendiousseries
couldbetakentomeanthatafewoftheOldBabyloniantextsknowntouscannotbe'first-
generationdocuments.Goetze(1947a|longagopointedouttheexistenceofbothduplicates
and variants, possibly indicating the existence of earlier recensions (cf. section 3.2|,
48
and
thearrangementofthecompendiabythezonesoftheliverhasencouragedanassociationof
complexorganizationwithantiquity.Thesehaveoccasionallyledtospeculationsaboutwrit-
ten
49
andoral
50
sourcesforthecompilationofsuchtexts.
Yetthehardfactremainsthat,whileAssyriologistshavebeenstudyingliver-omenlitera-
tureforoveracentury,inthistimenotechnicaltextsdatingearlierthantheOldBabylonian
period have emerged.
51
Despite the propensity of third-millennium scribes to compile lists
48
The admixture of archaic and younger orthogra-
phieswithinindividualOldBabyloniantextsismore
likelytoreflectdeliberatearchaizingthanthepreser-
vationoforiginalarchaicforms.Inthecaseofformal
preservation,oneexpectsamoreuniformattemptto
betruetoanoriginal,notpermittingtheneologisms
and younger orthographies which characterize the
textsGoetzediscusses.
49
Starr (1983: 6| views the omen series as having
developedbythegradualaccumulationofindividual
extispical observations in small tabulated collec-
tions,thencollatedintotheOldBabylonian'chap-
tersorganizedbyprotasticfeatures,andfinallyinto
Neo-Assyrian Brtu. Though acknowledging the
absence of pre-Old Babylonian material, he writes
only:'Suchclassification,systemizationandserial-
izationofomenscouldonlyhavecomeattheendof
alongprocessofevolution.Whentheprocessbegins,
weknownot.
50
Koch-Westenholz(2000:11-15|hasrecentlyar-
guedthatOldBabylonianextispicaltextswerecom-
posed in close temporal proximity to a formative
stageoforaltradition,butdoesnotelucidatehowor
whythetransitionbetweenthesestageswasaccom-
plished.BothKoch-WestenholzandStarr(1983:6|
postulatethatwrittenandoraltraditionsofextispicy
enjoyedsomesignificantperiodofcoexistence.The
Kuhnianviewwouldholdthatthetransitionbetween
the oral and written stages would have been punc-
tative and culturally constructed, not gradual and
evolutionary.
51
Thisisthesameperiodofscholarshipduringwhich
theearliest-knowndatesofmanycompositionshave
beenpushedback:theSumerianKingList(anUrIII
copynowpublishedbySteinkeller2003|,aSumerian
GilgamesandAggastorypublishedasearlyas1949
(seeCooper1981forbibliography|,Narm-Snand
theGreatRevoltappearingasanOldAkkadianschool
text(Gelb1952:172|,andsoforth.
oi.uchicago.edu
andcollectionsofmanykinds,andtheavidityofOldBabylonianscribesforcopyingthem,no
earlierlistsofomenshaveemerged.DespitetheantiquarianismabroadintheOldBabylonian
period(especiallyatNippur|,wefindlittlereflectioninextispicaltexts(absentatNippur|
of the topoi which concerned the Sumerian literati (e.g., fertility, mortality, purity, cosmic
order:seealsosections2.1-2|:itishardtoseethattheSumerianBeltanschauungisreflected
intheextispicalcorpus.IncontrasttothewidevarietyofOldBabyloniantextscomingout
ofatruescholastictraditionofcopying(epics,hymns,prayers,commentaries,mathematical
documents,lexicalandotherlists|,noknownOldBabylonianextispicaltextbearsacolophon
indicatingittohavebeencopiedfromanothersource,noristhereanyreasonableexpectation
that such sources will emerge.
52
This is especially strange when we consider the degree to
which Old Babylonian omens were accurately transmitted to Neo-Assyrian Brtu: are we
tounderstandthatagreattextualtradition,maintainedandtransmittedwithahighdegreeof
reliabilityinallperiodswhenitisvisible,istobeconstructedwhereitisnotvisible?
One of the other great bodies of serialized Mesopotamian literature was similarly not
preceded by materials identifiable as 'forerunners: the Early Dynastic proverb collections
were sizeable, extensive, and comprehensively organized, yet seem unlikely to have been
compiledfromanyantecedentliterature.Theonly'smallermaterialsfortheEarlyDynastic
corpusareahandfulofschooltextsthatarenotearlierthanthecollectionsthemselves,and
perhapslaterindate.OnlytheOldBabylonianproverbcollectionsareaccompaniedbygreat
numbers of excerpts and school tablets, that is, long after the collections themselves were
well established.
53
While it has been debated whether or not Early Dynastic proverbs were
collectedfromgenuinephrasesandsayingsorwerecompiledforpurelyacademicpurposes,
itisclearthattheydonotreflectotherpartsofthescribalcurriculum-despitehavingbeen
composedbyscribes.
54
Inthecasesofboththeomensandproverbs,thereisno'primitive
literate background to these massive, well-organized corpora. This absence suggests that,
whilethecompilationsmayhavebeengenuineinthesenseofcollectingexistingknowledge
basedonoraltradition,they didnotemergefroma scholastictraditionover time,gathered
frommultiplesources.
55
52
Hunger(1968:24-29|listsnocolophonsappearing
on Old Babylonian ominous texts: such colophons
appear beginning only with Middle Babylonian
texts,notcoincidentallythesameperiodofthefirst
knownextispicalschooltext(Veldhuis2000|.Old
Babylonian extispical compendia of course bore
rubrics indicating their serialization - cf. Goetze
1947a,witheighttabletsmarkedki.|numberinse-
ries]andonemarkedsu.nigin48mu.bi.im1kam.ma:
andJeyes1989:nos.11(r.2:DUB-p60+30|and14
(85mu.bissa1dub|-butnocolophonsindicat-
ingcopyingfromothertabletsperse(i.e.,thosetab-
letswhichincludedincipitsand/orformulaesuchas
im.gd.da/qt/igi.krPN|.Lambert(1998:147|notes
ruefully:'Unfortunately,therearenoOldBabylonian
textsdealingspecificallywithqualificationsofthese
diviners..NilsHeeel,inpressandcommunicated
privately,nowaddsthathiscollectionoftheOBE11
colophonresultsinthereadingDUB-p'Sn(XXX|-
lkal-|],'Tafeldes Sn-ka|.],withnosupport-
ingevidencefor'tablet90,asJeyestranslated:my
thankstohimforsharingthisinformation.
53
Thiswas,ofcourse,alsotheerainwhichthesyl-
labarywasunderreform.
54
Alster(1997:xvi-xvii|arguesforanoralandsecu-
laroriginforthesetexts.
55
Astillmoreradicalexamplemightbetheprofes-
sionalandlexicallistsoftheLateUrukperiod.No
precursors or forerunners were needed to develop
these complex technical documents, which were
among the earliest texts. It is, of course, an open
questionastotheprocessbywhichthebrand-new
technologyofwritingitselfdeveloped,but Iprefer
thepositionadoptedbyGlassner(2003:216|,which
arguesforasimilarly'createdratherthanan'evolv-
ingtechnology.
oi.uchicago.edu
2.7 LATER REFERENCES TO EXTISPICY`S ANTIQUITY
PotencyandlegitimacywereaccordedtoMesopotamianculturalformsfortheirvener-
ability,andextispicywasindeedviewedasanancientart-butonlyinthefirstmillennium,
when it was already more than a thousand years old. The claim of antiquity was advanced
forthefirstandonlytimeinatextfromAssurbanipal`sseventh-centuryB.C.library,thatthe
antediluviankingEnmedurankiwastaughttheartbythegodSamas,thekingthenpassinghis
knowledgeontowisescholars.
56
'EnmedurankiisaslightcorruptionoftheEnmeduranna
known from the Sumerian King List. Yet though the Sumerian King List dates to at least
the twenty-first century B.C., it mentions no wisdom traditions of any kind - only that
Enmeduranna was a king ruling at Sippar for 21,000 years.
57
A third and final reference to
EnmedurannaisintheKingListcompiledbyBerossusinthethirdcenturyB.C.,buthereagain
wefindnoreferencetoliverdivination.
58
As Pongratz-Leisten argues,
59
the Assurbanipal-era claim has little value as historical
evidence. The ancient pedigree of knowledge texts was part of a wider royal claim to hold
independent access to divine will by privileging the past as a site of original knowledge
production,suchaswithAssurbanipal`sfamousboasttohave'readtabletsfrombeforethe
Flood.
60
Earlierageshadinfactemphasizedtheantiquityofknowledgetoalesserdegree.
Neither within the Old Babylonian technical literature or in secondary references to liver
divinationarethereanyreferencestoitsantiquity,noreventoitsgeneralorigins(seesection
2.5regardingtheabsenceofcolophons|.
61
OldBabylonianscribes,likeNeo-Assyrianones,
embracedantiquarianlearning,butthereisnothingtosuggestthattheylookedonextispicy
as an especially ancient tradition. This is reflected in the Old Babylonian use of the terms
brandbrtu:thoughweknowofplentyofbrsintheOldBabylonianperiod,theterm
brtuwaslittleused.
62
WeknowthenamesofhundredsofOldBabylonian'diviners,but
almostnoabstractconceptof'divination:theOldBabyloniancraftwasstilltooheterodox
(ornewlyorthodox|toadmitabstraction.
56
Zimmern1901:no.24(=K.2486|:cf.Lambert
1969and1998.Starr(1983:3|dubsEnmeduranki
the'Prometheusofextispicy.
57
Jacobsen1939:seeSteinkeller2003fortheUrIII
fragmentoftheSumerianKingList.Sipparwasnot
oneofthecitiesassociatedwithliverdivinationin
thethird-millenniumyear-names(rather,Nippur,Ur,
Isin,andLarsa|,butwaslatercorrectlyassociated
with the first-known (Old Babylonian| extispical
literature.
58
VerbruggheandWickersham1996:19,70:Enme(n|
duranki/na is here 'Euedorankhos of Pautibiblon.
Thoughheisgivenoneoftheshortestantediluvian
reignsintheSumerianKingList(21,000years|,he
istied(withthehero'XisouthrosofLarankhos|for
thelongestoneinBerossus`list(64,800years|.
59
Pongratz-Leisten1999:ch.6passim,but esp.p.
309: 'In seiner Zeit wird die Interdependenz von
SelbstprsentationimUmgangmit'Geheimwissen
und die terminologische Bezeichnungvon Wissen,
dasalsTeildesHerrschaftswissensbetrachtetwird,
offensichtlich.
60
Lambert1957:7-8:OneKoyunjiktext(K.4023|
doesclaimthatitwasoriginallysetdownbyanEnlil-
muballit,a'sageofNippurknowledgeableinthecraft
ofbrti,andidentifiedinthecolophonasactivein
thetimeofEnlil-baniofIsin(ca.1850B.C.|-but
notethatthetextitselfisamedicaltext.
61
E.g., in the ikribu-prayer of the diviner (Goetze
1968|. The Sumerian used in Foxvog`s (1989|
'ManualofSacrificialProcedureiswrittenwith'at
bestonlyadhocapproximationsoftheAkkadian:
seealsosection2.4onthe'SumerianLiverOmen.
62
AHw110givesthefirstuseofbrtuasm/spB:
CADB131-33gives'fromOldBabylonianon,but
offersnopre-KassiteusagesexceptSilbenvokabularA
39f.:nam.zu=ba-|ru-tu].
oi.uchicago.edu
2.8 PROCEDURAL DISSIMILARITIES TO SCIENTIFIC METHOD WITH RESPECT TO
OBSERVATIONALISM
Finally, a theoretical problem: divination`s similarity to scientific procedure, and the
implicationthatobservationalismwasitsunderlyingmechanism,haslentweighttotheidea
thatitsprocesswasdocumentaryinnature.Theanalogyto'scienceispartlywelcome.Itsets
liverdivinationatadistancefromthesemanticfieldsof'templereligionand'magic.Itis
justifiablypinnedonbotha|science`ssimilarstatusinmodernityasanirreducibleformof
knowledge,andb|divination`slikenesstothescientificmethodinitssystematicorganization
ofphenomena,causalassociationtootherrepeatablephenomena,thecreationofextensible
theoreticalcategories,and(apparently|intheemploymentofobservation.
63
Buttheanalogy
islimited:absentarethecriticalmethodologieswhichalsocharacterizemodernscience:ex-
perimentalism,problematization,falsification,disproof.
64
Observationsoflivershavebeenpresumedtobethemeansbywhichthefirstomenswere
transferred to their place in the texts (e.g., 'If X is observed, then Y|, but that process is
notvisibleinthetextualprecipitate.
65
Thepresumptionthatagradualprocessofaccumula-
tion and compilation retrojects observationalism into extispicy`s genetic development.
66
A
historicist point of view, however, looking at the concentration of early evidence into the
centuryca.1850-1750B.C.,seesthisideaasdubious:theabsenceofadocumentarytrail(as
discussedabove|itselfmilitatesagainsttheexistenceofeitheranobservationalprocedureor
aprincipleofcausationwhosemechanismdidnotrequiretheheavyframingofbothscribe
andspecialist.
67
It has been almost fifty years since Thomas Kuhn (1962| first critiqued the presump-
tionofcumulativeobservationalismasthemodeofprogressinthesciences(The Structure
oj Scientijic Revolutions|.Kuhnarguedthatchangeinscientificknowledgeischaracterized
by sudden crises in thought that demarcate otherwise long periods of quiescent paradigm.
63
The most programmatic statement to this effect
in recent times has been J. Bottro`s (1992| essay
'DivinationandtheScientificSpirit(firstpublished
in1975|,butitisasentimentechoedinmanyquar-
ters,aimedat establishingdivination`sintellectual
position (if not its technical history| as 'science.
Similar expressions may be found in Oppenheim
1964:210-11:Starr1983:7-8:Bahrani2003:though
alsoas'philosophyinthislastcase.Arrayedsome-
whatagainstthesepositions(thoughwithoutintend-
ingtoexplaintheentextualizationofdivination|,are
Koch-Westenholz2000:Rochberg1999:Pongratz-
Leisten1999:esp.chs.1and6:andFarber1995.
64
Althoughverificationsofindividualomenreadings
areknownfromarelativelyearlypointinthepractice
ofextispicy,thereneverwereattemptstoverifythe
omensthemselves-onlytocontinuallyaddtothe
corpus,torevisebyincreasing(ratherthanreducing|
thelikelihoodofalternativeexplanations.Inpractice,
the(alwayssecondary|observationorobservercould
bewrong,butnevertheoriginalobservation.
65
SeeRochberg1991ontheobservationalfallacyin
astronomicalomens.
66
Commonly compounding this presumption is a
conflationoftheundoubtedthird-millenniumprac-
tice of divination and a presumed early technical
literaturearguedagainstabove(sections2.1-7|.P.
Michalowski(2006:247|:'Divinationiscommonly
thought to be one of the salient characteristics of
Mesopotamiancultureandthegreatlibrariesofthe
late period were filled with long omen series. And
yetalltheseomenswerecomposedintheAkkadian
languageandnotasingleearlyomeninSumerianhas
beenfound:theonlysuchexamplesareverylatebi-
lingualtextsthatareclearlyscholasticinnature.The
distributionofomentextsaswellastheexclusively
Akkadiantechnicalterminologyofthecraftcontrast
withtheinformationgleanedfromothersourcesthat
provide ample evidence of divinatory practices in
earlytimes.
67
See Roth (2001: 248-52, 281|, who argues that
Mesopotamian legal and scientific collections did
notgrowasaccretionsofabstract,universal,andop-
erationalprinciples,butweregatheredasparticular
'examplesofsuccessfulpractice.
oi.uchicago.edu
Althoughthisstancehasnotbeenadopteduncriticallybyintellectualcommunities,
68
oneof
Kuhn`smostlong-lastingandwidelysubscribedideasisthatobservationhasneverbeen-
canneverbe-freeoftheoreticalframing.Inthesepoints-thepunctativenatureofscien-
tificdevelopmentontheonehand,andtherejectionofsomerootof'pureobservationalism
ontheother
69
-extispicalliteraturedeservestheanalysisofitsentextualization,ofitstexts
asaliteraturewithahistory,notasaunitaryformthatpresumablyexistedfromtimeimme-
morial.Someonecreatedit,andforareason.
2.9 SYNTHESIS
This part of the discussion has argued against the existence of any scholarly tradition
for liver divination prior to the nineteenth century B.C. In so doing, it refutes no particular
opinionstothecontrary,butcountersascholarlydiscoursetooacceptingofcertainverymod-
ernpremisesabouttheobservationaloriginofthepractices,amplifiedbysometendentious
claimsoflaterantiquity.Thus,thoughlittlethatIhavearguedabovehasnotbeenconsidered
insomefashionelsewhere,itismyhopethatthereisaparticularvalueinbringingallthese
strandsofevidencetogetherinasystematicfashion.Itisnotmypurposetodestroya'straw
man:thenextsectionturnsitsattentiontotheentextualizationofliverdivination,tothink-
ingaboutthereasonswhyitcameintobeingwhenandasitdid.Centraltothediscussionis
thecoincidenceoftheriseoftheextispicalliteraturewiththe150-yearperiodduringwhich
Mesopotamiadescendedintointra-regionalwar.
3.0 ACREATEDLITERATURE:
EXTISPICYINTHEERAOFWARRINGSTATES
TheOldBabylonianerainwhichextispicaltextsfirstappearedwasonewhichsuffered
from chronic warfare, and divination and diviners figured prominently in the courts and
councilsofthewarringstatesofnineteenth-andearlyeighteenth-centuryBabylon,Mari,and
Larsa.Inmyview,thedivinatorycraftwasappropriatedbycompetingAmoritecourts,hungry
forlegitimizingdevices.Whatwehavemissedinpresumingafurtherantiquitytothecorpus
isthattheredactionofdivinatoryartsintoatechnicalliteraturewasmoreaproductofstate
competitionandwarfare,notthereificationofagenuinesetofSumerianpractices,precepts,
or(leastespecially|observations.Theprojecttodeliberatelyencodeandcontrolthiscommon-
cultureformenabledOldBabyloniankingstodefinealternativeaccesstodivineknowledge.
These practices remained garbed in the clothing of a traditional craft, yet operated on new
protocols of secrecy and deliberately blurred generic distinctions between magico-ritual,
religious,legal,andscholarlytraditions,
70
theinfluenceofallofwhichhavebeennoticedin
extispicyandvice-versa.Inthissense,thelawcodesofthesameperiod(indeed,ofthesame
sub-periodoftheOldBabylonian|shouldbeseenasparallelprojects,undertakingtoestablish
ultimatelyunverifiableclaimsofauthoritythroughalegalvoice.
68
E.g.,Horwich1993.
69
Onemightusefullycomparethisgradualistpointof
viewwithJ.-J.Glassner`s(2003|understandingofthe
originsoftheMesopotamianwritingtechnologies.
70
SeeKoch,thisvolume,p.43.
oi.uchicago.edu
Itisnotmyopinionthatdivinatorytextsformeda'secretcodeofsomekind.Itismy
opinionthattheflexibility,secrecy,andprivilegednatureofthepracticeandthepractitioners
provided a screen behind which political objectives could be achieved without criticism.I
turnmyattentionnowtosomecharacteristicsofOldBabylonianliverdivinationthatargue
notonlyagainstthird-millenniumorigins,butforadeliberatecompositioninthecourtsofthe
warringstates.Ifocusfirstonthreeissuesrelatedtothetechnicalliteratureitself,andthen
turntotwoaspectsofthesocialandpoliticalworldofOldBabyloniandivination:
3.1 Deliberatearchaismsinlivermodelsandomencompendia
3.2 Lowcomparabilitybetweenandamongextispicalcorpora
3.3 MilitaryandpoliticalcharacteroftheOBEomens
3.4 The'secularpositionofOldBabyloniandivinersanddivination
3.5 Theinformationwarandthe'secrecyparadigm
3.1 DELIBERATE ARCHAISMS IN LIVER MODELS AND OMEN COMPENDIA
Third-millenniumorthographiesandsign-formsmakesomeappearancesinOldBabylonian
liver-omentexts.AfewsuchfeaturesappearintheearlierMarilivermodels
71
andmorein
the Larsa technical literature,
72
but in general are not so much a feature of the later Sippar
compendia represented by OBE.
73
Since these features appear together with younger Old
Babylonianforms within thesametextsorbetween'duplicates, theirinconsistent usehas
promptedpuzzlement:werethesefeaturesgenuinerelicformspreservedbyscribaltradition?
74
Old Babylonian scribes were of course not only well practiced in copying tablets from the
SargonicandUrIIIperiods,butinreproducingantiqueformsanddeployingtheminspecific
contexts(perhapsmostfamouslyintheCodexHammurabi|.Ataminimumwecansaythat
archaisms were used, in Roth`s words, to 'magnify the authority of the composition.
75
It
seems plausible that duplicates might appear in both archaic and younger cursive scripts,
76
butthepreservationofsuchamiscellanyofarchaicformsinmixed-stylepointstowardthe
deliberacy of an archaizing purpose.
77
Archaic forms were more likely ornamental to new
compositions,notsurvivingrelicsofearlierones.
71
See esp. Gelb 1956: 7: 'As against the few ar-
chaizingfeaturesoftheMaritextslinkingthemwith
Sargonic,themajorityofthefeaturesshowpost-Ur
IIIinnovations.
72
Goetze1947a:1:notemixed-script(botharchaic
andcursive|appearingmostlyoncompendia(YOS
10, nos. 17, 22-23, 25-26, 29, 37, 39, 42, 44-45,
47-50,55,and61|,butalsoonalivermodel(no.1|,
andanundatedreport(no.19|.
73
Jeyes 1989: 9-14, where the similarity to Neo-
Assyriantextsisstressed:seealsoKoch-Westenholz
2000:17-18.
74
Gelb1956:7.
75
Roth1995:73,referringtotheCodexHammurabi,
whichusesanarchaicductusandorientationofthe
writing,aswellasan'archaizingliterarylanguage
intheprologueandepilogue.The'hymnic-epicdia-
lect might be another example of a deliberate ar-
chaizingstyle,whichdependedonsign-form,mor-
phology,andwordchoice(usedin,e.g.,theElegy
on the Death of Narm-Sn: see Westenholz 1997:
25-26,204-05|.
76
E.g.,YOS1034,alatercursivepartialduplicateof
YOS1033,writteninarchaicscript.
77
E.g.,YOS1022,inmixedscript,partialduplicate
ofYOS1024(archaic|.
oi.uchicago.edu
Anotherareainwhicharchaizationshowsupisintheextispicaltermini technicithem-
selves,whichemployanartificialSumerianjargon.
78
Thezonesandmarksoftheliverfirst
appear almost entirely in Akkadian, but shift to an almost exclusivelySumerian terminol-
ogy by the end of the Old Babylonian period: in the earliest phase of terminologies (Old
Babylonian I|, only one of fifteen terms (k .gal| was expressed ideographically: by the
thirdphase(LateOldBabylonian|,onlyoneoftenterms(tirnu|remainedinAkkadian.
79
Farfromreflectinganoriginaltechnicalvocabulary,anatomicalsimileslikeki.gub,kal,ork
.galhadnoterminologicaluseinthethirdmillennium.Theartificialnatureofthetermsis
complementedbythefailureofOldBabylonianextispicytoperpetuatepre-existinganatomi-
calterms-notablythewordfor'liveritself(bar|.
80
Anewlyinventedcryptolecthadbeen
preferredoveranacceptedterminology.
Itisnotanendinitselftoobservetheexistenceofarchaismsasformalfeatures:onemust
askwhythescribeschosetousethem.Alongwiththeuseofhistoricalkingsintheomensand
theconsciousinsertionofanartificial'omenintheIbbi-Sinletter,
81
itseemsprobablethat
the'antiquednatureofextispicaltextswaswindowdressingmeanttoaddtotheirauthority.
A deliberate attempt was made to present the technical literature as a genuine, transmitted
antique - an intention scholarship sometimes reproduces in accepting its antiquity - and
itispreciselythisintentionalitythatpointstowardtheoriginalcompositionofthetechnical
literatureintheOldBabylonianperiod.
3.2 LOW COMPARABILITY BETWEEN AND AMONG EXTISPICAL CORPORA
Thelackofintertextualconnectionsbetweenextispicaltechnicaltextsandtheirephemeral
literatureshasbeenbrieflynotedabove(section2.0|,butweshouldlookmoresystematically
atthelowcomparabilitybetweentheOldBabyloniantechnicaltextsthemselves:
1. betweentheSipparcorpusandotherextispicaltraditions,
2. betweenthemajortypesofcontemporarytechnicalliterature,andeven
3. betweenthevariantsandduplicatesthemselves.
I do not pretend to offer a full comparative analysis of this massive body of primary
literature (about 3,193 published Old Babylonian omens
82
|, but some general observations
78
Koch-Westenholz2000:14,notingthe 'absence
of|other]Sumerianterminology:seealsosection
3.2 below regarding solecisms and hapaxes. The
manyuniquesimilescompiledbyNougayrol(1976:
343-50|attesttotheheterodoxcreativityofthelit-
erature:seealsothemanyadditionsinJeyes1989,
e.g.,OBE2obv.2,inwhichthe'View(igi.tab|is
uniquely'likeareedstylus(kima qartuppim|.The
problemsnotedintracingtheetymologyofsium,
CAD S 178b-179a,mayalsoreflectitsorigin as a
neologism.
79
Goetze,YOS105.
80
Compare the well-attested use of bar ('liver|
in third-millennium literature to mean 'spirits or
'mood to the few second-millennium attestations
ofitsusetomean'omenor'portent,restrictedto
lexicallists(PSDB107-109|.MarcelSigrist(pers.
comm.|hasalsobroughttomyattentionacompari-
sonbetweenBM29663,anunpublishedUrIIIlistof
anatomicalterms:cf.YOS1347-49,whereonlya
minorityoftermsareshared.
81
Michalowski(2006|,positingthatthe'falsena-
tureoftheomenmayhavebeena'hiddencommen-
taryoncurrenteventsfromthetimeofSamsuiluna.
Ashepointsout,theinsertioncannothavebeenin-
tendedasagenuineomen,sincethescribeswhoin-
serteditwouldhaveknownitwasnotoriginal.
82
Jeyes(1980:107|estimated2,160publishedOld
Babylonian compendious liver omens, to which
should be added the 402 omens she published in
1989,totallingabout26percent(Jeyes1989:11|if
10,000compendiousomenseverexisted.Inaddition
oi.uchicago.edu
areinorder.Itbecomesclearonreadingthroughthespecializedliteraturethat,whilesome
part-parallelsandpartialduplicatescanbelocatedwithinthemanythousandsoflinesofomen
texts,thenumberofdirectduplicatesacrossallthree
83
ofthesecomparablecategoriesissim-
plytoolowtosupporttheideathatanymajoreffortwasinvestedinactuallycopyingomens.
Whileitistruethatsomeduplicatesandvariedparallelsexist,twopointsmaybemade.
First,duplicatesandomensareinthevastminoritywithinanenormoustechnicalliterature
whosesignatures,ifanything,areuniqueexpressions.Mostomensarenotparallelsordupli-
cates,eventhoughmuchofwhathasbeenwrittenaboutomenshasfocusedonduplication.
84
WhenoneperusesStarr1983orJeyes1989,forinstance,onecouldgaintheimpressionthat
agreatdealofoverlapexistsbetweentheprimarysourcestheystudybecauseagreatdealof
inkinthenotesisreservedforinvestigatinglinksbetweenextispicaltexts(notwithstanding
thecontrapuntalcommentaryonsolecismsandhapaxes|.Thisisaperfectlyunderstandable
featureofascholarshipwhichhopestounderstandthesemostobscurepracticesbyusingallied
informationwhereveritmaybefound.Yetinserviceofthisgoal,methodologicalconcerns
aboutanachronismareoftensuspendedinthepresumptionofagreaterbackgroundofcopy-
ing:thelikenessesarepartofagreaterunityoflikeness,asitwere,andtheunalikenessesare
seenasheterogeneouslyunalike.
Second,adefinitionalproblemhaspersistedinreferringto'duplicateswhichhaspro-
moted an artificial appearance of overlap: the majority of claimed 'duplicates are omens
reproducing or approximating only the apodosis or protasis of other omens. In my view,
while this may indicate a literary or oral borrowing, it is not a duplicated omen per se: the
comparabilityexistsonlyonthelevelofsignifier(protasis|orsignified(apodosis|,noton
thelevelofthesign(omen|.Whatweseeistheemulationofliterarymotifs,notthecopying
ofactualobservations.
Howmuchcomparability should we really expect betweenthesetexts?Too stringenta
definition, too literal a comparativism, runs the risk of overdefining a threshhold between
'realcopyinganda'phonyscribalerudition.Still,weoughttobeabletoseeamuchgreater
degreeofoverlapthanwedoifwearetopreservetheideathatwhatwasbeingrecordedin
thesetextswere,evenpartiallyorsecondarily,observedandrepeatablephenomena.Inwant-
ingsomeevidencethatsometextswereemployedasthesourcematerialforothertexts,we
to these 2,562 compendious omens, we know of
some37publishedOldBabylonianextispicalreports
(seeKoch-Westenholz2002:130foracatalog:the
reportscontainedintherelevantMarilettersmight
alsobeaddedtoourtotals|,whichrangefromasfew
as10toasmanyas23observationseach,averaging
around16:fromthisIderiveaworkingtotalof592
moreominouspassages.Finally,thepublishedOld
Babylonianlivermodels,whichnumberaround39
(38 referred to by Meyer 1987: 11, and at least 1
moresubsequenttohiswork:Jeyes1989:no.19|,in
manycasesspecifyasfewas1ominoussign:forthe
sakeofconvenience,Iusetheestimateof39toarrive
atatotalof3,193publishedomina.Afullone-to-one
analysisoftheseunitswouldinvolvemorethanten
millioncomparisons!
83
It would be irrelevant and anachronistic to con-
sider,forourhistoricalstudyoftheOldBabylonian
texts,thecomparabilitytoafourthcategory,toNeo-
Assyrianextispicaltexts(thoughthesearethebasis
for many analytical comparisons in the secondary
literature of these technical texts|. Not surprising-
ly,however,itmayberemarkedthatallaspectsof
a transmitted literature are in evidence in the later
brtu,forwhichcopyingandtransmissionbespeaks
amuchmoreovertlyantiquarianproject.
84
The variability within Old Babylonian technical
literatureisagainreminiscentofthesituationinearly
writing:ChristopherWoods(pers.comm.|writesof
UD.GAL.NUNvalues:'Typologically,writingsystems
revealahighdegreeofvariabilityandexperimenta-
tionintheirinfancies,onlylaterbecomingconfined
bytheconventionsandstandardizationsthattypify
theirmaturephases.
oi.uchicago.edu
aremuchmoredisappointedthansatisfied.Whatismoreinevidencearecontemporaneous
textserieswhosematerialwasdrawnoutoftheheterodoxoraltraditionsofindividualsand/
orguildswhosharedacommon-culturecraft.
85
ThedifferencesbetweentheOldBabylonian'northern(i.e.,BabylonandSippar|and
'southern (i.e.,Larsa| extispicaltraditionshavelongbeen noted, andthereislittleusein
comparingtwotexttraditionsthatwereperhapsnotfundamentallycomparable.
86
Yet,taking
the north-Babylonian compendia from Jeyes 1989 as a more manageable but still sizeable
sample- 402omens are substantiallypreservedoneighteentablets
87
-itis strikinghow
fewobservationsaretrueduplicatesorparallels.Wecanalsopointtothehighincidenceof
hapaxesanduniquephraseswithintheOBEtexts.Extispicaltextsarefilledwitharcanaand
strange turns of phrase, of course, but I am not speaking of interpretive problems: at least
ninetermsorphrasesarenototherwiseknowninOldBabylonianextispicalliterature,
88
and
fourteenmorearenotknownfromextispicalliteratureofanytimeorplace.
89
Giventhatthe
samesampleproducesonlyonegenuinelyduplicateomen(seebelow|,thisalreadysuggests
moredifferencesthansimilaritiestoothercorpora.
Forty-sevenOBEomensarepartialduplicatesorparallels:thatis,protasesandapodoses
thatareduplicatedorparalleledoutsidethecorpus,butwithouttheirpartnerclauses.Infifteen
of those forty-seven cases, duplicates or parallels of OBE protases can be found elsewhere
-butmarriedtomismatchedapodoses:
90
twenty-sixapodosesareknowninothertexts,but
nowwithouttheprotasesattached.
91
Onlyfivefullomensamong402areduplicatedwithin
thesameOBEtexts,
92
andonlyonehasacontemporaryOldBabylonianparallel,wherethe
75
Inthis,wemightdrawaparalleltotheBalkaniza-
tionofthe lexicaltraditionintheOldBabylonian,
wherelocalcurriculartraditionswereprivilegedover
anynotionthemoreunifiedlexicographicpractices
observablein the thirdmillennium(most recently,
Veldhuis1999:102|.
86
SeeespeciallyKoch-Westenholz2000:17f.Among
therelativelysparsetechnicalliteratureoriginating
atMari,Iamunawareofanyparallelsorduplicates
witheithertheSipparorLarsacorpora.
87
Jeyes1989.DiscussionsofOBEtextsheredonot
include Jeyes 1989: no. 10, from Ur. The remain-
ing eighteen OBE texts only serve as a sample to
suggest the direction that a full analysis of all Old
Babyloniantextswouldtake.TheOBEtextsmayall
derivefromSippar,buttheiruseasacorpushassub-
stantialmethodologicalchallenges:theyaredivided
betweentwoperiodsofcomposition(agroupdated
tothetimeofSamsuiluna,anothertoAmmisaduqa|,
bycompleteness(Jeyesexpectstheseeighteentablets
shouldbepartof a total of ca. 100 tablets|, by se-
ries(theomensmostlyaddressdifferentzonesofthe
liver|,andbycomprehensibility(31%oftheomens
areeitherbroken |21.4%]orobscure|9.5%]|. The
thirty-seven compendia of YOS 10, most of them
individuallymuchlonger,wouldprobablypresenta
superiorsampleformajorresearch.
88
OBE1obv.3,19andrev.7:2obv.13:3iv5,
15:14rev.19:15rev.20:18rev.20.
89
OBE1obv.4,9,24:2obv.2:3iv14:6obv.
2:7obv.8:12obv.6:13rev.19-20:14obv.11,
18,36,38.
90
The relevant OBE protases appear in: 2 obv. 3,
8-10,13:8obv.1:14rev.10:15rev.4:16rev.
9and27.Fiveotherpossibleparallelsrelyonres-
torationjromtheproposedparallel:2obv.4:1rev.
20-21:2obv.7:4obv.14.
91
TherelevantOBEapodosesappearin:1obv.7,
10,13:2obv.14:5obv.4,7obv.10:9obv.16:
13rev.7,9:14obv.19andrev.5,12:16rev.12:
18obv.6-7:19obv.1-2.Tenotherpossibleparallels
relyonrestorationjromtheproposedparallel:1obv.
5:4obv.13:2obv.11:3iii15:4obv.10,12:9
obv.24:11obv.8:13obv.4:and16rev.25.
92
One oftheseduplicates appearswithin thesame
text:OBE1rev.15(amongrev.12-15,wherean
observationisduplicated|.Theotherfouromensare
duplicatedwithinshortpassagesofOBE13and14:
13rev.11(paralleledby14obv.33|,13rev.17-18
(by14obv.17|,13rev.19-20(by14obv.34-35|,
and13obv.13(by14rev.7|.BothOBE13and14
areLateOldBabylonianobservationsfromthesame
BMcollectionconcerningtheseriesSAGS:given
thatOBE13preservesthirty-sixomens,andOBE14
preservesseventy-eightomens,thequestionshould
be:whyareonlyjouromensparalleledbetweenthe
texts?
oi.uchicago.edu
senseoftheomenisidenticallyintentioned(thoughnotworded|-andsignificantly,itisa
'historicalomenofAkkad,forwhichanoralratherthanscribaltraditionisnotdifficultto
imagine.
93
Neitherinpartnorinwholedotheother349OBEomenshaveevidentparallelsor
duplicatesanywhereoutsidethecorpus.
Jeyestookpassingnoteofboth'partialduplicatesor'partialparallels,
94
butthesignifi-
canceoftheseodditieshasneverbeensatisfactorilyexplained.Indeed,theproblembecomes
evenstrangerwhenweconsider'partialduplicateswithintheOBEcorpus.Notenumerated
abovearesixpartialduplicationsofprotasesorapodosesinotherOBEtexts:inthreecases
wefindtheprotasisduplicatedwithouttheapodosis:intwocases,theapodosiswithoutthe
protasis:andinonecasewefindbothhalvesofanomenduplicated-butsplitbetweentwo
differentomens!
95
Whatseemsimpossibleistoimagineascribewhowouldborrowatwill
anextispicalobservationoritsresult,andfreelymarryitelsewhereifcopyingwastheintel-
lectual project. To refer to 'duplicates or 'parallels without a more stringent definition
impliescopyingandobservationalism,whereaswhatweseeisre-editingand(byastandard
ofobservationalism|outrightoriginalcomposition.Torecap:of402OBEomens,thereisone
verifiable (if very general| parallel, but the other fifty-two known 'duplicates are partial
duplicateswhichwouldofcourseviolatetheprinciplesofcausationthatwouldbeencoded
inobservationalrecord-keeping.Whateverelsethiseditingprocesscanbecalled,itcannotbe
saidthatfaithfultransmissionofdatawasaconcernoftheeditors:creativityandreconfigura-
tionofomensfaroutpacesgenuinecopying.
TherealsoseemsaverylowincidenceofcomparabilitybetweenOldBabylonianextispi-
calreports(ofwhichthirty-eightareknown
96
|andcompendia,though,onceagain,afullstudy
isbeyondthescopeofthispaper.
97
Amodestexperiment,however,suggeststheresult:using
fourLateOldBabylonianextispicalreportsasasample,
98
wefindforty-threeindividualobser-
vationsthatarepreservedordependablyrestored,thirty-fourofwhicharetheaberranttypes
thatappearincompendioustexts.
99
Amongthese,onlyoneofthosereportedobservationscan
befoundwithintheprotasesoftheOBEcompendia(anditistheverycommon'therewasa
pathtotheleftofthegallbladder|.
100
SincethesefourreportsareallLateOldBabylonian,all
93
TheomenisOBE193-7,theverylastinthevol-
ume.OBE17has,Jeyesargued,four'parallels:
yet,whileOBE193-7recordsa'Holeinthe|x]of
thePresence,itsthree'parallelsactuallyfindthe
Hole in 'the middle of the View to the right, 'in
therimofthePath,and'inthemiddleoftheView
in its centre - altogether different observations.
Indeed,fourotheromensinOBE16(3-5andrev.
20|havegenuineduplicates-buttheyarealllater
Neo-Assyrianones.
94
E.g.,Jeyes`notestoOBE14rev.5and10.
95
Protasisonly:OBE1obv.18:13obv.3and9
(secondprotasisonly|.Apodosisonly:OBE1obv.
23:7obv.7.OBE13obv.9alsoincludesaprota-
sisandapodosiswhichappearseparatelywithinthe
corpus.Thesituationof'partialduplicatesisremi-
niscentofseveralcompendioustextsfoundinYOS
10(e.g.,nos.22,24,and26|,whichduplicatesome
sequencesofomens,butnotothers.
96
The thirty-seven cataloged by Koch-Westenholz
2002,plusonemoreinRichardson2007.
97
Usingthefollowingsampleasthebasisforanesti-
mate,thethirty-eightknownOldBabylonianreports
contain approximately 323 aberrant observations:
checkingtheseagainsttheestimatedbodyof3,193
publishedomenswouldrequireoveramillionindi-
vidualcomparisons.
98
ThereportsinRichardson2002.Althoughthesam-
plesizeisnotconvincinglylargeinitself,itshould
be noted that two of those reports derive from the
samemuseumcollectionasnineoftheOBEcompen-
dia(nos.1,8-9,11-16|,thusprobablybelongingto
thesamearchive.Onthisbasisalone,somedegreeof
comparabilityshouldpresentitself:itdoesnot.
99
That is, omitting from statistical consideration
statementsthatcertainfeaturesweresimply'pres-
ent, which are generally not represented in the
compendia.
100
Thisprotasisshouldindicatetheverygeneralposi-
tiveapodicticreadingof'defeatfortheenemy(i.e.,
theenemyoftheclient-nottobeconfusedwiththe
more specific 'defeat for the enemy army, found
oi.uchicago.edu
fromnorthernBabylonia,andhalffromthesamedivinationarchiveastheOBEcompendia,is
itnotreasonabletohope,ifthereportswerewrittentobe'keyedtothemassivecompendia,
thatmorethanonemightbefoundamongthe402OBEomens?
101
Alongsidetheextremely
lowincidenceofduplicationandthehighincidenceof'partialduplication,thefactthatthe
reportsmatchupsopoorlytothecompendiadoesnotlendmuchcredencetotheideathata
processofobservationandverificationwasinuse.
Whatsmalloverlapexistsbetweenextispicalseriesfromdifferentplaces,betweentech-
nical types, between even duplicate texts of the same type from the same place, suggests
much more of a common-culture tradition and scribal familiarity from use than it suggests
thesetextswereacoresourcematerialforascholarlyprojectofcontinuedobservation.Of
course, cuneiform literatures are entirely characterized by variability between recensions,
allied text types, local traditions - but minor variations versus comparabilities as low as
theonesoutlinedabovehavetosuggestvastlydifferenteditorialprocesses.Onecrucialclue
liesinthedatesalone:noextispicalreporttoourknowledgeisdatedbeforeAmmisaduqa2
(1645B.C.|,whilecompendiawereinproductionfromatleast1822B.C.andmostlyfinished
by1712B.C.
102
Thecompendiaandthereportsreallybelongedtodifferenthistoricalepochs,
composedfordifferentpurposes(seesection4.0|.
3.3 MILITARY AND POLITICAL CHARACTER OF THE OBE OMENS
Theformalaspectsofextispicaltextsoutlinedabovepointawayfromtheideathateven
theearliest-visiblestagesoftheprojectinvolveddisinterested,scholarlyobservationalism.Yet
ifthiswasnotitspurpose,whatwas?Oneapproachwouldbetoreturntolookatthesubject
matteroftheominousapodoses:atopicalanalysisoftheomensfromOBErevealsaprimary
concernwithpoliticalandmilitaryintelligence.
TheconcernsoftheOBEtextsaremosteconomicallyrepresentedintabularform(see
table 1|. Type A subsumes those apodoses which are concerned with interstate competi-
tion: military action (A|,
103
geopolitical affairs (A, including diplomacy, court intrigues,
territorial dispositions|, and the political affairs of 'the prince (i.e., the king,NUN/rubm
innorthernOldBabyloniantexts|,especiallynewsofandforhim.
104
Althoughthesubjects
ofdomestictraitors,usurpers,bordergarrisons,etc.arenotexplicitly'interstateconcerns,
theydoreflectthecompetitionbetweentheroyalcourtsofMari,Esnunna,Larsa,Elam,etc.
TypeBarethoseapodoseswhosecontentsareeitherobscureandunintelligible(B|orsim-
plytoobroken(B|toplaceineitherTypeAorTypeC.TypeCapodoses,finally,arethose
elsewhere|.ForasurveyofOldBabylonianextispical
reports,seeKoch-Westenholz2002.
101
Thoughnoteafewinstancesinwhichtherecorded
protasisseemstoanticipateorindicatepriorknowl-
edgeoftheassociatedapodosis(e.g.,BM97433:see
Richardson2002|.Suchprotasesdoseemtoindicate
thattheauthorofthereportwasthedivinerhimself,
perhapstosomedegreeobviatingtheneedforrefer-
encematerials.
102
Therangeofdatesforthecompendiaareestab-
lished by their apparent earliest appearance in the
timeofRm-SnIofLarsa(reigned1822-1763B.C.|,
andtheirrelativelyisolatedOldBabylonianproduc-
tionafterthetimeof Samsuiluna(died1712 B.C.|:
seeKoch-Westenholz2002:132-33:Jeyes1989:5:
Goetze1947a:1.
103
In this typology, a differentiation between apo-
dosesmentioningthe'enemy(i.e.,theenemyofthe
client,thusTypeC|andthe'enemyarmy(TypeA|
hasbeenstrictlyobserved.
104
By'politicalaffairs,Imeantoexcludethoseapo-
dosesabout'theprincewhicharenotprima jacie
concernedwithinterstatecompetition.
oi.uchicago.edu
S
E
T
H

F
.

