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Rhodesian Children and the Lessons of White Supremacy: Doris Lessing's ''The Antheap''
Julie Cairnie The Journal of Commonwealth Literature 2008 43: 145 DOI: 10.1177/0021989408091237 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jcl.sagepub.com/content/43/2/145

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Rhodesian Children and the Lessons of White Supremacy: Doris Lessings The Antheap
Julie Cairnie
University of Guelph, Ontario, Canada

Abstract This paper builds on Anne Stolers study of race and the intimate and responds to bell hooks provocative invitation, One change in direction that would be real cool would be the production of a discourse on race that interrogates whiteness. In Doris Lessings short story The Antheap (1953), Tommy, the son of a white mine manager, has a tumultuous relationship with Dirk, the half-caste son of the mine owner. It is understood that Tommy needs to break off this relationship and thus learn the codes which sustain white supremacy in Rhodesia. Rather than accept the central lesson the prohibition against intimacy between whites and blacks Tommy recognizes that it is repeatedly violated, even by its adult proponents. Tommy imperfectly learns lessons about four kinds of intimacy: heterosexual, maternal, paternal and fraternal. These lessons are important for white boys to digest: otherwise, the white community lacks the appearance of homogeneity. Ultimately, Tommy rejects these lessons and the text points to a future that is uncertain: Tommy may wholly reject or simply defer his white masculine privilege. Keywords Doris Lessing, The Antheap, childhood, masculinity and race, whiteness

It is an understatement to suggest that Doris Lessing takes an interest in southern African politics, and specically the politics of Zimbabwe (once Rhodesia). That interest is expressed through her social commentary on
Copyright 2008 SAGE Publications http://jcl.sagepub.com (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore) Vol 43(2): 145156. DOI: 10.1177/0021989408091237

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the colour bar in the 1950s, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in the 1950s and 1960s, the Independence War in the 1970s, and postIndependence corruption from the 1980s to the present. The politics of the region has a profound impact on her personal and family life: because of her leftist and anti-white supremacist stance, she was a Prohibited Immigrant in Rhodesia and South Africa from the 1950s until Zimbabwes Independence (1980) and the end of Apartheid (1994), and has been at loggerheads with Mugabes regime in recent years. All of this impeded her ability to visit her brother and two of her three children and in Under My Skin, the rst volume of her autobiography, she works to understand the impact of growing up in Rhodesia on her femininity and whiteness. Here, I am interested in putting the constitution of the intimate, the familial and white childhood within the frame of southern African politics. The family and the formation of white masculinity are my starting-point. This paper builds on Anne Stolers study of race and the intimate1 in the Dutch East Indies and responds to bell hooks provocative invitation, One change in direction that would be real cool would be the production of a discourse on race that interrogates whiteness.2 This paper is my attempt to do two things: to point out the ways in which the microphysics of colonial rule (to borrow Stolers phrase3) play out in Doris Lessings story The Antheap and to lay the groundwork for a larger study of childhood in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. AIDS orphans and (less so) street children dominate the representations of sub-Saharan Africa these days. In May 2007 the organizers of HIFA (Harare International Festival of the Arts) made provisions for street children and other underprivileged children to attend not as objects of spectacle, but as audience members, participants and even temporary employees.4 Many wonder about the appropriateness of continuing this festival in a politically and economically ravaged Zimbabwe but Lessings writing (and Tommys carvings in The Antheap) attest to the important combination of youth and art in tumultuous times. I am also intrigued by the recent ood of narratives of white childhood looking back at The Antheap goes some way towards explaining this ood. The white population of Rhodesia never exceeded 250,000, and many whites left at independence, but the country has produced a disproportionate number of chronicles of white childhood: among them Daphne Andersons The Toe-Rags,5 Peter Godwins Mukiwa,6 Alexandra Fullers Dont Lets Go to the Dogs Tonight,7 Ian Holdings Unfeeling8 and Lessings Under My Skin.9 Some of these texts indulge in colonial nostalgia (Fuller, Anderson), while others underscore the complexity and even the range of white colonial childhoods (Godwin, Lessing). Holdings recent novel, about a white boy who witnesses war veterans murder his parents, prosperous white farmers, engages
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with the recent farm take-overs, and considers the ways in which white Rhodesian masculinity is, as bell hooks would say, interrogated in the period of the so-called Third Chimurenga. My focus here is on boys and the formation of masculinities (or growing manhood, as Tommy puts it in The Antheap) in an earlier period, the 1950s.10 An understanding of the formation of white masculinities is critical to understanding the formation of Rhodesia, and its de-formation. Early narratives about southern Africa were mostly written by white men and while many of these narratives highlight the desirable qualities in white men, ruggedness and an aggressive pursuit of riches, they also expose white masculine vulnerability. These qualities, while not entirely rejected by David Livingstone, the early nineteenth-century missionary, are challenged in his Missionary Travels, which he wrote in order to provide a broad outline of his efforts to secure Africans for Christianity rather than commerce and slavery.11 In King Solomons Mines, Rider Haggard, although he sets his novel south of the Limpopo, draws a clear line between African exploration and eroticism: the landscape is gured as an African womans body, and is both desirable and dangerous. The coterie of white men Captain Good, Sir Henry Curtis and Allan Quatermain are both brave warriors and reliant on African women (one of whom, Gagool, is fearsome) to guide them to the treasure cave; in the end, they are fortunate to escape with their lives and a mere pocketful of diamonds. Their pursuit of a form of native bravery and immense riches is only partly achieved. Haggard dedicates his book to big and little boys12 in pursuit of armchair adventure. F.C. Selous, the great white hunter, describes Mashonaland and Matabeleland in the 1890s as inhospitable to white women, but locations that provide dangerous and thrilling adventure for white men.13 At the same time, in Sunshine and Storm, Selous is consumed by worry over his and other white mens inability to save white women from rape, murder and mutilation by hordes of savages.14 From the beginning of settlement, white men are understood as, at some level, incapable of protecting white women. After all, the text is an account of the uprising and provides chilling appendices of missing and mostly dead white women and men. Selous himself claims to have collected together the broken skulls of murdered women and children.15 Cecil Rhodes, in his fascinating Last Will and Testament, bequeaths his property to men (he had no heirs) and the state, and he establishes a scholarship with the express purpose of making men out of Oxford undergraduates; these young men will be drawn from Britain, its colonies and America. In fact, Rhodes expresses a (carefully coded) erotic interest in cultivating frontiersmen through his eponymous scholarship. A footnote refers to a wild Westerner who attended Oxford without scholarship or other aid.16 Recipients
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should mirror this mans demeanour and demonstrate success in manly sports as well as possess qualities of manhood.17 Olive Schreiner, in Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland, offers a sustained and bitter invective against pecuniary and violent masculinity and instead proposes that men fuse the masculine and feminine elements of their beings.18 Her text is a rejection of the model of frontier masculinity that Rhodes proposed through the act of sending in British South Africa Company troops to clear the land for white European settlement. Trooper Peter, the stranger he meets on the kopje (who is clearly Jesus Christ) and the Cape Town preacher all embody both genders, and all reject Rhodes version of white masculinity. Even Peter, who hopes to achieve adventure and riches, nds an alternative model in the strangers multiracial, mixed gender and benevolent Company. Schreiner is exceptional in this list for more than her gender. The point I wish to stress is that the teaching of a specic form of white