C
.

R
/
C
H
A
R
D
S
O
N
2
4
6
Table1.AbrieftypologyofapodicticconcernsintheextispicalcompendiapublishedinOBE(Jeyes1989|
TypeA:Apodosisconcernsinterstatecompetition:Militaryaction(A
1
|,geopoliticaldevelopments(A
2
|,'theprince(A
3
| As=Ammisaduqa
TypeB:ApodosismaybelongtoeitherTypeAorTypeCduetouncertainmeaning(B
1
|orbrokentext(B
2
| Ha=Hammurabi
TypeC:Apodosisconcernsmattersotherthanstatecraft:signsfromthegods(C
1
|andnon-stateaffairs/results divers Si=Samsuiluna
OBE No. BM Collection Date Series A
1

military
A
2

geopolitical
A
3

the prince
B
1

uncertain
B
2

broken
C
1

the gods
C
2
rsultsdivers
1 1902-10-11 As KI.GUB 21 4 5 4 3 5 4
2 91-5-9 Si20 IGI.TAB 4 6 - 3 2 - -
3 94-1-15 Si20 IGI.TAB 13 2 - 10 4 3 -
4 91-5-9 Si20 IGI.TAB+ pu:rum 5 - - 2 5 - 3
5 94-1-15 Si20 pu:rum 4 1 - - 2 - -
6 94-1-15 Si20 pu:rum 2 - - 2 - - 1
7 83-1-21 As K.GAL 1 2 - 4 - 2 1
8 1902-10-11 As mixed 1 2 - 1 30 - -
9 1902-10-11 As SU.SI 6 5 4 1 3 4 1
10* Ur Ha / earlier sibtu - 4 - 3 5 - 15
11 1902-10-11 As
gis
TUKUL 4 8 - 3 5 - 1
12 1902-10-11 As SU.SI MUR kiditum 5 - - 1 - - -
13 1902-10-11 As tal/SAG S 12 4 3 3 10 2 2
14 1902-10-11 As tal/res S 17 7 33** 3 2 9 7
15 1902-10-11 As BI.RI 5 7 4 - - 1 1
16 1902-10-11 As kalitum / elibuum 7 5 6 1 18 1 2
17 1900-10-16 OB suum 3 1 - - 1 - -
18 1900-10-16 OB mixed 3 - - - 1 2 2
19 94-1-15 OB tkaltummodel 1 1 - - - - -
Totals 402omens" 114
(28.4%|
55
(13.7%|
55
(13.7%|
38
(9.5%|
86
(21.4%|
29
(7.2%|
25
(6.2%|
*OBE10,fromthe'southerntradition(andnoteitsemphasisonnon-military
matters|-isnotincludedinthetotals.
**MostoftheOBE14apodosesabout'theprinceareexplicitlyconcerned
withmilitaryandgeopoliticalmatters.
Type A:56%ofapodosesconcernstate
business
Type B:31%of
apodosesareunclear
Type C:13%ofapodosesdo
notconcernstatebusiness
oi.uchicago.edu
concernedwithsubjectsthatseemmoreepistemicintheirintenttoexplainsignsthroughout
theworldatlarge-asanopensystemofknowledge,notafixedorclosedone.
105
TypeC
includessignsofthegodswhichdonotclearlyindicatewhethertheconcerniseitherstateor
privatebusiness(C|,
106
andtheresults diverswhichmoreapparentlyhavenoconnectionto
thestatebusinessofTypeAomens(C|.Someexamples:
A OBE1rev.12: 'my raid will search for much booty in the enemy`s
country
A OBE9obv.21: 'theywillrevoltagainst|theking]inthecouncil
A OBE14obv.37:'theprincewillgethisadvisersfromhispalaceservants
B OBE3iv6: '(or:|couriers
B OBE712: '|.]thefallof|.]
C OBE3iv7: 'thepresenceofIstar
C