masculinity adventurous, pecuniary and rugged was deemed absolutely necessary in the Rhodesia Lessing writes about in The Antheap, but there are also many earlier examples of its fragility, and inadequacy, as a model for white men in Rhodesia. The Antheap takes place at an isolated gold mine in 1950s Rhodesia. The mine is owned by Mr Macintosh, an unmarried and seemingly childless millionaire; his subsistence standard of living and generally unkempt appearance belie his wealth. An understanding of the tension between appearance and reality, irony in essence, shapes our reading of the story. To read for irony is to read the ideological dimensions of the text and, for Tommy, the ideological dimensions of the family. Mr Macintosh employs one white man, Mr. Clarke, an engineer and an occasional drunk. He lives in a small company house with his dependent and nervous wife and his independent child, Tommy, whose only playmates are the black children in the mine compound. The boys especial friend is Dirk whom, he deduces, is the owners undeclared son a product of that heinous colonial-racist word, miscegenation. In fact, Macintosh has produced several half-castes with an unnamed black woman in the compound. The discovery of this fact seems to solidify Tommys attachment to Dirk, but their relationship is complicated and fraught. For a start, Tommys mother forbids it when he turns seven. Tawse Jollie, a Rhodesian woman politician in the 1920s, argued that mothers played a crucial role in preventing boys from entering into illicit sexual relations. Jock McCulloch, in Black Peril, White Virtue, summarizes her position: Boys needed discipline and self-control and so the solution lay in the hands of mothers, for it was they who set the moral standard.19 Jeannie Boggies account of the early women settlers, Experiences of Rhodesias Pioneer Women, obliquely conveys that white women in
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the early days of the colony were expected to police propriety: there would be no cross-racial sexuality, and white women would remind men of their duties to their race. Instead of stating this directly, Boggie explains that Dr. Jamieson, Administrator of Mashonaland, thought it would create a good impression to be able to point to the fact that English women were actually there.20 It is signicant that this book was rst published in 1938, but was subsequently reprinted in 1950 and 1954; apparently, its message continued to resonate. Another book, published in 1952, Next Year Will Be Better, by Hylda Richards, makes it clear that the new woman immigrants role is to ensure that her boys and her husband do not stray too far from the compound. Given this context, it is hardly surprising that Tommys mother serves this function in Lessings 1953 text. Despite her injunction, the boys explore the limits and possibilities of art and, in the end, Tommy manages to intimidate Mr. Macintosh into paying for both of their educations (initially, he only wants to pay for that of Tommy, his surrogate son). In the remainder of this paper I will point out the codes Tommy needs to learn in order to sustain white supremacy in Rhodesia. Rather than accepting the central lesson the prohibition against intimacy between whites and blacks he recognizes that it is repeatedly violated, even by its adult proponents. Not only Tommy has a hard time avoiding the mineworkers compound; so does Mr. Macintosh. Tommy learns lessons, albeit imperfect[ly],21 about four kinds of intimacy: heterosexual, maternal, paternal and fraternal. These lessons are important for white boys to digest: otherwise, the white community lacks the appearance of homogeneity. The fear is that if black people observe these ssures, then the system will fold and whites will, as Dirk predicts, be cast out: When I grow up Ill clear you all out, all of you, there wont be one white man left in Africa, not one (p. 128). Ironically, the undermining of white supremacy, according to the logic of the story, opens up the possibility of a much more equitable, if also uncertain, relationship between the two boys. As Stoler reminds us, the disjuncture between prescription and practice is a forceful reminder that white endogamy was neither an inevitable development nor even a norm.22 Michel Foucault famously argues that there has always been a discourse of sexuality; even during periods marked by restraint, sexuality is talked about ad nauseam.23 According to Foucault, there were four gures of knowledge-power in the nineteenth century: the Malthusian couple, the hysterical woman, the sexual pervert and the masturbating child. All were subject to sustained surveillance: their behaviour was carefully monitored and there was an expectation, which was not always fullled, that they would match prescription and practice. In Race and the Education of Desire, which is essentially a postcolonial revision of
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Foucaults History of Sexuality, Stoler argues that the French historian of ideas failed to account for the relationship between sexuality and imperialism. For Stoler, sexuality is not marginal to imperialism, but central to its, admittedly, various articulations.24 The interstitial categories in which people may be placed (poor whites, coloureds) pose the greatest threat to white supremacy.25 In southern Africa poor whites were thought more likely to engage in miscegenation because of their propinquity to blacks and coloureds because their bodies are markers of sexual transgression of the colour bar.26 It was far more dangerous for white women to form sexual relationships with black men: their progeny could not be hidden in workers compounds. As McCulloch points out in Black Peril, White Virtue, the police and courts in early twentieth-century Rhodesia were prone to believe white womens fabrications of rape and sexual assault rather than admit that a consensual relationship could exist between white women and black men: Rhodesian courts assumed that there could not have been a pre-existing sexual relationship between the woman and her assailant.27 McCulloch denes Black Peril as any rape or assault with intent to commit rape by an African on a white female. It included indecent assault, acts, or overtures. In theory it embraced indiscreet gestures, familiarity, or even friendship.28 Conversely, in the early period of colonization (before the arrival of white women) white men were expected to engage in the system of concubinage it was considered far less pernicious than its alternative, homosexuality29; and it was considered a useful way of acquiring indigenous knowledge.30 As McCulloch explains,
Within the British Empire concubinage between white males and indigenous women was common and involved a variety of domestic and sexual relationships. In some instances the woman lived with her white male partner, in others the arrangement was more casual. . . . In Southern Rhodesia the CID and members of the legislative council used the term to refer to any form of sexual contact between a white man and a black or Coloured woman.31

It was not until 1910 that government expressed concern about concubinage; it worried that concubinage eroded social distance. 32 Concubinage was eventually formally prohibited through a number of resolutions between 1927 and 1935, but informally ignored.33 The widespread practice was expected to be temporary, but often was not, as is the case with Mr. Macintosh:
Mr. Macintosh, the sensualist, had a taste for dark-skinned women; and now it was certainly too late to admit as a permanent feature of his character something he had always considered as a sort of temporary

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whim, or makeshift, like someone who learns to enjoy an inferior brand of tobacco when better brands are not available. (pp.1201)

It is when sexual relations across the colour bar are long-term and result in children that they become associated with degeneracy. Macintosh may be rich, but he acts like a poor white. His relationship with Dirks mother, who is unnamed and essentially characterless, is sensual and results in numerous children. I wonder here if Lessing reproduces the narrative, seen in Mary Turners perspective in The Grass is Singing, of black womens fecundity and natural maternity:
Above all, she hated the way they suckled their babies, with their breasts hanging down for everyone to see; there was something in their calm satised maternity that made her blood boil. Their babies hanging on to them like leeches, she said to herself shuddering, for she thought with horror of suckling a child.34

Tommys parents who, on the surface, embody ideal heterosexual relations (never mentioned, never seen) have only one child: are they chaste and restrained, or is this a rehearsal of the widespread colonial belief that white fertility was compromised by a warm climate?35 There is a silence about concubinage and marriage in Tommys world that is, as Foucault might say, laden with meaning. Tommy learns that adults do not countenance children breaking this silence, as he himself does when he tells his mother that Dirk is Macintoshs child. His mother, in particular, expects him to learn the codes of white propriety, but he challenges his lesson and begins to see that there is little difference between his parents proper marriage36 and Dirks parents dirty little secret. In fact, these categories are uid: for example, Mrs. Clarke is a kind of surrogate wife for Macintosh; she gives him the kind of legitimacy that a white man requires: a clean house, a cooked meal, and a wifely berating Youre nothing but a pig.37 As the only white woman on the mine, Mrs. Clarke alone bears the burden of keeping her husband and son away from black people. In Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power Stoler points out colonial womens central role:
Men were considered more susceptible to moral turpitude than were women, who were thus held responsible for the immoral states of men. European women were to safeguard prestige and morality and insulate their men from the cultural and sexual contamination of contact with the colonized.38

It is she, not her husband, who tells Tommy that he can no longer play in the compound. When Tommy pursues a line of questioning that probes white hypocrisy, her response is an instructive silence. And when he asks