OBE1obv.3: 'thesonofaheraldwilldie
Theresultsarequitelopsided:withalmostathird(31%|oftheapodosesofanundeter-
mined nature (Type B|,
107
the remaining subject matter is overwhelmingly concerned with
statebusiness(TypeAwith56%,TypeCwith13%,a4:1ratio|.Oftheomenswhosesubject
mattercanbeclearlydiscerned,thefocusisemphaticallyontheexpeditionofthearmy,palace
coups,haremintrigues,onthefallofcitiesratherthanonpredictionsofcurses,abundanceof
theharvest,medicalconditions,etc.
ThemostinsistentconcernofTypeAomensisfortwoareasofactionoutofthedirect
sightoftheking:thesuccessofthearmyinthefield,andstabilitywithintheloyalistclass.
Theinterestinmilitaryactionisnothardtospot:omenafteromenfearsthe'fallofthearmy
whileattacking(OBE1obv.15|,thatthe'armywillnotreachitsdestination(OBE2obv.
15|,that'theenemywillstrikeatthecoreofyourarmy(OBE4rev.13|,that'youwill
leadawayincaptivitythepopulationofthecityyouarebesieging,butanotherwillenterit
(OBE13obv.8|-informationsospecificthatitbordersonthetactical.
Loyaltyistheotherpre-eminentconcernofthetexts.BetrayalsendangeredtheAmorite
monarchiesonmanyfronts:amongtheking`spopulace,officials,military,vassalkings,even
the dynastic family itself. An emphasis persists throughout the compendia on tracking the
movementsofbothpeople(logistically|andallegiances,inwhichthedeceptionsoffriends
areaprominentfeature:'aservantofthekingwillslanderhim(OBE13rev.8|:'thesonsof
theprincewillriseagainsttheirfatherwithmalevolence(OBE14obv.20|:'theproletariat
105
Thecrudenessofthistypologyistoanimmediate
purpose.Thedurabilityofdivinationwasdueinpart
toitsuseofdeliberatelyenigmaticapodoses.These
constructions,whichpermittedagreatdealofflex-
ibilityininterpretation,wereinpracticepreciselybe-
causeoftheirmetaphoricapplicabilityasvehiclesfor
perhapslimitlesstenors:see Sasson1995foradis-
cussionofenigmaticconstructionsinprophecy.These
interpretiveneedsweremanifestedthroughcognitive
biasessuchasillusorycorrelation,availabilityheuris-
tics,and'hot(e.g.,emotional|cognition.
106
Thoseomensmentioningdivinesignsexplicitlyre-
latedtoTypeAconcernshavebeencountedthere.
107
Ihavebeenextremelyconservativeinapportion-
ingcrypticormetaphoricalapodosesawayfromType
BorCtoTypeA,eventhoughonegainstheoverall
impressionthat'obscureomensarecouchedinmet-
aphoricallanguagethatweremeanttobeinterpreted
as referring to affairs of state, e.g. 'a well-known
womanwilldie.
108
SeealsoKoch-Westenholz2000:14,whoseesin
thisafunctionalconsistencywiththird-millennium
oi.uchicago.edu
(hupsum|willrebel(OBE14obv.24|:'hiscourtierswillkillhim(OBE11obv.3|:'an
envoy telling dangerous lies will arrive (OBE 13 rev. 12-13|: 'defection of a diviner
(OBE14rev.48|.
Theseconcernsareverymuchof-the-moment:theomensarenotreallyconcernedwiththe
far-flungfutureand'fortune-telling,butwithashiftingstatusquo.Theyareconsistentwith
whatweknowofSumerianextispicy,thatitwasusedtorevealwhatalreadyexisted,though
hiddenorunrecognized-notwhatwouldcometopassinthefarfuture.
108
Ourreadingsof
manyancientNearEasternomensandpropheciesalreadyexpectthattheirauthorsintended
them as messages about the present (often with reference to the past|, couched in a future
tense,ex eventuintheirvoice.Inthisconnection,oneshouldnotetheindistinctionorambiva-
lencebetweentheAkkadianverbalpresentandfuturetenses,andthattheapodicticverbis
alsoknowntoappearinthestative,theperfect,oreventhepreterite.
109
Thepresentistnature
ofextispicalknowledgeisnowalsoforcefullyunderscoredbyHeeel`sstudy(thisvolume|,
which establishes that the 'stipulated term for which extispical readings were valid were
limitedtoamaximumtermofthreeyears,andmostoftenformuchshorterperiodsoftime.
Theformalaspectsofcausationandfuturetenseshouldnottakeoureyesfromthecon-
tent:OldBabylonianextispicytriedtodeterminecoursesofactionfortheconductofstatecraft
inthehere-and-now,havingtodowiththeimmediateoutcomesofpresentconditions,inwar,
indiplomacy,instaffing.Inreadinganomenthatsaidtotheking'theywillrevoltagainst
youinthecouncil,weshouldunderstandthattherealmessagewasnottopredictsomefu-
turerevolt,buttogivenoticethatthecouncilwasatthatmomentorincipientlydisloyaland
plotting.Thattheomenstookpoliticalandmilitaryintelligenceastheirsubjectmattershould
neverthelessnot,Ibelieve,directustowardastrictlyfunctionalviewofextispicy-thatithad
anexclusive,primary,ordispositiveroleindeterminingpolicy-butthatitservedafunction
parallel to civil and military channels of intelligence and political pressure. The paradigm
of information-gathering for leaders of states at war is not to construct a single and infal-
liblesource,buttoconstructmultiple,overlapping,andevencompetingbranchestoadvise
leadership.
110
Partofthisstructuringisfunctional(inthesensethatitincreasesintelligence
andoffersverification|,
111
partpolitical(inthatitpolicesandbuildsanimageoftotalstate
knowledge|,parthegemonic(inthatdivinationspecificallybraidsinandblursdistinctions
betweenreligious,military,political,andculturalformsofauthority|.
divination:'ThereisnothingtosuggestaSumerian
practiceofpredictingfutureevents.
109
E.g., apodictic verbs in the stative: 'the fall of
myarmy,OBE1obv.8:'theprisonersofwarare
cowed,ibid.,rev.4(qaddu,adj.|:intheperfect:'a
snakehascharged,OBE1obv.9,MUSi-te-se-er:in
thepreterite:'thedisciplineoftheprince`sarmywas
notfirm,OBE12obv.1(cf.Jeyes`translation,'will
notbefirm,butalsoOBE1821,iq-bu-u,recognized
byJeyes|.Boththestativeandperfectareattestedin
theMariomens:e.g.,stative:ARM26/12,5(sabit|,
3,10(radi|:perfect:ARM26/13,4(ittabal|.Where
Sumerianverbsareemployed,theprefix/ba-/likely
alsoreflectstheperfect(OBE1,passim:ba-ug|.
110
Most interesting among OBE omens are those
whichadvisethekingtotrustordistrusttheadvice
ofhisownretainers:e.g.,OBE16rev.25,'theking
willacceptthewordofhisservants:Jeyes1989:27.
Thepresenceofmultipledivinersalsoatteststothis
chamberedapproachtopoliticaladministration.
111
Whatinmodernintelligenceanalysisisreferredto
as'AnalysesofCompetingHypotheses.
oi.uchicago.edu
3.4 THE 'SECULAR POSITION OF OLD BABYLONIAN DIVINERS AND DIVINATION
Thesubjectmatterofthetextsthenmatchupverycloselytothesociopoliticalposition
of divination in an administrative economy fueled by secrecy, intrigue, and a concern for
the secure transmission of information. In spirit, the technical literature better resembles
the intelligence technologies of states at war
112
than, say, scholarly projects like medieval
hagiographies or Enlightenment encyclopedias.
113
In this respect, the palace orientation of
divination is probably reflected in what we know of third-millennium extispicy: while it is
anachronistictodescribedivinationas'secular,Iuseitheretomarkaserroneousanyidea
thatitsoriginswereessentiallypartofBabylonianreligion.
114
Whileearlierliverdivination
indeed concerned temples, there is little evidence for it as part of temple cult: that is, ex-
tispicywasusedtochoosechiefpriestsandsitesordatesfortemple-buildingbykings,but
thereislittleindicationthatitwasusedbycultpersonnel.Fromearliesttimes,divinershad
primarily been agents exterior to the temple household used by the palace for verification.
Thecommunicativemodeoftemplecultwassacrifice,butsacrificewasadistinctlysecondary
glossonOldBabylonianextispicy.Thecommunicativemodeofextispicywasprofessional
interpretation,anditsincorporationofBabyloniangodsanduseofsheepandgoatsasmedia
/materia magicaresultedfromorthopraxy,notorthodoxtheology.
Ingeneral,divinersappearin third-millenniumcontextswhichare notcultic, anddivi-
nationisalsoabsentfromdivinehymns.Noreferenceismadetodivinationineitherroyal
lettersorhymnstoUtu(thegodmostcommonlyassociatedwithdivination|,norintemple
hymnsmentioningUtuofSipparorLarsa,
115
norindeedforanyothergods.
116
Iamawareof
noincantationorritualtextfromtheOldBabylonianperiod(orearlier|whichsetstheworkof
thedivinerinsideatemple,noranyinstanceinwhichthetitlems.su.gd.gdisfurtherclari-
fiedbyanextendedtitle'ofTempleName.
117
Thegods,meantime,areinsparseattendance
112
Inthe1950sand1960sColdWar,agenciessuch
astheCIAdidnotlimittheirintereststo'scientif-
ictechnologieslikecryptographyandhandwriting
identification,butconductedactiveresearchinthe
paranormal,magic,witchcraft,psychicability,and
psychoactivedrugs.Thefactthatthesewereandare
alldiscreditedpseudo-sciencesdidnotpreventthe
Agencyfromdevotingsignificantresourcestoward
researchingthemaspotentiallyusefultoolsforintel-
ligence-gathering.Whatismostdirectlyanalogousto
thepresentargumentisnotsomuchthattheappropri-
ationofthosearcane'knowledgesactuallysecured
orverifiedinformationgatheredotherwise,butthat
ithelpedtosecuretheAgency`spre-eminentposition
asalocusofsecrecy,helpingittobypasspolitical
constraintsonthepretextofsecrecy-in-wartime.
113
Ontheclosealliancebetweenclassificationand
surveillance,however,seeespeciallyLyon2007.
114
Seesection3.0andn.65,andpaceWinitzer,this
volume. I do believe that a theological integration
of divination was underway no later than the Late
OldBabylonianperiod(thatis,post-Samsuiluna|,but
thatthosewerepost-entextualizationrationalizations.
Notwithstanding, as is true of many ex post jacto
rationalizations,theirconstructednessisdifficultto
observebecauseoflaterbeliefinthem.
115
Note the following compositions among those
translatedontheETCSLWebsite:the'letterfrom
Sn-iddinam to the god Utu about the distress of
Larsam(3.2.05|:HymnsUtuB,E,andF(4.32.2,
.e,f|:the'templehymns(4.80.1|lines169-78and
479-93(andalsolines16-23|.
116
References to extispicy are similarly lacking in
hymnicliteraturetotheothergodsassociatedwith
extispicy(Enlil,Inanna,andIskur|:theonlypossible
exception of which I am aware is Enlil A (4.05.1|
line113-yetitusesthems.e.dabformulaof
Sargonicyear-namesaboutwhichIhaveexpressed
doubtsabove.Notealsotheheterogeneousdistribu-
tionofaddresseesofOldBabylonianreports:Samas
is found there, but also Sn, Marduk, Annuntum,
Nanaya,andIstar(Goetze1957|.
117
One may further compare the rare instances of
ms.su.gd.gd'ofDivineNametothewell-attested
military-styletitleugulams.su.gd.gd:Iamaware
of one 'diviner of the god Marduk mentioned in
ARM26/2371-thoughheappears,explicitly,in
thepalacegate.
oi.uchicago.edu
withinthelinesoftheomenliterature:tobesure,theyareroutinelycalleduponattheoutset
ofextispicalreports,andthecompendiadoenumeratetheoccasional'signofIstar,butthese
featuresdonotindicateinstitutionalismanymorethana'weaponofSargonindicatesspecific
historicalknowledgeaboutthedynastyofAkkad.
118
Secondaryextispicalliterature(thatis
tosay,notthetechnicalliterature,e.g.,the'prayerofthediviner|maymentionSamas,but
never other priests, shrines, or temples. Rarely do the omens take cultic personnel as their
apodicticsubjects(seesection2.1|:instead,inadditiontomilitarypersonnel(seesection3.3|,
they are concerned with councils, courtiers, cupbearers - the civil, military, and domestic
servantsoftheCrown.
119
Readerswillalreadybefamiliarwiththeextensivenetworkofdivinersemployedbythe
Mari kings, despatched to the courts (petty and great| of greaterMesopotamia. More than
forty-fivedivinersareknownbynamefromthecourtofZimri-Limalone,postedinmorethan
twodozenforeignpalaces,fortresses,andtowns.
120
FromthekingdomofBabylon,diviners
arealsoprimarilyseentobeengagedinstatebusinesshavingtodowithdiplomacyandmili-
tarymatters,apicturederivednotonlyfromthetechnicalliterature,
121
butalsofromletters
andadministrativetexts.
122
Onemaysummarizethefunctionalroleofdivinersinthevastma-
jorityoftextsasbeinginservicetothekinginavarietyofwaysrelatedtointelligence-as
diplomatsandspiesinforeigncourts,onthemarchwitharmies,inprivatecounciltokings,in
chargeoffortresses.
123
Diviners`chiefconcernwithinterstateaffairsisalsoevidentinterms
of the environments in which they moved: the compendious texts discuss the cityscapes of
palaces,gates,walls,harems,andstorehouses-butnottemples-andlandscapesfarbeyond
thecitywalls:garrisonsandstrongholds,borderlands,armybivouacs,battlefields,roads,and
theopencountry.Theselatterplaceswere,bytheurbanorientationofMesopotamiantheol-
ogy, de facto relatively unprotected by the gods, spaces across which movement of goods
andpersonnelwasadangerousbusiness.
124
Byageographyofknowledge,onewouldbetter
118
Note,asJeyes(1989:30-31|does,thecompen-
diouspreferencetorefergenericallyto'thegods,
ratherthananyonespecificgodbyname.
119
SeeJeyes1989:33-34fortheincidentalfigures
whoappearamongtheOBEomens,noneofwhom
areculticortemplepersonnel.
120
OtherthanAsqudum,whosemissionsaretoonu-
meroustomentionhere(toAleppo,Emar,Qattunn,
Saggartum,Karkemis,Su,Hana,etc.|,somedi-
vinersactingasforeignagentsforMariinclude(but
arenotlimitedto|:Erib-Sin,mission(?|toBabylon
(ARM 27 161|: Hammi-esim, mission to Misln
(ARM 26/1 168|: Ilsu-nasir, resident in Andarig
(ARM 26/2 442|, and mission to Sa Bsim (ARM
2 22|: Inib-Samas, mission(?| to Babylon (ARM
26/1 102-04|, in the field near Hirtum (ARM 27
151|:Ishi-Addu,missiontoDr-Yadun-Lm(ARM
26/1121|,inthefieldatsiegeofAun(ARM26/1
117|,mission(?|toEmar(ARM26/1112|:Ismah-
Samas,residentatDirontheBali(ARM26/1247|:
Kakka-Ruqqum, in the field near Hanat (ARM
26/1131|: Masum,residentat Misln(ARM26/1
168-72|:Naram-Sin,missiontoTerqa(ARM26/1
137|,andresidentatSitullum(ARM26/1138bis|:
Nur-Addu, mission to Qattunn (ARM 26/1 139-
40|:Sin-remeni,residentatKahat(ARM26/1108
bis|:Samas-in-matim,residentinTerqa(ARM26/1
142-44|:Samas-inaya,residentatDirontheBali
(ARM26/1145|:Yamsi-hadnu,residentatMisln
(ARM26/1168-72|:Zikri-Hanat,residentinSu
(ARM26/1154|,expeditiontoYabliya(ARM26/1
156|:Zimri-Dagan,residentatTuttul(ARM26/1
157|.ManyotherMarilettersmentionthedispatch
toorresidenceofknowndivinersinunspecifiedloca-
tions,unspecifieddivinersinknownlocations,and
unknowndivinerstounknownlocations.
121
SeeJeyes1989:ch.2passim:attheapexofthese
duties, diviners could be appointed outright rulers
of conquered cities, as with Aqba-Hammu`s post
atQattaraftercontrolfelltoHammurabi(VanDe
Mieroop2005:61|.
122
See Richardson 2002: ch. 4 'The Diviners`
Archive.
123
'Privateactivitybydivinersisnotwellrepresent-
eduntiltheLateOldBabylonian:seesection4.0.
124
Seethelettersofthediviner Isi-Addu(includ-
ingARM26/1112-18,123,125|,whicharechiefly
concernedwithsafedispatchandtravel-oftroops,
oi.uchicago.edu
contrastthancomparetemplereligion(wheretruthwastobefoundwiththegod,inhiscella,
attheveryheartofthecity|toextispicy(wheretruthwastobefoundbyaprofessional,inside
asheep,fromthetranshumantzonesofthecountryside|.
MostcriticaltothisstudyisthatOldBabyloniandivinersservedtheserolesinaneraof
prolongedandaggravatedcrisisthanthattheywere'secularfiguresperse.Theexistence
ofdivinationasanalreadyacceptedformofpara-knowledgemadeitanidealvehicleforthe
ideological re-inventions and circumventions of the day. To make a categorical distinction
between the 'secular and 'sacred would fall afoul of a modernist dichotomy that would
havemystifiedanancientMesopotamian:yettowriteaprimarily'sacredvalencebackintoa
historyofOldBabyloniandivinationwouldbeacorrespondinglyseveremistake.Ifwedonot
credittheseactorswiththeintellectual,social,andpoliticalabilitytoconsciouslymanipulate
traditionalsignalsfortheirimmediateneeds,wemissanopportunitytoseehowtheformsthat
remain,driedinclay,beganasimpressionablesubstancesinthehandsofmasterscribes.
3.5 THE INFORMATION WAR AND THE 'SECRECY PARADIGM
Why should divination, first attested as a craft in the Early Dynastic period, only now
in the Old Babylonian take on this new entextualized aspect? Why should the paradoxical
dimensionsofsecrecyandawrittentraditiondevelopsimultaneouslyafterathousandyearsof
practice?AnepisodefromtheMarilettersfirstdrewmetoreflectonthisapparentparadox.
ARM26/1101-04arelettersfromagentsofZimri-LimonadiplomaticmissiontoBabylon:
thelastofthesecomplainsofHammurabi`sviolationofsecrecyprotocolsinfavorofattachs
fromEkallatum:
TheservantsofIsme-Dagan(kingofEkallatum|.haveoustedthelordsoftheland
andtheythemselveshavebecomethemastersofHammurabi`scouncil.Helistensto
theiradvice.Onceortwice,when(Maridiviners|.readtheoraclesandreportedon
them,|thesemen]werenotaskedtoleave.Astheywerepresent,theyheardthemes-
sageoftheoracles.Whatothersecretistherebesidethesecretreportofthediviners?
Bhile his own servants do not hear the secrets oj the diviners, these men do!
125
Boththeprocessandresults(sometimeseventhepractitioner|ofliverdivinationwerein-
sistentlysecret.Divinationwashighlychargedasasecretenterprise:a'secret(piristum,later
nisirtu|inextispicalcontextscouldrefernotonlytotheresultsofaninspection,buttothe
spokenwordofthediviner,thewrittenreports,thepersonofthediviner(mukil piristisu|,
126
eventotheliveritself-secretstobeguardedagainstbeing'stolen,'betrayed,'leaked,
or'seized.
127
Coupledwithwhatwehaveobservedaboveaboutthediviners`placeincourts
femaleastal-singers,cattle,individualagents,and
thekinghimself(cf.ARM26/1138bis|.
125
ARM 26/1 104, translated by Van De Mieroop
2005:58,afterCharpin1999:emphasismine.Inan-
otherletter,thetwoMaridivinersinquestionwere
forced by Hammurabi to reveal their extispicies in
frontofBabyloniandiviners,whorefusedtodivulge
theirown(ARM26/1102:cf.96|.
126
TheidentityofmanyBabyloniandiviner-agents
waskeptdeliberatelyanonymous:severallettersfrom
thekingtohisbr(includingVS1627,59,60,61,
97|wereaddressedonlyto,e.g.,'thedivinerliving
inSippar-jarurum,eventhoughtheotheraddress-
eesintheletterswerenamedbyname.
127
Jeyes1989:16-17,23:thesignsoranswersdes-
ignated awtum were implicitly synonymous with
piristum:notethat,fromwhatlittlereferencethere
istoextispicyinthethirdmillennium,thereisnoth-
ingwhichsuggestssecrecy.
oi.uchicago.edu
distant from their king`s:
128
about Zimri-Lim`s network of dozens of diviners throughout
Syro-Mesopotamia:abouttheirentrustmentwithtroops,fortresses,andothermateriel
129
-the
contextofintelligencefordivination`s'secrecyparadigmisdifficulttoignore.
Yet though it seems only natural that kings should hold secrets of state together with
theiradvisors,andthatthosesecretswereofasensitivenature,Hammurabi`sexclusionofthe
BabyloniancouncillorsinfavorofforeignagentsinARM26/1104strikesamorediscordant
tone.Ithasbeentypicaltothinkofdivinationasaformofknowledgethatwassensitivedue
toitscontent,thatwhatliverdivinationdidwastopassivelyreveal(ratherthanactivelycreate
andcommunicate|secrets.
130
Yettherehasbeenremarkablylittleassociationofdivination`s
emphasisonsecrecytoitsmilitary-politicalsubjectmatter.Thisreluctancemayarisebecause
afunctionalexplanationofextispicymightseemtocompromiseorreducethestatusofaclas-
sic Mesopotamian intellectual project,but knowledgeforms aretoomuchartifactualizedif
wedonotapproachthemashistoricallycontingent.
Thecenturyinwhichextispicalliteraturefirstcametolightisthesameoneinwhichthe
courtsandscribariaofMari,Babylon,Larsa,andEsnunnawereinsuchanunparalleledstate
ofpoliticalandmilitaryfluxthattheatmospheremayfairlybesaidtohavebeenrevolution-
ary.Inthesphereofideologicalproduction,thisrevolutionsawre-inventionsofatleastfour
majorpatternsofpoliticalpowerandlegitimation.Politicalauthoritywasestablishedonhy-
bridgroundsofbothdynasticauthorityandgenealogicaldescent.
131
Thepoliticalenvelopeof
city-statedynasticismwasbeingpushedbythenoveltyofsinglecitieswithmultipledynasties
(e.g.,Mari,withtwocompetingdynasties,andLarsa,withatleastthreesuccessiveones|and
singledynastieswithmultiplecenters(e.g.,Samsi-Adadandsons,LarsaandJamutbal,Elam`s
sukkal and sukkalma|.
132
An unstable system of vassalages, peerships, and royals-in-exile
hadgrownupwhichencouragedavirtualmarketplacecompetitionforpower.Fourth-and
perhapsmostrelevanttoouranalysishere-thiscompetitionextendedwellbelowthelevelof
kingsandviziers,tocourtly,military,andurbanofficials,whojockeyednotonlyforposition
relativetooneanother,butevenmarketedtheirloyaltiesbetweenroyalcourts.
133
Thisisthe
politicalculturewhichformsthebackdropofextispicaltext-productioninthepalacesector.
Iposittwodifferentfunctionsoftheextispicalliteratureinitscreativeperiod:thesefunc-
tionsintersectintheissueofsecrecy.Onthelevelofideology,extispicaltextsdefinedabody
ofknowledgeindependentofreligiousauthority,controloverwhichnotonlypermittedkings
a direct access to the divine will, but which was inaccessible to other authorities.
134
If the
statearisesbymeansofitsmonopolyoflegitimateviolence-thatis,throughageneralized,
128
Jeyes1989:21-22.
129
Richardson2002:ch.4.
130
Jeyes1989:35,70:'itwastheaccesstostatese-
cretswhichthecourtdivinershadwhichmadethem
|arisk].
131
Best represented by the Genealogy of the
HammurabiDynastyandthesectionsoftheAssyrian
KingListleadinguptothereignofSamsi-AdadI:see
Michalowski1983.
132
This fragmentation may be said to prefig-
ure the rise of the territorial states of post-1500
Mesopotamia, which were never again founded on
theprimacyofsinglecity-statesastheywereinthe
thirdmillennium.
133
The Mari letters of ARM 26/1 reveal this all-
pervading atmosphere of distrust and competition
insuperabundance,butafewillustrativeexamples
canbecited:forrecruitmentofspies,informers,and
defectors,seeARM26/135,93,140?,381:forde-
nunciationsofofficialsanddiviners,seeARM26/1
4-6,32,45,88,101,ARM26/2302,303,312,326,
380: for denunciations of kings, see ARM 26/1 40
andARM26/2371.
134
This may be contrasted with many of the refer-
encesto'secretsinSumerianliterature(ad-alor
ll|,whicharereservedforthegods.
oi.uchicago.edu
coerciveprincipleofinequality(Trigger1985|-itcanonlydosobyfirstcontrollingthe
termsoflegitimacy(Kelly2006|.Securingstructuralinequalitythuspresupposescontrolover
thetermsofprivilege,overaccesstoknowledge:whatthestatefinallyrequiresisprivileged
knowledge,issecrecy.
135
Extispicy,throughitsexplicitclaimstosecrecybutalsothroughits
voluminousandexclusivetechnicalapparatus,helpedtoestablishthatequalitygapforOld
Babyloniankingship.
Theprincipleofsecrecyoperatedonasecondlevelofpraxis,too:claimsofexclusivity
allowed kings a very real free agency in the realm of intelligence. Control over extispical
knowledge permitted the creation of a loyalist cadre of diviners, parallel to other cadres,
whobydefinitionoperatedonprinciplesofsecrecyforintelligence-gathering.This'secrecy
paradigmcreatedopportunitiesforkingstoestablish
internalpolicingtomonitorstaffloyaltyandinformationsecurity
firewallstoencouragebutcontrolintra-organizationalelitecompetition
136
opportunitiesforbackchanneldiplomacy
freemovementofpoliticalagentsacrossnon-urbanandforeignzones
permanentnetworksofagentswhoseactivitiescouldcircumventthestrictures
ofcourtlypolitics
Thepre-eminenceofthesesecrecyfunctionsismadeclearbytheMari'divinersòath
(ARM26/11|,inwhichritualandscholarlyconcernsgoentirelyunmentioned:theoathtaker
swearsnottohideinformation:torevealinformationonlytoZimri-Lim:torevealtheidentity
ofdivinerswhohaveviolatedtheirdisclosureoath:toreport'evilrebelswhohave'hostile
mouths,especiallythosewhohavetriedtousethedivinatoryapparatusfortheirownends.
Thatis,notonlythesecretsandthesecret-holderswereunderroyalauthority,buttheprocess
itself.
DivinationthusdidnotmerelyreflectthesubjectmatteroftheMariletterswhenitread
signs of warring states and secret news, it was the medium through which those struggles
wereprocessed.Theverticalstructuresofcommandindynasticcity-statesweresimplynot
sufficienttomeetthechallengesofacontinuousstateofinternecinewarinnineteenth-eigh-
teenth-century B.C. Babylonia. Divination afforded alternate avenues for kings to transmit
informationsecurelyandquicklyininsecureenvironmentspepperedwithdisloyalcourtiers,
traitors,andspies,andfast-marchingarmies.Atthesametime,divinationambiguatedlines
ofcontrolandclampeddownonself-interestamonginternalelitesbycreatingmultiplechan-
nelsofinformation,cross-checking,andverification.
137
Thehallmarkofthisnewtoolwasthe
simultaneousdiscursivepoweroftruthandsecrecy.
135
HencetheHolzerquoteattheoutsetofthisarticle.
Trigger(1985:52|seesthestate`sappropriationof
communitypractices in privileged forms as a hall-
markofstateauthorityclaims:theseknowledgeforms
then'ceasetobe|allies]ofequalityandbecomean
adjunctofclassprivilegeandstatepower.
136
Myerson (2008| considers the 'dynamic moral
hazards of leadership over elites through norma-
tive optimal incentives (such as delayed rewards|
and sanctions such as randomized (but fair| trials:
systemsofunknownbutubiquitousmonitoringmay
complementsuchtechniquesbyencouragingpartici-
pationcontrolledbyfearorshame.
137
One need only reflect briefly on the seemingly
endlesspermutationandproliferationofcontempo-
raryintelligenceagenciestoseetheneedofpolitical
executivesforalternativesourcesofinformation.At
thebeginningofthelastcentury,theUnitedStates
governmentstaffedonlyahandfulofverysmallof-
fices, staffed by only a few dozen intelligence of-
ficers. By 2002, these had mushroomed into some
twenty-two agencies employing almost 200,000
oi.uchicago.edu
Secrecyisnotdisharmoniouswithritualism,butitdoesnotharmonizesowellwiththe
developmentofamassiveliteratureconsistingofhundredsoftablets,10,000writtenomens,
thecommunicationofresultsinwrittenanddatedreports,thedevelopmentofreferencetools
like liver models, or the discussion of omen results in letters. The 'secrecy paradigm is
bestrevealedbyitsabsenceintwocontexts.Thefirstoftheseisitsabsencefromtheschool
curriculum:although,byourestimateabove,some3,200OldBabylonianomenssurviveto
this day, not a single extispical school text is known until the Kassite period.
138
Extispical
knowledge was indeed produced by scribes, but the texts were not taught as a part of Old
Babylonianscribalknowledge.
The second is extispicy`s absence from Old Babylonian royal inscriptions. Though the
crafthadbeenacclaimedbySulgiandGudea
139
inagespast,extispicywasabsentfromthis
morepublicliterature.Hammurabi(once|andSamsuiluna(twice|speakof'signs(giskim/
ittu|signifyingtheirlegitimatepower,butthesealmostcertainlyrefertocelestialorterres-
trialsigns,notextispicalones.
140
AmongallOldBabyloniankings,onlyWarad-Snmentions
trtu-probablyliveromens,butrathervaguely.
141
Theschoolcurriculumandroyalinscrip-
tionsaddresseddifferentaudiencesfordifferentpurposes,butdivination`sabsencefromboth
literaturesemphasizesitsisolationfrompersuasiveeffortstospeakthroughtheliteratiorto
theliteratepublic.OldBabyloniankingsneverboastedorbraggedaboutextispicybecauseit
wasnotapublicdiscourseofpowerliketemplereligionorpatronageofancientliterature.
142
Itwasnotmeanttobepubliclylegitimizing(asremainedthepatronageofgodsandtemples|:
itwasnotyetaclassicalculturalformforjuniorscribestomaster(aswereroyalhymns|.
Forwhom,then,wasextispicalliteraturedeveloped?Again,weshouldturntodivination`s
functional,politicalenvironmentforanswers.Thoughtheneedforquicktransmissionofnews
fromcitytocitybetweenpoliticalagentswasparamount,thesecurityofthatinformationwas
mediocreatbest.Weknowofpairedmessengerssenttocorroboratethecontentsofletters,
akindof'double-keysystem:
143
weknowofthecaptureandinterrogationofenvoys:
144
of
decoymessagessenttocourtsinoppositedirectionsatthesametime:
145
oflimitationsplaced
on the movements of even allied ambassadors within the Babylonian cities:
146
of hidden
people,notincludingseveralagencies(e.g.,theOWI,
FIS,COI,OSS|thathavecomeandgoneintheinter-
veningyears.Inrecentyears,bureaucraticcompeti-
tionandprotectionismhavecometobeblamedmore
forintelligencefailuresthanthepoliticizationofin-
telligence-thestructureandprocessmorethanthe
content.The2003and2004amendmentstoExecutive
Order12333restructuredseventeenagenciesunder
theauthorityofaDirectorof NationalIntelligence,
butotheragenciesmaintainsomedegreeofstructural
autonomy.
138
See above, section 3.2: Veldhuis 2000: 74, 82:
furthersignificanceisdiscussedinsection4.0.
139
Knowledgeofextispicyhadalsobeenattributed
to Narm-Sn and Sn-iddinam by Old Babylonian
scribes.
140
Frayne1990:Hammurabi(E4.3.6.16|mentions
giskim,Samsuilunamentionsonceeach(E4.3.7.7|
ittu and (E4.3.7.8| giskim. ittu seems not to have
beenused tomean'signsor'marksinextispicy
untilfirst-millenniumBrtu.
141
.ginFrayne1990:4.2.13.17and.27:asagainst
.16and.24,wherehereferstogiskim.
142
Ofcourse'templereligionand'literaturewere
highly exclusive practices, but both were publicly
valorized.
143
E.g., ARM 26/2 384 (translated by Van De
Mieroop,afterCharpin1999|:'WhenIsme-Dagan`s
messengerstoldhim|theirmessage],Hammurabire-
plied:Asyoudon`twanttocompleteyourmessage,
myservantwhohascomewithyouwilldoso.`So
Hammurabifetchedhisservantwhohadcomewith
them..
144
E.g.,ARM627and26/2372,383.
145
Mostfamously,thedouble-crossofElamagainst
LarsaandBabylonreportedinARM26/2362(when
learnedby Mari|,andthetriple-crossorganizedin
turnagainstElambyRm-SnandHammurabi.
146
ARM26/2370(trans.byVanDeMieroop,after
Charpin1999:cf.ARM26/2361and363|:'Theman
was sent as envoy from Eshnunna to Hammurabi.
AfterhearrivedinBabylon,Hammurabireleasedthe
oi.uchicago.edu
messagesandmessengers:
147
and,asmentionedabove,thenot-so-discretemethodofbarring
somepeoplefromthecouncilchamberwhileothersgottostayin.Thevarietyofmeansby
which to improve and protect intelligence were many, but intrinsically limited to the reli-
abilityofpeople.
Inclaimingaperquisiteofsecrecyfortheirtextsandprocedures,divinerscreated'spaces
- legitimized secrecy-complexes of environment, personnel, opportunity, and action
- in
whichthekingcouldgainadviceandinformationfrompeopleoutsidethenormalchannelsof
courtandcouncil,andsometimeswithouttheirknowledgealtogether.(WhatIdonotsuggest
isthatdivinationtextswerethemselvesa'secretcodeorthelike.|Extispicaltextscarved
out an exceptional, secret space at the highest, most rarefied levels of power: divination`s
authorityparalleledthemilitarypowerofgeneralsandpoliticalpowerofviziers,aflexible
intelligence protocol developed to keep politburos in the dark and kings in the know. The
'antiquedculturallegitimacyofthisnewscienceofcommunicationwiththegodsprotected
itasamysterium,onetoolamongmanyenablingthekingtomoveandcommunicatefreely
inanenvironmentswimmingwithotherpoliticalactorsandagents.
CONCLUSION:ONSEEINGANDBELIEVING
Itwasonlyalaterdevelopment,underAmmisaduqaandSamsuditana,thatreportswere
written for private clients: only in the Kassite period that we first find extispicy in school
curricula. Not until these features arise can we speak of a scholarly and scientific category
of knowledge called brtu. The historically attested distribution of texts referring to and
constitutingextispicalpracticeconformtothefollowingcourseofchange:
first,athird-millenniumsoutherntraditionofextispicyusedwithintheold
Sumerian temple-cities for the selection of cultic personnel, a procedure
whichwasnotcommittedtotextbutexistedasalocal,heterodox,andorally
transmittedcraftdownintothenineteenthcentury:
148
second,thenineteenth/eighteenth-centuryappropriationofthatcrafttradition
bynewer,north-BabyloniancourtsatEsnunna,Babylon, Mari,andLarsa,
149
entextualizedinlivermodelsandcompendia,anewtechneredevelopedin
thecontextofMesopotamianstatestruggle:
150
Eshnunnanmessengersandsoldiersheheldprisoner,
but he still has limited their movements inside the
city.SeealsoARM26/2420(inwhichmessengers
ofEkallatumandMariarekeptseparatefromeach
otherinKurda|and26/177,aprisondetainmentto
solicitinformation.
147
E.g.,ARM26/2384(inwhichmessengersprotest
'Wearenothidingasecretmessage!|and414.
148
Sinceorallytransmittedculturalformscannotbe
assessedfortheirsimilaritytostandardizedwritten
forms, to refer to this as 'oral tradition would be
oxymoronic.
149
Since Larsa is the only city in which both the
third-andsecond-millenniumtraditionsareattested,
itlikelyplaysacrucialroleinthistransformation.
NotethatLarsaalsoboaststhelastkingfroma'his-
toricalomen,Warad-Sn`strtu,andthe'outsider
statusoftheKudur-mabukdynastyasimportantfea-
turesmarkingLarsa`scentralrole.
150
J.-J.Glassner(pers.comm.,2007|hastakenthe
positionthatanotherchangeattendingthishistorical
phase of the literature was that 'diviners began to
understandtheomensaswrittensignsandnomore
asimages.
oi.uchicago.edu
third,agradual,LateOldBabylonian(seventeenthcentury|andKassite-period
re-transmissionofthiscodifiedextispicyasanepistemicformofknowledge,
representednewlywithinthescribalcurriculumthroughschooltexts
151
and
incivilsocietythroughextispicalreportsforprivateclients.
152
Assumingforthemomentthatthesestagesrepresentfundamentallydifferentusesofthe
sametechnology,weseenotaunitaryscienceofextispicyunderasingleprocessofgradual
development,butthreeextispicies,eachdevelopedandputtoitsownend.InKuhnianterms,
the first and third stages were paradigms, the second revolutionary. Since all three stages
mayalsobelocatedwithintheOldBabylonianperioditself-fourcenturieslong,nosmall
timeframe! - we are looking at a perfect illustration of how periodization can sometimes
misleadourthinking.Historicalperiodsarenotnecessarilycoincidentwithparadigm:changes
cancomeinthemiddle,andparadigmsreignatbeginningsandends.
Dowedoaninjusticetodivinationtolocateitscompositionalmomentsandpurposesso
precisely?Afterall,thesystemofominaranksamongthegreatestsignaturesofMesopotamian
intellectuallife.Toseeitscompositiondeterminedbypoliticalexigencieswillstrikesomeas
mechanicalandreductive,erodingthe'conceptualautonomyofMesopotamianculture,or
failingtoappreciatetheemicsensibilityofancientbeliefsandpracticesinneedinga'practi-
calexplanation.YetwhatIargueforistoseeavenerableandrespectedtraditionfromone
time and place, borrowed and reconfigured in highly sophisticated ways in later times and
otherplaces.Mesopotamiankingsdraftedliverdivinationintoservicenotsimplybecauseit
waslegitimate(allsuchknowledgespropagatedbypoliticalactorsarelegitimizing,sothisis
truistic|-notbecauseitwasinfallibleorirreducible(thequestionofbeliefcannotanyway
beproved|-norbecauseitwasmerepoliticallegerdemain-butbecauseitofferedthem
another choice, a 'third way between traditional kingship and rule by naked force, bases
of legitimacy which were, now, equally shaky in this time of prolonged warfare. A strictly
historicistandminimalistsurveyofthetemporalandgeographicevidencepermitsthisread-
ingwithouthavingtoseeanyoneperiodthroughtheeyesofanother.'Historicizinghasto
requiretheinterrogationofalldocumentaryclasses,alltextsanalyzed,questioned,doubted:
'contextmustbeestablishedwithoutrecoursetoprojectionoffragmentaryevidencegeneri-
callyandperiodically,asifthedistributionofwhatisrecoveredwerepurelycircumstantial.
Noformofhumaninquiryisautogenetic:sincenoformofknowledgeisunconstructed,
compositionneednotbeatoddswithbeliefwhenhistoricalchangeoccursovertime.Asit
cametobe,seeingwasn`tbelieving-butbelievinginseeingwasbelieving.Withinavery
short period of time (indeed, before the end of the very dynasty which helped initiate the
project|,divinationwasreleasedintothe'streamoftradition,whereitgrewandflourished
inalifeoftwothousandyears.
151
Veldhuis2000.
152
Whenwrittenreportsfinallymaketheirappear-
ancealmosttwocenturiesafterthefirstcompendia
areknown,itseemssignificantthattheyareexclu-
sivelywrittenforprivateclients.Conspicuouslyab-
sentfromtheknownreportsisthepersonwhowasfar
andawaytheclientmostcommonlyidentifiedinthe
compendia:theking.Reportsthusconstituteadiffer-
entformofuseforextispicy,markingitsemergence
intocivil-socialuseonlywellaftertheeraofwarring
stateshadcometoanend.
oi.uchicago.edu
APPENDIX1
Mesopotamianyear-namesreferringtopriestlynominationsviasheepomens.
a
AKKAD:
Narm-Sn:'ovariants:en/nin.dingiren.ll:'ll:ennanna.
LAGASII:
Ur-Ningirsu I: 'a: sta-ab.ba: 'b: l.ma ba.: 'c: isib nin.gr.su / nin.
dingiriskur.*
Gudea:19:l.mainanna.
b
Pirigme:'a:ennina':'f:isibnin.gr.su.
URIII:
Ur-Namma:'d:eninannaunug':'h:ennanna:'j:nin.dingiriskur.
Sulgi:15and43:bothennanna.
Amar-Sn:4:ennanna.
Ibbi-Sn:2:eninanna:10:ennanna/inanna*:11:enenkieridu'.
c
ISIN:
Isbi-Erra:13:en.gabainanna:22:en.braan.na.
Iddin-Dagan:3:nin-dingiriskur:5:eninanna:8:nin.dingirnin.kilim.
Isme-Dagan:'a:ennanna:'e:enen.ll.
Lipit-Istar:'g:ennin.gublalagari'.
Damiq-ilisu:4:l.manin..si.in'.
LARSA:
Gungunum:6:enutu.
Abisare:10:enutu.
a
ThisindexcompilesexemplaofFrayne1993:1997:
and 1990: Edzard 1997: and the year-names Web
siteoftheCDLIproject(http://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/
yearnames/yn_index.html|.Painshavebeentakento
ensurethatmultiplelistingsarenotpresentedhere,
but the designations of individual year-names (es-
pecially where their order remains unknown| has
inclinedtowardtheCDLIsiteintheinterestsofclar-
ity.Asterisks(*|designatedirectlycontraryreadings
bythosesources.
b
Afragmentaryyear-nameofGudeamayalsobea
nomination:munin.dingir|.](Edzard1997:27|.
c
Unusually,thisyear-nameidentifiesthenominee`s
previouspositionassita-priestofIbbi-Sn.
oi.uchicago.edu
APPENDIX2
'OmensfromJacobsen1987misunderstoodas'extispicies.
Th.Jacobsen`soft-citedThe Harps That Once.(1987|remainsthemostpopulartransla-
tionsofSumerianpoetry.YetwhatJacobsenoftentranslatesas'omen,'diviner,or'divina-
tion,however,andthenannotatesasanextispicalprocedure,areeitherexplicitlyorprobably
non-extispical.Thislistofsixpassagesfromthatworkservesasanexampleofthisdefini-
tionaldrift,notanexhaustivestudy:
1.In'Dumuzi`sDream,lines17-25,Gestinannaissaidto'knowthewritings(Alster1972:
55,'tablet-knowing|,butthisisfortheinterpretationofadreamomen,notaliveromen.
2. The so-called 'Eridu Genesis was specifically understood by Jacobsen (1987: 145| to
makereferencetoaliverdivination,butthisisapparentlyaconfusionofki-azag(=amutu,
thepureorpreciousmetal|foramutu'liver:cf.Poebel(1914:13,17line9:ki-azag-ga|,
whomadenotranslationsuggestingextispicy.
3.Jacobsen(1987:290andn.30|moreemphaticallyconnectsanepithetofEnkiin'Enmerkar
and the Lord of Aratta, to the (supposedly extispical| omen readings for the appointment
ofen-priests,translating'sagaciousomen-revealedlordofEridu.Vanstiphout`s(2003:65|
translation,however,makesbettersenseofgestg-gepd-da(line153|as'chosenforwis-
dom-andavoidsthelogicalfallacyofagodsaidtobechosenbymenthroughomens!
4. In the 'Hymn to Enlil, Jacobsen`s translation of line 56 (-a en-bi -da m-a| is 'the
en-priestwasadiviner,butthetermfordivinerthereism,akindofdisputantseer,nota
liver-omendiviner.Falkenstein(1960:21|gavethealtogetherdifferent'DerHerrdesHauses
istmitdemHauszusammengrogeworden.
5.Inthe'NanseHymn,whatJacobsentranslatesinline131as'divinationisinsteadgiven
byHeimpel(1981|as'decision(es-bar-kin|,whichisespeciallyunlikelytobeanextispical
decision,sincethemessage'comesoutofthemouthoftheApsu.LikeSulgi`sHymnB,this
hymningeneralpresentsastrongcontrastbetweentheusesofwriting(e.g.,foradministra-
tion|andmemorized/intuitiveknowledgeinlines110-35,wherethisreferencetoes-bar-kin
falls.
6.Jacobsen`s(1987:271:asvanDijk1983:145|translationofline712in'Lugal-emen-
tions'thepreeminenttablets,withseries(withtheritesof|enshipandkingship-butthe
closestindicationofanydivinatorypraticeofNidabaindicatesonlythatshereadstars(line
726|,notlivers.
oi.uchicago.edu
ABBREVIATIONS
ARM ArchivesRoyalesdeMari
CDLI CuneiformDigitalLibraryInitiative(Website:cdli.ucla.edu|
ETCSL ElectronicTextCorpusofSumerianLiterature
(Website:www-etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk/|
OBE Jeyes1989
PSD keW.Sjberg,editor,The Sumerian Dictionary oj the University Museum oj the
University oj Pennsylvania
TCL TextescuniformesduLouvre
VS VorderasiatischeSchriftdenkmlerderKniglichenMuseenzuBerlin
YOS10 Goetze1947a
oi.uchicago.edu
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1901 Beitrge :ur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion.Leipzig:J.C.Hinrichs.
oi.uchicago.edu
D/\/NAT/ON AND ORACLES AT THE NEO-ASSR/AN PALACE 267
13
DIVINATION AND ORACLES AT
THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PALACE:
THE IMPORTANCE OF SIGNS
IN ROYAL IDEOLOGY
CYNTHIAJEAN,UNIVERSITLIBREDEBRUXELLES,FNRS
Ineverydaylifeandfor(inter|nationalissuesaswell,Neo-Assyriankingswereeagerto
hearorreadtheirscholars`reportsandinterpretationsofomens.Theroyallettersandarchives
foundatNinevehgiveanideaabouttheSargonidrulers`needtolookforsignsandunderstand
theirinterpretationsaboutmattersofuttermostimportance,suchasthemanagementoftheir
stateandtheirpersonalwell-being.
What status was conferred to divination and oracles at the Neo-Assyrian court, and to
what extent did the signs sent by gods have a decision-making value? From the end of the
nineteenthcenturyA.D.untilthethirtiesofthetwentiethcentury,whenancientsourcesabout
Greek, Egyptian, and Mesopotamian magic began to emerge and to be (often reluctantly
1
|
edited, the finest debate among historians of religions and philologists was the opposition,
or the relationship, of religion, science, and magic. Today we find these questions rather
outdated,butwehavetoacknowledgethatourwilltoclassifyandsortoutancientconcepts
maybemisleadingifweuseourmoderndefinitionsandstandards.Classificationisindeed
helpfulinordertounderstandourancientrecords,butitshouldbeconsiderednomorethan
anorganizingtool.
AsA.Annusputit,
2
thedisciplineslabeledassciencesduringoneperiodinhistoryfor
onecivilizationwillbeconsideredasablendofscienceandsuperstitionbytheirfollowers
orevenbyoutsidersoftheirtime,justaswearealwayssomeoneelse`sbestpaganorheretic.
OurmodernWesterndefinitionofsciencebeingirrelevanttoancienthistory,theappropriate
issueis:whatstatusisgiventoadiscipline(ourconcernbeingdivination,oracles,andany
signsforecastingfuture|withinasociety(Mesopotamiancivilization|duringacertainperiod
inhistory(Neo-Assyrianperiod|?
AttheNeo-Assyriancourt,thefivedisciplinesofAssyrianwisdom,basedonreligious
andmetaphysicalconcepts,arerepresentedbyachiefscholar,theummnu,andhisassistants:
thesiputuor'exorcisticlore,theastuor'medicine,therapy,thebrtuor'divination,
extispicy,thekaltuor'scienceoflamentations,andtupsarrutuor'scienceofthescribes,
thatis,astrology.Inasense,inourmodernview,thesedisciplinesweremadeupofreligion,
science, and superstition, since they all relied on the same faith (the henotheistic theology
1
See,forexample,Betz1997:xliii.TheFrenchauc-
tioncatalogofaGreco-Copticmagicalpapyrusde-
scribeditasa'mysticalcheese:'Enttesonttrois
pagesdecopte,quidbutentparl`histoiredùnfro-
magemystique(.|.Cefromagenèstautrequela
gnose(quotedfromLenormant,Catalogue87,about
PGMIV|.ThefamousscholarU.vonWilamowitz-
Mllendorfwrotethatheonceheardawell-known
colleaguecomplainabouttheeditionofthesepapyri
'becausetheydeprivedantiquityofthenoblesplen-
dorofclassicism(Betz1997:xliiiandn.31|.
2
SeeAnnus,thisvolume.
267
oi.uchicago.edu
CNTH/A 1EAN 268
of Assur, blended with the deep-rooted Mesopotamian religious system in general|, since
theyrecordedobservableevidenceandanalyzedfacts,andsincetheyacquiredsomeoftheir
interpretationsoffactsoncommonbeliefs.
Shouldanapotropaicritual,atherapy,anomen,oralamentturnouttobefalseorunsuc-
cessful,itseldombroughtaquestioningaboutthevalidityofthesedisciplines.Failureswere
attributedtoalackofthescholars`skill,toaflawintheritualortoagod`swill.
3
Inevery
human system of knowledge, individuals need to stick to the social construction of reality,
wheretheauthorityofa'brutefact,inJ.Searle`swords,
4
isequivalenttoaself-referential
or'institutionalfact.
Whenitcomesdowntostudyingtheconceptofknowledgeandthesystemsofideasin
antiquity, we must analyze ancient sources to find out whether a discipline, whatever sys-
temsit relieson, begets a triplevalidation byagivensociety,thatis, political, social,and
psychological supports. If an ancient discipline obtains this validation, we can consider it
mutatis mutandisa'scienceinitsbroadestsense,thatis,aknowledgeorapracticerelying
onasystem.FromanAssyrianpointofviewthen,thefivedisciplinesmentionedabovewere
sciences,becausekings,scholars,andpeoplebackthemup,givingthematriplevalidation.In
thecorrespondenceandscholarlyreportsoftheNeo-Assyriankings,wefindmanyevidences
thatthesedisciplineshadthehigheststatusandinfluencedpoliticaldecisions,warfare,royal
ideology, and theology. The status of divination and oracles, the discipline of interpreting
andaskingforsigns,hadthusthestatusofascienceduetothetriplesupportoftheAssyrian
society.
THEPSYCHOLOGICALSUPPORTOFDIVINATION
The reliability of divination is based on a technical lore,
5
which achieves recognition
fromatraditionwrittendownbyscholarsthroughoutthecenturiesandpasseddownfromthe
ancienttimes.Observationsandomenswereorganizedinseries(labeledasS.QAR|.These
seriescouldbe considered ascanonicalor non-canonical(ai ù|.
6
Thecompilinghabitsof
scholarsmadecompendiumsandanthologiesavailableforthemselves,theircolleagues,and
theirsuccessors.Forexample,thecorpusofthetamituhasmostlyaBabylonianorigin,but
thesetextscouldbeconsultedinNeo-Assyrianlibraries,wherecollectionsof tamituwereat
hand.
7
Theconclusionsoffamousscholarsofthepastwerealsoconsideredassignificant(sa p
ummni|.
8
Forexample,thescribeAkkullanuwritestoAssurbanipalthatscantyrainsarea
goodomen.
9
Atfirst,thismaysoundweirdandAkkullanufeelsthatthekingwillaskwhere
3
See Ambos 2007: and my forthcoming paper
'Healing Assyrian Kings: At the Crossroads of
TechniqueandPsychology,tobepublishedinthe
proceedingsoftheInternationalConferenceRitual
DynamicsandtheScienceofRitual(Heidelberg,29
September-2October2008|.
4
Searle1995,especiallychapters4-5(TheGeneral
TheoryofInstitutionalFacts|.
5
Implicitly it also requires the neutrality of the
performer.
6
Non-canonicaltextswereasauthoritativeascanoni-
calones,butcamefrom'othertraditions.Thereis
no'apocryphaltextfromaMesopotamianscholar`s
pointofview:cf.Jean2006:56-57.
7
Lambert2007:10-12.
8
Cf.Elman1975.
9
SAA10,100:seecommentarybelow.
oi.uchicago.edu
hereadit.Thisiswhythescholarquoteshissourceinthefollowinglines:thisomencomes
fromareportofEa-musallim,theummnuoftheBabyloniankingMarduk-nadin-ae,writ-
tenmorethan400yearsago.
Sometrickyissuesrequiredtheuseofeverykindoftext.Inanastrologicalreportabout
retrogradingplanets,thescribeIssar-sumu-resquotesthreeplanetaryomensduetotheret-
rogradationof Mars and Jupiter withmanyexplanations,thekingbeingdoubtfulaboutthe
accuracy of the scribe`s interpretation. This letter does not refer to genuine observations
10
buttosimilarsituations:
SAA10,8-Date:lateTebet(X|672
Totheking,mylord:yourservantIssar-sumu-res.Goodhealthtotheking,mylord!
MayNabandMardukblesstheking,mylord!
Concerningwhattheking,mylord,wrotetome:'Whyhaveyounevertoldmethe
truth?Whenwillyou(actually|tellmeallthatthereistoit?-Assur, Sin,Samas,
Bel,Nab,Jupiter,Venus,Saturn,Mercury,Mars,Sirius,and.bemywitnessesthat
Ihaveneveruntruly.(.|
------------------------------------
IfMars,retrograding,entersScorpius,donotneglectyourguard:thekingshouldnot
gooutdoorsonanevilday.
------------------------------------
ThisomenisnotfromtheSeries(S.QAR|:itisfromtheoraltraditionofthemasters
(sa p ummni|.
WhenMars,furthermore,retrogradesfromtheHeadofLeoandtouchesCancerand
Gemini,itsinterpretation(pisru|isthis:
------------------------------------
EndofthereignofthekingoftheWestland.
------------------------------------
Thisisnotfromtheseries:itisnon-canonical(ai ù|.Thisaforesaidistheonlyarea
whichistakenasbadifMarsretrogradesthere.Whereverelseitmightretrograde,it
mayfreelydoso,thereisnotawordaboutit.
AndthematteroftheplanetJupiterisasfollows:IfitturnsbackoutoftheBreastof
Leo,thisisominous.Itiswrittenintheseriesasfollows:
------------------------------------
IfJupiterpassesRegulusandgetsaheadofit,andafterwardsRegulus,whichitpassed
andgotaheadof,stayswithitinitssetting,someonewillrise,killtheking,andseize
thethrone.
------------------------------------
ThisaforesaidareaistheonlyareawhichistakenasbadifJupiterretrogradesthere.
Whereverelseitmightturn,itmayfreelydoso,thereisnotawordaboutit.(.|
Thescholarusesthreekindsofsourceforhisinterpretation:theomenslinkedwiththeret-
rogradationofMarsarenotomensfromtheseries(S.QAR,i.e.,theseriesEnuma Anu Enlil|
butfromoraltraditionofscholars(sa p ummni|andnoncanonical(ai ù|sources,butthe
omenconcerningtheretrogradationofJupiterpassingRegulusisquotedfrom'theseries.
10
Cf.thecommentaryofthisletterinParpola1983:
16(LAS13|.
oi.uchicago.edu
CNTH/A 1EAN 270
Concerningoraclesanddreams,thesesignswonrecognitionfromtheirdivineorigin.The
signssentinoracleswereoftenpredictedbyofficialsinvolvedinthecultofIstar
11
orbyindi-
vidualspossessedbyagod,whilepropheticdreamsweresentbygods,onrequestornot.
12
This psychological validation is particularly made obvious in the anxious reaction of
Neo-Assyriankings-especiallyEsarhaddon`s-totheinterpretationsofomens.Inalet-
teraboutthesignificanceofarecentearthquake,
13
thescribeBalasagreesthatitisindeeda
badomenbutfortunately,thegodsalsocreatedtherequiredritualstodissipatetheevilofan
earthquake.
14
Thescholarthenemphasizesonthemoralmessageofthisevent,whichissent
bythegods:thekingshouldwatchout,evenifallapotropaicritualsareperformed.
THESOCIALSUPPORTOFDIVINATION
VariousMesopotamiansourcesdemonstratethateverymethodforetellingfutureevents-
divination,oracles,anddreams-wasfullyvalidatedsocially,bothonpopularandscholarly
levels. Questions asked by private persons are frequent in some corpuses, for example, in
tamituquestions,
15
andprophetscouldbeconsultedinprivateatthetempleofIstarinNimrud
as a letter of an exorcist shows.
16
When confidence in astu or siputu was fading away,
divinationabouthealthwasaneasywayoutandwasquitecommonamongprivatepersons
17
andamongmembersoftheroyalfamily.
18
Thefaithofthesocietyinthelegitimacyofsignswassostrongthattheirutterancehad
theauthorityofofficialstatements.Esarhaddon`sSuccessionTreatystatesthatanyimproper
wordheardfromthemouthofaprophet(L.ra-gi-me|,ofanecstatic(L.ma-e-e|,orof
aninquireroforacles(L.sa-ì-li a-matDINGIR|shouldnotbeconcealedfromtheking.
19
A
prophecyagainstthekingcouldthusbeinterpretedasaplotbythepeople,astheseprophets
were seldom uttering alone, but preferably in public places where people would hear the
prophecy.AccordingtoS.Parpola,anoracledeliveredbyLa-dagil-iliwasmeantto'impress
11
Parpola1997:47-48:Nissinen1998:10.
12
Butler1998:2-7.
13
SAA10,56.AnothercaseisAssurbanipal`sfear
of an eclipse, about which two astrologers, Balas
(SAA10,57|and Nab-a-erba(SAA10,75|,
wrotesimilarreports.
14
Cf. the well-known magical concept Ea epus
Ea ipsur ('Ea did it, Ea undid it| quoted here by
Balas.
15
Cf.Lambert2007:7:'Thetopicsvaryfrommatters
ofstate(Shouldthekingundertakesuch-and-sucha
campaign?|topurelypersonalmatters(Ismywife
tellingmethetruth?|.Onthecontrary,queriesto
thesun-god(publishedin Starr1990|seemtobea
formofdivinationdesignedforthemightyonly,since
thetextsweknowdealwithpoliticalmattersorwith
thehealthofroyalindividuals,thatis,theking,the
princes,andthequeenmotherNaqia.
16
Cf.theletteroftheforlornexorcistUrad-Gula,SAA
10,294,lines31-32:'|Iturnedto]aprophet(rag-
gimu|(but|didnotfind|anyhop]e,hewasadverse
anddidnotseemuch:seecommentariesinParpola
1997:XLVIIandn.243:andNissinen1998:86-88.
17
Lambert2007:tamitu1,20,21,22(aboutpersonal
safetyandwell-being|:tamitu12b-c,13,25(about
the survival or health of pregnant women|: tamitu
14,15,16,21(aboutsickness|:tamitu25(aboutthe
relevanceofseekingoutaphysician|.
18
See,e.g.,SAA4,183,'IsEsarhaddonillbecause
of the gods?: SAA 4, 185, 'Should Esarhaddon
take this potion or not?: SAA 4, 187, 'Should
Assurbanipal take this potion?: SAA 4, 186(?|,
276-278,medicalqueriesforAssurbanipal:SAA4,
190-191(+possibly192-195|,medicalqueriesfor
thequeenmotherNaqia.
19
SAA2,6,10,lines116-117.Cf.Nissinen1998:
156-62.
oi.uchicago.edu
on the audience the divine support for Esarhaddon`s kingship,
20
since his accession was
controversial.
Someofficialsweresupposedtoreportprophecies
21
andsignstothepalace.Lettersfrom
priestsinformthekingaboutanomaliesinofferinganimals,forexample,priestsmentioning
amissingkidneyinasheep
22
orsendingtothepalaceanabnormalkidneyforinspectionby
the royal scholars.
23
Mar-Issar, the Assyrian emissary in Babylon, reports
24
that at the end
oftheperformanceofthesubstitutekingritual,aprophetess(raggintu|saidthatthesonof
Damq(thesubstituteking|wouldtakeoverkingshipandthatshehadrevealedthe'thieving
polecat(?|, probably referring to the king`s opponents.
25
This prophecy, and the fact that
Damqisofnobleorigin,frightenthepeopleinBabylonia,butMar-Issartellsthekingheis
confidentsincetheapotropaicrituals(namburb|wereappropriatelyperformed.However,as
Mar-Issarwrites,itwouldbepreferableforthekingnottogooutuntilthethreatoftheeclipse
stillensuesfor100days,andtohaveasubstitutefortheking`sculticduties.
THEPOLITICALSUPPORTOFDIVINATION
Asamatterofprinciple,adisciplinevalidatedpsychologicallyandsociallyguarantees
powerfuleffectswhenusedinpolitics.However,inNeo-Assyriansociety,kingsandmagnates
validateinthediscipline`sefficiencyanddidnotuseitonlyforthepublicopinion`smanipula-
tion.Alargearrayofthemostimportantpoliticmatterswasdecidedasaresultofscholarly
adviceandtheinterpretationofsignsseemedtohavehadahugeinfluenceondomesticand
internationalaffairs,religiousissues,andtriggeredtheperformanceofcomplexrituals.
SuccessionattheNeo-Assyriancourtwassometimesariskybusinessandpoliticalchoices
weremoreeasilyacceptedbythemagnatesandthepeopleifbackedbythegods`will.Some
queries to the sun-god are questions about the rightful choice of a political heir. Before
choosing Assurbanipal, Esarhaddon asked Samas if he should take his son Sin-nadin-apli
as the crown prince or not.
26
Such an important decision was certainly left in the hands of
top-ranking and reliable diviners,
27
whose confidence was also required in issues such as
theloyaltyofofficials.Duringtheyear671/670,insurrectionsoccurredattheNeo-Assyrian
courtandsuspicionaroseabouttheloyaltyofofficialsandpriestsinduty,orofprospective
officialsandpriests.Queriestogodswereconsideredtheonlyreliablewaytoknowthetruth
aboutthesepersons.
28
Attheinternationallevel,questionsrelatedtomilitarycampaignsarethemostrecurring
themes.Variousquestionsaboutwarfarearesettledwithdivination:whatistherightmoment
togotowar,whataretherequiredforces,whichtechniquesandwhichitinerarywouldhelp,
20
Parpola1997:64.
21
SAA 13, 37: 139: 144: 148(?|: cf. Cole and
Machinist1998:XVII.
22
SAA13,133.
23
E.g.,SAA13,131.
24
SAA10,352.
25
Aboutthemeaningofkakkisu sarriqtu('thieving
polecat(?||,seeNissinen1998:74-75.
26
SAA4,149.
27
ContraLambert2007:10.Eveniftheductusand
styleofthequerieslookrougher,Iwouldnotassume,
as Lambert did in the introduction of the tamitu`s
edition,thatthereweretwosortsofAssyriandivin-
ers,theskilledoneswhoperformedthewell-written
tamitu and the lesser ones who clumsily wrote the
queriestothesun-god.
28
E.g.,SAA4,150-182:274-275:299-311:tamitu
24(inLambert2007:126-29|.
oi.uchicago.edu
CNTH/A 1EAN 272
whatisthelevelofsafety,whataretheenemiesìntentions,whatarethechancesofsuccess,
andsoon.Thesequestionsarebyfarthebiggestgroupinthequeriestothesun-godandthe
tamitu.
29
Somelettersofastrologersandexorcistsalsodealwiththismatter,probablywhenthe
kingislookingforadditionalreassurance.Akkullanu`sletterabouttheportentofanAssyrian
victoryonCimmerians(SAA10,100,datedto15Simnu657|displaysthescribe`sability
toexplainsignstothekingandinfluencehimtogotowar.Assurbanipal`sannalsdescribe
the Cimmerians as rebellious tribes, but we learn from this letter that they had conquered
Syriaatthisperiodandthatthekingwaswaitingforgoodomenstograspcontroloverthis
region again (Parpola 1983: 308|. In a long astrological report, Akkullanu explains to his
kingthataccordingtoseveralomens,theWestlandwillperishandthekingofAssyriawill
succeed.Quiteremarkableisthealternationoftheinterpretationsofomens,negativeforthe
CimmeriansandpositiveforAssyria,foundintheEnuma Anu Enlil,inreportsfromfamous
scholarsandothersources:
TheheliacalrisingofMarsmeansarebellionintheWestland,whichispositive
sincetheregionisinCimmerians`hands:
The'strangestar(i.e.,Mars|approachingEnmesarra
30
bringshappinessin
thecountryandanincreaseofpopulation,whichmeansgoodfortuneforAs-
syria:
WhenMarsisvisibleinthemonthIyyar,itportendsthedestructionofUmman-
Manda(glossedbyAkkullanuasmeaningtheCimmerians|:
ThelastsolareclipsewasnotinSubartu`squadrantandJupiterwasvisible,
whichispropitious:thekingwillgotowar:
Thescantyrainsare,accordingtoareportbytheancientscholarEa-musallim,
agoodomen,thatthekingwillconquereverythinghewants:
Whenthenewmoonisvisible,theAlam(i.e.,Arameans=Assyrians|will
consumethewealthofWestland,whichisauspiciousagain.
ThisiswhyAkkullanudrawstheconclusionthat'Theenemywillfallintothehandsofthe
king,mylord.
The relationship between Assurbanipal and his brother Samas-sum-ukin may be con-
sideredasaninternationalaffair.WhenSamas-sum-ukinrebelledagainsthisbrotherin652
B.C.,AssurbanipalputaquerybeforeSamasabouthisideatocapturehisbrotherinBabylon,
justashewouldhaveaskedaboutanenemy.
31
Thequerygoesonwithaquestionaboutthe
SealandandElam.
Inreligiousaffairs,theinterpretationofexpectedandunexpectedsignswasofuttermost
importance.Forexample,signsandoraclesdidplayaroleinthereintroductionofMarduk`s
cultinBabylon.AnincidenthappenedduringEsarhaddon`sreign,unexpected
32
andstrange
enoughtostopthejourneyofMarduk`sstatue.
33
OnthewaytoBabylon,aservantsuddenly
mountedthesacredhorseofMardukandsaidpropheticwords:'Babylon-straight-the
29
Lambert2007:andStarr1990,passim.
30
TheconstellationofEnmesarraisthelowerpartof
Perseus:cf.Parpola1983:309(LAS300+110|.
31
SAA4,279.
32
Some official inscriptions take the return of
Marduk`sstatueforgranted:cf.Parpola1983:32-33
(LAS29|.
33
SAA10,24.
oi.uchicago.edu
loot of Kurigalzu. An official gives an explanation: on their way to Babylon, robbers are
waitingfortheminDr-Kurigalzu(atownontheway|.ThescribeIssar-sumu-res,theking`s
exorcistAdad-sumu-usur,andthechiefexorcistMarduk-sakin-sumiexplaintheincidenttothe
kingabouttheprophecyandwaitfororders.TheanxiousEsarhaddonmostprobablymadethe
expeditionstop,asthecultwasreintroducedafterhisdeathbyhissonAssurbanipal.In668
B.C.,AssurbanipalsoughtpracticaladviceaboutthetransferofMarduktoBabylon
34
through
aseriesofqueriestothesun-god:shouldSamas-sum-ukinaccompanyhim,shouldhegoby
boat,andwhichpriestshouldwechoose?
The substitute king ritual is probably the best evidence of the full political support
achievedbytheinterpretationofsigns.Thiscomplexritualaimedtoremovetheevilomen
duetoaneclipseifthequadrantofthemoonorthesunintheshadowmatchedthegeographi-
calareacontrolledbytheking.Ithadimplicationsindifferentfields-royalideology,well-
beingofthekingasanindividualandasthehumanrepresentativeofdivinepower,and,ina
sense,theology-andthroughouttheritual,itsperformanceinvolvedadeepconfidencein
thesystemsofthesiputu,thebrtu,thekaltu,andthetupsarrututorelievefear,evil,and
prospectivechaos.Nowonderthatmanylettersofthescribesandtheexorcistsdealwiththis
ritual,
35
whoseimplicationsweresometimesnotfullyunderstoodbytheparticipants
36
orby
thekinghimself.
37
Actually, even if divination and oracles had a triple validation, it seems that the Neo-
Assyriansociety,withitstypicalskepticism,somehowreachedtheboundaryofthesystem.
Ontheonehand,Assyrianscholarssometimesseemedtakenabackbysomeissuesandwere
unable to make sure their interpretation of signs was right or comprehensive. On the other
hand,individualsofroyaloriginornotcastdoubtontheinterpretationofaprediction.
During a ritual of the substitute king, the fake king complained about the relevance of
a second enthronement in Akkad.
38
Since the lunar eclipse had been total, the evil omen
pertainedtoAssyriaandBabylonia.Esarhaddonwasthekingofbothregionsandthisomen
concernedhimtwice:thesubstitutekingwouldinthiscaserulehalfofhis'reigninAssyria
(50days|andhalfinBabylonia(50days|tofulfillthelengthoftheapotropaicritual.This
wasinfrequentenough-onlyonceinEsarhaddon`sreign-tosoundweirdtothesubstitute
king.Thisfakekingwassupposedtoruleunnoticedandtaketheportentsofthesignsonhim,
butthistimeherebelledagainsttheperformersandaskedbecauseofwhatsign(GISKIM|they
wantedtore-enthronehiminAkkad,andthenherevealedaconspiracyhehadheardabout.
Whatisworthmentioninghereisthatthesubstitutekingdidnotrevoltagainsthisforthcoming
death,butagainsttheprocedure:lackofobvioussignsforthesecondenthronementandrel-
evanceofthechoiceasasubstituteofhim,thefaithfulservant,whentraitorsareallaround.
The technical limitations of Mesopotamian astrologers for predicting some eclipses,
39
seeingsomeheliacalrisings,
40
andunderstandingcertaindisturbancessuchassandstorms
41
34
SAA4,262-266.
35
Cf.Parpola`s(1983:XXII|excursusonthesub-
stitutekingritual.
36
SAA10,2.
37
SAA10,90(reactiontoSAA10,89|.
38
SAA10,2.
39
E.g.,SAA10,347,rev.9.
40
E.g., SAA 10, 50, about an unpredictable helia-
cal rising of Mercury: cf. Parpola 1983: 60 (LAS
53|:'theyalsowereperfectlyawareoftherelatively
greatanomalyandinclinationoftheorbitofMercury,
whichmadeevenmoderatelyaccuratepredictionsof
theplanet`sappearancesimpossiblebeforethetime
ofPtolemy.
41
E.g.,SAA10,79:cf.Parpola1983:68(LAS64|.
oi.uchicago.edu
CNTH/A 1EAN 274
ormeteors
42
couldleadtoinaccuracy.Inthiscase,itwasbesttotelltheking,trytoexplain
theoriginofthemistake,
43
andapologize(otherwisedearcolleagueswouldbekindenough
toemphasizeyourignorance|.Afamousquarrelbetweenthreescribesaboutthevisibilityof
VenusandMercurycamefromtheking`smisunderstandingofanastrologicalexplanation
44
givenbyoneofthem.Inhisfeartobefooled,Esarhaddonhadthehabittocheckandre-check
thepredictionsandprescriptions,
45
butsincethescholarsworkedtogether,thiscouldworsen
thesituation.
Eclipsescouldbepredictedratheraccurately,butsometimesscholarscouldnotbesure
about the visibility of the phenomenon. In a letter from Babylonia, the writer refers to the
kingbeingupsetbecausethescholarsareunabletotellhimifthesolareclipsewilloccuror
not.
46
ThesecondtamituinLambert`seditionasksSamasandAdadtoconfirmthecomingof
aneclipsewithominousconsequencesforthepetitioner.
47
Somesituationswerenewtoscholarsandnoreferencewastobefoundinthetabletsand
series.Thebestsolutionwastofindanomenresemblingthesignsobserved.Whenthescribe
Issar-sumu-reswasaskedtodetermineifamongoosepassedundertheking`schariotwasthe
sameomenasthewell-known'Ifamongoosepassesbetweenthelegsofaman,
48
hetook
itasthesameportent,givingapoorexplanation.Theinterpretation-thehandofthegod
will seize the king - is inauspicious for the forthcoming campaign of the king against the
Nabateans:theywillnotsubmittotheking`schariot!Anyway,ineachdiscipline,theking`s
will was to a certain extent superior to any sign or ritual. The priest Adad-au-iddina was
cautiousabouta prophecy oftheraggintuMullissu-abu-usri.
49
The middleof herutterance
isbroken,buttheendsays'Letthethronego!Ishallovercomemyking`senemieswithit!
Thepriestwondersifhereallyhastoletthegod`sthronegotoBabyloniaandwritestothe
kingforhiscommand.
ABBREVIATIONS
LAS Parpola1983
PGM PapyriGraecaeMagicae
SAA2 ParpolaandWatanabe1988
SAA4 Starr1990
SAA8 Hunger1992
SAA10 Parpola1993
SAA13 ColeandMachinist1998
42
E.g.,SAA10,104.
43
E.g.,SAA10,362+363.
44
SAA10,23(chief-scribeIssar-sumu-res|:SAA
10,72(Nab-a-erba|:andSAA10,51(Balas|.
Issar-sumu-resand Nab-a-erba had an argu-
mentaboutit(SAA8,83|:cf.Parpola1983:14-15
(LAS12|.
45
E.g.,SAA10,42.
46
SAA10,170:cf.Hunger1992:XIX.
47
Lambert2007:42-51.
48
SAA10,33.Theomenisprobablyquotedfroma
section-nowlost-ofthethirty-secondtabletof
Summaluregardingmongooseomens:cf.Parpola
1983:23(LAS15|.
49
SAA13,37,rev.6(LAS317|:cf.Nissinen1998:
78-81.
oi.uchicago.edu
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ambos,Claus
2007 'Types of Ritual Failure and Mistakes in Ritual in Cuneiform Sources. In Bhen
Rituals Go Brong: Mistakes, Failure, and the Dynamics oj Rituals, edited by
U.Hsken,pp.25-47.StudiesintheHistoryofReligions115.LeidenandBoston:
Brill.
Betz,HansD.,editor
1997 The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, /ncluding the Demotic Spells. Chicago:
Butler,SallyA.L.
1998 Mesopotamian Conceptions oj Dreams and Dream Rituals. Alter Orient und Altes
Cole,StevenW.,andPeterMachinist
1998 Letters jrom Priests to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. State Archives of
Assyria13.Helsinki:HelsinkiUniversityPress.
Elman,Yaakov
1975 'AuthoritativeOralTraditioninNeo-AssyrianScribalCircles.1ournal oj the Ancient
Near Eastern Society7:19-32.
Hunger,Hermann
1992 Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings. State Archives of Assyria 8. Helsinki:
Jean,Cynthia
2006 La magie neo-assyrienne en contexte: Recherches sur le metier dèxorciste et le
concept dàsiputu.StateArchivesofAssyriaStudies17.Helsinki:TheNeo-Assyrian
TextCorpusProject.
Lambert,WilfredG.
2007 Babylonian Oracle Questions. Mesopotamian Civilizations 13. Winona Lake:
Eisenbrauns.
Nissinen,Martti
1998 Rejerences to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources.StateArchivesofAssyriaStudies
7.Helsinki:TheNeo-AssyrianTextCorpusProject.
Parpola,Simo
Butzon&Bercker.
Press.
Parpola,Simo,andKazukoWatanabe
1988 Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths. State Archives of Assyria 2. Helsinki:
Searle,JohnR.
1995 The Construction oj Social Reality.NewYork:FreePress.
Starr,Ivan
oi.uchicago.edu
oi.uchicago.edu
PROPHES AS A FORM OF D/\/NAT/ON; D/\/NAT/ON AS A FORM OF PROPHES 277
14
PROPHECY AS A FORM OF DIVINATION;
DIVINATION AS A FORM OF PROPHECY
*
JOANNSCURLOCK,ELMHURSTCOLLEGE
TwoAkkadiantextsfromthelateperiods,namelytheUrukProphecyandtheDynastic
Prophecy,employphraseologythatpositivelyinvitescomparisonwiththeBookofDaniel.
1
Thisapparentsimilarityofformathasgivenrisetoheateddebateontherelationship,ifany,
betweenMesopotamianformsofcommunicationwiththegodsontheonehandandbiblical
prophecyontheother.
2
HISTORICALOMENS
BothMesopotamianPropheciesfallintoabroadercategoryofwhatonemighttermhis-
toricalomens. Already inextispicymanualsfromtheOld Babylonianperiod, apodosesoc-
casionallytaketheform:'omenofkingsoandso.Theseapodosesrefertorealorimagined
historicaleventsthatareallegedtohavebeenpredictedbyvariousirregularitiesintheexta.
*Thispaperhasmateriallybenefitedfromcomments
by R. Beal, S. Holloway, J. Stackert, B. D. Thom-
as, and the two commentators for the conference,
A.GuinanandM.Nissinen.Anymistakeswhichre-
mainare,ofcourse,myown.
1
BothwerealsocurrentintheHellenisticperiod.An
earliersetofprophetictextswasfoundinthelibrary
ofAssurbanipal.Ofthese,theMardukProphecyis
theclosestinformtotheUrukandDynasticProphe-
cies,andalsousesthe'kingwillariseformula.
2
Forasummarydiscussion,seeEllis1989.Pursu-
anttotheLandsbergertraditionofavoidinganycon-
tactbetweenAssyriologyandbiblicalstudies,there
isastrongtendencyeithertopassivelyavoidusing
biblicallychargedterminologyforMesopotamiaor
eventoinventanewterminologythatisdesignedto
distancebiblicalprophecy,covenants,andsoforth
fromtheirMesopotamianequivalents.Curiously,in
thecaseofbiblicalcomparisons,itisnotunusualthat
theimplicationsforthebiblicalcomparandaarewhat
isdrivingthedesiretoputMesopotamianevidenceon
asidetrack.Thatarepositioningintotheiroriginal
Mesopotamiancontextmightrequireare-evaluation
oftheologicallysignificantbiblicaltextsisareason
toembrace,nottoavoid,comparison.Evenforthe
non-religiousforwhomthetruthofthematterhasno
soteriologicalimplications,decliningtomakehelpful
comparisons due toterminologicalwalls mayseri-
ouslyimpedeunderstanding,introducenon-existent
contradictions, and make the answering of certain
questionsessentiallyimpossible.Therefore,Assyrio-
logicaleuphemismsforMesopotamianprophetictexts
willnotbeemployedhere.Forsimilarargumentsfor
theuseof'prophetforMesopotamianpractitioners
ofprophecybutwithcontinuationof'Literarypre-
dictivetextsfortheUrukandDynasticProphecies,
seeNissinen2004and2003.Itisunderstandablethat
Nissinenwishestomakeadistinctionbetweenames-
sagefromGodactuallydelivereddirectlyfromthe
mouthofalivingperson(alsoattestedfromancient
Mesopotamia|andsomethingwhichmakespredic-
tionsandrecommendsbehaviorbutwhichwas,from
itsinception,awrittencomposition.Textslikethe
Uruk and Dynastic Prophecies were not, however,
generated'bythebook-therewasnomanualfor
decidingwhathistoricaleventwasominousinthis
particularway.Theircompositionrequiredexpertise
(science|,tobesure(aknowledgeofhistoryorat
leastaccesstohistoricaltexts|,buttheyalsorequired
inspiration(art|,makingthemclosertoprophecyin
thebroadestsensethantodivination.Whynotsimply
createsub-categorieswithinthedesignation'proph-
ecytoreflectthepotentiallysignificantdifferences
betweenoralandwrittenformsofthephenomenon?
277
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 278
ForMesopotamians,allsortsofeverydayoccurrenceshadpotentiallyominoussignificance,
soitishardlysurprisingthatatsomepointsignificanthistoricaleventsbegantoacquirepre-
dictivevalueintheirownright,whichbringsustotheUrukProphecy.
IntheUrukProphecy,asequenceofelevenkingsappears,allbutthreeofwhomarespe-
cificallysaidtobebad.Ineverycase,thekingsinquestionarenotnamedbutsimplydescribed
as 'a king will arise. King 1 is described as being from the Sealand (that is, a Chaldean|
andrulinginBabylon.ChaldeanKing2issupposedtohavetaxedUruktothepointofutter
ruin.Hismajorcrime,however,wasthathestoleastatueofadivinitydescribedastheold
protective goddess of Uruk and took her to Babylon. All was not well in the land until the
goddesswasfinallyreturnedbyGoodKing10.King11wasthesonofKing10andtheprob-
ableoriginaldirecteeoftheprophecy.Hewillalsobeagoodking,rulethefourquarters,and
produceadynastythatlastsforever.
I have argued elsewhere that the goddess in question was Nanaya, who was 'stolen
by kings of Babylon, carried off to Elam, and then 'rescued for Uruk by Assyrian king
Assurbanipal,theGoodKing10oftheprophecy(Scurlock2006|.Thus,thedescriptionofa
seriesofhistoricaleventsasiftheywerenotpastbutabouttohappeninthefutureutilizing
theformula: 'a king will arise served to'predict the sequenceSennacherib, Esarhaddon,
AssurbanipalbywayofprophesyingthereturnoftheoriginalstatueofthegoddessNanaya
toherhomeinUruk.
Nabopolassar, a Chaldean tribesman based in Babylon,
3
allied with the Medes against
AssyriaandfoundedtheNeo-Babylonianempire.InordertoenlistElamitehelpforthisen-
terprise,he'returnedNanayatoElam,wheresheremained.Atthepointofcomposition,the
statueofNanayawasonceagainmissingfromUruk,andtheoriginalreferentofthisprophecy
willhavebeentheill-fatedSin-sar-iskuntowhomthepeopleofUrukweredatingtheirdocu-
mentsyearsafterNabopolassarhadseizedpowerinBabylon.
And yet the Uruk Prophecy was still being copied in the Persian or even the Seleucid
period.ThevirtueofpropheciesisthattheydonotactuallysaythatSin-sar-iskunisgoingto
defeatNabopolassar,which,whenitdoesnothappenautomatically,unmasksthemasfalse
prophecy.WhatthisonedoessayisthatwhenaChaldeanstealsastatuefromUruk,aftersome
suitableintervaloftime,hopefullynottoolong,akingandhissonwillcomealongandmake
everythingrightagain.IfthatkingandhissonwerenotAssurbanipalandSin-sar-iskun,then
whynotCyrusandCambysesorDariusandXerxes?
Tonoteisthattheauthorlaidoutasinglesequenceofeventsinthepastinthehopesof
happyrepetitioninthefuture.ThesituationwiththeDynasticProphecy
4
isabitmorecompli-
cated,andnotsolelyduetothefragmentarynatureofitspreservation.InthisSeleucid-period
composition,theauthorseemstohavelaidoutrepeatingsequencesofevents.
3
M.JursawouldliketoseeNabopolassarastheson
ofKudurru,a'quislinggovernorofUrukfortheAs-
syrians.However,Kudurruisashortenedversionof
avarietyofpossiblelongernames,includingElamite
Kudur-Naunteandtherewereasmanyasthirtydif-
ferentpersonsbythisnamementionedintheAssyrian
corpus.Kudurruhadason,buthisnameisunknown
(beinglostinlacunaeintheonlytextwhichmentions
him|.ThedynastylavisheditsattentionsonBabylon,
whichsuggestsanorigininthatvicinity.
4
SeeGrayson1975b:24-36.
oi.uchicago.edu
THEDYNASTICPROPHECY
On the text of the Dynastic Prophecy, each column seems to contain one key pattern.
ColumnimentionsAssyriaandBabyloninthecontextofoverthrowinganddestroying,end-
ingwithsomeonebringingextensivebootyintoBabylon,decoratingtheEsagilaandEzida,
andbuildingapalaceinBabylon.BesidesendingtheAssyrianempire,Nabopolassaralsodid
extensivebuildingonBabylonandtheEsagilacomplex.Itwouldseem,then,thatcolumni
describesthefallofAssyriatoNabopolassar(Grayson1975b:24|.
ColumniihasarebelprinceariseandestablishadynastyofHarran.ThisisaBadKing
whoneglectstheNewYearsàkitufestivalandgenerallyplotsevilagainstAkkad.Then,a
kingofElamwillarisewhowilldeposetheHarranianandsettlehimabroad.Thisisalsoa
BadKing.Thiscolumniswell-enoughpreservedtoallowustoseethatthepatternpresented
was ofa'king of Harran(inwhomwemayrecognize Nabonidus|replacedby a'king of
Elam(whomweknowtobeCyrus|(Grayson1975b:24-26|.Thedescriptionoftheusurpa-
tionofNabonidusandhisinterruptionoftheakitufestivalisagoodindicationthatBabylon
isthesourceforthistext,asisthecharacterizationofCyrusasanoppressivekingwhowas
'strongerthantheland.ItcanonlybeBabylon,smartingundertheforcedreturnofstatuary
purloined by Nabonidus from the cult centers of Babylonia, like Mme de Boigne weeping
bittertearsovertherepatriationofNapolean`slootedarttreasuresbyWellington,whowould
daretorefertoCyrusasa'BadKing.
ThecharacterizationofNabonidusasHarranianisareflectionoftheking`sdevotionto
SnofHarran,andCyrusofAnshanwasindeedanElamite.Whatisinterestingisthatthelast
kingofAssyria,Assur-uballit,wasnotinlineforthethroneandmadehisstandinHarranor,
inotherwords,couldeasilyhavebeendescribedasarebelkingwhoestablishedhimselfin
Harran.Moreover,NabopolassarwasabletodefeathimwiththehelpofElamitesaskeyallies.
Thissuggeststhatcolumnsi-iipresentarepeatingpatterninwhichamonarchofquestionable
legitimacy,basedinthewestatHarran,wasdefeatedbyamonarcheitherbasedintheeastin
Elamorwithsubstantialassistancefromthatquarter.
ColumniiidescribesakingwhoisclearlymarkedasDariusIII.Theprophecyenvisages
akingwhoreignstwoyears,isdoneinbyaeunuch,andisreplacedbysomeprinceorother
whoreignsfiveyears.Arsesreignedfortwoyearsandwasassassinatedbytheeunuch-general
Bagoas.BagoaspickedDarius,whowasnotinthedirectlineofsuccession.DariusIIIruled
forfiveyears(Grayson1975b:26|.
Accordingtotheprophecy,thekingwasattackedbyanarmyofHaneanswhodefeated
andplunderedhim.Afterwards,thekingwasabletorallyhistroopsand,withtheassistance
of Enlil (that is, Ahuramazda|, Shamash (that is, Mithra|, and Marduk (that is, Persis|, to
defeattheHaneans,afterwhichherewardedBabylonwithtaxexemptions.
Thefirstepisodeinvolvingthe'HaneanscanonlybeareferencetotheBattleofIssus
whichpittedAlexandertheGreatagainstDariusIII.So,the'Haneans(apparentlyAlexander
andhisGreektroops|areinitiallysuccessful,butthentheking(DariusIII|isabletomount
a counteroffensive followed by gracious tax breaks for Babylon. This particular section of
thetexthasoccasionedmuchpuzzlementsince'everybodyknowsthatAlexanderdefeated
Darius(Grayson1975b:26-27|.Whateverybodydoesnotknow,however,isthatbetweenthe
BattleofIssusandtheBattleofGaugamelanearlytwoyearselapsedduringwhichAlexander
putteredaroundinEgyptandLibyawhilethePersiansatrapAriwaratrecoveredPaphlagonia
andCappadocia,celebratingonhiscoinswiththemotifofaSimurgdevouringaGreekstag,
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 280
andAndromachus,Alexander`shaplesssatrapofSyria,wasburnedalivebytheSamaritans
(Olmstead1948:508,513|.
ThesourceoftheDynasticProphecy`s(mis|informationwasprobablyaBabylonianin-
scriptionofDariusIIIboastingofvictoryandascribinghissuccesstotheassistanceoflocal
godsbywayofexplainingtaxexemptionsorotherlargessebeingshoweredonthepopulation.
Inanycase,theultimatefateofDariusIIIisnotofconcerntothiscolumnofthetext,which
caresonlythatthereisapattern:Haneanswin(thebattle|,Haneanslose(thewar|.
Thisisobviouslyarepeatofthepatternofcolumnsi-iiofthistextinwhichanearlier
setofconfrontationsbetweeneastandwestculminatedinvictoriesfortheeast,whichraises
aninterestingquestion.SinceitisBabylon`spointofviewthatisreflectedintheprophecy,
wemayassumethattheobjectwastoforeseeatimewhenthefortunesofBabylonwerein
somesenserestored,ifnottotheirfullgloryatleasttotax-exemptstatus,andtoarguethat
badtreatmentofBabylonwasalwaysaformulafordisaster.
In this context, it is hard to imagine that there was no discussion of the events of the
reignsofDariusandXerxesinwhichBabylonwassocentrallyinvolved.Thiswasnotagood
timeforBabylon,sincebothDariusandXerxesbesiegedthecityand,eveniftheEsagilawas
not actually destroyed, there were certainly deaths and confiscations. The only redeeming
feature was the fact that Xerxes was assassinated. The same could be said of Sennacherib,
whounquestionablydestroyedtheEsagila,andwhoseassassinationbyhisownsonscouldbe
understoodaspresagingthefallofAssyria.Puttingthistogether,adiscussionoftheevents
atBabylonunderthePersiansinpropheticguisewouldhavesenttheclearmessagethatany
empirethattamperedwiththeEsagilawasdoomedtofail.
Sodidtheyjustassumeyouweresupposedtoknowthisor,alternatively,wastheDynastic
Prophecyactually a six-columntext?
5
Inthelattercase,thereisroomfor twomissing epi-
sodes, the first, the treatment of Babylon by Darius and Xerxes, and the second, another
curious omission, if omission it be: the first major encounter betweenGreeks and Persians
inMesopotamiaattheBattleofCunaxa,inwhichBabylonianleviestookpartandinwhich
eastdefeatedwest.
HereendedtherevoltofCyrustheyoungerwithhisGreektroopsagainstArtaxerxesII
(thereasonablydecentPersianmonarchwhogetsgoodpressintheBookofEsther|.Cyrus
won the battle, but was killed in the process. In short, this is unproblematically a case of
Haneanswin(thebattle|,Haneanslose(thewar|.Ifthisreconstructionisaccurate,wehave
sofarthefollowingpatterns.
col.i Harran(Assur-uballitII|losestoElam(NabopolassarandElamiteallies|
col.ii Harran(Nabonidus|losestoElam(Cyrus|
col.iii Darius,turbulence,Xerxes,assassination
col.iv Haneanswin(BattleofCunaxa|:Haneanslose(thewar|
col.v Haneanswin(BattleofIssus|:Haneanslose(thewar|
5
Onthispoint,seealsoLambert1978:12-13.
oi.uchicago.edu
The fragmentary final column, which presumably contained the actual prophecy,
has
threesections:
akingwhodidsomething,reignedanddied
----------
abrokensection
----------
somebodyseizingtheland.Whoevertheselastpeopleare,theywillbeextin-
guished.
Thisfragmentaryfinalcolumn`sthreesectionsostensiblyrefertoAlexanderinBabylon
andtheinstallationofSeleucusassatrap,followedbytheexpulsionofSeleucusbyAntigonus,
andendingwiththesubsequentreturnofSeleucusIwhowouldthenbethesomebody(sin-
gular| who is described as seizing the land.
6
We also know that Seleucus was eventually
assassinated by Ptolemy Keraunos. Sherwin-White, to the contrary notwithstanding,
7
the
somebodieswhoarebeing'extinguishedarepresumablytheSeleucids.
TheBabyloniansseemtohavetakenitratherhardthat,whereasNebuchadnezzarIImade
Babylononeofthegreatestcitiesintheworld,SeleucusImovedthecapitaltoanewcityof
hisownfoundation,Seleucia,which,toaddinsulttoinjurywasontheTigrisratherthanthe
Euphrates.Finewordsofpropagandacommissionedfromlocalhistorians(Berossos|needto
bebackedupbyfinedeedsiftheyaretohavethedesiredeffect,particularlywiththepeople
ofBabylonwhowerenotexactlyfamousforbeingeasytodealwith,having,likecultcenters
everywhere,anattitudethatgenerositywassimplytheirdueasthe'naveloftheearth.
Indeed,itisstrikinghowsimilartheruleoftheGreeksatBabylonassummarizedinthis
textwastothatofthePersiansbeforethem.AspresentedintheDynasticProphecy,Alexander
playedtheroleofDarius,whoconqueredhimselfanempireandtookBabylon.SeleucusI,the
newXerxes,wassuccessfulatBabylonandledhisarmyincampaignstothewest,butended
upassassinatedbyPtolemyKeraunos.Fragmentaryasitis,itisclearfromtheprophecythat
thissetofeventswastobefollowedinshortorder,dependingonthereadingofthetext,either
bythe'extinguishingoftheSeleucidsortheusurpationofthethronebysomenewgroupas
hadalreadyhappenedtotheAssyrians,Babylonians,andPersiansbeforethem.
col.i Harran(Assur-uballit|losestoElam(NabopolassarandElamiteallies|
col.ii Harran(Nabonidus|losestoElam(Cyrus|
col.iii Darius,turbulence,Xerxes,assassination
col.iv Haneanswin(BattleofCunaxa|:Haneanslose(thewar|
6
SeeGrayson1975b:27.
7
Sherwin-White(1987:10-14|arguesthattheDy-
nasticProphecyisapro-Seleuciddocumentpredict-
ingthe(quasi-Messianic|returnofNebuchadnezzar
IIintheformofSeleucusI.Theproblemwiththis
interpretationisthat,althoughdefinitelypro-Nabopo-
lassar, the text is also quite clearly pro-Darius III,
whichitreallyshouldnotbebythisunderstanding.
Onthispoint,seealsoBriant2002:863-64.Thear-
gument (p. 14| that 'extinguished can be read in
middlevoice(!|tomean'Theywillruleisnonsense.
Even if the verb is not the final-weak bal but the
middle-weakblu,thereisnoreasontosupposethat
thesubjectistheSeleucids.Akkadian'torulerefers
tofactsontheground,andimpliesneitherlegitimacy
noraconditionoflongduration.Ifsomebodyelsehas
recently'beguntoruleoverAkkad,thenwhether
theSeleucidswereactuallyextinguishedornotinthe
process,theirruleisatanend,andthatisthepoint
oftheprophecy.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 282
col.v Haneanswin(BattleofIssus|:Haneanslose(thewar|
col.vi Alexander,turbulence,Seleucus,assassination
Liningup these repeatingsequences ofeventsagainstone anotherbywayofprophecy
servestodemonstrate thatthe westandits gods havealwaysbeendefeated bytheeastand
itsgods.AsforthemisadventuresofSeleucusI,itiscertain,foranyonewhohaseyesand
cansee,thattheSeleucidswillbe'extinguishedorattheveryleastreplacedbysomefuture
dynasty, a salutary warning to anyone who dares to tamper, in however trivial a way, with
theprivilegedstatusofBabylon.
MESOPOTAMIANHISTORICALOMENSASPROPHECY?
As may be seen from these examples, late Mesopotamian historical omens have a sort
ofqualityofprayersfordeliverancetothem,whererecitation(s|ofnegativelychargedpast
eventsfollowedbypositivelychargedresolution(s|ofcrisis,allofitprojectedintothefuture,
become(s|asortofcomplainttothegodsaboutthecurrentpoliticalsituationandasignaled
desire for them to produce a king who will act as savior. Both the Uruk Prophecy and the
DynasticProphecywereprobablycomposedfortheedificationofthespecifickingwhowas
meant to play this messianic role (in the former case Sn-sar-iskun and the latter Arsaces I
orMithradatesI|.
8
Thisisrememberingalwaysthatthegodslayinwaittorewardakingwhosucceededor
topunishonewhofailedtoplaythedesiredrole,andthatifonemonarchprovedunmoved,
therewerealwaysotherkingstowhomonecouldapply.TheUrukProphecywasstillbeing
copiedinHellenisticUruk,longafterthefailureoftheoriginalprophecytocometofruition.
As for the Dynastic Prophecy, unless the Parthians were very nice to Babylon, it would be
understoodaspredictingtheirdemiseatthehandsofyetanotherconqueror.
IthavingbeennotedthattheMesopotamian'propheciesrefertoeventsthathave,infact,
alreadyoccurred,itistemptingtoregardthemassomesortofpredictionafterthefact,atbest
falseprophecyandatworstpoliticalpropaganda.Butisthisfair?Iwouldliketosuggestanew
approachtotheproblem of Mesopotamian 'prophetictextsbyinvertingtheparadigm and
askingnotwhetherMesopotamiandivinationcanrepresentaformofprophecy,butwhether
biblicalprophecycanrepresentaformofdivinationor,asIonianGreekphilosophersputit,
prophecyinvolvesnotonlythepresentandthefuturebutalsothepast.
8
Similarly,theMardukProphecywasprobablydi-
rectedtoAssurbanipal.Thisapparentlyfirst-person
narrationbyMardukportraysthisgodasparticularly
fond of the city of Assur, where he was a guest of
Tukulti-NinurtaI.Italsodescribestherescueofthe
Marduk statue by Nebuchadnezzar I from Elam in
suchawayastopromisethat,ifanyfutureking,say
Assurbanipal,weretorebuildBabylonandtheEs-
agilaafterterribletroubles,saytheSamas-sum-ukin
revolt,Mardukwouldrewardhimwithtotalvictory
overElamand,mostimportantly,extraordinarypeace
andprosperityintheland:'Thegrassofwinter(will
last| tillsummer. Thegrassof summer willlastto
winter.Theharvestofthelandwillthrive.Themar-
ketplacewillprosper.Brotherwilllovehisbrother.
Asonwillfearhisfatherashisgod.Amanwill
regularlypayhistaxes.SeeLongman1997:480-81,
line149.
oi.uchicago.edu
BIBLICALPROPHECYASHISTORICALOMENS?
In Mesopotamia, the assumption was that omens were the language of the gods which
theyusedtocommunicatewithmankindandthattheyconstitutedawarningwhichallowed
humanstoavoidtheportendedevent.Inthecaseofanunsolicitedomen,thesituationcould
besavedbythepromptperformanceofNAM.BR.BI.
9
Inthecaseofasolicitedomen,noharm
wouldcomefromanegativeresponseaslongasyoudidnotdowhatyouhadbeentoldnot
todoanddidnoteatanyofthe'ill-omenedmeat.
In Mesopotamia we are generally talking about messages written in the stars or on the
liver,whichrequireawholesciencetodecipher.ThiswouldallbekeshephinIsraelbutthere
wasstillroomforusinghistoricaleventsthemselvesasasortofomen.Itistoberemembered
thatnotalldivinatorypracticeswererejectedinIsraelitereligion(lotoracleswereactually
mandated| and, given the fact thatGod was believed to give signs in the form of specific
outcomestopoliticalevents,therewouldbe,intheory,noobjectiontousingpasthistorical
eventsaffectingthecommunitytodivinethewillofGod.
AswithMesopotamiansolicitedomens,noharmwouldcometoanykingwholistened
totheprophetsandtooktheiradvice,assumingthatGod`sangerwasnottoogreat.Andeven
ifitwasgreatindeed,aswithMesopotamiansolicitedomens,therewereprocedures(modi-
fiedmourningritessuchasdressinginsackclothandashes|thatcouldbeusedtoavertGod`s
wrathandtheevilconsequencesthatweresuretofollow.
So,eventhoughmostothermethodsofdivinationwerefrowneduponinIsrael,historical
eventscouldreadilybeseenaspartofacodewherebyYahwehcommunicatedwithhispeople
andcould,therefore,beusedtodecodeandvalidateothermessagesdeliveredbyothermeans,
asbydirectvision.AsimilarrelationshipexistedinancientMesopotamiabetweensolicited
andunsolicitedomens-onecoulduseasolicitedomentogainclarification(notjustthatthe
godisangrybutwhyandhowmanysheepisthisgoingtocost|butalsotochecktheveracity
ofanunsolicitedomen.Fromthisperspective,thehistoricaleventisthemorereliableform
of divination that can be used to check the less reliable form of simply allowing people to
claimtospeakforGod.Aswiththesurroundingcultures,notalleventswouldbeominous
andthosethat were could come round again and again in noparticular orderandmillennia
afterthefirstoccurrence,andthepointwasstillthatYahwehrespondstohumanbehaviorin
certainwayswhichmakeitpossibletodetectacomingcrisisandavertitbypromptaction
(avoidingsanctionedbehavior,mortification,andprayer|beforeitistoolate.
Weshallhereexaminetwopossibleexamplesofbiblicalpropheciesinwhichhistorical
eventsthathadalreadypassedatthetimeofcompositionwereeitherusedtovalidate,orwere
actuallythebasisfor,thepredictionofwhatwasgoingtohappeninthefuture.OneisNahum,
whichhasnotinfrequentlybeenclassifiedasfalseprophecy,
10
andtheotherisIsaiah36-37
(=2Kings18:13-19:37-theallegedtwosiegesofJerusalembySennacherib|.
9
ANAM.BR.BIisaritualdesignedtodispeltheevil
consequencesofabadomen.
10
'Becausethereisnocalltorepentanceintheora-
clesbut,onthecontrary,agreatexhultationoverthe
fallof Nineveh,scholarshaveattributedavirulent
nationalismtoNahumandhaveevenallegedthathe
tendstoexhibitthecharacteristicsoffalseprophecy
(Cathcart1992:999|.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 284
NAHUM
LetusbeginwithNahum.Ihavearguedelsewherethatthisprophetmentionssomevery
strikingandprobablyveryaccuratedescriptionsofthefallofNineveh.
11
However,myobject
wasnevertoconvictNahumasafalseprophet.Onthecontrary,hisisoneoftheonlytrue
prophecies in the corpus (if by true you mean that what was originally predicted actually
happenedingoodtime|.
Atonelevel,NahumisjustadescriptionofwhathappenedwhentheBabylonians(the
warriors 'clothed in crimson| took a rather tardy revenge forSennacherib`s treatment of
Babylon.However, arecurringthemebroached already in the openingpsalm(Nahum1:2-
10|
12
isthe universality ofthe applicationof God`svengeance.'Bho can stand bejore His
wrath? Bho can resist his jury? within which is embedded an ominous warning: 'Bhy
will you plot against the Lord? He wreaks utter destruction: No adversary opposes him
twice!
13
Indeed, throughout, passages which describe the terrible things that have happened or
are in the process of happening to Nineveh or Egypt
14
(marked as third-person forms with
theexceptionofNahum3:16-19|alternatewithclearaddressestoJudahanddirewarnings
addressed to 'you. Note in particular Nahum 1:11-14 and 2:1-2,
15
where the destruction
ofJudah`senemiesisfollowedwithterrifyingsuddennessbyGod`sangrycursedirectedat
'you: 'The base plotter who designed evil against the Lord has lejt you. ... The Lord has
commanded concerning you . / shall do away with the carved and graven images in the
temples oj your godsand'Celebrate your jestivals, O 1udah, juljill your vows. Never again
shall the scoundrels invade you, they have totally vanished. A shatterer has come up against
you.. Brace all your strength.
Nahum2:3-14beginswith'For the Lord has restored the Pride oj 1acobandproceeds
through a harrowing description of the destruction ofNineveh to end with: / am going to
deal with you declares the Lord oj Hosts: / will burn your thicket in jire . the sound oj your
messengers will be heard no more.SoalsoNahum3:1-5whichbeginswith'Alas, bloody
city . Hosts oj slain and heaps oj corpses, dead bodies without number - they stumble over
bodiestoendwith'/ am going to deal with you declares the Lord oj Hosts: / will lijt up your
skirts over your jace.
11
Scurlock1990:382-84.Forotherarticlesthatmake
similar arguments, see Huddlestun 2003: 104-08
(withpreviousbibliography|.Babylonianrevengefor
Sennacherib`sdestructionofBabylonbywaterappar-
entlytooktheformofmanipulatingtheirrigationsys-
temwhichSennacheribhadbuilttowaterthegardens
ofNinevehsoastoproduceanartificialflood.
12
The famous acrostic, about which much ink has
beenspilt,liststhefirstfifteenlettersoftheHebrew
alphabetincorrectorder.Fifteenisthenumberofthe
goddessIstar,acomplexoftheindividualgoddesses
ofmanycitiesincluding,butbynomeansconfined
to,Nineveh.
13
AspointedoutinCoggins1985:27-29,thesecom-
mentsareprimarily,ifnotexclusively,directedatthe
communityitself.
14
OnceitisrealizedthatNahumisnotpredictingthe
fallofAssyriafromthevantagepointoftheeighthor
seventhcentury,butdescribingcontemporaryevents
as a sign from God, the most likely source for the
reference to Thebes is Nebuchadnezzar`s 601 B.C.
campaignagainstEgypt,not,asisusuallyasserted,to
someAssyriancampaignthere,realorimagined.This
doesnotaffecttheargumentofHuddlestun(2003:
97-110|thatthepassagedescribingthedestructionof
Thebesismoreaboutimaginingcitiesdestroyedby
waterthanacarefuldepictionofactualeventsthere.
15
Nahum is here quoted more or less from Jewish
PublicationSociety1999.
oi.uchicago.edu
ThekeytounderstandingthisdifficultprophecyistherealizationthatNahumisalament.
WholesectionsofLamentationsechoNahum:comparealsoEzekielasfollows:
Nahum1:2 Lamentations2:17
The Lord is a passionate,
avenging God.
The Lord has done
what he purposed . he has
torn down without pity.
Nahum2:1-2 Lamentations4:21
Celebrate your jestivals,
O 1udah, juljill your vows
. A shatterer has come up
against you .
Brace all your strength!
Rejoice and exult, Fair Edom,
who dwell in the land oj U:.
To you, too, the cup will pass,
you shall get drunk and
expose your nakedness.
Nahum2:8 Lamentations2:10-11
/ts mistress is led out and
exiled . her hand-
maidens . beating
their breasts
The maidens oj 1erusalem
have bowed their heads to the ground.
My eyes are spent with tears
Nahum3:1 Ezekiel22:2-4
Ah, city oj bloodshed,
utterly treacherous
Arraign the city oj bloodshed
. dejiled by the idols you have made.
/ will lijt up your skirts
over your jace and display
your nakedness to the
nations ... / will throw jilth
over you.
All who admired
her despise her,
jor they have seen
her nakedness. . Her
jilth clings to her skirt.
Bho will
console her?
She has sunk appallingly, with none to
comjort her.
ou too shall drink oj this
till you jaint away
As they jaint away
like the wounded in
the squares oj the town.
The gates oj your land
have opened themselves .
Fire has consumed your bars.
Her gates have sunk into the ground,
he has smashed her bars to bits.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 286
There jire will devour you
the sword will put an end
to you.
The Lord vented all His jury .
He kindled a jire in Zion which
consumed her joundations.
Alas, how your shepherds
slumber . your people are
scattered over the hills,
with none to gather them.
Her leaders were like bucks
that jound no pasture;
They could only walk jeebly
bejore the pursuer.
There is no healing your hurt;
your wound is mortal
For your ruin is vast as the sea;
who can heal you?
All who hear the news about
you clap their hands over you.
All who pass your way clap their hands at
you; they hiss and wag their head at Fair
1erusalem . (They say): Ah, this is the day
we hoped jor; we have lived to see it!
Ezekiel`s 'city of bloodshed is Jerusalem, and the Lamentations passages that speak
ofsorrowanddestructionarelamentationsforJerusalem`sdestructionbyNebuchadnezzar.
Those invited to rejoice, as Judah is invited to rejoice in Nahum, are those, like Edom in
Lamentations,uponwhomGod`sjudgmentisaboutto,buthasnotyetfallen(Lamentations
4:21-22|:Rejoice and exult, Fair Edom, who dwell in the land oj U:. To you, too, the cup will
pass, you shall get drunk and expose your nakedness. our iniquity, Fair Zion is expiated .
our iniquity, Fair Edom, He will note; he will uncover your sins.
ThejuxtapositionstronglysuggeststhatNahumislamentingthefallofNinevehandthe
ruinofEgyptbywayofpredictingthefallofJerusalemandJudahtoNebuchadnezzar.
16
In
short:'our iniquity, Fair Nineveh is expiated . our iniquity, Fair 1erusalem, He will note;
he will uncover your sins.ThisimpressionisconfirmedbytheQumranNahumcommentary
(4Q169|
17
in which Assyria and Egypt are taken to represent Ephraim and Manasseh, that
is,theSamaritanswhosecityJohnHyrcanuscompletelydestroyed,includingrunningrivers
over itsothatitwouldnever berebuilt(Josephus, Antiquities13.10.3|.Asintheoriginal,
thistotaldestructionbywaterwasseentopredict,initsturn,thefallofJerusalemandJudah
16
Tomywayofthinking,commentssuchas:'Instead
ofgrievingover the sinofJudahandstrivingwith
mightandmaintowarnheroftheerrorofherways
sothatshemightturnandlive,Nahumwasappar-
entlycontenttoleadherinajoyouscelebrationof
theapproachingdeathofAssyria(Smith1911:281|
or'Nahumwaswrong.Therewasspiritualweakness
heretoo.Nahumgivesnoconsciousrecognitionof
thefactthatthesinsoftheAssyrianswerealsothe
sinsoftheJudeans(TaylorandCleland1956:957|,
aswellasattemptstojustifyhimbyjoininginwith
theallegedschadenfreude,displaythemostprofound
misunderstandingofNahum`smessage.WithJere-
mias1970,thewarningsareforthecommunity,and
notitsenemies.Thisisnot,however,toacceptaHel-
lenisticdateforallorevenpartofNahum.
17
SeeWise,Abegg,andCook1996:215-20.
oi.uchicago.edu
toaforeignconqueror.ThisconquerorwastheRomanarmy,onceagain,aprophecythatwas
fulfilledinhistoricaltime.
AswiththeUrukProphecy,itissufficientinNahumtomentiontheominouseventsby
themselveswithoutneedforthemtohavebeenrepeatedforanysignificancetobedrawnfrom
them.Thefallofonecapitalcitypredictsthefallofanothercapitalcityjustasonereturnof
Nanayapredictsanother,future,returnofNanaya.
ISAIAH
OursecondbiblicalexampleisIsaiah36-37(=2Kings18:13-19:37|.Althoughtreated
as a historical appendix by redactors, this is, as we shall see, actually a prophecy or rather
twointerwovenprophecies.Indealingwiththispassage,itishardnottonoticethat,despite
inclusionamonghistoricalmaterialsin2Kings,itisbynomeansasimpleanduneditedac-
countofSennacherib`s701B.C.campaignagainstJerusalem.
The angel oj the Lord went jorth and struck down one hundred and eighty-jive thou-
sand in the Assyrian camp. Early the next morning, there they were, all the corpses oj
the dead (Isaiah37:36=2Kings19:35|.
IthasbeenarguedbyR.E.Clements(1984:58-61,91|thatthispassageisaJosianicad-
ditiontoIsaiah37andareflectionofZionTheology,bywhichismeanttheideathatJerusalem
was impregnable.
18
Another set of lines,Isaiah 37:30-32 (= 2 Kings 19:29-31|, speaks of
survivors of the house of Judah and a remnant from Jerusalem and must be a post-Josianic
additiontothetext,
19
since,bythetimetheseverseswillhavebeenadded,thecitywasno
longerimpregnable,buthadinsteadfallentosomeforeignconqueror.
Evenwiththeselinesremoved,however,thereremaindifficulties.Aspresentedin2Kings
18:13-19:37, Sennacherib`s behavior is little short of bizarre.Sennacherib invades Judah,
sets up camp at Lachish, and negotiates a monetary settlement with Hezekiah (18:13-15|.
Afterwards(!|,hesendsenvoystoJerusalem,demandingsurrender.Hezekiahisupset,butnot
awordissaidaboutanytributepaymenthavingbeenmadeandthenignoredbyevilAssyrians.
Isaiah (18:16-19:9| reassures him thatSennacherib will hear a report and return home and
Sennacheribdoesindeedhearareport.Hedoesnot,however,returnhome,butinsteadsends
aletterthunderingdirethreats.Hezekiahisveryupset,butreactsasifthiswasthefirsttime
hehadeverreceivedanymessagefromSennacherib.IsaiahreassuresHezekiahthatalliswell,
againwithoutanyindicationthatthisisthesecondtimeround,andprophesiesthattheking
of Assyria will not shoot so much as an arrow against Jerusalem.Sennacherib does indeed
gohome,butthereisnothingaboutanyreport:theproximatereasonforthedepartureisthe
slaughterofSennacherib`sarmybytheAngeloftheLord(Isaiah19:10-37|.
20
18
Ironically,itisthefailureofSennacherib`sannals
toconfirmthisclearlyexaggeratedifnotlegendary
eventthathascausedAssyrianannalstobebranded
as outright lies, an opinion which stills prevails in
manyquarters.SeeMayer2003:169,171.
19
Clements(1984:57|hasthisasaseparateproph-
ecyandthelatestaddition,butstillJosianic.Others,
among them Wildberger (2002: 430-32|, assign a
postexilicdatetotheselines.Gallagher(1999:234-
37| insists that this is a prophecy of the historical
Isaiahreferringtotheeventsof701B.C.
20
Foramoreelegantpresentationofthisargument,
seeWildberger2002:364-66.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 288
Ithaslongbeenargued(byStade,Levy,andothers|that2Kings18:14-16(thetribute
payment| is part of an excerpt from the royal annals of Judah dealing withSennacherib`s
campaign(TextA|,whichisgenerallysupposedtohavebeenratherclumsilyworkedintothe
restofthenarrative.
21
Indeed,thetributepaymentisclearlyoutoforderandbelongsamong
thereasonsthatSennacheribinfactwenthome.
22
Evenso,thereareenoughdiscrepanciesto
suggesteithertwoseparatesiegesofJerusalembySennacheribortwodifferentaccountsof
thesamesiegeofJerusalem(TextsB
1
andB
2
|.Sowhatarewetomakeofthis?
TextCorrespondences:
TextA=2Kings18:14-16=2KingsA
TextB=Isaiah
A
=2Kings18:17-19:9a,36-37=2KingsB
TextB=Isaiah
B
=2Kings19:9b-28,32-34=2KingsB
LetusexaminetheIsaiahversionoftheseevents.Takenbyitself,Isaiah36-37readily
dividesintotwoseparateaccounts.Thefirstofthese,whichweshalltermIsaiah
A
,moreorless
correspondsto2KingsB
1
.Takenasawhole,thisgivesaseamlessaccountofSennacherib`s
701B.C.siegeofJerusalemanditsaftermath.Inotherwords,Isaiah36:1-37:9a(=2Kings
18:17-19:9a|tellsacompletestorythatfollowsdirectlyandwithoutapparentdisjunctioninto
Isaiah37:37-38(=2Kings19:36-37|asfollows:
/n the jourteenth year oj King He:ekiah, Sennacherib, king oj Assyria, went on an
expedition against all the jortijied cities oj 1erusalem and captured them. . Do not
be jrightened by the words you have heard, with which the servants oj the king oj As-
syria have blasphemed me. / am about to put in him such a spirit that, when he hears
a certain report, he will return to his own land, and there / will cause him to jall by
the sword. . The king oj Assyria heard a report that Tirhakah, king oj Ethiopia, had
come out to jight against him (Isaiah36:1-37:9a|. . So Sennacherib, the king oj As-
syria, broke camp and went back home to Nineveh. . His sons Adram-melech and
Share:er slew him with the sword, and jled into the land oj Ararat. His son Esarhad-
don reigned in his stead.(Isaiah37:37-38|
Interposedinthemiddle,isasection(Isaiah37:9b-29,33-35=2Kings19:9b-28,32-34|
thatseemstostartalloveragainfromthebeginningwithnobetterattempttofititintotherest
ofthestorythanthesomewhatawkwardtransition:Again, he sent envoys to He:ekiah with
this message (Isaiah 37:9b = 2 Kings 19:9b|. We shall designate this intrusive text, which
moreorlesscorrespondsto2KingsB
2
,bythetermIsaiah
B
.
There are two ways of understanding this intrusion. Either there were two sieges of
Jerusalem by Sennacherib, one in 701 B.C. and another later in his reign,
23
or Isaiah
B
(= 2
Kings B
2
| is a later addition. We may safely ignore Becking`s introduction of a mythical
21
SeeStade1886:172-86:Levy1928:156-58.See
alsoCoganandTadmor1988:240-41.EvenGallagh-
er(1999:146-48|acceptsthisdivision.AsClements
(1984:12-13|pointsout,TextAandSennacherib`s
annalsareinmoreorlesscompleteagreementasto
whathappenedonthecampaign.Cf.alsoWildberger
2002:363:Smelik1986:85.Forafullreconstruction
of this campaign, using Text A and Sennacherib`s
annalstogether,seeMayer2003:172-85.
22
Onthispoint,seealsoWildberger2002:378.
23
Forthetwo-siegetheoryofAlbrightandothers,see
CoganandTadmor1988:246-51.Clements(1984:
22, 91-92| also offers arguments against this ap-
proach and Grabbe (2003| has declared it more or
lessdead.
oi.uchicago.edu
campaignofSargonIIofAssyriaagainstJudahin715B.C.
24
SinceIsaiah
B
speaksofGodas
lordofallkingdomsandcreatorofheavenandearth(Isaiah37:16|
25
andincludesapolemic
againstgodsotherthanYahwehasthework oj human hands, wood and stone(Isaiah37:19
=2Kings19:17|,
26
manycommentatorshavebeeninclinedtoseeIsaiah
B
(=2KingsB
2
|as
alateradditiontoacompletedtext.Howlateisamatterofdispute,withCoganandTadmor
optingfortwoorthreegenerationsaftertheprophetIsaiah,
27
ClementsandMachinistforthe
reignofJosiah,
28
WildbergersuggestingJehoiakimorZedekiah,
29
andNaàmanarguingfor
theseventhcentury(lateNeo-Babylonian|orsixthcentury(earlyPersian|B.C.
30
Ofcourse,
it could always be a Hellenistic embellishment, assuming, of course, that the text was not
finalizeduntilsolateadate.
Whatisnotamatterofdispute,amongthosewhoacceptthemultipleaccountstheoryand
evenforsomewhodonot,
isthatIsaiah
B
(=2KingsB
2
|isreferring,howeverinaccurately,to
Sennacherib`s701B.C.campaignagainstJerusalem.Andinaccurateitcertainlywouldbe:
31
WildbergerislittleshortofcallingIsaiah
B
abrazenlie,thatis,'notinterestedinhistorical
realityandconstructed'asatestimonytobelief.
32
Naàmanismorecharitable,arguingfor
arecedingofmemory:'ReadingAccountB
1
,itisclearthatthestorywaswrittenwhenthe
memoryofAssyria.wasstillverymuchalive.InAccountB
2
,ontheotherhand,Assyria
appearsasanabstractpower,representingmoretheconceptofastrongmilitarypowerthan
aconcretehistoricalentity.ThestoryremainsthesameifwereplacethenameAssyriawith
thenameofanotherpower(e.g.,Babylonia,Persia|.
33
Inaccurate,thatis,ifwemustbelieve
thatthereferenceisactuallytoSennacherib`s701B.C.campaignagainstJerusalem.
24
SoBecking,whotakesTextAtobereferringtothe
eventsof701B.C.(Becking2003:67-69|,whereas
Text B, taken in its entirety, is referring to events
which he purports to have taken place in 715 B.C.
(Becking2003:69-70|.Thisreconstructionisbased
onthedifficultchronologyofHezekiah`sreign,over
which much ink has been spilt but which, by his
chronology,yieldsadateof715B.C.forHezekiah`s
fourteenth year (Becking 2003: 56|. The fact that
Assyrianannalsmakenomentionofanycampaign
against Judah in that year is, of course, ignored as
irrelevantasisthefactthat2Kings18:13specifically
mentionsSennacheribasthekingofAssyriainvolved.
Becking`sreconstruction'correspondswithwhathe
iswillingtoacceptasevidenceandis'coherentwith
hismentalpictureofAssyrianexpansion,sowhether
ornotitishistoricallytruebyanyobjectivestandard
doesnotactuallymatter(Becking2003:60-61|.Why
argue?
25
Foradiscussion,seeWildberger2002:420-23.
26
ForaprobableDeuteronomistic(Josianic|orex-
ilicdateforIsaiah37:18-19,seeCoganandTadmor
1988:235-36,adlines15-19.
27
SeeCoganandTadmor1988:243-44.
28
Clements1984:56-63,68,70-71,91-95.Thisis
for 2 Kings B: he places the rest of the Hezekiah
narrative(2Kings20|somewhatlater,inthereign
ofZedekiah(Clements1984:103-04|:cf.Machinist
2000:155-56,161-62.
29
Wildberger(2002:417,425,431|tentativelyplac-
esitintheperiodofBabylonianthreattoJerusalem.
30
Naàman2000:394-400:Naàman2003:212-13.
Cf.Gonalves1986:480.
31
Gallagher(1999:14-15,146,149-59|willaccept
noargumentsforthedivisionofthetextinto2Kings
BandB.Inthisheresemblesminimalistssuchas
Smelik(1986|.Smelik`sargumentationisbasedon
literary analysis, which allows him to posit a Per-
sian-perioddateforthecombinedaccount(Smelik
1986:85|withouthavingtoworryabouthistorical
content(essentiallynill|.Literatureis,bydefinition,
literatureandnothistory.Gallagheris,however,nota
minimalistandisthusforcedtodefendthehistorical
accuracyoftheaccountof2KingsB(1999:40-41,
224-52|withtheresultthathis'historicalrecon-
structionofSennacherib`sthirdcampaignisseriously
compromised.
32
Wildberger2002:417,425,431.
33
Naàman2000:400.BenZvi(2003:80-85|uses
the2KingsBmaterialtopaintapictureofanob-
jectlesson,directedatanexilicaudience,abouthow
todealwithimperialpowers.Inprinciple,onceyou
have submitted, you need to stay that way, which
seemsobviousbutishardtoarguewhentheexam-
ple of Hezekiah springs immediately to mind. The
'demonization of Sennacherib, then, allowed the
compilertowarnthatHezekiah`ssuccessfulrevolt
againstAssyriawasnottobetakenasaprecedentfor
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 290
OfcourseIsaiah
B
specificallymentionsSennacheribandkingsofAssyriaandcannot,there-
fore,byconventionalwisdom,bereferringtolatereventsas,forexample,Nebuchadnezzar`s
siegeofJerusalem.Indeed,negativereferencestoBabylonaregenerallysuspectedofbeing
updatingsoforiginalpolemicsagainstAssyria.
34
Thiswouldmeanthatevenifthetextactu-
allysaid'Nebuchadnezzarand'Babylon,asindeedsomeallegedlyupdatedpassagesdo,it
couldstillbetakenasareferencetoSargonIIorSennacheribandAssyria.
Thisargumenthasnevermadeanysense.Sennacheribwasnotverycuddly,buthefailed
to take the city of Jerusalem, whereas Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the city and burned the
templeafterhackingtobitsandremovingeverythingofvalueinit.Arewereallytobelieve
thatJewsweresooutragedbynothavingJerusalemharmedbySennacheribthatitsdepopula-
tionanddestructionbyNebuchadnezzarwasapreferablealternative?
Inanycase,peopledonotupdatetheirhatredsinthisway.Iftheyareindeedforwhatever
reasonfixatedonanoldenemy,theycallthenewenemybytheoldname.Indeed,oneofthe
Qumran Isaiah commentaries (4Q163| insists that a number of passages that explicitly say
'AssyriaactuallyrefertoBabylon.
35
Yes,themorerecentpartsofthedialecticarepackedwithexamplesofdiatribesthatseem
inappropriatefor,andinsomecasescannotpossiblyreferto,theostensiblevictimofabuse.
But many, if not all, of these are sub-rosa critiques, often by way of organizing rebellion,
againstthin-skinnedconquerorswhomaybesafelyvilifiedunderthecoverofabackdating
ofhatredstopoliticalentitiesnolongerinanypositiontoobject.So,forexample,theWhore
ofBabyloninRevelationsisaBabylonofsevenhills,obviouslynottherealBabylonatall
(whathills?!|,buteitherRomeorConstantinople.
All strongly negative references, particularly ones that appear to be out of consonance
withhistoricalrealityand/orlateradditionstothetext,needtobeexaminedtomakesurethat
theyarenotactuallysub-rosareferencestoalaterenemycleverlycamouflagedasanearlier
one.'BabylonmaybeaDecknameforPersians,Seleucids,orRomans:'Assyriaor'Edom
maybeaDecknameforBabylonians,Persians,Seleucids,orRomans,andsoforth.
Inthemorerecentpartsofthedialectic,referencesofthiskindaretherule,butIwould
arguethatsub-rosavilificationbeginswiththeBabyloniansatthelatest.Forexample,Isaiah
33:1isoftentakenasreferringtoAssyria,butAssyriacanneverbethedestroyer never de-
stroyed,despitethefactthatAssyriaistheonlyenemywhichhasbeenrecentlymentioned
(31:8|.Assyriamayhavebeenadestroyer,buttheywerecertainly,andquitespectacularly,
destroyed.ThereferentmustbeBabylon,whichwasindeedneverdestroyed
36
orperhaps,if
revoltagainstotherimperialpowerssuchasBabylon
orPersia.
34
Central to this debate is the insistence of many
scholars, beginning with W. H. Cobb and among
themAssyriologistH.Winckler,thatIsaiah14:3-23,
despiteexplicitmentionofBabylon,wasoriginally
adiatribeagainstsomeAssyrianking,usuallySar-
gonII.Gallagher(1999:87-90|sideswith Sargon
as the villain and does not even acknowledge the
existenceofcontraryarguments.Thisthesisisnot,
however, universally accepted - for references,
seeWildberger1997:47-77andBlenkinsopp2000:
286-87-anditisalmostcertainlywrong.Forice
water poured on Grimme`s idea that Isaiah 13 was
also originally (what else?| a diatribe specifically
againstSargonII,seeWildberger1997:11-39.
35
See in particular Frag. 6+7 ad Isaiah 10:17-19
andFrag.25adIsaiah30:30-32(Wiseetal.1996:
212-13|.
36
TheBabylonianempirefelltoCyrusbutwithmini-
mallossoflife,andBabylonwasnotevenseverely
damaged,letaloneeradicateddowntothelastblade
ofgrassascontemplated by the prophets.Babylon
didnotlastforever,ofcourse,but,havingsurvived
majorrevoltsagainstthePersians,itjustsortoffaded
awayoverthecourseoftheHellenisticandParthian
periods.Bycontrast,archaeologicalevidencereveals
thateverymajorcapitaloftheAssyrianempirewas
oi.uchicago.edu
thetext islate enough, Rome.
37
Carefulreadingconfirmsthat thisimpassionedanddefiant
criducoeurisaddressedtoadestroyerwhohasdestroyedthecityofJerusalem(32:9-15|,
againnottheAssyriansbutBabylonorRome.
SoifIsaiah
B
(=2KingsB
2
|isnotafabrication,itneedstobeconsideredwhetheritisa
sub-rosareferencetosomepost-Sennacheribenemydisguisedasanattackonthebythende-
functAssyrians.Takingthesecondalternative,howlongdefunctwilltheAssyrianshavebeen
at the time of composition? Are the new enemy Romans? Greeks? Persians? Babylonians?
AndwhybringuptherealSennacheribatall?
Tofindout,wemustexamineIsaiah
B
,theallegedsecondaccountofthesiegeofJerusalem
bySennacherib(Isaiah37:9b-29,33-36|,toseewhetherwecanfindanactualpost-Sennach-
eribenemywhosebehaviormatchesthatdescribed.Isaiah
B
beginswithamessagefromthe
Mesopotamianking.
Again, he sent envoys to He:ekiah with this message . Do not let your God on whom
you rely deceive you by saying that 1erusalem will not be handed over to the king oj
Assyria. ou yourselj have heard what the kings oj Assyria have done to all the coun-
tries: They doomed them! Bill you, then, be saved? Did the gods oj the nations whom
my jathers destroyed save them? Go:en, Haran, Re:eph, and Edenites in Telassar?
Bhere is the king oj Hamath, the king oj Arpad, or a king oj the cities oj Sepharvaim,
Hena, or /vvah?(Isaiah37:9b-13|
DespitespecificmentionofthekingofAssyria,thispassagecannotpossibly(asargued
alreadybyHollowayandNaàman|bethevoiceofSennacheribreferringtothecampaigns
ofhisrealancestors.InSennacherib`stime,Guzana,Harran,Rasapa,andBit-Adiniwerenot
still smoking ruins but thriving metropolises of the Assyrian empire. Harran was a second
capitalandmajorcultcenter.Sennacheribwouldhaveaslikelyboastedoftheallegedcom-
pleteandpermanentdestructionoftheseplacesasQueenVictoriawouldoflevelingCardiff
andEdinburghandsackingCanterbury.
38
In any case, comparing the fate of Jerusalem to that of these other cities would not be
muchofathreat.TheymighthavebeenquitewreckedatthetimeofAssyrianconquestcen-
turies earlier, but, by the time Sennacherib was speaking, these cities were thriving, as the
Judeanswouldhaveknownverywell.SowhatfatewasSennacheribsupposedtobethreaten-
ingthemwith-dowhatIwantorIwillmakeyouthirdcapitaloftheAssyrianempireand
betteroffthanyouarenow?!
sothoroughlydestroyedasnottorecoveruntilthe
PersianorHellenisticperiods.Everywheretherewas
massivelossoflife:atKalu,thepalacewellscon-
tainedliterallyhundredsofbodiesofshackledpris-
onerswhohadbeenthrownintothemtodrown.See
Hussein2008:91:al-Fakhri2008:99.
37
Wildberger(2002:270-72|placesthispassagein
thePersianperiod.
38
On these points, see Holloway 1995. Gallagher
(1999:40-41,224-52|defendsthehistoricalaccu-
racy of the letter to Hezekiah and has the follow-
ing comments on contrary evidence: 'Holloway`s
articleisusefulandinformative..Neverthelesshis
conclusionson2Kings19:12areincautious..The
ninthcenturyBCistooobscureforustoknowex-
actlywhathappenedtoHarranatthattime. Itmay
have been omitted from Shamshi-Adad V`s list of
rebelliouscitiesduetosomepoliticalexpediency.
The reference in 2 Kings 19:11-13 is to total and
permanentdestruction,whichcannothaveoccurred
inthereignofShamshi-AdadVorofanyotherAs-
syrianmonarch.Inanycase,insistingthatthelackof
evidenceforyourpositionmustbeduetosomeun-
knowncausemaybedescribedinanumberofways,
but'cautiousisnotamongthem.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 292
Insum,HarranwasneverslatedforpermanentdestructionbyAssyrians:itwas,however,
byNebuchadnezzar,whospecificallytargetedthesanctuary,andthecitywasnotrebuiltuntil
thetimeofNabonidus.Guzana,RasapaandBit-Adiniwillalsohavebeenconqueredinthe
courseofNabopolassar`sconquestofUpperMesopotamiain612-610B.C.:Hamathwasadded
afterNebuchadnezzardefeatedEgyptiantroopsintheBattleofCarchemishin605.
39
Allof
this would seem to point to the Babylonians as the new enemy being targeted for sub-rosa
vilification,andthisimpressionisreinforcedbythecontinuation:
He:ekiah took the letter . he went up to the temple oj the Lord, and spreading it out
bejore him, he prayed: O Lord oj hosts, God oj /srael . ou alone are God over all
the kingdoms oj the earth. ou have made the heavens and the earth. /ncline your ear,
O Lord and listen! . Hear all the words oj the letter that Sennacherib sent to taunt
the living God. Truly O Lord, the kings oj Assyria have laid waste all lands along with
their (own) land,
40
and cast their gods into the jire; they destroyed them because they
were not gods but the work oj human hands, wood and stone. Therejore, O Lord, our
God, save us jrom his hand, that all the kingdoms oj the earth may know that you, O
Lord, alone are God(Isaiah37:14-20|.
DespitethespecificreferencestoSennacheribandkingsofAssyria,thereligiouspolicy
expressedagainmarkstheactualreferentclearlyasNebuchadnezzar.
41
Hisargument:'Mygod
isgoingtokillyourgodandthereisnothingyoucandoaboutit.ThecaseofSnofHarran
isthebest-knownexampleofthispolicy,butweknow,fromavarietyofsourcesincluding
the inscriptions of Nabonidus and compositions used as part of the scribal curriculum,
42
that theNeo-Babylonian conquest specifically targeted cult centers in areas which resisted
Babylonianrule,includingAkkad(Babylonia|whichwas,asIsaiah37:18(=2Kings19:17|
notes,'their(own|land.
InthewordsofNabonidus,describingthefallofAssyriaatthehandsoftheBabylonians
andtheirMedeanallies:
(Marduk|providedhim(Nabopolassar| withhelpers .(And|he (thekingofthe
Umman-manda|sweptonlikeafloodstorm.avengingBabyloninretaliation.The
kingoftheUmman-manda.demolishedthesanctuariesofallthegodsofSubartu
(Assyria|.HealsodemolishedthetownswithintheterritoryofAkkad(Babylonia|
whichwerehostiletothekingofAkkadandhadnotcometohisassistance(infight-
ingAssyria|.Noneoftheircultcentersdidheomit,layingwastetheirtownsworse
thanafloodstorm.
43
So much was destroying cult centers part of the 'mystique ofNeo-Babylonian kings that,
beforehewasallowedtoresumehisthroneintheannualBabylonianNewYear`sFestival,
he was made to swear not to destroy Babylon, command its overthrow, wreck the Esagila
Temple,orsmashBabylon`swalls.
44
39
Onthesepoints,seeNaàman2000:394-98:2003:
204-11.
40
SeeWildberger2002:408,422.
41
Xerxesdoesboastofburningdevilworshippersin
theirtemples,andtheRomansalsoburnedthetemple
inJerusalem,butforscaleandconsistencyofpolicy,
itwouldbehardtofindabettermatchamongJudah`s
enemiesthanNebuchadnezzarforthispassage.
42
Fordetails,seeScurlock2006a.
43
The Ehulhul Inscription, apud Liverani 2001:
390.
44
Sachs1969:334.
oi.uchicago.edu
God`sanswer,allegedlydeliveredbyIsaiah,toNebuchadnezzar`simaginedthreatsbegins
asfollows:
Thus says the Lord, the God oj /srael . She despises you, laughs you to scorn, the
virgin daughter Zion; Behind you she wags her head, daughter 1erusalem. . ou
said: Bith my many chariots / climbed the mountain heights, the recesses oj Leba-
non; / cut down its lojty cedars, its choice cypresses. / reached the remotest heights,
its jorest park. / dug wells and drank water in joreign lands; / dried up with the
soles oj my jeet all the rivers oj Egypt. . Long ago / prepared it, jrom days oj old /
planned it, now / have brought it to pass; that you should reduce jortijied cities into
heaps oj ruins,etc.(Isaiah37:21-27|
'Long ago / prepared it, jrom days oj old / planned it, now / have brought it to passisa
prettyclearreferencetosometerribleandcompletedisasterwhichhastakenplaceinhistori-
caltime.Elsewhere,theHebrewBibleusestheallegoryofthedevastationoftheforestsof
Lebanon
45
andofthedryingupoftheriversofEgypt
46
torefertothefallofAssyriaandthe
terribledefeatsinflictedonitsallyEgyptbytheNeo-Babylonianarmy.Thissoundslikewild
exaggeration.However,theprosaicBabylonianChronicleboastsoftheBattleofCarchemish
in 605 B.C. that 'not a single man returned home, and more heavy losses followed during
Nebuchadnezzar`sabortiveinvasionofEgyptin601B.C.
47
Morepoetically,Ezekiel30:10-31:12:
Thus says the Lord God: / will put an end to the throngs oj Egypt by the hand oj
Nebuchadne::ar, king oj Babylon. He, and his people with him, the most ruthless oj
nations shall be brought in to devastate the land. They shall draw their swords against
Egypt, and jill the land with the slain. / will turn the Niles into dry land . Behold,
Assyria was a cypress in Lebanon . the envy oj all Eden`s trees in the garden oj God.
Therejore, thus says the Lord God: Because it became lojty in stature . and because
it became proud oj heart . / have handed it over . Foreigners, the most ruthless oj
nations, cut it down and lejt it on the mountains.
ThispoeticimageryreflectsthefactthatNabopolassarengagedinacampaignofdeath
andliterallyapocalypticdestructionagainstAssyriaanditsallies,
48
whichwascontinuedby
45
ThisisusuallycitedasAssyrianscuttingtimber
forpalaces(Gallagher1999:231-33|.Normalhar-
vestingisnotwhatisbeingdescribed. Inanycase,
Neo-Babyloniankingsarejustaspronetoboastabout
cuttingcedarsasAssyrianones(as,forexample,in
theWadiBrisainscription,citedinWildberger1997:
58|.
46
ThisisusuallytakenasreferringtoAssyriaonthe
groundsthatAssyriankingsoccasionallymentionex-
haustingwells.See,forexample,CoganandTadmor
1988:237adline24.Exhaustingawellinthedes-
ertisonething:dryingupariver,quiteanother.As
theEzekielpassageindicates,thereferenceismeta-
phorical,meaningtheextinctionoflifeaswould,of
course,resultfromalow,orabsent,inundation.Once
again, this points clearly to a Babylonian referent.
AssyriankingsinvadedEgyptwithaviewtoturn-
ingitintoagratefultributary:Nebuchadnezzarwas
determinedtoseetoitthathehadnomoretrouble
fromthisquarter.Differentdesiredoutcomesrequire
differentstrategies.
47
Grayson1975a:99:1-10,101:5-7.
48
Modern scholars are too eager to be taken in by
Babylonian spin doctoring, of which a classic ex-
ampleistheWadiBrisainscription(seeOppenheim
1969:307|,whichdescribesthedestructionofAs-
syriaasamilitarycampaigntoeradicatetheevilen-
emyofthescatteredpeopleofLebanonandtoallow
them to lie in safe pastures. It was, of course, the
AssyrianswhomadethepeopleofLebanonlieinsafe
pastures(i.e.,pacificationoftheareapreparatoryto
'rulingthem|,andtheBabylonianswhoscattered
them. Otherwise it would not have been necessary
tomountamilitaryexpeditioninordertocuttrees
that'noothergodrequestedandnootherkinghad
felled. It is also interesting that Lebanon`s forest
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 294
his son Nebuchadnezzar. Commentators, historians, and archaeologists assume, pro forma,
thatitwasAssyrianpolicytoleaveasmokingruinbehindthemwherevertheywent.Onthe
contrary,whatevertheirproudboasts,Assyriankingsdidaslittledamageaspossibletoareas
theywereplanningtohold,sinceeverythingthatgotknockeddownwasgoingtohavetobe
rebuilt,andatAssyriantaxpayersèxpense.
ScorchedearthwasNeo-Babylonianpolicy,notbecausetheywereevilmonsters,buttoen-
surethatAssyriawouldneverriseagain.ThecampaignsofNabopolassarandNebuchadnezzar
werealethalmixofvengeance,fear,andrealpolitik(cheatingtheMedesoutoftheirshare
of the booty and the wealth and power which extensive and prosperous lands would have
giventhem|.Evenso,NebuchadnezzarwasamazinglypatientwithJerusalem,onlyburning
thetempleandthecityafterbothJehoiakimandZedediahhadrevoltedagainsthim(2Kings
24-25|.
The Babylonian Chronicles describe these campaigns as 'marching around victorious-
ly. This harmless-sounding phrase refers, as we know from Assurbanipal`s description of
hisElamitecampaign,tothedepopulationofforeignregions,thedestructionoftheirinfra-
structure,andthetargetingoflocalcultcenters.Anevenmoreterrifyingphraseappearsin
the inscriptions of Nabopolassar, who says that the god Marduk unleashed Nergal on the
Assyrians.ThereferenceistotheErraEpicandopeningoftheGatesoftheNetherworldto
allowaGreatFloodofnomadstoslaughtergoodandbadalike,againwithcultcentersasthe
primetargets.
49
Asimagined,thisEuphratesfloodisabouttowashagainstthewallsofJerusalemandis
stoppedbyaprophecy,allegedlyfromthemouthofIsaiah,whichcontinues:
/ am aware whether you stand or sit; / know whether you come and go . Because oj
your rage against me . / will put my hook in your nose and my bit in your mouth, and
make you return the way you came. . Therejore, thus says the Lord concerning the
king oj Assyria: He shall not reach this city, nor shoot an arrow at it, nor come bejore
it with a shield, nor cast oj siege works against it. He shall return by the same way he
came, without entering the city, says the Lord. / will shield and save this city jor my
own sake, and jor the sake oj my servant David.(Isaiah37:28-29,33-35|
Isaiah
B
is, then, readily recognizable as a description of Nabopolassar and
Nebuchadnezzar`scampaignsagainstAssyriaandalliesandofthereligiouspolicythatwas
usedtojustifythem.Inotherwords,Isaiah
B
originallylookedforwardtotheeventualpoliti-
calandtheologicalconfrontationbetweenNebuchadnezzarandJerusalemwiththeexpecta-
tionthatJerusalemwouldemergeunscathed,classicZionTheology.ThephrasingofIsaiah
37:33-35iseerilyechoedinLamentations4:12:The kings oj the earth did not believe, nor any
oj the inhabitants oj the world, that joe or adversary could enter the gates oj 1erusalem.
ThisprophecywasneverdeliveredbythehistoricalIsaiah,
50
norindeeddoesitbelong
among the prophecies of Isaianic prophets, but instead among those whom Jeremiah refers
wasthe'forestofMardukwhich,ofcourse,meant
thatBabylonianscouldnotbydefinitionbesaidto
be'plunderingwhenvastquantitiesofcedarswere
hauledoff(withoutpayment|toBabylon.
49
SeeScurlock2006a.
50
Onthispoint,seealsoClements1984:28-51,69-
70,whilenotnecessarilyagreeingentirelywithhis
argumentsforthedatingofspecificpassages. Most
commentatorsconcurwithClementsthatpartorall
ofIsaiah22ispertinenttothisissue(Clements1984:
33-34:Wildberger1997:357-77|.Clementsìnstinct
isthatIsaiah,likeJeremiahandEzekiel,didnotfavor
revoltsagainstimperialpowers.Iwouldconcurand
addthatnoneoftheseprophetshadanykindwords
forthosecallingthemselvesprophetswhoencouraged
suchrevolts(seebelow|.Gallagher(1999:218-20,
oi.uchicago.edu
toas'peaceprophetsandwhoprophesiedrelentlesslyinfavorofrevoltagainstBabylon.
51
All this would seem to strongly support Wildberger`s suggested date of Nebuchadnezzar`s
campaignsforthecompositionof2KingsB
2
(=Isaiah
B
|.Zedekiah,kingofJudah,installed
byNebuchadnezzar(2Kings36:10|,willverylikelyhavehadaBabylonianminderresident
inthecapital.Ifrevoltweretobearguedforinthiscontext,aDecknamewillhavebeenin
order.AndwhobetterthanBabylon`sarchenemySennacheribtoallowforplottingunderthe
Babylonians`verynoses?
Butwhatabout2KingsB
1
anditsIsaianicequivalent,Isaiah
A
?IsthisalsoNebuchadnezzar,
asHardmeierhasargued?
52
Itcannot,obviously,beanyearlierthanthedeathofSennachribin
681B.C.,towhichitrefers.Thisisnot,however,longenoughaftertheeventsof701B.C.for
memorysignificantlytohavefaded.
53
Butisitanaccuraterepresentationofthatcampaign?
With Isaiah
B
= 2 Kings B
2
(the Nebuchadnezzar section| removed, the Assyrian campaign
againstJudahasdescribedinIsaiah
A
(Isaiah36:1-37:9a,37-38|isremarkablynon-violent
-thecitiesarecapturedandplundered,butnotdestroyed,knockedtopieces,andburnt(as
thestockphaseinAssyrianannalswouldhaveit|.
/n the jourteenth year oj King He:ekiah, Sennacherib, king oj Assyria, went on an ex-
pedition against all the jortijied cities oj 1udah and captured them(Isaiah36:1|.
This cannot possibly refer, as we have seen, to Nebuchadnezzar`s 'marching around
victoriously.Itmightnot,atfirstblush,seemtofitSennacheribeither.ThisAssyrianking
wasnotexactlyfamousforthegentlenessofhistreatmentofadversaries,andhisannalsare
notshyaboutclaimingtohavedestroyed,knockeddown,andburntjustabouteverycityin
thewayoftheAssyrianarmy.Nonetheless,weknowfromSennacherib`sannalsandfromthe
reliefsculpturesofhispalacethat,althoughhesetupcampandsentoutflyingcolumnsof
cavalryintotheJudeancountryside,Judeancitiesweretakenandplundered,butnotburned,
knockeddownordestroyedapartfromwhateverdamagewasnecessarilyinflictedinthepro-
cessoftakingthem.
54
By'plunderingwasmeantnotdisorganizedlootingbuttheacquisition
ofhumanresources.So,thecitizensofLachish,whosurrendered,werenotslaughtered,but
aselection
55
ofthepopulationwascollectedtogether,alongwiththeiranimalsandmoveable
possessions,andcarriedofftoAssyria.
229-39| has the historical Isaiah prophecying sal-
vationandspecificallyunderwritingZionTheology.
Mostcommentators,however,cautiouslyconcurwith
Clements(seeWildberger2002:423-25,433:Wild-
berger1997:376-77|.
51
SeeClements1984:97-98.
52
ForargumentsthatthecampaignsdescribedinIsaiah
36-37 are references to those of Nebuchadnezzar
based on a comparison with Jeremiah 37-40, see
Hardmeier1990:392-408.
53
Foranapproximatedateforthe'originalnarrative
ofIsaiah
A
toshortlyafterSennacherib`sassassina-
tionin681B.C.butbasedontraditionsgoingbackto
Sennacherib`scampaignof701B.C.,seeWildberger
2002:385,406.
54
Forthesourcesrelatingtothiscampaign(withpre-
viousbibliography|,seeMayer2003:186-200.The
Lachishreliefsshowthecitybeingtakenandplun-
dered.Assyrianrepresentationofacitybeingburned,
knockeddown,anddestroyedisquitedistinctiveand
readilyrecognizable.Thecityisshownemptiedof
inhabitantswithflamesshootingupinalldirections
withorwithoutAssyriansoldiersarmedwithpick-
axesdemolishingthewalls.Nosuchrepresentation
occursinthereliefsdepictingtheJudeancampaign.
ArchaeologicalevidencefromLachishoftenadduced
toprovethetotaldestructionofJudeancitiesbySen-
nacheribisbynomeansironclad.Thereisnoreason,
apartfromideologyandimagination,toassumethat
LevelIIIwasdestroyedbySennacheribratherthan
Nebuchadnezzar.
55
Sennacherib is quite clear that he executed only
upper-class types and did not carry everybody off
(Mayer2003:187iii8-14|.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 296
Comparing this pacific passage with the rest ofSennacherib`s annals, and indeed with
Assyrianroyalannalsingeneral,itwouldbehardtoarguethatthereferencewastoanything
butSennacherib`s701campaignagainstJudah.
56
Inshort,biblicalarcheologiststothecontrary
notwithstanding,
57
bothbiblicalandAssyriansourcesagreethatSennacherib`scampaignwas
carriedoutwithunusualrestraint,
58
resultinginminimaldamagetoJudah`sinfrastructure.
Nor
isthisallinIsaiah
A
thatsoundsverymuchlikeanactualAssyriancampaign.
From Lachish, the king oj Assyria sent his commander with a great army to King
He:ekiah in 1erusalem. . The commander said to them . Thus says the great king,
the king oj Assyria: On what do you base this conjidence oj yours? Do you think mere
words substitute jor strategy and might in war? On whom, then, do you rely, that you
rebel against me? This Egypt, the stajj on which you rely, is in jact a broken reed
which pierces the hand oj anyone who leans on it(Isaiah36:2-6|.
Theveracityofthispassagehasbeenchallenged,butthattheAssyriancommandermade
somesortofspeechbeforethewallsofJerusalemisveryprobable.Parleysofthesortwere
standard practice in Assyria - they saved both time and money and brought territory in
relativelyundamagedandreadytoyieldprofitsintheformoftaxes.Termsagreedtowere
always scrupulously honored, making parleys a very effective tool in the Assyrian arsenal
of conquest.
59
Moreover, as Cohen has pointed out, the alleged Assyrian speech is, in fact,
packedwithAssyrianisms.
60
Then the commander stepped jorward and cried out in a loud voice in 1udean . Thus
says the king . Make peace with me and surrender! Then each oj you will eat oj his
own vine and oj his own jig tree, and drink the water oj his own cistern, until / come
to take you to a land like your own, a land oj grain and wine, oj bread and vineyards
(Isaiah36:13-17|.
Thereisnothingimplausibleinthispassage.WhattheAssyriansareessentiallysayingis:
'Weplantodeportyou.Itisincredible,
61
buttrue,thatthiswasanargumentforsurrender
sopowerfulthattheJudeanauthoritiesbeggedtherab saqtodeliverhisspeechinAramaic
so that the 'men sitting on the wall would not understand him (Isaiah 36:11-12|. Why?
Because, conquered peoples carried off by Assyrians were settled in unwalled villages and
turnedintoproductivetaxpayersandcitizen-soldiers.
62
TheAssyriangovernmentalsobuilt
aqueductsanddugwellstobringwatertoparchedfields.Whattheriff-raffofJerusalemwas
hearingwas:'Greencardandcitizenshipinfiveyears.And,ofcourse,thealternativewas
terribledeathanddestruction.
56
Forverysimilarargumentsontheevidencefrom
AssyrianpresentationofcaptivesontheLachishre-
liefs,seeUehlinger2003:283-84.
57
For a survey, see Grabbe 2003: 3-20. Archaeo-
logical levels are notoriously difficult to date, and
much of the argument is by necessity circular: A
siteinJudahwithlmlkjarhandleswasdestroyed.It
musthavebeendestroyedbySennacheribsincehe
destroyedeverycityinJudahaccordingto2Kings
(sic|. Therefore the lmlk jar handles must date no
later than Hezekiah. Therefore any destroyed site
withlmlkjarhandlesmusthavebeendestroyedby
Sennacherib.ThereforeSennacheribdestroyedevery
cityinJudah.
58
Onthispoint,seealsoMayer2003:184-85.
59
Onthispoint,seealsoCoganandTadmor1988:
242-43:andWildberger2002:380-81.
60
Cohen1979:32-48.Gallagher(1999:155-56,164-
216|regardstherab saq`sspeechesasgenuine.
61
Indeed, Wildberger (2002: 379-80, 397-98| is
highly skeptical that the real rab saq would have
saidanysuchthing.
62
233,line32.
oi.uchicago.edu
ThecontrastbetweenIsaiah
A
`sdescriptionoftheconcludingparagraphsofSennacherib`s
speech(Isaiah36:18-20=2Kings18:32-35|andIsaiah
B
`sdescriptionofwhatisallegedly
thesamespeech(Isaiah37:9-13=2Kings19:10-13|andHezekiah`ssummaryofit(Isaiah
37:18-19=2Kings19:17-19|,couldnotbemorestriking.
63
Isaiah
A
Isaiah
B
Do not let He:ekiah seduce you by
saying: The Lord will save us.
Has any oj the gods oj the nations
ever rescued his land jrom the hand
oj the king oj Assyria? Bhere are
the gods oj Hamath and Arpad?
Bhere are the gods oj Sepharvaim?
Bhere are the gods oj Samaria?
Have they saved Samaria jrom
my hand? Bhich oj all the gods
oj these lands ever rescued his land
jrom my hand? Bill the Lord then
save 1erusalem jrom my hand?
Do not let your God on whom you rely
deceive you by saying that 1erusalem will
not be handed over to the king oj Assyria.
ou yourselj have heard what the kings
oj Assyria have done to all the countries:
They doomed them! Bill you, then, be
saved? Did the gods oj the nations whom
my jathers destroyed save them?
Gu:ana, Harran, Rasapa, and Adini in
Telassar? . Truly, O Lord, the kings
oj Assyria have laid waste all the nations
and their lands, and cast their gods into
the jire.
Samaria, which the Assyrians indeed take, is foregrounded in Sennacherib`s speech in
Isaiah
A
,whereaswhatisactuallyNebuchadnezzar`simaginedspeechinIsaiah
B
makesasimi-
larfussaboutHarran.TheNebuchadnezzarspeechinIsaiah
B
hasnothingtosayabouttaking
peopleawayto'landsofgrainandwinebutonthecontrarytalksabout'doomingpeople.
Thereferenceistothecustomofherem,inwhichcitiesdedicatedtoGodwerecompletely
and permanently destroyed, and all those doomed within them, whether men, women, and
childrenoranimals,wereslaughtered.
64
ThereligiouspolicyoftheAssyriansinSennacherib`sspeechinIsaiah
A
isalsostrikingly
different from the alleged Assyrians (actually Babylonians| of the Nebuchadnezzar speech
in Isaiah
B
,
65
and in consonance with the realSennacherib`s theology. From Assyria`s point
ofview,thegodswereorganizedintoadivineassemblywhichreflectedthecollectivewill.
Foreigngods were potentiallymembersandassumedtosidewithAssyria:
66
after a visitto
Assyriaproper,theyreturnedhome,
67
butcontinuedtoreceiveofferingsinAssyriaaspartof
thetakultu.
68
Nomemberofthedivineassemblyingoodstandingwoulddreamofopposing
thecollectivewillrepresentedbyAssurandwouldnothavebeenabletodososuccessfully
ifhe/shehadtried.
63
Gallagher(1999:155-56|suggeststhatthe2Kings
Bversion(19:10-13|isamodificationbyanAssyr-
ianscribeworkingpersonallyforSennacheribandin
anycaseisdeterminedtoseeitasa'moreaccurate
descriptionofAssyrianhistorythanthe2KingsB
version(18:32-35|.
64
ItishardtoimaginehowthisstruckWildberger
(2002:365|asmore'peaceablethantherab saq`s
speech.
65
236, line 18. Even Gallagher (1999: 206-07, 229|
hastoadmitthatthrowinggodsintothefirewasnot
atypicalAssyrianpractice.
66
232,line25:Wildberger2002:394-95.
67
SeeCogan1974:Holloway2002.
68
SeeFrankena1954.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 298
This patterning of contrasts between Assyria and Babylon is consistent in the book of
Isaiah in particular, and indeed in the prophets in general. If some foreign power is being
criticizedforgreedyplunderingorboastingfollowedbywimpishfailure,itisthehistorical
Assyrians who are being referred to and, if it says Sargon or Sennacherib (as Isaiah 36:1:
37:37|,itmeans SargonorSennacherib. Horrificandunmeasured violence oritspoetical-
legoricalequivalents-cuttingdownthetreesofLebanonordryinguptheriversofEgypt-
markthereferentofthepassageasBabylonattheearliest,whetheritactuallysays'Babylon
(asIsaiah14:1-23|orexplicitlysays'Assyria(asIsaiah37:21|.
AccordingtoIsaiah
A
,Hezekiahwasperturbedbytherab saq`sspeech(Isaiah36:22-
37:4|, but Isaiah (37:5-6| prophesied that Sennacherib would return home in the face of
Ethiopianinterventionanddietherebyviolence.
Do not be jrightened by the words you have heard, with which the servants oj the king
oj Assyria have blasphemed me. / am about to put in him such a spirit that, when he
hears a certain report, he will return to his own land, and there / will cause him to
jall by the sword. . The king oj Assyria heard a report that Tirhakah, king oj Ethio-
pia, had come out to jight against him. . So Sennacherib, the king oj Assyria, broke
camp and went back home to Nineveh. Bhen he was worshiping in the shrine oj the
weapon oj his god, his sons Adram-melech and Share:er slew him with the sword, and
jled into the land oj Ararat. His son Esarhaddon reigned in his stead (Isaiah37:6-9,
37-38|.
Again according to Sennacherib, the Ethiopians intervened: Sennacherib went home
and Hezekiah kept his kingdom which, if we may trust the rab saq`s speech, was not
Sennacherib`soriginalintention.
69
WealsoknowthatSennacheribwasmurderedandbythe
sons enumerated.
70
The only unverifiable detail is the location of the murder, which looks
suspiciouslylikeapropheticaddition.The shrine oj the weapon oj his godisusuallyrendered
the temple oj his god Nisroch,allegedlyaMesopotamiandivinity.Thereis,however,nosuch
god. The most probable suggestion is that this mysterious 'Nisroch is a deliberate defor-
mation of Assyrianmasruhu '(god`s| weapon using two other Hebrew roots which evoke
conceptsofhubrisandnemesis.
71
TheassassinationofSennacheribisnotjusttackedonto Isaiah
A
asanafterthought.On
thecontrary,thepatricideisdirectlyprophesiedbyIsaiah(37:7|,andthefocusofthenarra-
tiveisasmuchonthisasonthedeliveranceofJerusalem.Indeed,Jerusalem`ssalvationisan
almostincidentalby-productofthereportwhichcomestosendSennacheribhomewherehe
canbemurdered.Notonlythat,butinthebiblicalaccountthespecificmentionofTaharqa,
who was not on the throne in 701 B.C. but would have been by 681 B.C.,
72
points to a date
forthecompositionofIsaiah
A
shortlyafterthedeathofSennacherib,
73
andnotshortlyafter
69
SeeMayer2003:186-88ii73-iii6,37-49.
70
Parpola1980.Onthissectionofthetext,seealso
CoganandTadmor1988:239-40,line37.
71
SeeScurlock2009,'Nisroch.
72
Taharqaruledfrom690to664B.C.Foradiscus-
sionofthisproblem,seeWildberger2002:382-83:
CoganandTadmor1988:234,line9.
73
ForasimilarsuggestionforthedatingofIsaiah
A
on
thebasisofthementionofTaharqa,seeRof1988:
92:andNaàman2003:213-17.CompareGonalves
1986:441-42.CoganandTadmor(1988:244|treat
thenoticeofSennacherib`sassassinationasaNeo-
BabylonianadditiontothetextdrawingontheBaby-
lonianChronicles.Isuspect,however,thattheannals
ofthekingsofJudahkeptverygoodrecordsofmat-
tersofsuchimmediateinterest,andinformants(Is-
raelitesinexileinAssyriawhocametoJerusalemto
celebratePassover|wouldhavebeenreadyathand.
oi.uchicago.edu
histhirdcampaignasmightbeexpectedifthedeliveranceofJerusalemhadbeentheoriginal
focusofthenarrative.
We notice also a curious omission from Isaiah
A
. Isaiah
B
lays out its prophecy against
Nebuchadnezzarintwophases:Isaiah37:22b-29,apoeticcriducoeurwhichrepresentsthe
actualprophecy(thewordofGodviathemouthoftheprophet|andIsaiah37:33-36which
representsasortoftranslationanddirectlypredictswhatisgoingtohappen.
74
InIsaiah
A
,the
translationispresent(Isaiah37:6b-7|buttheactualprophecyismissing.Asearchthrough
therestofthebookofIsaiahreadilyallowstherestorationofthismissingpassageintheform
ofwhatisnowIsaiah10:5-15asfollows:
75
Boe to Assyria! My rod in anger, my stajj in wrath. Against an impious nation / send
him, and against a people under my wrath / order him to sei:e plunder, carry ojj
loot, and tread them down like the mud oj the streets. But this is not what he intends
. Are not my commanders all kings? he says, /s not Calno like Carchemish, or
Hamath like Arpad, or Samaria like Damascus? 1ust as my hand reached out to idola-
trous kingdoms that had more images than 1erusalem and Samaria, just as / treated
Samaria and her idols, shall / not do to 1erusalem and her graven images? . By
my own power / have done it, and by my wisdom, jor / am shrewd. / have moved the
boundaries oj peoples, their treasures / have pillaged, and, like a giant, / have pulled
down the enthroned. My hand has sei:ed as in a nest the riches oj nations; as one
takes eggs lejt alone, so / took in all the earth. . Bill the axe boast against him who
hews with it? Bill the saw exalt itselj above him who wields it? As ij a rod could sway
him who lijts it, or a stajj him who is not wood!(Isaiah10:5-15|
This passage would appear
76
to be of a piece withIsaiah 36-37.
77
That it belongs spe-
cificallytoIsaiah
A
andnotIsaiah
B
shouldbynowalsobequiteclear.Notethatagreatdeal
of fuss is made about conquest and plundering, but not a word about destruction, let alone
doomingpeopleandthrowinggodsintothefire.ItalsospeaksprominentlyofSamaria,with
naryawordaboutHarran,Guzana,etc.Mostsignificantly,ittakesasitsmotiftheweapon
beforewhichSennacheribwaskilled.Theseversesshould,inmyopinion,bereinserted(see
Appendix|betweenHezekiah`spleatoIsaiahtoprayforthecommunity(Isaiah37:1-4|and
Isaiah`sdirectpredictionofthefuture(Isaiah37:6b-7|.
So what was the point of Isaiah
A
(= 2 Kings B
1
+ Isaiah 10:5-15| and why was it not
composed until 681 B.C. rather than immediately after Sennacherib`s failed siege of 701
74
Thisrelationshipismissedbymanyscholars,who
regardtheactualprophecyasan'expansionofits
translation. See, for example, Cogan and Tadmor
1988:236,lines21-38:Wildberger2002:365,415.
75
BenZvi(1990:89-91|comestheclosesttoargu-
ingforadirectconnectionbetweenIsaiah10:5-15
and2KingsB.Clements(1984:55-56|isalsoonly
ahairaway,arguingthattheauthorof2KingsBhad
'knowledge of Isaiah 10:5-15. So also Gallagher
(1999:75-87|.Indeed,itisraretofindanyonewho
doesnotbringupIsaiah10:5ff.inthecontextofSen-
nacherib`s campaign against Judah and Jerusalem.
Forreferences,seeWildberger1991:415.
76
Clements (1984: 36-39| and Wildberger (1991:
415-16|assignthepassagetothereignofSargonII.
Nonetheless,theycorrectlynotethatverses16ff.are
lateradditions(Clements1984:37-39,42-43:Wild-
berger1991:413|.
77
See,forexample,Blenkinsopp2000:251-54.What
hasimpededrecognitionofthispassageactuallybe-
longinginIsaiah
A
(asopposedtomerelyparalleling
it in a general way| is the fact that many scholars
incorrectlyattachIsaiah10:15tothefollowing,much
later,addition(Blenkinsopp2000:254-56|.Asnoted
alreadybyGray(1912:194,199-200|,verses16ff.
donotcertainlybelongtoIsaiah10:1-15andareusu-
allyincludedwithitfornobetterreasonthan'some-
thinglikethesubstanceoftheseversesiscertainly
requiredatthispoint.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 300
B.C.? Theologically speaking,Isaiah 10:1-15 acceptsSennacherib`s claim to be acting for
God(Isaiah36:10|butmakestherathersubtleargumentthatSennacheribdoesnotknowthe
GodwhoseinstrumentheisifhethinksthattheGodofJerusalemisonaparwiththegods
ofSamaria.Inotherwords,thequestionforIsaiah
A
iswhetherthedivinityofJerusalem,at
whosealtarHezekiahisinsistingthatJudahofferexclusiveworship,(Isaiah36:7|is,infact,
Yahwehorjustsomelocalgod,likethegodsofSamariaorDamascusorHamathoranyother
cityinthearea.SinceJerusalemwasaJebusitecitywhenDavidmadeithiscapital,thisisan
absolutelydevastatingargument.
78
Hezekiahishimself,aspointedoutbyMachinist(2000:
158|,notaltogethercertainonthispoint,sendingadelegationwhichincludestheeldersof
theprieststobegIsaiahtoprayforHezekiahandhispeopleto'yourGod(Isaiah37:1-4|.
79
Insharpcontrastwhen,inIsaiah
B
,theissueiswhetherMardukwasgoingtokillYahwehor
theotherwayround,'Hezekiahpraysdirectlyto'ourGod(Isaiah37:14-20|.
Argumentsofthispowerandcogencycannotbetakendownbylogic:theymaybean-
sweredonlybyasignfromGod.Isaiah
A
is,therefore,essentiallyasolicitedomeninwhich
a particular sign is designated as the answer to a question posed to God. This was not an
uncommonpracticein Israelas is attestedto byDeuteronomy13:2-4inwhichitisargued
thatcertainmatterstheologicalmaynotbesettledinthisway.Similarly,thestoryofRabbi
Eliezer
80
quotedbyWinitzerinthisvolume.
Inthiscase,thedesiredsignwasnotfirefromheaven(ElijahandtheprophetsofBa'al
in1Kings18|,theprematuredeathofafalseprophet(JeremiahandHananiahinJeremiah
28|,ariverflowingbackwards,orabucklingwall(RabbiEliezerandRabbiJoshua|,buta
historicalevent,namely(Isaiah37:6b-7|thatSennacheribwouldhearareport,gohome,and
therebekilledbyhisownsons.Thisis,ofcourse,whathappened(Isaiah37:37-38|,butwith
theaddeddetailthatSennacheribwasworshipingtheweaponofAssurwhenhedied.Since,
accordingtoIsaiah10:15,SennacheribwashimselftheweaponofGod,hisdeathinthatloca-
tionwasasignfromGodthatthegodofwhomSennacheribwastheweaponwastheGodof
JerusalemandofMt.ZionandnoteveninthesameleaguewiththegodsofSamaria.
WerethetheologicalargumentsabouttheidentityofYahwehandthelegitimacyofthe
highplaceswhichHezekiahremoved(Isaiah36:7|actuallyraisedbySennacheriborindeed
by the historical Isaiah as opposed to his followers? Perhaps not,
81
but the point was that
Sennacheribmightconceivablyhavemadesucharguments,
82
andthatSennacherib`sfailure
anddeathwereasignfromGodresolvingtheseissues.
Isayconceivablybecauseitwaspossibleforafewfortunateforeigngodstobeaccepted
assyncreticequivalentstoAssurhimself.Twoofthesesyncreticequivalents,SnofHarran
andAnu(=El|werealso,separately,potentialsyncreticequivalentsofYahweh,whichmade
78
Indeed,therearenotafewbiblicalscholarswho
wouldwholeheartedlyconcurwiththisopinion,ifre-
phrasedasDavidhavingadoptedJebusitecultusand
theJebusitepriesthoodwhenhemadeJerusalemhis
capital. So,forexample, Rupprecht1977andAhl-
strm1963.
79
Inviewof2Samuel7:12-16,thisisatrulyremark-
ablerequest.
80
BabaMesi'a59b.
81
Weinfeld (1964: 207-09| argues that the high
places argument was the invention of an Isaianic
source. Machinist (2000: 163-64| and Wildberger
(2002: 379, 393| also place it in the context of an
inter-Judeandebate.Lessplausibly,BenZvi(1990|
arguesthattheentirespeechoftherab saqwasthe
inventionoftheDeuteronomisthistorian. Gallagher
(1999:193-200,204-09|arguesfortheauthenticity
oftheseelementsasAssyrianpropaganda.
82
Ontheimportanceoftheplausibilityofhistorical
narratives,seeBenZvi2003:96-103.
oi.uchicago.edu
it at least plausible that Sennacherib would have seen Yahweh and Assur as the same god.
SinceAssurhadonlyasinglesanctuarybutcouldbeworshippedinanyplacethathisweapon
hadbeenerected,itwasalsonotimplausiblethatSennacheribwouldbeadefenderofYahwist
highplaces.Whatwouldhavebeggaredbelief,andindeedthecontrarypositionisclaimedfor
Sennacherib,isthatthenationalgodofAssyriawasactuallythenumen lociofJerusalem.
With Isaiah
B
removed, what is left in Isaiah
A
is a careful description of Sennacherib`s
campaignintoJudahanditsaftermathwhichwastoleadtoGod`sjudgmentonSennacherib
intheformofafailedcampaign
83
andassassination,allofwhichactuallyhappenedinhistori-
cal time.
84
Again, as with Babylonian religious policy in Isaiah
B
, Assyrian religious policy
is accurately described inIsaiah
A
. In other words, Isaiah
A
was intended a prophecy against
Sennacherib`sallegeddenialoftheequationofYahwehandthegodofJerusalem,withthe
annalisticaccountofSennacherib`scampaignandparticularlyitsaftermath(Isaiah36:1-3,
37:37-38|constitutingthefulfillmentofthatprophecy.