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her about half-castes in front of his father she colours and then during a private conference in his room tells him not to raise the subject again.39 Tommy is an imperfect student and probes the subject further: he asks Dirk to take him to the compound to meet his mother. While the white woman has a distinct role, Dirks mother is indistinct and only perceived (by Tommy and Macintosh) as sensual. When Tommy is inspired to carve her, he leaves her face blank, which recalls representations of the so-called Hottentot Venus, an early nineteenth-century South African woman, Saartjie Baartman, whose (seemingly anomalous) body was put on display throughout Europe.40 She was reduced to her sexual parts; in illustrations her face rarely gures and when it does it is small and more or less featureless.41 Likewise, in her analysis of the treasure map in King Solomons Mines, Anne McClintock argues that the map, turned upside down, resembles a black womans body. The genitals and breasts are emphasized, while the head is miniscule and indicates that female intelligence and creativity is a site of degeneration.42 While Tommy is expected to learn that the colour bar which separates the two mothers is somehow natural, he in fact observes that there are important similarities: both womens sexuality is dened by their relationship (legitimate or not) to the fathers of their children. However, the women themselves fail to see this connection and there is no way that Tommys mother would countenance any form of connection to Dirks mother. What is the lesson about fathers? Fathers need to work; or, as J. M. Coetzee explains in White Writing, white men need to appear to work.43 In his discussion of the plaasroman (or farm novel) Coetzee explains that a patriarch rul[es] over wives, children and black workers;44 and that a central difculty in South African literature (and a similar difculty exists in Rhodesian literature) is the portray[al of] white labour.45 Moreover, fathers need to protect their families from native insurgents (which in southern Africa is accomplished through the laager, which is both a physical defensive formation and a mental one). On the surface, Tommys father is respectable: he is an engineer and earns fty pounds a month; beneath the surface, however, he is an occasional drunk and offers his son no training. The adults reproduce a subterfuge about Macintoshs paternity. As Macintosh tells Tommy, I have no children, he said sentimentally. I feel for you like my own son. He stopped. Tommy was looking away toward the compound, and his intention was clear (p.113). Tommy forces a confrontation of the truth, through silent gestures and his carvings. Macintosh recognizes his daughter (p. 126) in one of those carvings and Tomlinson, the art consultant, tells the mine owner that a carving of Dirk has a look of you (p. 134). Stoler points out that the majority [of concubine children] were not recognized by their fathers,46 and that is certainly the case here. Tommy refuses to
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accept the hypocritical and contradictory terms of this lesson about fathers, and forces Macintosh to assume paternal responsibility: he must pay to educate Dirk. While Tommy likes to feel that he is generous towards Dirk he gives him books and is his tireless advocate it is really the subordinate coloured boy who is in charge of the lesson. Tommy may want to bring Dirk and his family within the eld of representation, but the latter is unafraid to criticize his art: Why do I have to come out of the wood? Why havent I any hands or feet?; `[Y]ou have to make me half wood, as if I was more a tree than a human being (p. 136). Tommy promises to begin a new carving. Shortly afterwards, they experience victory when they manage to force Macintosh to pay for their educations, but also a sense of perplexity about how they will use (p. 128) their new-found power and opportunity. Fraternity, in this context, is a little like renewed discussion about the possibility of sisterhood in postApartheid South Africa: it is possible, but can only ever be provisional, constantly negotiated. M.J. Daymond, in her Introduction to South African Feminisms, acknowledges that cultural feminism in South Africa does not form a single, coherent movement and that simplistic . . . assumptions of sisterhood are inadequate; at the same time, [s]ome degree of coherence, common purpose, is called for. 47 The fraternity between Tommy and Dirk seems to correct the problem that Michael Flood identies in the mens movement: The danger, therefore, is that by mobilizing men collectively as men and thus drawing on their shared interests, activists inadvertently will entrench gender privilege.48 Tommy refuses (or simply defers) gender privilege, while Dirks is complicated by his fathers refusal to acknowledge paternity and his (up until this point) identication with his mother. Tommy Clarke is a critical observer (because he is still a boy) and a participant (because he is being trained for white manhood), but he only ever imperfectly digests the lessons of white supremacy. It is expected that he will initially rebel against the proscriptions on intimacy, but that he will ultimately acquiesce. He is learning how to negotiate the racialized space of Rhodesia. The Antheap, published more than fty years ago, speaks to the possibilities of white childhood and the fraught potential of solidarity between white and black boys. Ultimately, there is a great deal of uncertainty about the boys future relationship. Reections on white childhood from this and later eras move in a number of directions. Some indulge in colonial nostalgia and elide the problem of white supremacy, while others interrogate and revise what it means to be white. The Antheap never engages in nostalgia: it is after all written with a sense of presence and immediacy; and its chronological trajectory is not simply the end-point of the boys story, but their unwritten future: as the
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narrator explains in the last line of the story, they are about to embark on a long and difcult struggle to understand what they had won and how they would use it (p. 138). We never learn if their subversive fraternity develops or withers. We do know, however, that most black and white men whether in Rhodesia or Zimbabwe never achieved the kind of solidarity that the boys desire, and cannot even fully articulate. It is more or less a moot point now, as most whites have left Zimbabwe, as a result of the farm take-overs in the early part of this decade and the countrys plunge into economic distress. Still, there is estimated to be about 20,000 whites remaining in Zimbabwe, although they are still relatively isolated and many of them are elderly people, like Peter Godwins parents, who cannot imagine leaving.49 Dirks prediction, that there wont be one white man left in Africa, is somewhat prescient. The current situation in Zimbabwe raises a series of new questions about childhood. Who will write the life stories of black children in Zimbabwe, children who are surviving, despite the fact that there is little food to help them grow, few parents to raise them, and only a few ill-equipped and expensive schools to educate them. The project of recording their stories is beginning, through the efforts of HIFA (one of the festivals central mandates is to acculturate Zimbabwean children in the arts, through exposure to a range of arts and hands-on workshops) and through the efforts of Streets Ahead, an outreach programme directed at Harares thousands of street children. Recently, Streets Ahead published a modest collection of short life narratives, A Zimbabwean Street Story, edited by Valentine Makope, a former street child.50 What is the future of the vast majority of children in Zimbabwe? What does childhood mean in the present crisis? The Antheap points out childhoods mutability, its lack of xity. In her story this lends the boys future a degree of hope, but in Mugabes Zimbabwe we may wonder if childhood, with its future trajectory, has any substantive meaning at all. NOTES
1 Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. 2 bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics, Toronto: Between-thelines, 1990, p. 54. 3 Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power, p. 7. 4 HIFA works in collaboration with two childrens organizations. Through Streets Ahead, HIFA hires street children to work the festival: they are provided with a uniform, two meals per day and a reference letter (although it is unlikely that such a letter will serve much purpose when the unemployment rate is 8590%). HIFA also works with the Kapnek Charitable Trust to ensure that 300 underprivileged children per day attend the festival, free of charge. See http://www.hifa.co.zw.