Theaccuracyofhistoricalreporting
inIsaiah
A
shouldcomeasnosurprisetostudentsofdivination,sincetheimpartialityofthe
diviner is an essential feature of the credibility of solicited omens. If the events described
neverhappenedorwerenotcrediblydescribed,manipulationoftheoraclewouldbeglaringly
obvious.
With Clements,
85
the following passage will have been added to Isaiah
A
subsequently,
whenitwasincorporated
86
into2Kings:
the dead (Isaiah37:36=2Kings19:35|.
The effect will have been to refocus Isaiah
A
on the salvation of Jerusalem and to have
madetheprophetIsaiah'predictthefallofAssyriaby a sword not wielded by man(Isaiah
31:8:cf.Hos.1:7|.
87
ThiswillhavebeenforthebenefitofJosiah,whowascountingonthe
83
IfSennacheribintendedtoincorporateJudah,then
beingforcedtoleavethelocaldynastyinplacewas
essentiallyatsomelevelafailure,eveniftributepay-
mentswereresumed.Onthispoint,seealsoWild-
berger2002:394.
84
Onthispoint,seealsoClements1984:52-56.
85
Clements1984:57-61,91,94.
86
Naàman(2000:400-02:2003:217-20|arguesfor
aDeuteronomistic(bywhichhemeansJosianic|in-
corporationof2KingsB(=Isaiah
A
|intoacombined
narrativewith2KingsA.That2KingsBwasactual-
lycomposedfortheoccasionisessentiallyoutofthe
questionif,withWeinfeld(1964:207-09|,weseethe
authorsintendingthisasapro-highplacesandnot,as
Naàman(2003|andBenZvi(1990:91|assume,an
anti-highplacesargument.Evenwiththeadditionof
Isaiah37:36=2Kings19:35(theAngeloftheLord
slayingtheAssyrianarmy|,thispassageforcesinto
theopensomeratherwideholesinDeuteronomistic
logic,as,ironically,pointedoutbyBenZvi(1990:
86|,'theinductivemethodofreasoningfailswhen
someonethinksaboutJerusalem|and,moreforce-
fully, by Machinist (2000: 156-60|. This in itself
suggestsanauthorhavingtolivewithapre-existent
textwhichcausedhimgreatgrief,butwhichhecould
notsafelyignore.Similarproblemsappearelsewhere
inKingsas,forexample,2Kings14:23-29,where
thethesisthatitwasthemoralfailuretodealwith
thehighplacesthatcausedthemilitaryfailuresofthe
NorthernKingdom(2Kings17:7-23|runsaground
ontheapparentlyinescapablefactthatJeroboamII
wasabletoachievealmostmiraculoussuccessagainst
DamascusandHamathdespitethefactthathe did not
desist jrom any oj the sins which 1eroboam son oj
Nebat had caused /srael to commit.
87
Onthispoint,seealsoClements1984:92-95.To
note,however,isthatacarefulreadingrevealsthat
bothJudahandJerusalemhadescapedSennacherib`s
701campaignwithminimaldamage,thus,ironically,
strengtheningClements`pointwhiledisagreeingwith
him.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OANN SCURLOCK 302
impregnabilityofJerusalemwhenhesidedwithBabylonagainstAssyriaandEgypt.
88
This,of
course,presupposesthatthispassagebelongstoalateversionofIsaiah
A
andnottoIsaiah
B
,as
isusuallyassumed.Forwhatitisworth,BenSirah48:18-21quotesthislineaspartofwhat
wasapparentlyaseparatelycirculating(orreconstructed|versionofIsaiah
A
:
During his (He:ekiah`s) reign Sennacherib led an invasion, and sent his adjutant(in
Isaiah
B
,themessageisintheformofaletter|. The people`s hearts melted within
them, and they were in anguish like that oj childbirth.(=Isaiah37:3|.God struck
the camp oj the Assyrians and routed them with a plague(=Isaiah37:36|.
Subsequently, apparently in the reign of Zedekiah (see above|, further changes were
made.
89
Intotheverymidstofwhatwas,withthepossibleexceptionofthemorecomplextheo-
logicalargumentsandtheAngeloftheLordaddition,anaccurateaccountofSennacherib`s
failedattemptonJerusalemanditsaftermath(Isaiah
A
|,wasinsertedasecondtimeandlater,
butagainreasonablyaccurate,ifsomewhatpoetic,accountofNebuchadnezzar`scampaigns
againstAssyriaandEgypt(Isaiah
B
:seeAppendix|.
The purpose of the juxtaposition would appear to be to predict that Nebuchadnezzar`s
campaignagainstJerusalemwouldendinthesamewayasSennacherib`sor,toputitanother
way,thatIsaiah`sprophecyagainstSennacheribappliedalsotoNebuchadnezzar.Ofcourse,
anyhistorianofthetimecouldhavereachedthesameconclusionbysimplelogicalsyllogism.
SennacheribfailedtotakeJerusalembutdestroyedBabylonand'puthishooksinthenose
(Isaiah37:29|ofseveralofitskings.IthardlyseemedconceivablethatNebuchadnezzar,who
wasnotevenproperlyBabylonian,butaChaldean(2Kings25:10,13|,wasgoingtobeable
tosucceedwhereSennacheribhadfailed.
But the kings of Judah were not in the habit of consulting historians. The imprimatur
of prophecy ensured proper divination of the will of God. And Zedekiah, who had been
made to swear by God (2 Kings 36:13: cf. Ezekiel 17:11-21| that he would remain loyal
to Nebuchadnezzar, would not have dreamed of attempting revolt against the Babylonian
juggernautwithoutone.Hispositionwasmadeparticularlydifficultbythefactthecityhad
alreadyfallenoncetoNebuchadnezzar,whonotonlycarriedoffJehoiakimbut'allJerusalem
including'allseventhousandmenofthearmysothat:None were lejt among the people oj
the land except the poor.Notonlythat,butallthetreasuresofthetempleoftheLordwere
plundered,includingSolomon`sgoldutensils(2Kings24:10-17|.
Thepeaceprophets(Jeremiah23:16-17|vilifiedbyJeremiah
90
insistedthatthesevessels
wouldberecovered(Jeremiah27:16-22,28:3,6|andthattherevoltwouldbesuccessfuleven
88
TextA(thetributepayment|mayalsohavebeen
added at this time. As pointed out by Wildberger
(2002:363|,theinterestshownin2Kings18:14-16
inthetempleanditsfurnishingsischaracteristicof
theDeuteronomistichistorians.Ifso,thenoticeabout
thetributewouldreinforcethetheme,otherwisequite
prominentintheDeuteronomistichistory,ofunfin-
ishedbusiness(MosesandJoshua:DavidandSolo-
mon:ElijahandElishah,etc.|with,ofcourse,Josiah
asthecompleterandthustheculminationofhuman
historyuptothatpoint.Fromthisperspective,thefact
thatHezekiahachieveddeliverancefromtheAssyr-
iansbybuyingthemoff,withtemplefundsandgold
platenoless,andbyadmittingthatSennacheribwas
justified in attacking him, would leave it to Josiah
tocompletetheliberationfromforeigndomination
andtheconcomitantreturntothedaysofSolomonic
glory.AsBenZvi(2003:81n.23|pointsout,Heze-
kiahaspresentedisessentiallyadmittingtosinning
againstGod,certainlynotastampofapproval,what-
everthesource.
89
On the possibility of a long period of redaction
fortheDeuteronomistichistory(quitedifferentlyar-
gued|,seeClements1984:90-104.
90
Thepeaceprophetswereequallyunpopularwith
Ezekiel(13:1-16|andtheIsaianicprophets(Isaiah
28:14-22|.
oi.uchicago.edu
tothepointofreturnoftheexiles(Jeremiah28:1-4,10-11|.Thispredictionwasbreathtaking-
lycounterintuitiveandonceagainrequiredasign,
91
correspondinglyprovidedasfollows:
92
This shall be a sign jor you: this year you shall eat the ajtergrowth, next year, what
grows oj itselj; but in the third year, sow and reap, plant vineyards and eat their jruit!
The remaining survivors oj the house oj 1udah shall again strike root below and bear
jruit above. For out oj 1erusalem shall come a remnant, and jrom Mount Zion, survi-
vors. The :eal oj the Lord oj hosts shall do this(Isaiah37:30-32|.
TheideathatthissignmustrefertotheAssyriansbecausetheydeliberatelydestroyedthe
economicbaseofplacestheyconquered
93
isnonsense.TheproverbiallygreedyAssyrianswere
aftertaxrevenue,anditisaspossibletotaxadesertedwasteastogetbloodfromaturnip.In
anycase,thereisnothinginthisverseaboutanybodytargetinganybody`seconomicbase.The
referenceisactuallymetaphorical.JudahandJerusalemarelikeafieldinwhichtheharvest
hasbeendestroyed.Justaswhen,insuchacase,oneeatswhatisleftinthefirstyear,andthe
landliesfallowinthesecond,butinthethirdyearoneplantsandenjoysanabundantharvest,
sothereisaremnantinJudahandsurvivorsinJerusalem,andthecitywillremainvacantfor
atimebutthenberepopulatedandflourishasneverbefore.IfIsaiah37:4bSend up a prayer
jor the remnant that is hereinHezekiah`saddresstoIsaiahinaccountIsaiah
A
isnotsimply
hyperbole,itcouldalsohavebeenaddedatthispoint.
94
Themetaphoricalthreeyearshaveahistoricalreferent,namelyJehoiakim`sthree-month
reign in Jerusalem (2 Kings 24:8|. The implication is, of course, that the punishment for
previoussins(2Kings24:3-4|isover,andtheprophecywillworkasplannedor,asNahum
says:The enemy shall not rise a second time . For, says the Lord, be they ever so many and
vigorous, still they shall be mown down and disappear(Nahum1:9-12|.
ThesameassertionismadeintheaccountofHezekiah`sillness(2Kings20:1-10|which
has:
/n three days you shall go up to the Lord`s temple; / will add jijteen years to your lije.
/ will rescue you and the city jrom the hand oj the king oj Assyria; / will be a shield to
this city jor my own sake, and jor the sake oj my servant David.
95
Inshort,oncetheperiodofthree(years,months,days|representingGod`spunishment
for your sins is over, you are going to have peace and success.In this case, Jehoiakim has
alreadydonethethree(months|,andsothereshould,accordingtothispeaceprophet,bea
greenlightforrevolt.
91
Cf.Wildberger2002:400.AsWildbergerpoints
out(2002:415-16|,thesigninquestionisinnoway
appropriatetoHezekiah.
92
IamindebtedtoR.Bealforthissuggestion.
93
Gallagher1999:235-36.
94
Wildberger(2002:382,385|issuspiciousofIsaiah
37:3-4becauseitcontainsthishalfline.Ontheother
hand,seeWildberger2002:401.
95
This would make the bulk, at any rate, of the
Hezekiah`s illness story an addition of Zedekiah`s
scribes, and the specific explanation given in 2
Kings20:12-19forthelootingofthepalacestore-
houses and making palace servants out of some of
Hezekiah`sdescendantspointsinthesamedirection.
AsofZedekiah,allthathadhappenedwasthatthe
city had been looted, the population deported, and
Jehoiakimtakencaptive(2Kings24:12-13,15|. It
ishardtoimagineanyoneworryingaboutsuchmat-
tersafterNebuchadnezzarhadkilledZedekiah`ssons
beforehiseyesandblindedhim,torndownthewalls
ofJerusalem,burnedthecityandthetempletothe
ground, broken up the bronze pillars and even the
bronze sea, and executed sixty-seven prisoners in
coldblood(2Kings25:6-21|.Onthispoint,seeCle-
ments1984:63-71,acceptedinCoganandTadmor
1988:260-63.
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1OANN SCURLOCK 304
UsingSennacheribandAssyriaforNebuchadnezzarandBabyloninIsaiah
B
would,inthis
context, have been far more than a Deckname. Calling Nebuchadnezzar Sennacherib made
himSennacheribandguaranteedthathe,too,wouldfail.ItalsotemptedGod(Isaiah7:10-12:
Deuteronomy6:16|,inthatthefailureoftheprophecyagainstNebuchadnezzarwouldcom-
promisetheoriginalsignthatJerusalemwasindeedthehomeofYahweh.
Farfromexpressingundyinghatred,thecontinualharpingonAssyriastillquiteapparent
inthelatestphasesofthedialectictakesadvantageoftheirwell-knowndemisetowish,even
to cause, the same fate to befall other, even more dangerous, enemies.Indeed, the Targum
oj the Minor ProphetsinterpretsNahum1:8:'Butinfierceangerandingreatwrathheshall
make an end of the nations which rose up and utterly destroyed the Sanctuary and he shall
deliverhisadversariestoGehinnam.
96
Theintentis,ofcourse,nottopretendthatAssyria
destroyedthesanctuary,buttoapplyNahum`sprophecyagainstBabylonandRome.
Isaiah36-37is,then,arealprophecy(andnotjustahistoricalappendix|thatusesapast
historical event (Sennacherib`s failed siege of Jerusalem and his subsequent assassination|
asitsbasis.AswithIsaiah
A
whichtreatshistoricaleventsassignsfromGod,Isaiah
B
relies
for its credibility on the very historical accuracy which has causedIsaiah 36-37 not to be
recognizedasaprophecy.Tonotealsoisthat,aswiththeMesopotamianDynasticProphecy,
predictive power is derived from the partial repetition of a sequence of events. Dynastic
Prophecy:eastdefeatedwest:eastdefeatedwest:PersiankingXerxeswasassassinatedandthe
Persianslostout.Easthasagaindefeatedwesttwice:GreekkingSeleucuswasassassinated.
Therefore, the Greeks will lose out. Isaiah 36-37: Sennacherib made a campaign against
Judah,besiegedJerusalem, and failed: Nebuchadnezzarhas madeorwillmake acampaign
against Judah and Jerusalem: therefore, he will fail. Also interesting is that the association
betweenanassassinatedrulerandthefallofhiskingdomismadeinbothMesopotamianand
biblicalprophecies.
Asfortheuseofpasthistoricaleventsasabasisforprophecy,2Kings18:13-19:37is
notaloneexampleofthisphenomenon.Itishardtothinkthatthefussmadeabouttherelease
ofJehoiakimin2Kings25:27-30isnotaprophecyoftheeventualreleaseandrestorationof
theIsraelitecommunity
97
and,indeed,itisreplacedin2Chronicles36:22-23bythedecreeof
CyrustheGreatofPersia.EvenclosertoIsaiah36-37isthecuriousstatementin2Chronicles
33:11thatManassehwastakeninchainsbyAssurbanipaltoBabylon(andnotNineveh|.It
has been argued
98
that this passage is a disguised reference to the Babylonian exile.If so,
backdatingtheexiletotheperiodofManassehwouldservetoensurethat,liketheoriginal
Manasseh,thecommunitywouldrepentandbereturnedtoitskingdominJerusalem.
Unfortunately, the result of Nebuchadnezzar`s campaign was not ignominious defeat

and assassination, but the triumph of Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar crushed Egypt, Tyre, and
theArabs,burnedthetempleinJerusalem,anddeportedmostofthepopulationofJudahto
Babylonia.Swelledwithbootyandcaptives,Babylonbecameamegalopolis.Inshort,bythe
Deuteronomictestforafalseprophet(Deuteronomy18:21-22|,theauthorofIsaiah
B
,this,
pseudo-Isaianic,prophecywasafalseprophet.
Ofcourse,thehistoricalIsaiahwasalsopotentiallyinthepositionofhavingoriginally
predictedsomething(thefallofJerusalemtoSennacherib|
whichnever,infact,occurred
99
raising another issue of interest to students of divination.In a sense, biblical prophecy as

96
SeeCathcartandGordon1989:132-33.
97
SeevonRad1953:90-91.
98
SeeCurtis1910:497-99.
99
SeeClements1984:29-36.
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practicedbythekingsofIsraelandJudahwasasystemofsolicitedomens.Inotherwords,
thekingdeterminedacourseofactionandthenconsultedtheprophetsastowhetherornot
heshouldpursueit.Theprophetsthenprophesied,givingthekinghisanswernot,exceptin
themethod,significantlydifferentfromaMesopotamiankingaskinghisdivinertocutopen
asheep.Indeed,theHittitekingMursiliinhisPlaguePrayerstreatsdivinationandprophecy
asessentiallythesame:'Letthematter.beestablishedthroughdivinationorletmeseeit
inadreamorletaprophetspeakofit.
100
Weare,then,entitledtoaskofbiblicalprophecythesamequestionthatweroutinelyask
ofdivination.WhydidtheIsraelitesandJudeansquestiontheveracityofindividualprophets
but never the institution of prophecy as such? The simple answer is that the predictions of
trueprophetscametrue,andspectacularlyso.Anotherreasonisthatmorereliableformsof
divinationwerebannedinIsrael.Isaymorereliablebecausetherewasaninherentcredibil-
ityproblembuiltintotheinstitutionofprophecywhichmayaccountforitsrelativerarityin
Mesopotamia,wherethefullrangeofdivinatorypracticeswasallowed.
What distinguishes prophecy from other forms of divination is that it is an art rather
thanascience.Adivinerwasanexpert,whospentyearsofcarefulstudybeforeattempting
tomakeanypredictions.Likemodernphysicianswhokillpatients,anunsuccessfuldiviner
couldalwaysfallbackonhavingpracticedhisprofession'bythebook.Nosuchluckfora
prophet-evenMoseshadtogotospectacularlengthstohavehisclaimsoftalkingtoGod
acceptedbytheIsraelites(Exodus19:9-20:22|.
Inevitably,the propheticcredibilityproblemwas unevenly distributed. Thepredictions
ofgloom-and-doomprophetsalltoooftencametrue,sincedisasterwasneverfararoundthe
cornerforasmallcountrylikeJudahwithnastyneighbors.Itwasthusthe'peace(victory
and success| prophets who would have been regularly falsified andtheir testimonywas, in
consequence,particularlysuspect.
ToquoteJeremiah28:8-9:
From oj old, the prophets who were bejore you and me prophesied war, woe and
pestilence against many lands and mighty kingdoms. But the prophet who prophesies
peace is recogni:ed as truly sent by the Lord only when his prophetic prediction is
juljilled.
Indeed,spectacularexamplesoffalseprophetsas,forexample,ZekediahsonofChenanahwho
sentAhabtohisdeathatRamoth-Gilead(1Kings22:11,20-28|andHananiahsonofAzzur
whopersuadedZedekiahtorevoltagainstBabylon(Jeremiah28:1-17|arealwaysadvocates
of'peace(victoryandsuccess|.
ThatIsaiahoriginallyprophesiedafallofJerusalemtotheAssyrianswhichdidnot,in
fact, occur is, therefore, only problematic to the modern observer. This would not be the
firstorthelasttimethatGodrelentedanddidnotsendthethreatenedpunishment.Aswith
Mesopotamianunsolicitedomens,doom-and-gloompropheciesdidnotcausetheeventswhich
theyforetold,norindeedweretheycertainandirreversible.Onthecontrary,thepointwasto
warnthecommunitysothatpromptactionintheformofrepentanceandabitofpleadingand
sackclothcouldavertthepredicteddisaster.
Isaiah`sprophecyagainstHezekiah,quotedinIsaiah39:3-8(=2Kings20:12-19|was
fulfilled,notbecauseIsaiahprophesiedit,butbecauseHezekiahacceptedtheomenwhichit
100
Beckman1997:156-60.
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1OANN SCURLOCK 306
represented(Isaiah39:8=2Kings20:19|.
Bycontrast,asdescribedinJeremiah26:18-19,
thefailureofJerusalemtofallinthereignofHezekiahaspredictedbyMicahofMoreseth
wasduetoHezekiah`sentreatieswhichmadetheLordrepent oj the evil with which he had
threatened them.Micahisnot,forthis,beingcalledafalseprophet,butonthecontraryone
whospokeinthenameoftheLord,andforthepeoples`benefit.
'Peaceprophetshad,then,atrulyseriouscredibilityproblemevenwhentheirpredictions
werenot,asinthecaseofthelikelysuccessofZedekiah`srevolt,breathtakinglycounterintui-
tive.ThisprovidesyetanothermotivefortheauthorofIsaiah
B
tohavegraftedhisprophecy
onto an earlier, and fulfilled, prophecy of a known quantity (Isaiah| who was held in high
renownandgenerallyrecognizedasatrueprophet.
Nonetheless,Isaiah
B
remainsaprophecyfroma'peace(victoryandsuccess|prophet,
and it was not fulfilled.Not only that, but the author was a prophet (dare we suggest even
Hananiahhimself?|who,inadvocatingZedekah`srebellionagainstNebuchadnezzar,directly
contradictedJeremiahwho spoke the word oj the Lord (2Kings36:12|.Sowhywasthisbla-
tantlyfalseprophecypreservedforusin2Kingsandwhy,forthatmatter,doestheBookof
IsaiahaswehaveitincludethefalselyattributedIsaiah
B
?
Truevs.FalseProphecy
The enduring popularity of the prophecies of Nostradamus rests not so much in their
vaunted accuracy in predicting past events as in the perception that they are of continu-
ingrelevanceforthefuture.Whenaprophecyrelatingtosomespecificking`sspecificwar
against a specific enemy was fulfilled in ancientIsrael, this was doubtless appreciated, but
why,cometothinkofit,wouldanyoneotherthantheprophets`guildwishtokeepacopy?
Inonlytwocaseswouldtherebeanyreasontoretainitsmemory.Onewasthattheprophecy
managed not to come true without being actually falsified (Isaiah
B
`s prediction of disaster
forNebuchadnezzar|.Theotherwasthattheprophecycametruebutseemednonethelessnot
completelytohavebeenfulfilled(Nahum`spredictionofdisasterforJerusalem|.Itisthese,
andthesealone,thatwillhavesurvivedthecenturies.
Thus,aswiththeUrukProphecy,biblicalprophecieswerenotnecessarilyinvalidatedby
failure to immediately come to fruition. So, for example, the prophet Haggai`s exhortation
torebuildthetempleasarecipientofGod`sglorywasnotdampenedbydisappointmentat
theresults:thetruefulfillmentwassimplydeferredtosomedateinthehopefullynearfuture
(Haggai1:1-2:9|.
By the simple expedient of reinterpreting Isaiah 37:30-32 as referring to the fall of
Jerusalem, it was possible to reapply what was allegedly Isaiah`s prediction of disaster for
NebuchadnezzarquaSennacherib,a.k.a.'Nebuchadnezzar,kingoftheAssyrianstofuture
BabylonssuchasthePersians,theSeleucids,andultimatelyRome.PropheciessuchasNahum
andIsaiah36-37thusachievedthesortofstatusaccordedinMesopotamiatotheomensin
the diviners` manual, that is, they were pronouncements potentially valid not just for the
situationtowhichtheyoriginallyappliedbutatspecificpointsscatteredthroughoutthepast,
present, and future. What began as Sennacherib being proven wrong by a sign from God
becameageneralizedomenofAssyria:'IfakingattacksJerusalem,hewillfailtotakethe
cityandsubsequentlybeassassinated.TowhichJosiah,orperhapsZedekiah,added:'and
hiskingdomwillfall.
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CONCLUSIONANDREFLECTIONS
Inconclusion,theUrukProphecyandtheDynasticProphecyqualifyasprophetictexts
in the biblical sense. However, it must be noted that there remains a significant difference
- quite apart from a breathtaking beauty of language completely absent from either the
Uruk or the Dynastic Prophecy, the biblical examples have a universal quality, whereas
the Mesopotamian ones are typically zoned in on a particular little city-state of southern
Mesopotamia (Uruk or Babylon| and involve matters which will not have resonated, or at
leastnotpositivelyresonated,outsideofthatzone.ElamcaredaboutNanaybutcertainlydid
not want her in Uruk. Other cities of Babylonia might have wantedMesopotamia to return
tothecenterofpower,butnotunderBabylon`sleadership,andbothUrukandUrsidedwith
XerxesagainstBabylon.Bycontrast,intheirendless'Jeremiads,theprophetsarestrikingly
thevoiceofmankindcryingoutagainsttheBabylonian,notforwhathedidtoJudah,butfor
whathedidto'us.
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1OANN SCURLOCK 308
APPENDIX
STAGE 1: COMPOSITION OF ISAIAH
A
USING MATERIAL DRAWN FROM AN ANNALISTIC
SOURCE AND A PROPHETIC SOURCE
ApproximateDate:ShortlyaftertheassassinationofSennacherib
Motive:TosettletheologicalissuesraisedbySennacherib`sinvasionofJudah
Text:
/n the jourteenth year oj King He:ekiah, Sennacherib, king oj Assyria, went on an
expedition against all the jortijied cities oj 1udah and captured them.From Lachish,
the king oj Assyria sent his commander with a great army to King He:ekiah in 1erusa-
lem. . The commander said to them . Thus says the great king, the king oj Assyria:
On what do you base this conjidence oj yours? Do you think mere words substitute
jor strategy and might in war? On whom, then, do you rely, that you rebel against
me? This Egypt, the stajj on which you rely, is in jact a broken reed which pierces
the hand oj anyone who leans on it. . But ij you say to me: Be rely on the Lord our
God, is he not the one whose high places and altars He:ekiah removed, commanding
1udah and 1erusalem to worship bejore this altar? . Bas it without the Lord`s will
that / have come up to destroy this land? The Lord said to me: Go up and destroy
that land!. Do not let He:ekiah seduce you by saying, The Lord will save us. Has
any oj the gods oj the nations ever rescued his land jrom the hand oj the king oj As-
syria? Bhere are the gods oj Hamath and Arpad? Bhere are the gods oj Sepharvaim?
Bhere are the gods oj Samaria? Have they saved Samaria jrom my hand? Bhich oj
all the gods oj these lands ever rescued his land jrom my hand? Bill the Lord then
save 1erusalem jrom my hand?(Isaiah36:1-20|
The story continues with the mission to Hezekiah who sends a message to Isaiah (Isaiah
36:21-37:4|
Bhen the servants oj King He:ekiah had come to /saiah, he said to them: Tell this
to your master. Thus says the Lord, the God oj /srael: /n answer to your prayer jor
help against Sennacherib, king oj Assyria, this is the word the Lord has spoken con-
cerning him.(Isaiah37:5-6,21-22|
Boe to Assyria! My rod in anger, my stajj in wrath. Against an impious nation / send
him, and against a people under my wrath / order him to sei:e plunder, carry ojj
loot, and tread them down like the mud oj the streets. But this is not what he intends
. Are not my commanders all kings? he says, /s not Calno like Carchemish, or
Hamath like Arpad, or Samaria like Damascus? 1ust as my hand reached out to idola-
trous kingdoms that had more images than 1erusalem and Samaria, just as / treated
Samaria and her idols, shall / not do to 1erusalem and her graven images? . By
my own power / have done it, and by my wisdom, jor / am shrewd. / have moved the
boundaries oj peoples, their treasures / have pillaged, and, like a giant, / have pulled
down the enthroned. My hand has sei:ed as in a nest the riches oj nations; as one
takes eggs lejt alone, so / took in all the earth. . Bill the axe boast against him who
hews with it? Bill the saw exalt itselj above him who wields it? As ij a rod could sway
him who lijts it, or a stajj him who is not wood!(Isaiah10:5-15|
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Therejore, thus says the Lord concerning the king oj Assyria: Do not be jrightened
by the words you have heard, with which the servants oj the king oj Assyria have
blasphemed me. / am about to put in him such a spirit that, when he hears a certain
report, he will return to his own land, and there / will cause him to jall by the sword.
. The king oj Assyria heard a report that Tirhakah, king oj Ethiopia, had come out to
jight against him. . So Sennacherib, the king oj Assyria, broke camp and went back
home to Nineveh. Bhen he was worshiping in the shrine oj the weapon oj his god, his
sons Adram-melech and Share:er slew him with the sword, and jled into the land oj
Ararat. His son Esarhaddon reigned in his stead. (Isaiah37:33,6-9,37-38|
STAGE 2: INCORPORATION OF ISAIAH
A
INTO AN EARLY VERSION OF 2 KINGS WITH
ADDITIONS
ApproximateDate:BeforethedeathofJosiahatMegiddo
Motive:TounderwriteJosiah`smission
Text:
the dead. (Isaiah37:36=2Kings19:35|
He:ekiah, king oj 1udah sent this message to the king oj Assyria at Lachish: / have
done wrong. Leave me, and / will pay whatever tribute you impose on me. The king
oj Assyria exacted three hundred talents oj silver and thirty talents oj gold jrom He:e-
kiah, king oj 1udah. He:ekiah paid him all the junds there were in the temple oj the
Lord and in the palace treasuries. He broke up the door panels and the uprights oj the
temple oj the Lord which he himselj had ordered to be overlaid with gold, and gave
the gold to the king oj Assyria.(2Kings18:14-15|
Theeffectof2Kings19:35wastomakeIsaiah
A
(andtheassassinationofSennacherib|
predictthefallofAssyria.ThiswillhaveservedtounderwriteJosiah`spolicyofsidingagainst
AssyriaintheconflictandtomakethehistoricalIsaiahpredictthatnoharmwouldcometo
Jerusalem in the process. The tribute payment narrative in 2 Kings 18:14-15 cut Hezekiah
downtosize,andlefttheroleofsaviortoJosiah.
STAGE 3: COMPOSITION OF ISAIAH
B
AND INTEGRATION INTO A MODIFIED ISAIAH
A
ApproximateDate:PreparatorytoZedekiah`srevoltagainstNebuchadnezzar
Motive:Toinspirethefaithfulforthatrevolt
Text:
Thus shall you say to He:ekiah, king oj 1udah: Do not let your God on whom you
rely deceive you by saying that 1erusalem will not be handed over to the king oj As-
syria. ou yourselj have heard what the kings oj Assyria have done to all the coun-
tries: They doomed them! Bill you, then, be saved? Did the gods oj the nations whom
my jathers destroyed save them? Go:en, Haran, Re:eph, and Edenites in Telassar?
Bhere is the king oj Hamath, the king oj Arpad, or a king oj the cities oj Sepharvaim,
Hena or /vvah?(Isaiah37:9b-13|
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1OANN SCURLOCK 310
He:ekiah took the letter . he went up to the temple oj the Lord, and spreading it out
bejore him, he prayed: O Lord oj hosts, God oj /srael . ou alone are God over all
the kingdoms oj the earth. ou have made the heavens and the earth. /ncline your ear,
O Lord and listen! . Hear all the words oj the letter that Sennacherib sent to taunt
the living God. Truly O Lord, the kings oj Assyria have laid waste all the nations and
their lands, and cast their gods into the jire; they destroyed them because they were
not gods but the work oj human hands, wood and stone. Therejore, O Lord, our God,
save us jrom his hand, that all the kingdoms oj the earth may know that you, O Lord,
alone are God.(Isaiah37:14-20|
She despises you, laughs you to scorn, the virgin daughter Zion; Behind you she
wags her head, daughter 1erusalem. . ou said: Bith my many chariots / climbed
the mountain heights, the recesses oj Lebanon; / cut down its lojty cedars, its choice
cypresses. / reached the remotest heights, its jorest park. / dug wells and drank water
in joreign lands; / dried up with the soles oj my jeet all the rivers oj Egypt. . Long
ago / prepared it, jrom days oj old / planned it, now / have brought it to pass; that
you should reduce jortijied cities into heaps oj ruins./ am aware whether you stand
or sit; / know whether you come and go . Because oj your rage against me . / will
put my hook in your nose and my bit in your mouth, and make you return the way you
came.(Isaiah37:22b-29|
vors. The :eal oj the Lord oj hosts shall do this.(Isaiah37:30-32|
He shall not reach this city, nor shoot an arrow at it, nor come bejore it with a shield,
nor cast oj siege works against it. He shall return by the same way he came, without
entering the city, says the Lord. / will shield and save this city jor my own sake, and
jor the sake oj my servant David. (The angel oj the Lord went jorth and struck down
one hundred and eighty-jive thousand in the Assyrian camp. Early the next morning,
there they were, all the corpses oj the dead.|(Isaiah37:33-36|
Method:
1. ToIsaiah37:6,rightafterTell this to your master,theinsertionofThus says
the LordallowedcurrentIsaiah37:6b-9atofollowdirectly.CurrentIsaiah
10:5-15wasremovedfromthispassagetomakeroomforanewprophecy
allegedlyagainstSennacheribbutactuallyagainstNebuchadnezzar.
2. TheadditionofAgain he sent envoys to He:ekiah with this message:allowed
theauthortoincorporateanaccountofanimaginedconfrontationbetween
NebuchadnezzarandJerusalemcompletewithcommander`sspeechandre-
spondingprayerbyHezekiah(Isaiah37:9b-20|.
3. TheadditionofThen /saiah, son oj Amo:, sent this message to He:ekiah: al-
lowedwhatwasoriginallytheintroductiontothepoeticpropheticanswerof
IsaiahtoSennacherib`sboasttotakeitscurrentpositionasIsaiah37:21b-22
and to become the introduction to the poetic prophetic answer of a peace
prophettoNebuchadnezzar(Isaiah37:22b-29|.
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4. Isaiah37:30-32looksintrusive,andmaybe(seebelow|,butmoreprobably
waspartoftheoriginal Isaiah
B
givingasignconfirmingthevalidityofthe
prophecy. As such, it replaced the sign originally given inIsaiah
A
(Isaiah
10:5,15:37:38|.
5. WhatisnowIsaiah37:33awasoriginallytheintroductiontowhatisnowIsaiah
37:6b-7,theprosaictranslationofthepoeticprophecyofIsaiahagainstSen-
nacherib.Here,itservesastheintroductiontotheprosaictranslationofthe
'peaceprophet`spoeticprophecyagainstNebuchadnezzar,whichfollows
directly(Isaiah33b-35|.
6. Isaiah37:36(theangeloftheLordslaughteringAssyrians|waseitherretained
fromtheJosianicrewriteor,lessprobably,addedatthispoint.
7. TherestofIsaiah
A
,namelythepartinwhichtheprophecywasfulfilledbythe
returnhomeofSennacheribandhisassassination,plustheaccountofHeze-
kiah`sillnessandthemissionofMerodach-Baladan,roundedoutthepassage
(Isaiah37:37-38plus38:1-39:8|.
LESS PROBABLY, STAGE 4: ADDITION OF THE LAST VERSES
ApproximateDate:Exilicorpostexilicperiod
Motive:Toinspirethefaithfulforarevoltagainstanewmaster
Text:
vors. The :eal oj the Lord oj hosts shall do this.(Isaiah37:30-32|
Whetherornotitwasanexilicorpostexilicaddition,Isaiah37:30-32wascrucialtothe
continuing validity of Zion Theology. With its help, impregnability could be redefined to
meanthat,evenafteritstotaldestructionbyNebuchadnezzar,thecityofJerusalemwouldbe
rebuiltandingoodtimejustas,evenwhencropsfailcompletely,thereisaplentifulharvest
againinthethirdyear.
TonoteisthatthedialogueonthissubjectistakenupatsomepointbytheBookofJonah
whichaddsthatevenafterthreedaysinthewhale(theproverbialthreeyearsofpunishment
of 2 Kings 19:29-31 = Isaiah 37:30-31 which are also Hezekiah`s three days of illness in
2 Kings 20:5-6 = Isaiah 38:4-6|, the sinful must change their evil ways in order to avoid
furtherpunishment,andthatGod`smercyconsistsnotinsparingtherodbutingrantingan
opportunitytorepentbeforeitistoolate.
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1OANN SCURLOCK 312
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1988 // Kings: A New Translation with /ntroduction and Commentary.TheAnchorBible
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1OANN SCURLOCK 316
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oi.uchicago.edu
TRACES OF THE OMEN SER/ESSUMMAIZBU /N C/CERO, DEDIVINATIONE 317
15
TRACES OF THE OMEN SERIES SUMMA
1ZBU IN CICERO, DE D111NAT1ONE
*
JOHNJACOBS,LOYOLAUNIVERSITYMARYLAND
DivinationplayedacentralrolenotonlyintheculturesoftheancientNearEast,butalso
inthoseoftheancientMediterranean.Recentyearshavewitnessedawelcomeresurgenceof
interest in the subject - divination betweentheory and practice, divination between belief
andskepticism,divinationbetweenreligionandscience.
1
Inparticular,scholarshavefocused
onthecentralrolethatdivinationplayedinthesocial,religious,andpoliticallifeofthefall
oftheRomanRepublic,duringthecenturybeginningwiththeGracchanrevolution(133-121
B.C.|andendingwithOctavian`svictoryoverAntonyandCleopatraatthebattleofActium
(31B.C.|.
2
OneofthekeyfiguresduringthistumultuousperiodoftransitionfromRepublicto
EmpirewastheoratorandstatesmanMarcusTulliusCicero(106-43B.C.|.Likemany,ifnot
most,ofhiscontemporaries,Ciceroheldcomplex,andoftenconflicting,viewsabouttherole
ofdivinationbothinthelifeoftheindividualandinthelifeofthestate.
3
Inaseriesofthree
treatisescomposedaroundthetimeofCaesar`sassassinationontheIdesofMarchin44B.C.
-De natura deorum(On the Nature oj the Gods|,De divinatione(On Divination|,andDe
jato(On Fate|-Ciceroexamineshowthemajorcontemporaryschoolsofphilosophyaddress
themanydifficultandchallengingquestionsconcerningtherelationshipbetweentheworldsof
godandman.WhilescholarshavelongstudieddivinationintheancientNearEastandinthe
ancientMediterraneaninisolation,fewhaveundertakenanysubstantialcomparativeanalysis
oftheavailablematerial.Inthispaper,Iattempttobegintobridgethisdivide:inparticular,I
attempttodiscovertracesoftheomenseriesSumma i:buintheDe divinationeandtoexplain
howthatomenseriesmayhavebeentransmitted,alongwithothers,fromeasttowest.
In the two-book De divinatione, as elsewhere in his extensive corpus of rhetorical and
philosophicalworks,Ciceroexploreshischosensubjectthroughafictionaldialogue.Onthis
occasion,heconverseswithhisyoungerbrother,Quintus-asliterarycharacters,andnotas
*IwouldliketothankAmarAnnusfororganizing
theUniversityofChicagoOrientalInstituteSeminar
'ScienceandSuperstition:InterpretationofSignsin
the Ancient World and for inviting me to present
anearlierversionofthispaperonthatoccasion.(An
evenearlierversionwaspresentedatthe218thannual
meeting of the American Oriental Society, also in
Chicago,inMarch2008.|
1
For the ancient Near East, see Maul 1993:
Rochberg 2004: and Heeel 2007. For the ancient
Mediterranean, see Wildfang and Isager 2000:
Johnstonand Struck2005:andKany-Turpin2005.
Standard literature on divination in the ancient
Mediterranean includes Bouch-Leclercq 1879-82
(Greek, Etruscan, and Roman divination|: Wlker
1903(Roman|:Luterbacher1904(Roman|:Thulin
1905-09 (Etruscan|: Halliday 1913 (Greek|: and
Bloch1963(Greek,Etruscan,andRoman|.Seealso
Johnston2008forabriefintroductiontocertainas-
pectsofGreekdivination.
2
SeeMacBain1982:Rosenberger1998:Rasmussen
2003: and Engels 2007. For divination in Imperial
Rome,seeVigourt2001.Themostimportantancient
sourcesinclude,besidesCicero,theomenreportsin,
amongothers,Livy,Tacitus,and Suetonius,aswell
astheinterestingcollectionofprodigieslatercom-
piledbyJuliusObsequens.
3
ForCicero`sviewsondivination,seeGuillaumont
1984and2006:aswellasLinderski1986.
317
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 318
historicalfiguresspeakingin propria persona -duringavisittohisestateatTusculum(cf.
Cicero, De divinatione 1.5.8-6.11|.
4
The dramatic date of the conversation may have been
sometimelatein45orearlyin44B.C.:inalllikelihood,Cicerosubstantiallycompletedthe
De divinationebeforeCaesar`sassassination,butreviseditand(onlythen|publisheditshortly
aftertheIdesofMarch.
5
Inbook1,QuintuspresentsthetraditionalStoicandPeripateticargu-
mentsinfavoroftheviewthatdivinationisameansbywhichmancan(potentially|discern
thewillofthegods:inbook2,MarcusfurnishesatypicallyAcademicdeconstructionofthese
arguments.
6
Formorethanacentury,scholarsconcentratedmostoftheireffortsonthestudy
ofCicero`ssources,including,mostnotably,thePeripateticCratippusofPergamum(ca.first
century B.C.| and the Stoic Posidonius (ca. 135-ca. 51 B.C.|.
7
During the past twenty-five
years,however,scholarshaverediscoveredtheDe divinationeasaneruditeandsophisticated
treatmentofanimportantculturalphenomenon,somethingmuchdifferentfromand,accord-
ingly,somethingmuchmorethanastraightforwardexpressionofCicero`s(or,rather,Quintus`
and Marcus`| personal views.
8
Nevertheless, the De divinatione also remains an important
sourceforinformationabouttheRealienofdivinationintheancientMediterranean(Greek,
Etruscan,andRoman|,aswellasintheancientNearEast.
Conversely, the omen series of the ancientNear East remain a largely unexplored, but
potentiallyquitesignificant,sourceofinformationabouttheRealienofdivinationnotonly
intheancientNearEast,butalsointheancientMediterranean.Theseseries,nowextantonly
infragmentsforthemostpart,covervirtuallyeverytypeofdivinatorypractice,fromterres-
trialandcelestialomenstoteratological,physiognomic,andoneiromantic(oroneirological|
omens,fromlecanomancy(oildivination|tolibanomancy(smokedivination|.Ofparticular
importanceforthecomparativestudyofdivinationintheancientNearEastandtheancient
Mediterranean are the twenty-four tablets of the teratological series known by the incipit
Summa i:bu('Ifthemalformedbirth|.
9
Eachoftheentriesinthisomenseriesappearsinthe
formofaconditionalstatement,consistingofaprotasisandanapodosis(or,insomecases,
4
Giomini 1975 provides the standard critical edi-
tion,whilethestandardcommentariesinEnglishare
Pease 1920-23 (books 1 and 2| and Wardle 2006
(onlybook1|.Bothcommentatorsalsooffergood
overviewsoftheplaceofthedialogueinRepublican
Rome and in Cicero`s oeuvre: see Pease 1920-23:
9-13:andWardle2006:1-8.
5
For these dates, see Pease 1920-23: 13-15: and
Wardle2006:37-43,aswellas,forfurtherdiscussion
ofthemanifoldproblemssurroundingthischronol-
ogy,Durand1903:Falconer1923(contraDurand|:
andGiomini1971.
6
Foranoverviewofthestructureandthemesofthe
work,seePease1920-23:15-18:andWardle2006:
20-28 (although Wardle unfortunately appears to
overlookGoar1968,abriefbutinterestingreadingof
thedialogue|.Forthesakeofclarityandsimplicity,
Iusethecognomen'CicerowhenIwishtoreferto
theauthorofthework,butthepraenomina'Quintus
and'MarcuswhenIwishtorefertothetwopartici-
pantsinthedialogue.
7
Forasummaryofthemajorresultsofthisexten-
siveQuellenjorschung,seePease1920-23:18-29:
andWardle2006:28-36(althoughWardleunfortu-
natelyappearstooverlookHartfelder1878,ashort
butimportantstudy|.
8
Forabalanceddiscussionaboutthecentralissues
addressed by this recent work, see Wardle 2006:
8-28. The scholarship essentially divides into two
camps:the'traditionalreading(e.g.,Linderski1982:
Momigliano1984:andTroiani1984|andthenewer
'Cambridgereading(e.g.,Denyer1985:Beard1986:
andSchofield1986:cf.Timpanaro1994andRepici
1995per contra|.SeemostrecentlyKrostenko2000,
a lengthy and largelysuccessfulattemptatharmo-
nizingthesetworeadings.SeealsoPease1920-23:
29-37,fortheNachlebenofthework.
9
Leichty(1970|providesthestandardcriticaledition,
buildingonthetextsinFossey1912andDennefeld
1914:seealsonowHeeel2007.Leichty(1970:1-2|
providesanindispensablesummaryofthekeyschol-
arship on the omen series, including Jastrow 1914
andFossey1921-22:seealsonowtheeditionsofthe
UgariticandHittitematerial.
oi.uchicago.edu
multiple apodoses|. The protases, themselves organized according to certain fixed patterns
(e.g.,fromheadtotoe,fromrighttolefttoboth|,determinethearrangementoftheseries:
tablets 1-4 ('omens derived from human births|: tablet 5 ('omens derived from sheep|:
tablets6-17('omensderivedfromthebirthofani:bu|:andtablets18-24('omensderived
fromspecificanimals|.Theapodoses,incontrast,concernbothpublicandprivateaffairs,
including 'stock and 'historical apodoses.
10
In addition to the evidence offered by the
tablets themselves, scholars have also collected other materials attesting to the importance
ofbirthdivinationinthedailylifeoftheancientNearEastand,later,inthedailylifeofthe
ancientMediterranean,especiallyamongtheEtruscansandtheRomans.
11
Towardtheendof
theintroductiontohisedition,LeichtycatalogstheextanttabletsfortheseriesSumma i:bu,
as well as the extant excerpt and commentary tablets - materials in Akkadian, Ugaritic,
Hittite,andHurrianwhichcomefromsitesallacrosstheancientNearEastandwhichspan
arangeofsomefifteenhundredyears,fromtheOldBabylonianperiodtotheSeleucidera.
12
Furthermore,inhisproposedtimelineforthetransmissionofthisomenseriesthroughthese
variouschannels,Leichtyexplicitlysupportsthenotionthatknowledgeoftheseteratological
omensmayhavespreadfromtheancientNearEasttotheancientMediterranean.
13
Thusfar,however,noClassicistseemstohavetakennoteofthisideaandconsideredthe
possibleinfluenceoftheomenseriesSumma i:buonEtruscanandRomandivination.Thisis
allthemoresurprisingsinceCicerohimselfevinces,attheveryleast,agoodgeneralgrasp
of the sheer variety of divinatory practices throughout both the ancient Mediterranean and
the ancient Near East (cf. Cicero, De divinatione, 1.1.1-4.7 and 1.41.90-42.94, especially
1.42.93,onthepeculiarEtruscaninterestinteratology|.
14
Inthispaper,Ipresenttheinitial
resultsofabroaderinquiryintotherelationshipbetweentheancientNearEastandtheancient
Mediterraneanintherealmofdivination.Whiletherearecertainlymanyomenserieswhich
appeartohaveleftatleastsometracesinGreekandLatinliterature(and,especially,inthe
De divinatione|, the omen series Summa i:bu appears to have left some of the clearest and
10
See Leichty 1970: 2-7, whose terminology I
adopt.Fortheso-called'historicalomens,seealso
Nougayrol1944-45:andGoetze1947a(especially
253n.1andtheSumma i:buomensnumbered2,15,
18,24,and37|.
11
SeeLeichty1970:7-16:cf.Hunger1909(onani-
malomensintherelatedseriesSumma lu|'When
theCity]|.Forbirthdivinationamongthe Greeks,
seeSchatz1901:andSteiner1909:cf.Leichty1970:
14.
12
SeeLeichty1970:20-30,inwhichisdiscussednot
only 'the sources and the 'text history, but also
severalofthetechnicalissuessurroundingthe'lan-
guageandwritingsystemofthetablets.Forthetwo
OldBabyloniantablets,seeLeichty1970:201-07:as
wellasGoetze1947b:9-11,13,andpl.10(=YOS
1012|,and11,15,andpls.117-18(=YOS1056|.
FortheUgaritictablets,seenowDietrichandLoretz
1990: and Pardee 2000. For the Hittite tablets, see
nowRiemschneider1970and2004.Inhisreviewof
Leichty1970,Heimpel(1973:586-87|,argues(con-
traLeichty1970:21|thatSTT2307canbeplaced
andthatitcanbeusedforafullerreconstructionof
thetextatthebeginningoftablet19(especiallythe
historicalomennumbered25|forNarm-Sin]|.
13
SeeLeichty1970:21,withatimetableandachart
illustratingthistransmission:undertheentryinthe
timetableforca.1350B.C.,henotes,'Stilllater,the
tradition,ifnotthetexts,maypasstotheEtruscans
andthentoRome.
14
For Cicero, De divinatione 1.1.1-4.7, see Pease
1920-23:39-65ad1.1-7:Badal1976:andWardle
2006: 90-118 ad 1.1-7. For Cicero, De divina-
tione1.41.90-42.94,seePease1920-23:254-64ad
1.90-94:andWardle2006:321-31ad1.90-94.In
theircommentsonthekeypassage(1.42.93|,Pease
(1920-23: 262-63 ad 1.93| at least mentions the
omenseriesSumma i:bu,whileWardle(2006:329
ad1.93|,facedwithoneofPease`smanyoverwhelm-
inglistsofprimaryandsecondarysources,dropsall
referencestotheancientNearEasternmaterialinhis
condensedversionofthenote.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 320
mostinterestingofthesetraces.Accordingly,inwhatfollows,Ifirstreviewtheevidencefor
abnormal human births in theDe divinatione. Then,I discuss one of these abnormal births
in detail (the lion birth omen recorded in Cicero, De divinatione 1.53.121| and connect it
withthelegendsurroundingthebirthofPericles,recordedfirstbyHerodotusinhisHistoriae
(6.131.2|andthen,later,byPlutarchinhisbiographyPericles(3|.Finally,Iwillreviewthe
evidenceforabnormalhumanbirthsand,inparticular,theevidenceforotherlionbirthomens
intheseriesSumma i:bu(especiallythelionbirthomenrecordedinSumma i:bu1.5|.Bythe
endofthepaper,wewillseehow,inalllikelihood,notjustthetradition,buteventhetext,
passedtotheEtruscansandthentoRome.
ABNORMALHUMANBIRTHSINCICERO,DE D/\/NAT/ONE
Quintus mentions a number of abnormal births and, especially, abnormal human births
inhisargumentinfavorofdivinationinbook1.Inanearlylistofprodigies,heincludesthe
exampleofamulewhichhadrecentlyfoaled:quid, qui inridetur partus hic mulae nonne, quia
jetus extitit in sterilitate naturae, praedictus est ab haruspicibus incredibilis partus malorum?
('Why?Shouldtherecentparturitionofamule(acreaturewhichisnaturallysterile|,which
waspredictedby|the]haruspicesasanincredibleprogenyofevils,beridiculed?1.18.36|.
15
Inalaterlist,Quintusmentionstheexampleofthebirthofanhermaphrodite:quid, cum Cumis