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5 Daphne Anderson, The Toe-Rags: The Story of a Strange Up-bringing in Southern Rhodesia, London: Andr Deutsch, 1989. 6 Peter Godwin, Mukiwa: A White Boy in Africa, London: Picador, 1996. 7 Alexandra Fuller, Dont Lets Go to the Dogs Tonight, Toronto: Random House, 2001. 8 Ian Holding, Unfeeling, London: Simon and Schuster, 2005. 9 Doris Lessing, Under My Skin: Volume One of My Autobiography, to 1949, New York: HarperCollins, 1994. 10 The Antheap, A Home for the Highland Cattle and The Antheap, ed. Jean Pickering, Peterborough, ON: Broadview, 2003, p. 96. Subsequent references are to this edition and will be cited in the text. 11 David Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa, London: Ward, Lock, 1857. 12 H. Rider Haggard, King Solomons Mines, Peterborough, ON: Broadview, 2002. 13 Frederick Courteney Selous, Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia, London: Rowland Ward, 1896. 14 ibid., p. xvii. 15 ibid., p. xix. 16 Cecil John Rhodes, The Last Will and Testament of Cecil John Rhodes, London: Review of Reviews Ofce, 1902, p. 35. 17 ibid., p. 36 18 Olive Schreiner, Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland, 1897; London: T. Fischer Unwin, 1926. 19 Jock McCulloch, Black Peril, White Virtue: Sexual Crime in Southern Rhodesia, 19021935, Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2000, p. 99. 20 Jeannie M. Boggie, Experiences of Rhodesias Pioneer Women, Bulawayo: Phillpot and Collins, 1938, p. 65. 21 Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power, p. 119. 22 ibid., p. 2. 23 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume 1, New York: Pantheon, 1978. 24 See Ann Laura Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire: Foucaults History of Sexuality and the Colonial Order of Things, Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1995. 25 Interstitial is a word that recurs in Stolers work. See Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power, p. 8 and chapter 3. 26 See the Carnegie Commissions ve-volume report, The Poor White Problem in South Africa, ed. R.W. Wilcocks, Stellenbosch: Pro-Ecclesia, 1932. The report repeatedly uses the word propinquity to describe the unhealthy relationships between blacks and poor whites; it also addresses the pernicious and related problem of coloureds. 27 Black Peril, White Virtue, p. 28. 28 ibid., pp. 1718. 29 Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power, p. 2. 30 This is Ronald Hyams argument in Empire and Sexuality: The British Experience, Manchester: Manchester UP, 1990. 31 Black Peril, White Virtue, p. 96. 32 ibid., p. 97. 33 ibid., p. 103. 34 Doris Lessing, The Grass is Singing, 1950; London: Heinemann, 1988, p. 116.
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35 Stoler explains that [t]ropical climates were said to cause low fertility, prolonged amenorrhea, and permanent sterility, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power, p. 73. 36 This is my own gesture to the second novel in Doris Lessings Children of Violence series: A Proper Marriage, London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1964. 37 ibid., p. 92. 38 Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power, p. 71. 39 ibid., pp. 99, 101. 40 See Sander Gilman, Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward an Iconography of Female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century Art, Medicine, and Literature, in Race, Writing, and Difference, ed. Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985, pp. 22361. 41 ibid., p. 232. 42 Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, New York: Routledge, 1995, p. 3. 43 J.M. Coetzee, White Writing: On the Culture of Letters in South Africa, New Haven: Yale UP, 1988, p. 5 44 ibid., p. 69. 45 ibid., p. 5. 46 Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power, p. 68. 47 See M. J. Daymond, Introduction, South African Feminisms: Writing, Theory, and Criticism, 19901994, ed. M.J. Daymond, New York: Garland, 1996, p. xvii. 48 Michael Flood, Mens Collective Struggle for Gender Justice, in Handbook of Studies on Men and Masculinities, ed. Michael S. Kimmel, Jeff Hearn and R.W. Connell, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2005, p. 4589. 49 Peter Godwin, When A Crocodile Eats the Sun: A Memoir of Africa, New York: Little, Brown, 2007. 50 See www.kubatana.net/html/archive/chiyou/060517kub.asp?sector-CHIYOU.

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