Apollo sudavit Capuae \ictoria, quid, ortus androgyni nonne jatale quoddam monstrum juit?
('WhenApollosweatedatCumaeandVictoryatCapua,whenmen-womenwereborn,wasit
notaportentofdisaster?1.43.98|.
16
Inafinallist(towhichwewillreturnshortly|,heeven
reportsthebirthofatwo-headedchild: et si puella nata biceps esset, seditionem in populo
jore, corruptelam et adulterium domi('Ifagirlwerebornwithtwoheads|,]therewouldbe
popularrevolt|,]andseductionandadulteryinthehome1.53.121|.
17
Ingeneral,then,Cicero
displaysaprofoundknowledgeofthevarioustraditionsrelatedtobirthdivinationinboththe
15
Unlessotherwisestated,alltranslationsofDe divi-
natione1arefromWardle2006,whilealltranslations
of De divinatione 2 are my own. Pease (1920-23:
153-55ad1.36|catalogsotherinstancesofthefoal-
ingofmulesandalsonotesthelikelyparonomasia
between partus . mulae and partus . malorum,
whileWardle(2006:199ad1.36|identifiestheomen
withaneventeitherin50(Obsequens,Liber prodi-
giorum65|or49B.C.(Appian,Bella civilia2.5.36,
not2.144,asgiveninWardle2005:cf.1.9.83,in83|.
Cf.alsoPlinytheElder,Historia naturalis8.73.173.
In his response to Quintus, Marcus addresses this
prodigyin2.22.49-50(seePease1920-23:434-35
ad2.49-50|and2.28.61(seePease1920-23:451-52
ad2.61|.
16
Pease(1920-23:272-73ad1.98|againcatalogs
otherinstancesoftheprodigy,whileWardle(2006:
340-41 ad 1.98| adds to this inventory and again
notes the historical context of many of the omens.
Cf.alsoPlinytheElder,Historia naturalis7.11.33.
(Wardleincorrectlyrendersortus androgyniinthe
plural: androgyni is a genitive with ortus, not a
nominative.|
17
Pease(1920-23:313-14ad1.121|oncemorecata-
logsotherinstancesoftheprodigy(cf.Cicero, De
divinatione 2.58.120,andespecially,Lucan,Bellum
civile1.616-38|,whileWardle(2006:399ad1.121|
oncemoreaddstotheinventoryandnotesthehis-
toricalcontextofmanyoftheomens.Attheendof
hisnoteonthepassage,Wardlealsoobserveshow
'theinterpretationrevealstheEtruscandistinctionbe-
tweenpublicandprivatesignificance(Thulin1909:
116n.1|:aswehaveseen,however,thisdistinction
betweenpublic(seditionem lu pnpuln jore|andpri-
vate(corruptelam et adulterium Jnml |jore]|affairs
is a feature which dates back to the origins of the
traditionintheancientNearEast.
oi.uchicago.edu
ancientMediterraneanandtheancientNearEast.
18
Inwhatfollows,Iconsiderseveralother
omenreportsintheDe divinatione,allofwhichconcernnotjustabnormalhumanbirths,but
even,morespecifically,dreamshadaboutabnormalhumanbirthsbypregnantmothersand
theeventualfulfillmentofthosedreamsinthenatureandcharacterofthechildwhenheis
born.
Dreams,ofcourse,playamajorroleinbothbooksoftheDe divinatione,withQuintus
firstarguingfortheirpotentialvalidityin1.20.39-30.65,andthenMarcusarguingagainstthat
positionin2.58.119-72.150.
19
Dreamshadbypregnantmothersaboutabnormalhumanbirths
constituteaninterestingandimportantcategoryofthisphenomenon-somethingofamixture
between'artificialdivination(i.e.,teratology|and'naturaldivination(i.e.,oneirology|.
20
Atoneendofthespectrum,Quintusintroducesperhapsthemostfamousoftheseabnormal-
birthdreamomensduringhistreatmentofdreamsinbook1:thestorythatHecuba,thewife
ofKingPriamofTroy,firstdreamedthatshegavebirthtoaburningtorchandthenactually
gave birth to Paris (or Alexander|, whose rape of Helen caused the outbreak of the Trojan
War and, thus, the fall of Troy (1.21.42, including a quotation from Ennius` Alexander|.
21
Attheotherendofthespectrum,Marcusintroducesageneralreportaboutanotherofthese
abnormal-birthdreamomensduringhistreatmentofthesubjectlaterinbook2:thestorythat
anunnamedwoman,unsurewhetherornotshewaspregnant,firstdreamedthatherwombhad
beensealedandthenconsultedtwoseparatedreaminterpreters,onlytoreceivetheconflict-
ingexplanationsthatherdreammightormightnotsignifythatshewas,infact,withchild
(2.70.145|.
22
Ineachofthesepassages,Cicerodividesthenarrativeintotwomajorsections:
first,thedreamitself(parere ./visa est,1.21.42~parere . visa est,2.70.145|and,then,
theinterpretation(s|ofthedream.
18
Leichty(1970:14-16|brieflydiscussessomeof
thismaterial,butmentionsonlyafewoftheexamples
citedhere.Otherfamousexamplesincludethewom-
anwhogavebirthtoaserpentin83B.C.(Plinythe
Elder,Historia naturalis7.11.34:Obsequens,Liber
prodigiorum 57: and Appian, Bella civilia 1.9.83
-Wardle|2006:329ad1.93]somewhatmislead-
ingly uses the plural 'women with children of dif-
ferentspecieswhenhecitesthesethreepassages|
andthewomanwhogavebirthtoaboywithanel-
ephant`sheadatSinuessain209B.C.(Livy,Ab urbe
condita27.11.5|,aswellasthetwopigsbornwith
humanheads,againatSinuessa(!|,in200and198
B.C.(Livy,Ab urbe condita31.12.7and32.9.3|.Cf.
alsothevaguebijormes hominum partusinTacitus,
Annales 12.64.1.
19
For dreams elsewhere in the work, see 1.2.4,
3.5-7, 6.10-12, 32.70-71, 44.99, 50.114-51.117,
53.121, 55.124-58.132: 2.5.12-6.17, 11.26-27,
48.100,49.101,and52.107-53.109(withPeaseand
Wardle|.Recentliteratureondreamsintheancient
Mediterranean includes Walde 2001: Holowchak
2002:andHarris2003.
20
Lanzoni1927providestheonlyfull-lengthstudy
ofthesubject.Iwillnotincludethedreamhadbythe
motherofPhalaris(1.23.46and2.66.136|inthisdis-
cussion,sinceCicerodoesnotexplicitlysaythatshe
waspregnantatthetime:nevertheless,thecontent
andthelanguageofthepassagestronglysuggestthat
she was (cf. especially 1.20.39, whichI discuss in
detailbelow|.ForCicero,De divinatione1.23.46,see
Pease1920-23:173-74ad1.46:andWardle2006:
222-23ad1.46.ForCicero,De divinatione2.66.136,
seePease1920-23:566ad2.136.
21
ForthebirthofParis(orAlexander|andthefall
ofTroy,seealso1.31.66-67(includinganotherquo-
tationfromEnniusÀlexander|,1.39.84-40.89,and
2.55.112-113(withPeaseandWardle|.Forasimi-
larconnectionbetweenCatilineandthenearfallof
Romein63 B.C.(throughaconspiracyhatchedby
CatilineandquashedbyCicero|,see1.11.17-13.22
and2.20.45-21.47:cf.thelinkbetweenthedestruc-
tionofthetempleofArtemisatEphesusandthebirth
of another Alexander, Alexander the Great, in 356
B.C.,in1.23.47(again,withPeaseandWardle|.
22
SeePease1920-23:575-76ad2.145.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 322
At the beginning of his argument in favor of the potential validity of dreams, Quintus
introducesanexampleofanabnormal-birthdreamomendrawnnotfrommythologyorpop-
ular folklore, but from history - the birth of Dionysius I (ca. 430-367 B.C.|, tyrant of
Syracuse:
Sed omittamus oracula, veniamus ad somnia. de quibus disputans Chrysippus
multisetminutissomniiscolligendisfacitidemquodAntipatereaconquirens,quae
Antiphontis interpretatione explicata declarant illa quidem acumen interpretis, sed
exemplis grandioribus decuit uti. Dionysi mater eius qui Syracosiorum tyrannus
fuit, ut scriptum apud Philistum est et doctum hominem et diligentem et aequalem
temporumillorum,cumpraegnanshuncipsumDionysiumalvocontineret,somniavit
se peperisse satyriscum. huic interpretes portentorum, quiGaleotae tum in Sicilia
nominabantur,responderunt,utaitPhilistus,eumquemillapeperissetclarissimum
Graeciaediuturnacumfortunafore.
Butlet`sleaveoraclesandlet`scomeontodreams.InhisdiscussionoftheseChrysip-
pus,bycollectingmanytrivialdreams,doeswhatAntipaterdoes,searchingoutthose
dreams which, when explained according to the interpretation of Antiphon, dem-
onstratetheintelligenceoftheinterpreter,butheoughttohaveusedmoreweighty
examples.AsitiswritteninPhilistus,alearnedandcarefulman,acontemporaryof
thetimes,themotheroftheDionysiuswhowasthetyrantofSyracuse,whenpregnant
andcarryingthisDionysiusinherwomb,dreamtthatshehadgivenbirthtoasmall
satyr.Theinterpretersofportents,whoatthattimeinSicilywerecalledGaleotae,re-
pliedtoher,soPhilistussays,thatthesontowhomshegavebirthwouldbethemost
famousinGreeceenjoyinglong-lastinggoodfortune.
-Cicero,De divinatione1.20.39
23
Inthisomenreport,Ciceroagaindividesthenarrativeintotwomajorsections.First,herepeats
thedreamitself:Dionysi mater eius ., cum praegnans hunc ipsum Dionysium alvo contineret,
somniavit se peperisse satyriscum. Then, he recounts the interpretation of the dream: huic
interpretes portentorum, ., responderunt, ., eum quem illa peperisset clarissimum Graeciae
diuturna cum jortuna jore.Severalfeaturesmarkthederivativenatureofthisreport.Onthe
one hand, Cicero inserts parenthetical expansions in order to explain, for example, which
Dionysiusheisspeakingabout(Dionysi mater eius qul Syrutnvlnrum ryruuuuv lulr|andwho
theGaleotaeare(huic interpretes portentorum, qul Gulvnruv rum lu Sltlllu unmluuluurur|.
Ontheotherhand,theseparentheticalexpansionsnecessitateresumptiveand,therefore,re-
petitive phraseology like cum praegnans hunc ipsum Dionysium alvo contineret and quem
illa peperisset.Mostofall,ofcourse,CicerocitesPhilistus(ca.430-356B.C.|notoncebut
twiceashisauthorityforthestory,therebydisclaiminganyresponsibilityforitsveracityor
falsity(ut scriptum apud Philistum estandut ait Philistus|.Inaneffortatfurthersupporting
the authority of his source, Cicero offers yet another parenthetical expansion, on Philistus`
credibility(et doctum hominem et diligentem et aequalem temporum illorum|.Inmovingfrom
23
SeePease1920-23:161-64ad1.39:andWardle
2006: 208-12 ad 1.39. In his response to Quintus,
Marcusaddressesthisdreamin2.66.136(seePease
1920-23:566ad2.136|.Cf.alsoasecondprodigy
pertainingtothetyrantcitedbyCicerofromPhilistus,
mentionedbyQuintusin1.33.73(seePease1920-23:
219-21ad1.73:andWardle2006:284-86ad1.73|
andbyMarcusin2.31.67(seePease1920-23:460
ad2.67|.
oi.uchicago.edu
mythologyandpopularfolkloretohistory,Ciceroexercisesmorecautioninhishandlingof
exempla.
24
Thisreviewofabnormalbirthsand,especially,abnormal-birthdreamomens,bringsusto
perhapsthemostintriguingandmostimportantofthesereports:thelionbirthomenrelatedby
Quintusin1.53.121.Beforeweproceedwiththeanalysisofthatpassage,however,Iwould
liketopauseforamomentinordertoaddressapointoflexicography.Eventhoughtransla-
torsandcommentatorsalikeuniversallyunderstandvideor(thepassiveofvideo'tosee|in
thesenseof'todreamin1.21.42,2.70.145,and1.20.39(aswellasin1.23.46|,neitherof
thetwomajorLatindictionariesregistersthismeaningamongitsmanyentriesfortheverb.
25
While this presents no major obstacle, since lexica rarely provide an accounting for every
instance of every word, it is nevertheless reassuring to discover incontrovertible evidence
fortheequationvideri=somniareinValeriusMaximus`versionofthedreaminCicero,De
divinatione1.20.39:
Tutioris somni mater eiusdem Dionysi. quae cum eum conceptum utero haberet,
parere visa est Satyriscum, consultoque prodigiorum interprete clarissimum ac
potentissimumGraiisanguinisfuturumcertocumeventucognovit.
ThemotherofthesameDionysiushadadreamthatwassaferforher.Whileshebore
Dionysiusinherwomb,shedreamtthatshegavebirthtoalittlesatyr. Sheconsulted
aninterpreterofprodigies,andherealizedthathersonwouldbethemostfamousand
powerfulmanoftheGreekrace,andthatisexactlywhathappened.
-ValeriusMaximus,Facta et dicta memorabilia1.7.ext.7
26
Now,whereCicerohasthereflexiveconstructionsomniavit se peperisse satyriscum,Valerius
has the passive construction parere visa est Satyriscum - the same passive construction
which also occurs several times in Cicero (parere . / visa est, 1.21.42 and parere . visa
est, 2.70.145, as wellas visam esse videre,1.23.46|.
27
Aswe willsee momentarily, Cicero
also uses videor in precisely this sense in 1.53.121. Accordingly, there is no reason not to
interpret that omen, like those in 1.21.42, 2.70.145, and 1.20.39 (and 1.23.46, too?| as an
abnormal-birthdreamomen.
28
24
ThedreamofthemotherofPhalaris(1.23.46:cf.
2.66.136|exhibitsallthesamefeaturesasthedream
of the mother of Dionysius, including not just the
dreamanditsinterpretation,butalsothecarefulcita-
tionofarespectedauthority,inthiscase,Heraclides
Ponticus(fourthcenturyB.C.|:cf.Jntruv vir,1.23.46
~Jntrum hominem,1.20.39.
25
SeeC.T.LewisandC. Short,A Latin Dictionary
(Oxford,1879|,s.v.vdo7:andP.G.W.Glare,ed.,
Oxjord Latin Dictionary(OxfordandNewYork,1982|,
s.v.uide20-24.TheThesaurus Linguae Latinaehas
notyetreachedthisletterandlikelywillnotforsome
timetocome.
26
ThetranslationisfromWalker2004.(Thesubject
ofcognovit,however,isnottheinterpreterbutthe
mother.|
27
In general, Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta
memorabilia 1.7.ext.7 virtually repeats Cicero, De
divinatione1.20.39verbatim:mater eiusdem Dionysi
- Dionysi mater eius: quae cum eum conceptum utero
haberet - cum praegnans hunc ipsum Dionysium alvo
contineret: parere visa est Satyriscum - somniavit
se peperisse satyriscum: consultoque prodigiorum
interprete - huic interpretes portentorum, .,
responderunt: and clarissimum ac potentissimum
Graii sanguinis juturum certo cum eventu cognovit
- eum quem illa peperisset clarissimum Graeciae
diuturna cum jortuna jore.
28
Thereare,however,severalcomplexitiesofusage
whichremaintobeexaminedingreaterdetail.For
example,whenCicerousesvideorinthesenseof'to
dreamhe(or,inthecaseof1.21.42,Ennius|often
addssomeotherindicationthattheverbistobeun-
derstoodinthissense,especiallythroughtheaddition
ofaprepositionalphrase(cf.in somnis,1.21.42and
in quiete,2.70.145,aswellas in somnis,1.23.46|.
Thecollocationvideor, ., somniarein2.68.142pres-
entsanotherproblem-perhapssomniare shouldbe
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 324
CICERO,DE D/\/NAT/ONE1.53.121
Toward the end of his lengthy exposition of the Stoic and Peripatetic arguments in fa-
vor of the validity of divination in book 1, Quintus restates his case for both natural and
artificial divination, relying heavily on the authority of Posidonius (1.49.109-57.131: note
theexplicitmentionofPosidoniusin55.125and57.130:cf.1.3.6,30.64:2.15.35,21.47|.
29
In the midst of this restatement of his case, he dwells at some length on the possibility of
rational explanation(s| for divination, and he marshals together several historical exempla
asevidence:
Idemque mittit et signa nobis eius generis, qualia permulta historia tradidit, quale
scriptum illud videmus: si luna paulo ante solis ortum defecisset in signo Leonis,
fore ut armis Dareus et Persae ab Alexandro et Macedonibus |proelio] vincerentur
Dareusque moreretur: et si puella nata biceps esset, seditionem in populo fore,
corruptelametadulteriumdomi:et si mulier leonem peperisse visa esset, fore ut ab
exteris gentibus vinceretur ea res publica in qua id contigisset.
Anditisthesamegodwhosendssignstousofthekindthathistoryhashandeddown
tousinverygreatnumber,suchasweseerecordedhere:ifaneclipseofthemoon
occurred a little before sunrise in the sign Leo, Darius and the Persians would be
defeatedmilitarilybyAlexanderandtheMacedonians|inbattle]andDariuswould
die:ifagirlwerebornwithtwoheadstherewouldbepopularrevoltandseduction
andadulteryinthehome:and if a woman dreamt that she gave birth to a lion, the
country in which this had happened would be overcome by foreign nations.
-Cicero,De divinatione1.53.121
30
Inthisimportantpassage,Quintusmentionsthreedistinctomensasthetypeofexemplatobe
foundthroughoutGreekandLatinhistoriography.Interestingly,allthreeomensappearinthe
formofaconditionalstatement,withaprotasisinthepluperfectsubjunctive(dejecisset, nata
. esset,andvisa esset|andanapodosiseitherinthefutureinfinitiveorintheequivalentjore
utconstruction(jore ut . vincerentur . moreretur, jore, and jore ut . vinceretur|-thatis,
whatisknownasafuturemostvividconditionalstatementinindirectdiscourse(i.e.,oratio
obliqua|insecondarysequence.Beyondthismorphosyntacticalsimilarity,Ciceroalsolinks
thefirstandthirdomensviaparonomasiabetweenthepropernoun(i.e.,constellation|Leo
(in signo Leonis| in the protasis of the celestial omen and the common nounleo (leonem|
in the protasis of the teratological / oneirological omen.
31
He then cements this connection
betweenthetwoomensviatherepetitionoftheverbvinco,describingthedefeatofDarius
andthe Persians in the first omen (vincerentur:cf.moreretur| andthedefeatofthecity in
which the woman has the dream about giving birth to the lion in the third (vinceretur|.In
deletedasanexplanatorygloss?Regardlessofthese
difficulties,however,theequationvideri =somniare
issecure,andIwouldalsoliketonotethat ooxr u,
the corresponding verb in Greek, bears the mean-
ing 'to dream from Aeschylus (trxrt v opo xovt`
r oorvChoephori527|toArtemidorus(throughout
his Oneirocritica| and beyond: see H. G. Liddell,
R.Scott,andH.S.Jones,A Greek-English Lexicon
(9th edition: Oxford and New York|, s.v. ooxr u
I.1.
29
ForthedistributionofthematerialinCicero,De
divinatione1.49.109-57.131betweenCratippusand
Posidonius, see Pease 1920-23: 20-24, especially
22n.100(onpp.22-23|:andWardle2006:30-31,
32-36,and370-71ad1.109-31.
30
SeePease1920-23:313-14ad1.121:andWardle
2006:398-99ad1.121.
31
ForlionsingeneralintheancientMediterranean,
seeSteier1926:andUsener1994.
oi.uchicago.edu
whatfollows,Ifocusonthisthirdomen,thelionbirthomen,althoughIreturntothefirstand
secondinthefinalsection.
Surprisingly, neither Pease nor Wardle offers much in the way of commentary on this
thirdomen.
32
Peaseconnectsthedreamin1.53.121withthathadbythemotherofDionysiusI
in1.20.39,andthenheconnectsitwiththelegendsurroundingthebirthofPericles:Wardle,
in turn, simply repeats this information.
33
In connecting the omen with the dream had by
AgaristewhileshewaspregnantwithPericles,however,neitherPeasenorWardleadequately
addressestheessential Quellenjrage: didCicero derive his informationfrom Herodotusdi-
rectlyor,rather,indirectlythroughPosidonius?
34
WhilenothingstandsinthewayofCicero
taking this material from Posidonius, nothing also stands in the way of his taking it from
Herodotus - or his taking it fromPosidoniusinthefullknowledgethatitultimatelywent
backtoHerodotus.GiventhefactthatCiceroexplicitlyattributestheverynextexemplumto
Herodotus byname, IinclinetowardtheopinionthatCiceronotonlyknewthatHerodotus
wastheultimatesource,butalsousedhimdirectly.
35
Howeveronechoosestoapproachthis
question,allagreethattheomenin1.53.121ultimatelygoesback,insomeway,tothelegend
surroundingthebirthofPericles:
to\ tuv or o\votxqoo vtuv yt vrtot Kirtor vq tr o to o\io xot
tq v oqoxpott ov Àqvot otot xotootq oo, r uv to o\ voo o ro to\
qtporotopo to\ Ztx\uvto\
.
o\to tr oq ytvrtot Mryoxirt xot Irroxpotq,
r x or Irroxpo tro Mryoxir q tr o iio xot Àyopt otq o iiq, o ro tq
Kirtor vro Àyopt otq r o\oo to o\ voo. q o\votxq oooo tr Eovt rru
tu Àpt opovo xot r yx\o r o\ oo rt or o tv r v tu \ rvu , r oo xrr or
ir ovto trxrt v
.
xot rt` o it yo q r po tt xtrt Hrptxir o Eovt rru .
ThemarriageofMegaclesandAgaristeproducedtheCleistheneswhofixedthetribes
and established democracy at Athens. He was named after his mother`s father, the
tyrantofSicyon.AswellasCleisthenes,MegaclesalsohadasoncalledHippocrates,
whobecamethefatherofanotherMegaclesandanotherAgariste,namedafterCleis-
thenes`daughter.This Agariste, the daughter of Hippocrates, married Xanthip-
pus the son of Ariphron. When she was pregnant she dreamt she gave birth to a
lion, and then a few days later she bore Xanthippus a son, Pericles.
-Herodotus,Historiae6.131.2
36
32
See Pease 1920-23: 314 ad 1.121: and Wardle
2006:399ad1.121.
33
Compare'ThemotherofPericleshadthisdream
(Herodotus, Historiae 6, 131: Plutarch, Pericles
3| (Pease| with 'Pericles` mother Agariste had
thisdream(Herodotus,Historiae6.131.2:Plutarch,
Pericles3.3|(Wardle|.
34
Notethedifferencebetween1.53.121,whereCicero
refersgenerallyto permulta historia,andtheother
historicalexempladiscussedabove,whereherefers
specifically to Philistus (1.20.39| and Heraclides
Ponticus(1.23.46|.
35
Thepassagereadsthus:eiusdem generis etiam illud
est, qunJ vtrlllr HvrnJnruv, Croesi jilium cum esset
injans locutum; quo ostento regnum patris et domum
junditus concidisse('Ofthesamekindisthefollow-
ingexample,which Herodotus has written:Croesus`
son spoke although he was a mute: following this
portenthisfather`skingdomandhousewereutterly
wipedout1.53.121~Herodotus,Historiae1.85|.
See Pease 1920-23: 314-15 ad 1.121: and Wardle
2006:400ad1.121:aswellasPease1920,although
Wardlewronglyclaimsthatthisis'theonlycitation
ofHerodotusasasourcein|the]De divinatione(cf.
2.56.115-116~Herodotus,Historiae1.53-54and91,
withPease1920-23:535-41 ad2.115-16|.Cicero
alsoexplicitlyreferstoHerodotus(andPhilistus|,for
example,inCicero,De oratore2.13.55-57.
36
ThetranslationisfromWaterfield1998.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 326
Inthispassage,Herodotusoffersapartialgenealogyforoneofthemostfamousandpowerful
familiesofancientAthens,theAlcmaeonids,whoseranksincluded,amongothers,Cleisthenes,
thefatherofAtheniandemocracy,and,moreimportantlyforourpurposes,Pericles(ca.495-
429B.C.|.Inparticular,HerodotusrelatesthatPericles`mother,Agariste,whilepregnantby
herhusband,Xanthippus,hadadreaminwhichshegavebirthtoalionandthat,afterafew
days, she gave birth to her son, a son who would later come to dominate Athenian politics
foroverthreedecades,fromhisinitialascenttopowerin461untilhisdeathfromtheplague
in429.
37
Scholars have long debated the significance of the omen in Herodotus - whether the
dream suggests that Pericles will be a blessing or a curse for Athens - but little attention
seemstohavebeenpaidtotheimportanceoftheomeninCiceroforthisdiscussion.
38
More
recently,Wardlehasventuredhisownfreshassessmentofthequestion,althoughthecontrast
he draws between an originally positive and a later negative interpretation of the omen is
restrictedrather toonarrowlywithintheconfinesofGreekhistoryandhistoriography(and
overlooks the relevant Near Eastern evidence: see below|.
39
Regardless, it is clear that the
omenreportinHerodotusistheultimatesourcefortheomenreportinCicero,evendespite
theshiftfromthenarrativestatementintheGreektotheconditionalstatementintheLatin
(throughPosidonius?|.Inparticular,itisclearthatleonem peperisse visa esset(Cicero,De
divinatione 1.53.121|representsaclosetranslationof r oo xrr or ir ovto trxrt v(Herodotus,
Historiae6.131.2|.
40
WhereHerodotusconnectsthedreamwiththeactualbirthofPericles,
Ciceroconnectsitmoregenerallywiththedefeatofthecityinwhichthewomanhasthedream
aboutgivingbirthtothelion.PerhapsPosidoniusprovidedthelinkherebetweenthenarrative
andtheconditional,betweenthelegendsurroundingthebirthofPericlesandthelionbirth
dreamomen,inanexegesisoftheHerodotuspassagesomewhereinhis rrpt ovttxq (On
Divination|.Whatevertheexactcircumstancesoftransmission,thelionbirthdreamomenin
Cicero(De divinatione1.53.121|ultimatelygoesbacktoHerodotus(Historiae 6.131.2|.
BeyondHerodotusandCicero,thelegendsurroundingthebirthofPericlesalsoappears
laterintheopeningchaptersofthebiographyoftheAtheniangeneralandstatesmanwrittenby
theGreekphilosopherandbiographerPlutarch(bornbeforeA.D.50-diedafterA.D.120|:
37
There is abundant evidence for other lion birth
omensinGreekliterature,forexample,Herodotus,
Historiae1.84.3(cf.Pease1920-23:314ad1.121,
and Leichty 1970: 14| and 5.92.3, as well as
Aristophanes,Equites 1036-44,Thesmophoria:usae
502-16, and Ranae 1417-36, along with Valerius
Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia 7.2.ext.7.
For other lion dream omens, see Artemidorus,
Oneirocritica1.24,37:2.12,37:3.66:and4.56.
38
For the interpretation of the dream as positive
in nature, see, for example, How and Wells 1912:
2.119-20ad6.131.2:Dyson1929:andHarvey1966:
254and255(contraStrasburger1955:16-17|.For
theinterpretationofthedreamasrathermoreambigu-
ous,see,forexample,Focke1927:28-29:Fornara
1971:53-54:andScott2005:430-31ad6.131.2.
39
Wardle2006:400ad1.121:'Thepotentialambigu-
ityofherdreamhasbeenemphasized,inthatthelion
could symbolize great courage or regal qualities|,]
or something wild and destructive (e.g., Fornara
1971:53-54|.Apredominantlypositiveinterpreta-
tionwouldseemprobableintheoriginalcontext(cf.
Aristophanes, Thesmophoria:usae 514: see Dyson
1929: 186-94: Harvey 1966: 255: Artemidorus,
Oneirocritica 2.12|. The negative interpretation
arisesfromthedefeatofAthensinthePeloponnesian
War,forwhichPericlesretrospectivelywasconsid-
eredresponsible.
40
Moreliterally,thepleonasmin rt or o tv r v tu
\ rvu r oo xrr or ir ovto trxrt v shouldbetranslated
as'Shesawavisioninhersleep,andshedreamed
thatshegavebirthtoalion(Herodotus,Historiae
6.131.2, with r v tu \ rvu ~ in somnis, Cicero,
De divinatione 1.21.42 and 23.46, and in quiete,
2.70.145,indicatingthattheverbooxr u istobeun-
derstoodinthesenseof'todream,justasvideoris
tobeunderstoodinthesamesensein1.21.42,23.46:
and2.70.145|.
oi.uchicago.edu
1. Hrptxiq yo p q v tu v r v o\iu v Àxoovtt oq, tu v or oq uv Xoiopyr\ ,
otxo\ or xot yrvo\ to\ rputo\ xot` oootrpo\. 2. Eovtrro yop o vtxqoo
r v M\xo iq to\ ootir u otpotqyo\ r yqrv Àyopt otqv Kirtor vo\
r yyovov, o r q ioor Hrtototpott oo xot xotr i\or tq v t\povvt oo yrvvot u
xot vo o\ r rto xot roittrt ov o ptoto xrxpoyr vqv rpo o o votov xot
outqpt ov xotr otqorv. 3. o\ tq xoto to\ \ rvo\ r oor trxrt v ir ovto, xot
r` q r po o it yo r trxr Hrptxir o, to r v o iio tq v t or ov to\ ou oto
o rrtov, rpoq xq or tq xrooiq xot o o\ rtpov. 4. o rv ot r v rt xo vr
o\ to\ oroo v o rooot xpo vrot rrptr ovtot, q o\ior vuv, u r otxr, tu v
trvttu v r ovrtot rtv. ot o` Àtttxot rotqtot otvoxr ooiov o\ to v r xo io\v
.

tq v yo p oxt iiov r ottv o tr xot ot vov o voo o\ot.
1.PericlesbelongedtothetribeofAcamantisandthedemeofCholargus,andhewas
descendedonbothsidesfromthenoblestlineageinAthens.2.HisfatherwasXan-
thippus,whodefeatedthePersiangeneralsat Mycale.Hismother,Agariste,wasthe
nieceofthatCleistheneswhonotonlyperformedthenobleexploitofdrivingoutthe
Pisistratidsanddestroyingtheirtyranny,butwentontoestablishlawsandaconstitu-
tionthatwasadmirablybalancedsoastopromoteharmonybetweenthecitizensand
securityforthewholestate.3.Agariste once had a dream that she had given birth
to a lion, and a few days later she was delivered of Pericles.Hisphysicalfeatures
werealmostperfect,theonlyexceptionbeinghishead,whichwasratherlongandout
ofproportion.4.Forthisreasonalmostallhisportraitsshowhimwearingahelmet,
sincetheartistsapparentlydidnotwishtotaunthimwithhisdeformity.However,the
comicpoetsofAthensnicknamedhim'schinocephalusor'squill-head.
-Plutarch,Pericles3.1-4
41
Inthispassage,Plutarchunabashedlyofferslittlemorethanalooseparaphraseofthemate-
rialinHerodotus-solidevidencethathewasstillbeingcloselyreadanddirectlyusedas
asourcelongafterCicero.
42
Withdueallowancefortheinevitablechangesinthelanguage
duringthehalfmillenniumwhichseparatesthetwo,o\ tq xoto to\ \ rvo\ r oor trxrt v
ir ovto, xot r` q r poo it yo r trxr Hrptxir o(Plutarch,Pericles3.3|virtuallyrepeats
q o\votxq oooo tr Eovt rru tu Àpt opovo xot r yx\o r o\ oo rt or o tv r v tu \ rvu ,
rooxrr or irovto trxrtv
.
xot rt` oityo qrpo ttxtrt Hrptxiro Eovtrru(Herodotus,
Historiae6.131.2|verbatim.
43
Inthelinesimmediatelyfollowingthispassage,Plutarchdis-
cussesthedisproportionateshapeofPericles`head(Plutarch,Pericles3.3|andcitesseveral
humorousjabsfromOldComedyinordertoshowhowtheAtticpoets'capitalizedonthis
physicaldeformity(Plutarch,Pericles3.4-7|.
44
Withduecaution,Iwouldliketosuggestthat
Plutarchhere intends a connectionbetween Agariste`sdreamaboutPericles` lionbirth and
41
The translation is from Scott-Kilvert 1960. See
Stadter1989:62-66ad3.1-4.
42
Stadter (1989: 64-65 ad 3.3| mentions both
Herodotus, Historiae 6.131.2, and the controver-
sy surrounding the interpretation of the dream of
Agariste,but,likethecommentatorsonHerodotus,he
doesnotmentionCicero,De divinatione1.53.121.
43
Notethedifferencebetweenthecompressedphrase-
ology of o\ tq xoto to\ \ rvo\ r oor trxrt v
ir ovto (Plutarch| and the expanded phraseology
ofq . rt or o tv r v tu \ rvu r oo xrr or ir ovto
trxrt v(Herodotus|:cf.thetreatmentofCicero,De
divinatione1.20.39byValeriusMaximus,Facta et
dicta memorabilia 1.7.ext.7 in light of Cicero, De
divinatione1.21.42,23.46:and2.70.145.
44
Stadter(1989:65ad3.3|notesthat'P|lutarch]and
theauthorshequoteshereareouronlyevidencefor
anythingunusualinPericlesàppearance.Seealso
Schwarze1971:Podlecki1987:81-88:andStadter
1989:lxiii-lxix.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 328
his'leonineappearance.ThekeytocementingthisconnectionliesinPlutarch`sdescription
of Pericles` head: rpoq xq or tq xrooiq xot o o\ rtpov (Plutarch, Pericles 3.3|. On
theonehand,thisdescriptionaccordswellwithancientdescriptionsofamedicalcondition
knownas irovtt oot,whichisdefinedasanearlystageofthemorewidelyknowncondition
r iroovtt oot (Rufus apud Oribasius 45.28.2 and Pseudo-Galen, /ntroductio seu medicus
14.757.6and11-12K:cf.iro vttov,Aretaeus,De causis et signis diuturnorum morborum
2.13.8, as well as the related verb irovtto u|.
45
On the other hand, Greek possesses two
compoundadjectiveswhichwelldescribethiscondition,irovtoxr ooio('havingthehead
ofalion|and irovtorpo ouro('havingthefaceofalion|,andLucianindeedusesthe
formeroftheseadjectivesinhisHermotimusinordertoderidetheEgyptiansas'dog-headed
and lion-headed men (x\voxroo io\ xot irovtoxroo io\ o vpu ro\, 44|. In short,
PlutarchappearstoclaimthatthelinkbetweenAgariste`sdreamaboutgivingbirthtoalion
andPericles`birthafewdayslaterliesinthephysicalresemblancebetweenPericlesandthe
lionfromthedream.Ifthisargumentstands,thenPlutarchevidentlyinterpretsthisdreamand
itsrelationtothesubsequentbirthsomewhatdifferentlyfromHerodotusandCicero.
Thusfar,IhavelimitedthediscussiontoCicero`sDe divinationeandaselectfewother
passagesfromelsewhereinGreekandLatinliterature.Inthecourseofthisdiscussion,Ihave
reviewedtheevidenceinthedialogueforbothabnormalhumanbirths(1.18.36,1.43.98,and
1.53.121|anddreamsaboutabnormalhumanbirths(1.21.42and2.70.145,aswellas1.23.46|.
IhavedevotedparticularattentiontothedreamhadbythemotherofDionysiusI(1.20.39|,
aswellastothathadbyAgariste,themotherofPericles(1.53.121|.Byexaminingthelion
birthomenin1.53.121 in light ofthe related omensin Herodotus`Historiae(6.131.2| and
Plutarch`sPericles(3|,Ihavesoughttoelucidatethemeaningofthisomenforeachofthese
threewriters,aswellastoventureatentativereconstructionofthecircumstancesofitstrans-
mission.Atthispoint,accordingly,Iwillbroadenthescopeofinquiryinordertoincludenot
onlytheancientMediterranean,butalsotheancientNearEast.
ABNORMALHUMANBIRTHSINTHEOMENSERIESSUMMA /ZBU
Interestingly,allthreeoftheomensrecordedinDe divinatione 1.53.121resembleomens
from one or more of the major omen series from the ancient Near East. Thus, the celestial
omenreadslikeanentryfromtheseriesEnuma Anu Enlil('WhenAnuandEnlil|:si luna
paulo ante solis ortum dejecisset in signo Leonis, jore ut armis Dareus et Persae ab Alexandro
et Macedonibus |proelio] vincerentur Dareusque moreretur('Ifaneclipseofthemoonoc-
curred a little before sunrise in the sign Leo, Darius and the Persians would be defeated
militarilybyAlexanderandtheMacedonians|inbattle]andDariuswoulddie|.
46
Likewise,
theterrestrial/teratologicalomenreadslikeanentryfromeithertheseriesSumma luorthe
45
Modern medicine recognizes two related condi-
tions:leontiasisosseaandfaciesleonina.Inaddition
toaseriesofarticlespublishedinthe British 1ournal
oj Surgeryduringthemiddledecadesofthetwenti-
ethcentury,seemostrecentlyLeeetal.1996:and
Maramattom2006(bothwithimagesofpatients|.
46
Pease (1920-23: 313 ad 1.121| connects this
omen with one in John Lydus, De ostentis 9 W,
whileWardle(2006:398ad1.121|alsoconnectsit
withoneinBM36746(soWardle:morecorrectly,
BM36746+36842+37173|,thatinobv.5-7(see
Rochberg-Halton1984,especially134and136for
thetextandtranslation,respectively,ofobv.5-7|.
oi.uchicago.edu
seriesSumma i:bu:et si puella nata biceps esset, seditionem in populo jore, corruptelam et
adulterium domi('Ifagirlwerebornwithtwoheads|,]therewouldbepopularrevolt|,]and
seductionandadulteryinthehome|.
47
Finally,theteratological/oneirologicalomenreads
likeanentryfromeithertheseriesSumma i:buoraMesopotamiandream-book:et si mulier
leonem peperisse visa esset, jore ut ab exteris gentibus vinceretur ea res publica in qua id
contigisset('Ifawomandreamtthatshegavebirthtoalion,thecountryinwhichthishad
happened would be overcome by foreign nations|.
48
As even this brief review of the evi-
dencein1.53.121wellillustrates,muchofthematerialintheDe divinationereflectsCicero`s
knowledgeabouttheartandthescienceofdivinationnotonlyintheancientMediterranean,
but also in the ancient Near East. In what follows, I again focus on the third of these three
omens,thelionbirthomen:inparticular,Itracethehistoryofthisomenbacktoitsorigins
inthelionbirthomensofSumma i:bu.
Tablets1-4oftheseriesSumma i:bucontainthe'omensderivedfromhumanbirths,that
is,omensderivedfromthebirthofachild(or,insomecases,children|withanynumberof
seriousphysicalabnormalities.
49
Thiscatalogofprodigiesincludesseverallionbirthomens,
notonlyinthetabletsofthe'canonicalseries,butalsointhoseoftheOldBabylonianver-
sion and in those of the Hittite translation of Summa i:bu (thence to Greece, Etruria, and
Rome?|:
50
BE MUNUS UR.MAH .TU URU.BI DAB-bat -mu
Ifawomangivesbirthtoalion-thatcitywillbeseized:itskingwillbeputinfet-
ters.
- Summa i:bu1.5
51
47
Indeed,severalstrikinglysimilaromensappearin
Summa i:bu:DI!i:-bu-um2SAG.DU-!u!a la a-wa-
as-su-u|GI!.GU.ZAi-sa-ab-ba-at('Ifananomalyhas
twoheads-apersonwithnorighttothethrone|will
seizeitYOS1056ii8-9|=omen23]:cf.YOS10
56ii11-13|=omen25],35-39|=omen34]:andiii
21-23|=omen46]|,aswellasBE MUNUS .TU-ma
2SAG.DU.ME!-!uZIdan-nu anaKUR ZI-maLUGAL
inaA!.TE-!uZI-bi('Ifawomangivesbirth,and(the
child|hastwoheads-therewillbeafierceattack
againstthelandandthekingwillgiveuphisthrone
Summa i:bu2.20:cf.1.48and74|.(Alltranslations
ofSumma i:buarefromLeichty1970.|
48
Fordreamsanddream-booksintheancientNear
East,seeOppenheim1956.Inthecourseofhisdis-
cussionabout'dreamsandtheirinterpretationinthe
ancientNearEast,Oppenheimdiscussesanumber
ofdreamsfromCicero`sDe divinatione(1956:197,
208-09,and210,cf.206|,aswellasfromHerodotus`
Historiae(252|,andPlutarch`sAlexander(209|and
De /side(187and252|,buthedoesnotdiscussthe
dreaminCicero,De divinatione1.53.121.
49
Leichty (1970: 25| identifies these tablets as an
originallyseparateseries,knownbytheincipitSumma
sinnistu artma('Ifawomanispregnant|:cf.murvr
gru+lJu(Cicero,De divinatione1.21.42|,murrnuu
cupiens dubitans, essetne pruvguuuv(2.70.145|,and
Dionysi mater eius ., cum praegnans hunc ipsum
Dionysium alvo contineret(1.20.39|,aswellasmu-
rrvm Phalaridis (1.23.46| and mullvr (1.53.121|,
both of which, however, do not explicitly mention
pregnancy.
50
Fossey 1921-22: 14-17, especially 15: 'Le lion
estlànimalquiapparatleplussouvent.Forlions
ingeneralintheancientNearEast,seeCassin1981:
Heimpel,nal,andBraun-Holzinger1987-90:and
Strawn2005.
51
Cf.Summa i:bu1.6-18.Thecommentaryon1.5
(1.4-6:Leichty1970:211|offersthefollowingin-
terpretation:LUGAL.BI LAL-mu|LAL//ka-mu-u('its
kingwillbeputinfetters|LAL//kam'toputin
fetters1.4|,ka-mu-u|sa-ba-tu('toputinfetters
|'toseize1.5|,andka-mu-u|da-a-ku('toputin
fetters|'tokill1.6|.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 330
BE MUNUS .TU-maSAG.DU UR.MAH GAR dan-nu inaKUR GL-!i
Ifawomangivesbirth,and(thechild|hasalion`shead-therewillbeaharshking
intheland.
-Summa i:bu2.1
52
BE MUNUS .TU-maIGI.ME!-suGIM IGI UR.MAH|.]
Ifawomangivesbirth,and(thechild`s|eyesareliketheeye(s|ofalion-|.].
-Summa i:bu2.44
53
BE MUNUS .TU-maGE!TU UR.MAH GAR LUGAL KALAG.GAinaKUR GL-si
Ifawomangivesbirth,and(thechild|hastheearofalion-therewillbeaharsh
kingintheland.
-Summa i:bu3.1
54
BE MUNUS.LUGAL .TU-maIGI UR.MAH GAR LUGAL GABA.RI NU TUK
Ifawomanofthepalacegivesbirth,and(thechild|hasthefaceofalion-theking
willhavenoopponent.
-Summa i:bu4.56
55
DI!i:-bu-um pa-niUR.MAHsa-ki-inLUGAL|da]-an-nu-um|ib-ba-as-si-ma ma-tam
sa-ti u-na-as
Ifananomalyhasthefaceofalion-therewillbeaharshking,andhewillweaken
thatland.
-YOS1056i26-27(=omen11|
56
DI!i:-bu-um ki-maUR.MAHa-mu-utNa-ra-am-EN.ZU|sa ki-sa-tam i-be-lu-u
Ifananomalyislikealion-omenofNarm-Sinwhoruledtheworld.
-YOS1056iii8-9(=omen40|
57
52
Cf. Summa i:bu 2.2-8. The commentary on 2.1
(2.77: Leichty 1970: 214| offers the following in-
terpretation:LUG|AL]||.]('king|'|.]|:cf.the
commentaryon1.5.
53
Cf.Summa i:bu2.45.
54
Cf.Summa i:bu3.2-23.
55
Cf.Summa i:bu4.47-55and57-61.
56
Cf.YOS1056i28-30(=omen12|,iii3-5(=38|,
andiii30(=49|.(IthankFrancescaRochbergfor
callingmyattentiontothelionbirthomeninYOS10
56i26-27, per litteras electronicas|.
57
Cf.YOS1056i6-7(=omen3|,ii38-39(=16|,
ii42-43(=18|,iii10-11(=41|,iii12-13(=42|,
iii14-15(=43|,iii33-34(=51|,andiii36-37(=
53|.Otherlionomensappeariniii26-29(=48|and
iii31-32(=50|.
oi.uchicago.edu
tak-kuSAL-|:a]a-a-si|nu-u|s-siSAG.D]U- UR.MAH||ki-sao-o-]x-asLUGAL-
us||ud-ni-iàn-da`]ki-sa.
Ifawomangivesbirth,|andhis/her(i.e.,thechild`s|head|is]thatofalion,|thena
kingof.|willbe|in`theland`].
-KBo6.25+KBo13.35vs.III8-11
58
In addition to these examples from tablets 1-4, the remaining tablets of the series Summa
i:buoffernofewerthan140otherlionbirthomens.
59
Evenacursoryexaminationofthese
entries in the series not only demonstrates the central importance of the lion birth omen in
thedivinatorypracticesoftheancientNearEast,butalsostrengthenstheprobabilitythata
knowledgeofthelionbirthomeneventuallyspreadfromtheancientNearEasttotheancient
Mediterranean.Ontheonehand,theprotasesoftheomenscitedabovementionnotonlythe
birth of a child with the general appearance of a lion (Summa i:bu 1.5 and YOS 10 56 iii
8-9|=omen40]|,butalsothebirthofachildwithaspecificleoninefeature,whetheritbe
thehead(Summa i:bu2.1andKBo6.25+KBo13.35vs.III8-11|,theeyes(Summa i:bu
2.44|,theear(Summa i:bu3.1|,ortheface(Summa i:bu4.56and YOS1056i26-27|=
58
KBo 6.25 + KBo 13.35 = CTH 538-540: see
Riemschneider 1970 and 2004. (The translation is
myown.|
59
Thefollowingcatalogoflionbirthomenscovers
tablets5-24,aswellastheothermaterialsinLeichty
1970:
Tablet 5:ewegivesbirthtolion(1-89,especially
51,ewegivesbirthtolionwithhumanface|.
Tablet 6:ewegivesbirthtolambwithfaceoflion
(53:cf.46-52and54-58|.
Tablet 7:i:buhasheadoflion(1-7:cf.8-23|:i:bu
hashead(s|oftwolions(24:cf.25,aswellas26-
30|: cheek ofi:bu has face of lion (63-64|: izbu
hasteethoflion(66:cf.65and68|:and i:buhas
whiskers(?|oflion(67|.
Tablets 8 and 9:nolionbirthomens.
Tablet 10:i:buhaseyesoflion(39:cf.38|:eyelid
ofi:buislikeeyelidoflion(40-41|:andhairon
oneofthetwoheadsofi:buislikehair(i.e.,mane|
oflion(76-78:cf.79|.
Tablet 11: ear of i:bu is like ear of lion(?| (39,
cf.1-37,38,and40-41|andi:buhashairoflion
(87|.
Tablet 12:i:buhasnoseoflion(35:cf.9-10,15,
36,and38|.
Tablet 13: i:bu has sapnu of lion (1: cf. Leichty
1970:151-52andCADs.v.sapnu|.
Tablet 14:legsofi:buarelikepawsoflion(47:cf.
41-46and48-54,aswellas55and56-69|.
Tablets 15 and 16:nolionbirthomens.
Tablet 17: i:bu has hair of lion (59: cf. 60-66|
andwombofi:buhasheadoflion(76:cf.72-75
and77|.
Tablet 18:goatgivesbirthtolion(16:cf.15and
17-28,aswellas29and33|.
Tablet 19: cow gives birth to calf with paw(s| of
lion(13-16|,calfwithheadoflion(18|,andcalf
(whichis?|thelikenessofalion(24-27,aswell
as28|.Cf.alsoGurneyandHulin1964:307omens
30-31:seeHeimpel1973:586-87.
Tablet 20:maregivesbirthtotwinswithhairoflion
(4:cf.1and2|,twinswithpaw(s?|oflion(6:cf.
5|,twinswithheadoflion(10:cf.9and11-13,
aswellas7-8|,andtwinswhicharelikealion(15:
cf. 16-17|: and mare gives birth to lion (20: cf.
21-25,aswellas26-32|.
Tablet 21:maregivesbirthtoi:buwithhairoflion
(6-7and9:cf.8|andi:buwithpawsoflion(10-11:
cf.12-13|:i:buofmarehaspaw(s?|andheadoflion,
andpaw(s?|,mouth,andheadoflion(38-39:cf.
26-33,34-35,and36-37|:i:buofmarehasface
oflionandtailofdog,andfaceofdogandtailoflion
(43-44:cf.45-46|:andi:buofmarehaspaw(s?|
oflion(50:cf.51-52,aswellas53-55|.
Tablets 22, 23, and 24:nolionbirthomens.
Cf.K.68164(Leichty1970:196|:K.9837(CT28
15|7(1970:196-97|:K.882318(1970:198|:K.
6743(CT2813|+K.145272(1970:198|:anda
(cf.1970:22|9:cf.2-8and10-19(1970:199-200|.
Unfortunately,however,therearenolionbirthomens
intheUgaritictranslationofSumma i:bu(RS24.247+
=KTU1.103+1.145andRS24.302=KTU1.140|:
seeDietrichandLoretz1990:andPardee2000.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 332
omen11]|.Ontheotherhand,theapodoses,allpublicinnature,includeboth'stock(Summa
i:bu1.5,2.1,3.1,and4.56:YOS1056i26-27:andKBo6.25+KBo13.35vs.III8-11|
and'historical(YOS1056iii8-9|predictions.
60
Mostofall,theseomensbringusbackto
Cicero,Herodotus,andPlutarch.
In particular, I would like to suggest that, beyond its affinity with the famous legend
surrounding the birth of Pericles, the lion birth omen reported by Cicero inDe divinatione
1.53.121 also reflects a knowledge of the omen recorded inSumma i:bu 1.5: et si mulier
leonem peperisse visa esset, jore ut ab exteris gentibus vinceretur ea res publica in qua id
contigisset~BE MUNUS UR.MAH .TU URU.BI DAB-bat -mu.Indeed,evena
superficialcomparisonbetweenthetwoomensrevealsthestunningcorrespondencesbetween
theminbothprotasisandapodosis.
61
Iamnotthefirst,however,tobringthesetwopassages
together.Infact,nearlyacenturyago,Jastrowbrieflyremarkedontheevidentlinkbetween
thetwoomensinastudyofthebirthomenswhichseemsnottohaveattractedtheattention
oflaterscholars.
62
Byandlarge,Jastrowcorrectlyassessestherelationshipbetweenthetwo
omens, from their close similarities in content and language to their 'agreement in 'the
exceptional character of the interpretation of the omen not in a positive, but in a negative
light.Jastrow,however,doesincorrectlyclaimthat'eventheformoftheomen,statingthat
the woman actually gave birth to a lion|,] is the same in both. While.TU certainly does
indicatethatsheactuallygavebirth,wehaveseenthatpeperisse visa essetindicatesthatshe
onlydreamedthatshehadgivenbirth,andnotthatshehadactuallydoneso.
63
Thereasonfor
60
Leichty(1970:6-7|brieflydiscussestherelation-
ship between protasis and apodosis inSumma i:bu
3.1.Laterintheintroduction,inthesectiononthe
'probabilityofnaturalincidence(1970:16-20|,he
analyzestheomensoftablet3(19-20|andconcludes
that3.1'mustbeinterpretedmetaphorically(19|:
perhaps,butwehavealsoseenthattheGreekslater
recognized'lookinglikealionasavalidmedical
condition (i.e., leontiasis|, and so we may at least
considerthepossibilitythatasimilarmedicalcondi-
tionwasrecognizedintheancientNearEast.
61
Cf.BE MUNUS UR.MAH .TU~et si mulier leonem
peperisse visa esset(withBE~si,MUNUS~mulier,
UR.MAH~leonem,and.TU~peperisse visa esset|
andURU.BI DAB-bat -mu~jore ut ab
exteris gentibus vinceretur ea res publica in qua id
contigisset.Ifwetransferthefuturemostvividcon-
ditioninCicero,De divinatione1.53.121,fromindi-
rectdiscourseinsecondarysequenceintodirectdis-
course,thecorrespondencebecomesevenclearer:si
mulier leonem peperisse visa erit, ab exteris gentibus
vincetur ea res publica in qua id contigerit.
62
Jastrow1914:53-54:'So,e.g.,Ciceropreserves
thewordingofsuchabirth-omenwhichpresentsa
perfectparalleltowhatwefindinthecollectionsof
theBabylonian-Assyrianbrpriests,towit,thatif
awomangivesbirthtoalion,itisanindicationthat
thestatewillbevanquishedbyanenemy.Ifwecom-
parewiththisastatementinaBabylonian-Assyrian
textdealingwithbirth-omens,viz.:Ifawomangives
birthtoalion,thatcitywillbetaken,thekingwillbe
imprisoned`,itwillbeadmittedthatthecoincidence
istooclosetobeaccidental.Thephraseology,resting
upontheresemblancebetweenmanandanimals,is
identical.Thecomparisonofaninfanttoalion,as
of a new-born lamb to a lion|,] is characteristic of
the Babylonian-Assyriandivination textsand even
the f or m of the omen, stating that the woman ac-
tually gave birth to a lion|,] is the same in both|,]
whilethebasisofinterpretation-thelionpointing
to an exercise of strength - is likewise identical.
Ordinarilytheresemblanceofthefeatureofaninfant
toalionpointstoincreasedpoweronthepartofthe
king of the country, but in the |sic] specific case,
theomenisunfavorablealsointheBabyloniantext.
Itistheenemywhowilldeveloppower,sothatthe
agreementbetweentheBabylonianandEtruscan|sic]
omenextendseventotheexceptionalcharacterofthe
interpretationinthisparticularinstance.Formoreon
Cicero,seealsoJastrow1914:54,57,and74.
63
Thisisanimportantpoint,becauseJastrowdoes
notmentioneitherHerodotus,Historiae6.131.2or
Plutarch,Pericles3.(Elsewhere,healsomisinterprets
theparagraphnumbersinthemarginsofRossbach`s
editionofJuliusObsequensforyear-dates|theseare
given in the margin in AUC / B.C., beginning with
564/190]and,consequently,reassignstheomensto
'theyears55to132A.D.|1914:51].|Conversely,
neitherPease(1920-23:314ad1.121|norWardle
(2006: 399 ad 1.121| mentions Jastrow or Summa
oi.uchicago.edu
thisshiftfromanactualbirthtoadreamaboutabirthmaylieinthedesiretorationalizethe
omenandavoidthechallengeofexplaininghowawomancouldgivebirthtoananimalofa
differentspecies.Otherwise,thenatureoftherelationshipbetweentheomensinSumma i:bu
1.5 and Cicero, De divinatione 1.53.121 well illustrates how such material, in some ways,
changedand,inotherways,remainedthesameduringitstransmissionfromeasttowest.On
theonehand,theprotasisremainsessentiallythesame:ontheother,theapodosisundergoes
asubstantialalteration:wheretheomeninSumma i:bu1.5referstothecaptureofboththe
cityandtheking,theomeninDe divinatione1.53.121refersonlytothefalloftheres publica
(i.e.,Rome|.Inessence,whilethephenomenathemselvesremainthesame,whattheyportend
iscontinuallyadaptedtomeettheneedsandexpectationsofeachindividualculture.
Until the (unlikely| discovery of a Greek, Latin, or even Etruscan translation, there is
nowaytoprovethatthetextsofthemajoromenseriestraveledfromtheancientNearEast
totheancientMediterranean.Nonetheless,giventheexistenceofSumma i:bumaterialsnot
onlyinAkkadian,butalsoinUgaritic,Hittite,andHurrian,andgiventheextensivecontacts
betweenGreeceand,later,Rome,andtheareaswheretheselanguageswerespokenandthese
textswereread,thereiseveryreasontosupposethattheomenseriesdidmakethejourney
alongoneofthemanystreamsoftraditionflowingfromeasttowest.
64
Inparticular,Ihave
sought to trace the lion birth omen recorded by Cicero in De divinatione 1.53.121 back to
Herodotus` Historiae (6.131.2| and, beyond that, back to the lion birth omens recorded in
Summa i:bu(especially1.5|.Thereare,nodoubt,manytracesofthatomenseriesandothers
inDe divinatione,aswellaselsewhereinGreekandLatinliterature,somealreadyfoundand
somestillawaitingdiscovery.
ABBREVIATIONS
CTH E.Laroche,Catalogue des textes hittites(Paris,1966|
KBo KeilschrifttexteausBoghazki
KTU M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, and J. Sanmartn, eds., Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus
Ugarit(Kevelaer&Neukirchen-Vluyn,1976|
RS MuseumsiglumoftheLouvreandDamascus(RasShamra|
STT2 GurneyandHulin1964
YOS10 Goetze1947b
i:bu1.5.Thisisallthemoresurprisinginthecase
ofPease,becausehecitesJastrow1914elsewherein
hiscommentary(e.g.,1920-23:314-15ad1.121:cf.
Pease1920:201-02|.
64
The very existence of the so-called Graeco-
Babyloniaca further testifies to the extent of this
cultural interaction: see most recently Westenholz
2007,especially278-80(citingLeichty1970:200-
01,lines11-13ofBM41548|onthedifficultiessur-
rounding the interpretation of the evidence for the
transmissionofSumma i:buonparchment.
oi.uchicago.edu
1OHN 1ACOBS 334
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oi.uchicago.edu
PROPHEC AND OMEN D/\/NAT/ON; TBO S/DES OF THE SAME CO/N 341
16
PROPHECY AND OMEN DIVINATION:
TWO SIDES OF THE SAME COIN
MARTTINISSINEN,UNIVERSITYOFHELSINKI
Divination is a system of knowledge and belief that serves the purpose of the mainte-
nanceofthesymbolicuniverse
1
inasocietysharingtheconvictionthatthingshappeningon
eartharenotcoincidentalbutmanagedbysuperhumanagents,reflectingdecisionsmadein
theworldofgodsorspirits.Thephenomenonofdivinationisknownfromallovertheworld,
includingtheancienteasternMediterraneancultureswhereithadafundamentalsocioreligious
significance.'FormostGreekstherewasnosuchthingascoincidence,`
2
andthesamecan
besaidofancientMesopotamiansandtheLevantinepeoples,whosedivinatorypracticesare
welldocumented.
3
Theneedfordivinationistriggeredbyuncertainty,anditspurposeistobecomeconver-
sant with superhuman knowledge in order to 'elicit answers (that is, oracles| to questions
beyondtherangeofordinaryhumanunderstanding.
4
Divinationtendstobefuture-oriented,
notnecessarilyinthesenseofforetellingfutureevents,butasamethodoftacklingtheanxiety
abouttheinsecurityoflifeandcopingwiththeriskbroughtaboutbyhumanignorance.
5
The
rationalebehinddivinationisthebeliefthatanecessaryamountofsuperhumanknowledge
isavailabletohumans,especiallytothoseacknowledgedbythesocietyasdivinersbyvirtue
oftheirbackground,education,orbehavior.Theroleofthedivinerisessentiallythatofan
intermediarybetweenthehumanandsuperhumanworlds.
Whenmappingdifferentmethodsofdivination,itiscustomarytobreakthemdowninto
two categories: (1| inductive methods that involve systematization of signs and omens by
observingphysicalobjects(extispicy,astrology,birddivination,etc.|:and(2|non-inductive
orintuitiveones,suchasdreams,visions,andprophecy.Inthefirstcategory,theemphasis
isonthecognitiveprocess,whileinspirationorpossessionareseenastypicalofthesecond
category.
The distinction between technical and non-technical divination is often traced back to
Plato`s Phaedrus (244a-245a|, where Socrates makes the difference between the divinely
inspiredknowledgebasedonmania'madnessandthedivinatorytekhnebasedonobservation
andcalculation,stronglyinfavoroftheformerasasourceofdivineknowledge:accordingto
1
Fortheconceptsof'symbolicuniverseand'uni-
verse-maintenance,seeBergerandLuckmann1989:
109-12.
2
Flower2008:108.
3
Forrecentdiscussionondivination,inadditiontothe
contributionsinthepresentvolume,seeHeintz1997
(eastern Mediterranean world|: Koch-Westenholz
1995:Pongratz-Leisten1999:Guinan2002:Cancik-
Kirschbaum2003: Rochberg2004: (Mesopotamia|:
Eidinow2007:Flower2008:Johnston2008(Greece|:
Dietrich and Loretz 1990 (Ugarit|: Cryer 1994:
Jeffers1996(HebrewBible|:andAune2007(early
Christianity|.
4
Tedlock2001:189.
5
For the concept of 'risk, see Eidinow 2007:
13-25.
341
oi.uchicago.edu
MARTT/ N/SS/NEN 342
hisreasoning,maniaisdivinelyinspiredandthereforesuperiortoasanemind(sphrosyne|,
whichisonlyofhumanorigin.AswelearnfromJohnJacobs`sarticleinthisbook,Plato`s
discussionondivinationisknownbyCicero(De divinatione1.1.1-3|whoaddressesitssig-
nificanceforphilosophicalinquiryintotherelationshipofdivineandhumanworlds,andthus
canbeconsideredanotherharbingerofthemodernconceptofdivination.
Moreover,andperhapsevenmorefundamentally,thedichotomyofprophecyanddivina-
tiongoesbacktotheHebrewBible,whereprophecyistheprivilegedwayofGod`scommuni-
cationwithhumans,whileotherformsofdivinationaregenerallycondemned(e.g.,Leviticus
20:6:Deuteronomy18:9-14:Isaiah8:19|.Tobesure,divinationisnotcensuredaltogether:
dreams,forinstance,donotseemtobedenounced,andthedivinatoryapparatuscalledurim
and thummim is part of the high priest`s sacred breastplate (Exodus 28:30: Leviticus 8:8|.
TheelevatedstatusofprophecyisnotchallengedanywhereinthebiblicalandearlyJewish
tradition,however,despitethefactthat,forexample,theuseofMesopotamianastrologyis
abundantlyevidencedbytheDeadSeaScrollsandtheTalmud.
6
Plato`sallegedvaluejudgmentsand,especially,theoutspokenantagonismtowarddivina-
tionintheJewishandChristianBibleareprobablythemainreasonwhytheratherdepreciating
word'superstitionisoftenusedofomendivination,seldomofprophecy.Today,however,
manybiblical,ancientNearEastern,andClassicalscholars(andIfindmyselfcertainlyamong
them|wouldagreethatprophecyshouldnotbecontrapositionedwithdivinationbutshould
be seen as one form of it.
7
In my language, the word 'prophecy basically stands for the
transmissionofallegedlydivineknowledgebynon-technicalmeans.
8
Thisdefinition,based
on the technical/non-technical divide, works quite well with regard to biblical and ancient
NearEasterntexts,butfluctuatessomewhatwhenappliedtoGreeksources,asitseemsthat
theGreekseersorprophetscouldsometimesdivineinbothways.
9
As a scholarly concept, 'prophecy does not cover exactly the semantic field of any
divinatoryvocabularyinancientsources,whereanexactcounterparttoitcannotbefound.
InGreek,forexample,thetitlesprophetes,mantis,andpromantisareusedofpractitioners
ofdivinationofbothtypes,
10
whichsuggeststhattheGreeks,Socratesnotwithstanding,did
not necessarily classify divination according to the technical/non-technical divide. Ancient
textswerenotwrittenwithourdefinitionsinmind,andapplyingourterminologytoancient
culturesandsourcematerialsoftenrequirescertainterminologicalflexibility.Anthropological
evidence of divination points to the same direction: inductive, intuitive, and interpretative
techniques easily overlap.
11
Nevertheless, the difference between divinatory techniques re-
mains,leavingtheboundariesbetweenprophecy(asdefinedabove|andomendivinationas
representedbyancienteasternMediterraneansourcesworthexploring.
Iwouldliketoapproachtheissueofprophecyanddivinationwiththehelpoftwoclaims
of which the papers included in this volume have made me increasingly convinced of: (1|
that prophecy and omen divination are not the same thing, and (2| that they nevertheless
belongfirmlytothesamesymbolicuniverse,thatis,toasharedconceptual,intellectual,and
ideologicalworld.
6
See, for example, Albani 1999: Ben-Dov and
Horowitz2005:Geller2006.
7
Cf. Grabbe 1995: 139-41: Kitz 2003: Cancik-
Kirschbaum2003.
8
Nissinen2004:20-25.
9
Cf.Flower2008:84-91.
10
SeeFlower2008:217-18.
11
As, for example, the Zulu diviner described by
Tedlock(2001:193|,whodivinedthroughthespirits
(intuitivedivination|,withbones(inductivedivina-
tion|,andwiththehead(interpretation|.
oi.uchicago.edu
WHYADISTINCTIONSHOULDBEMADEBETWEENPROPHECY
ANDOMENDIVINATION
Toputitsimply,thedistinctionbetweenprophecyandomendivinationshouldbemade
becausemostprophetsprobablyhadnothingtodowithliversofsacrificialanimalsorwith
theobservationofthemovementsofstars:toallappearances,prophecywasnota'science
byanydefinition. Thereareno tracesoffeaturesthat Seth Richardsonfound characteristic
of extispicy: systematic organization of phenomena, causal association to other repeatable
phenomena,creationofextensibletheoreticalcategories,andempiricalmethodintheemploy-
mentofobservation.
12
The prophetswerenotversed in secret lore in writtenform, mostof
themwereprobablyilliterate,
13
andtheireducationandinitiation(ofwhichourknowledgeis
virtuallynonexistent
14
|musthavebeenoftotallydifferentkindthanthatofthepractitioners
ofextispicy,astrology,orexorcism.
Thisisnottosaythattheprophetswerenotfamiliarwiththereligiouslanguageoftheir
communities,orthattheyhadnotechniquesofaccomplishingtheirdivinatorytask.Prophetic
oracleswerepredominantlyverbalmessagesthatwerebelievedtobeofdivineorigin,andthe
languageusedinthemindicatesathoroughknowledgeoftheoral/auralrepertoireofthereli-
giouscommunitieswithinwhichtheywereproduced.Thespecifictechniquesoftheprophets
probablyhadtodowithachievingthealteredstateofconsciousnessthatenabledthemtoact
asmouthpiecesofthedivine:heuristicexamplesofhowsuchtechniquesofmediationbetween
humanandsuperhumanworldscouldhaveworkedareprovidedbyshamanisticrites.
15
The
propheticmessagesweremoreoftenthannotaccompaniedbyacharacteristicbehaviorthat
servedastheiridentity-markerandaculturalsignifierthatmadeitpossiblefortheaudience
toacknowledgetheirperformancesasprophetic.
16
Suchbehaviorwasevidentlynotexpected
ofharuspicesorastrologers.
Anotherfeaturethatsetstheprophetsapartfromthedivinersofthescholarlytypeistheir
sociallocation.Whiletheprophetsregularlycommunicatewithkingsinoursources,whether
Mesopotamian, West Semitic, biblical, or Greek, they usually seem not to have belonged
totheinnermostcircleofthekingswhomostlywereinformedoftheirsayingsthroughgo-
betweens.Prophetswereclearlynotpartoftheummnutu.Thisisnottosaythattheprophets
representedamarginalizedgrouporthattheirpoliticalagencywasinsignificant:however,the
communicationbetweenthekingsandtheprophetsisclearlynotasintensiveasthatbetween
kingsandthescholarswhomaintainedaregularcorrespondencewitheachotherbothatMari
andinAssyria.
17
Asamatteroffact,itistheHebrewBiblewheretheprophetsandkingsget
togethermoreoftenthananywhereelse,therecurrentproblemsintheirmutualappreciation
notwithstanding.
12
Richardson,thisvolume.
13
An illustrative example of this is the letter from
Mari(ARM26414|,inwhichaprophethasascribe
writedownamessagetotheking:theletterinques-
tionhasbeenpreserved(ARM26194|:seeCharpin
2002:14-15,29-31.
14
Thebiblical'callnarrativeshideratherthanreveal
the process of becoming a prophet in ancient Israel
andJudah.
15
See Siikala 1992. For the interface of shamanism
andprophecy,seeHuffmon2004.
16
Forastereotypicalpropheticbehavior,seeWilson
1980:33-42:Grabbe1995:108-12:Nelson2004.
17
Cf.Sasson1994and,withtheassumptionofamore
intensivecontactbetweentheprophetsandtheking,
Charpin2001,34-37.
oi.uchicago.edu
MARTT/ N/SS/NEN 344
Moreover,prophetsseemtocomefromdifferentbackgrounds.Therewereprobablyper-
sonswhoseroleasamahh,raggimu,nb,h :,prophetes,orpromantiswasmoreorless
permanent,butwealsoencounterslavegirlsutteringprophecies,
18
aswellasgender-neutral
persons called assinnu, who feature as prophets several times.
19
The typical venue for pro-
pheticperformancesisthetemple,whichsuggeststhatthepersonswhoassumedtheprophetic
roleweremoreorlesscloselyaffiliatedwithtemples,eitherasmembersoftheirpersonnelor
otherwisebelongingtotheworshippingcommunity.ThetemplesofAnnunitumatMariand
DaganatTerqa,thoseofIstarinArbelaandAssurinAssur,templesofApolloatDelphiand
Didyma,andthe temple of Jerusalemarewell-knowncentersofpropheticactivity,andthe
imageofaprophet,whetherbiblical,NearEastern,orGreek,virtuallyalwaysshowsatemple
asthebackdrop.Thisissomethingthatcannotbesaidofpractitionersofextispicy,atleast
whenitcomestothesecondmillenniumandlater.
20
In Assyria in particular, prophecy was deeply rooted in the worship of Istar, and it is
probablethattheAssyrianprophetsweremainlyrecruitedfromherdevotees.
21
Thismay,at
least in part, explain an intriguing difference in the gestalt of the prophets in contrast with
Mesopotamianomendiviners:thepropheticrolewasopentoallsexes:women,men,andthe
genderless assinnus. In Greece, however, the gender distinction was less strict, since there
werefemaleseerswhoalsopractisedtechnicaldivination.
22
Afinaldifferencebetweenprophecyandomendivinationisthatprophecyisbasicallyan
oral performance that neither presupposed written texts nor necessarily ever took a written
form.Thisbecomesquiteevidentwhenwecomparethescantynumberofwrittenprophetic
oracles available to us with the cornucopia of omen compendia and other divinatory texts.
Butthe very fact that prophecy actually was writtendown, howeverexceptionalthismight
havebeen,isthepointwherethedifferencebetweenprophecyandomendivinationbeginsto
reduce.Namely,whenprophecywaswrittendown,itbecameadocumentavailabletoschol-
arlyapplication:forexample,theAssyrianscribescouldusethepropheciesinthearchivesof
Ninevehassourcesoftheirscribalworks.
23
TheHebrewBible,again,reflectsaprocessofthe
writtenprophecybecomingliteraryprophecythroughcenturiesofscribalexegesisespecially
inSecondTempleJudaism.
24
Theliteraryconglomerateofbiblicalprophecycan,therefore,
notbestraightforwardlyequatedwithancientIsraeliteorJudahiteprophecy.
Theliterarizationofprophecyresultedinanauthoritativesetoftextsthatwereacknowl-
edgedasprophecyandusedasabasisforfurtherexegesis:thisdevelopmentbeginsalready
withintheHebrewBibleandcontinuesinlaterSecondTempleJudaismasdemonstrated,for
examplebytheliteraryphenomenonofthe'rewrittenBible,
25
andbytheDeadSeaScrolls.
26
Itisherethatthepowerofthetextwithan'esotericinnercoherence
27
bringsprophecyvery
closetotherealmofomendivination.Bywayoftheirtextuality,evenhistoricaleventscould
18
E.g.,ARM26214:SAA1659.
19
ARM26197:212:213:cf.theAssyrianprophets
whose gender is ambiguous in SAA 9 1.1: 1.4: 1.5.
For the assinnu and other Mesopotamian gender-
neutral persons, see Huffmon 2004: Teppo 2008:
Gabbay2008.
20
Cf.Richardson,thisvolume.
21
Parpola1997:XLVII-XLVIII.
22
Flower2008:211-15.
23
The best example of this is Esarhaddon`s Nin A
inscription,whichdemonstrablydrawsontheproph-
eciesutteredonoccasionofEsarhaddon`senthrone-
ment:seeNissinen1998:31.
24
See,forexample,Floyd2006.
25
See the contributions in Laato and van Ruiten
2008.
26
SeeJassen2008aand2008b.
27
Frahm,thisvolume.
oi.uchicago.edu
beinterpretedassigns.
28
EspeciallyintheQumranPesharim,quotationsfromtheprophetic
booksareusedinawayreminiscentoftheinterpretationofomens.
29
Whenprophecyoncewaswrittendown,itenabled,inScottNoegel`swords,'theexegeti-
calprocessasanactofperformativepowerthatlegitimatesandpromotesthecosmologicaland
ideologicalsystemsuponwhichdivinationisbased.
30
Thisleadsustomysecondpoint:
WHYPROPHECYANDOMENDIVINATIONBELONGTOTHESAME
SYMBOLICUNIVERSE
All differences notwithstanding, it would be wrong to separate prophecy from omen
divination in a way that suggests a fundamental disparity in their conceptual, intellectual,
andideologicalbasis.Onthecontrary,Iwouldliketoarguethatprophecyandomendivina-
tion represent different ways of attaining the same goal, that is, becoming conversant with
thedivineknowledgeandjudgment.AccordingtoAviWinitzer,'extispicy,ordivinationin
general,isnothinglessthanasourceofrevelation:itsproductistantamounttothedivinely
revealedword:
31
withoutdoubt,thesameistrueforprophecy.Justasextispicyreportsare
nottobeseenaspredictionsinthefirstplacebutratherasdivinejudgments,
32
prophecyisnot
primarilyforetellingthefuture(eventhoughitcanbepredictive|butproclaimingthedivine
willateachparticularmoment,eithertoanindividualor,asismoreoftenthannotthecase,
tothekingandthroughhimthewholekingdom.
Fromacognitivepointofview,representedinthisvolumebyUllaKoch,
33
prophecy,like
anyotherformofdivination,canbeseenasasystemofmakingsenseoftheworld,dealing
withsocialorcognitiveuncertainty,obtainingotherwiseinaccessibleinformationand'toget
thingsdone,tomakethingsrightandtokeepthemthatway.Koch`scriteriaforasuccessful
divination,thatis,theappropriatesigns,thestrategicsocialinformation,andthecredibility
oftheprocessincludingtheneutralityofthedivinerandanacknowledgedsuperhumanagent,
arewellapplicabletothepropheticprocessofcommunication:thepropheticprocess,assuch,
isusuallynotbasedonsigns,butsignsareneverthelessmentionedinprophecies.
34
Especiallyintheroyalcontext,divinationwasthemediumthroughwhichthekingwas
kept informed of his location within the divinely sanctioned order of the divine favors and
obligationsandtheoriginandlegitimacyofhisrule:thisiswhatBeatePongratz-Leistenaptly
callsHerrschajtswissen.
35
Itisthroughdivinationthatthekingisrevealed'thesecretsofthe
gods, that is, the decisions of the divine council usually proclaimed by the goddess Istar,
suchasintheoraclefromEsnunna:
OkingIbalpiel,thussaysKititum:Thesecretsofthegods(nisretum sa ili|areplaced
beforeme.Becauseyouconstantlypronouncemynamewithyourmouth,Iconstantly
disclosethesecretsofthegodstoyou.
36
28
Scurlock,thisvolume.
29
Cf.Nissinen,forthcoming.
30
Noegel,thisvolume.
31
Winitzer,thisvolume:cf.Lange2003.
32
Rochberg,thisvolume.
33
Cf.thecognitiveapproachtothebiblicalpolemic
againstdivinationinLevy,forthcoming.
34
ARM 26 207:4: 212: 1: 237:5: 240:4: Isa. 7:11:
8:18: 19:20: 38:7, 22: Jer. 44:29: Ezek. 4:3: 20:12,
20.
35
Pongratz-Leisten1999.
36
FLP1674:3-8:Ellis1987:240.
oi.uchicago.edu
MARTT/ N/SS/NEN 346
Thistext,amongmanyothers,demonstratesthattheprophetsandotherdivinersfunction
asintermediariesandchannelsofcommunicationforthedivineknowledgenecessaryforthe
kingandcountrytoliveinsafetyandreceivedivineadviceintimesofcrisisanduncertainty.
CynthiaJean provides us inthis volumewith severalilluminating casesoftheroyaluseof
divination,andtheexamplescouldbemultiplied.
37
Theentiredivinatoryapparatuswasatthe
king`sdisposal,andfromhispointofviewitdidnotmatterwhetherthedivinewordcame
from the mouth of the prophet or an ummnu, provided, of course, that these persons were
provedtobeofaccreditedbackground.
38
The communicative aspect of divination is highlighted by several articles of this vol-
ume. The human intermediary, the diviner or the prophet, was indeed seen as a member in
the imagined chain of divine-human communication, who was there to transmit the divine
knowledge.Whateverintellectualcapacitywasrequiredofthediviner,itwasnotthediviner`s
knowledgeandwisdomthatwashandedovertothepeoplebutthe'secretsofgodsentrusted
tohim.Themouthofthedivinerorprophetwasspeaking,notwordsofhisorherownbut
ofdivineorigin.
The role of the diviners as mediators is indicated by the Akkadian phrasesa p 'from
themouth:theoraltraditionofscholarsisreferredtoassa pummni,
39
thecolophonsof
Assyrianpropheciesindicatethespeakerwiththephrase'sa pman/womanNNfromthecity
X.
40
Inasimilarvein,thePythiawasthespokesperson(prophetis|ofApollo
41
who,inturn,
wastheprophetesofhisfather,Zeus:
42
andintheHebrewBible,astandardphraseisthatthe
word(dbar|ofYHWH'cametotheprophet.Hence,thedivinerortheprophetwasliterally
amouthpiece,whosepersonality,intheory,didnotaffecttheknowledgetobetransmitted:
'Yourgreatdivinity,Samas,knows,I,yourslave,adiviner,donotknow.
43
Sucha'neutraltransmissionofmessagesofsuperhumanoriginwasunthinkablewithout
beinginfluencedorinspired,evenpossessed,bythedivine.Prophets,aswesaw,wererecog-
nizedbytheircharacteristicbehaviorindicatingthealteredstateofconsciousnessrequiredof
anyonespeakingdivinewords:buteveninextispicy,theaspectofdivinepresenceissignifi-
cant,asdemonstratedinthisvolumebyAviWinitzer.InthewordsofAlanLenzi:'thediviner
experiencedthepresenceofthedivineassemblyitself,whichhadgatheredaroundthevictim
towritetheirjudgmentsintheorgansoftheanimal.
44
Whilethedivinershardlyperformed
extispicyinanalteredstateofconsciousnesscomparabletothatoftheprophets,thecredibility
oftheprocessrequiredthemtobeneutralagentsinspiredbythesuperhumanagent.
45
Infinalanalysis,evenPlato,whosedistinctionbetweeninspiredandtechnicaldivination
hasbeensoinfluentialindividingdivinersintotechnicalandinspiredones,recognizesthe
divineinspirationofthe 'technicaldiviners. Inhis dialogue with Ion, Socrates juxtaposes
37
Jean, this volume: cf. the thorough documenta-
tionoftheroyal-divinecommunicationinPongratz-
Leisten1999and2003.
38
Thismaybeoneofthereasonswhytheprophet`s
name and domicile are mentioned in the colophons
oftheNeo-Assyrianoracles.Eveninthelettersfrom
Mari,theoriginoftheprophecy,ifnotnecessarilythe
nameoftheprophet,isusuallyindicated.
39
SeeJean,thisvolume,andcf.SAA108.
40
SeeParpola1997,LXIII.
41
Thus Plato, Phaedrus 244b: Euripides, /on 321,
1322.
42
Thus Aeschylus, Eumenides 17-19: cf. Johnston
2008:51:Flower2008:86.
43
Lambert2007:18:18andpassim.
44
Lenzi2008:55,quotedinNoegel,thisvolume.
45
Flower2008:91.
oi.uchicago.edu
thedivinerswiththepoetsinspiredbytheMuseswhilearguingforthedivineoriginofpoetry
(/on534c-d|:
Fornotbyartdoesthepoetsing,butbypowerdivine:hadhelearnedbyrulesofart,
hewouldhaveknownhowtospeaknotofonethemeonly,butofall:andtherefore
Godtakesawayreasonfrompoets,andusesthemashisministers,ashealsousesthe
pronouncersoforaclesandholyprophets(khresmdois kai tois mantesi tois theiois|,
inorderthatwewhohearthemmayknowthemtobespeakingnotofthemselves,who
utterthesepricelesswordswhilebereftofreason(nous me parestin|,butthatGod
himselfisthespeaker,andthatthroughthemheisaddressingus.
ABBREVIATIONS
ARM26 Durand1988
FLP RegistrationnumberoftabletsinthecollectionoftheFreeLibraryofPhiladelphia
SAA9 Parpola1997
SAA10 Parpola1993
SAA16 LuukkoandVanBuylaere2002
oi.uchicago.edu
MARTT/ N/SS/NEN 348
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