Near East Archaeology Vol 69 No 2

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VOL. 69
NO. 2
JUNE2006
A PUBLICATIONOF THE AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTALRESEARCH
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NE?RE?STTEKN
VOLUME 69
NO. 2
? JUNE 2006
C ^ The Pleistocene Peopling I of Anatolia: Evidence from ^

Kaletepe Deresi
by Ludovic Slimak, Domase Mouralis, Nur Balkan-Ath, Didier Binder, and Steven L. Kuhn
$'.. fe/JHK"fli Anatolia has been called the
discoveries of considerable note. Much of this deficiency results from a lack of preserved perishable goods; these seldom survive time depths in the hundreds of thousands to well over amillion years. But also lacking is clear understanding of the behavioral significance of those objects that do survive the wear and tear of
time, new specifically research lives. that the numerous assists our stone quest artifacts. This article of presents for understanding these
ancient
as crossroads of Eurasia, forming HE?hal^HPîfll ytc'oesa land-bridge between ^^BiffPlH^Xi? 3 Europe,theLevant,andcentral ^H||QK^^ Asia. Historicaldocumentsand 2 ^^^^^^^^^^^B the richarchaeological region's ^ ^^^^^^^^^^H to record ^" provideampletestimony ^^^^^^^^^^H movements of 1 frequent people, ideas, ^^^^^^^^^^H andgoodsacross Anatolia over ^^^^^^^^^^^k tne âst few of millennia.A range ^^^^^^^^^BjPL^ M& ^^^^^^^^^^.
evidence, both circumstantial and
and human remote ancestors times. repeatedly direct, traversed suggests the that humans region in even more
Human Evolution at the 73 Crossroads: An Archaeological Survey in Northwest Jordan

byMichael
Regina
S. Bisson, April Nowell,

and Maysoon
Carlos Cordova,
al-Nahar
Kalchgruber,
Human evolution can be traced back 7,000,000 years. Modern humans evolved inAfrica 160,000 years ago and as recently as 26,000 years ago we shared parts of the world with at least one other species?the Neanderthals. Since the discovery of the first Neanderthal in 1856 inGermany, this species has
generated controversy; specifically, there are questions concerning
/? 4 LateAcheulian Variability " I inthe Southern Levant:

A Contrast of the Western and Eastern Margins of the Levantine Corridor
by Gary O. Rollefson, Leslie A. Quintero, and
their genetic relationship tomodern humans, their capacity

for language and artistic expression, or the reasons for their
Philip J.Wilhe
-<W^ A(^ One of the fascinating
extinction. Resolving these debates in the long term depends on an accumulation of evidence for how Neanderthals adapted to the physical and cultural environments around them. In other words, in order to understand why they died, we need to first understand how they lived.
^JI^Bto?:Jflfl^^k ^^^^^H?^^^^^^H..
aspectsof the archaeology ancienttimesis of verY
j^^^^^^HH^^^^^^Bi
^^^^^ÊKj^^^^^K*' " ij^^^^^HH^^^^^Hpf? ;' ^^Bfmm^SS?^Kfl^l-
itoffers that of glimpses

We find extinct life ways.
true this for particularly

thecultural behavior
of hominids during the Lower Palaeolithic. Interestingly, relatively little is known about the daily habits of people during the fairly well-studied period of the Acheulian in the Levant, in spite of numerous site
On
the Cover:
WZM-1,
"The Sinkhole
located
in Northwest
Jordan
with
lithics from
the Middle
Paleolithic/'
Photo
by Regina
Kalchgruber.
87
or Hunting Camp? of a Cave Site Anatomy Shelter

by Bruce Schroeder
Paleolithic
explanations
DEPARTMENTS
ARTI-FACTS
archaeologists
of site location
frequently
in their
overlook
concentration on 97
site chronology
why forced a particular its way
and artifact assemblages.

location into my was chosen consciousness while
The
issue of
Petra: Lost City of Stone

Kevin McGeough
for occupation working
at the site of Jerf al-Ajla, a cave located in the desert of central Syria. The lack of water in the vicinity was evident as Iwatched while the younger of the two wives of the Bedouin family camped in front of the cave clambered up the sloping rock surface of Jebel M'qeittaa, the ridge in which the cave was located. With a huge
bag on her back, she was searching for water that, after
REVIEWS
99
Chieftains of the Highland Clans. A History of Israel in the 12th and

11th Centuries G. Dever) (William b.c.
a fall rain, was captured in pockets of Jebel M'qeittaa. The pockets were typically filled with wind blown debris along with the detritus of passing flocks. This raised a question of not just why the site was occupied at all but why it was visited for tens and indeed hundreds of
thousands of years, albeit irregularly.
Democracy's
Ancient
Ancestors:
Mari
and Early Collective Governance

(MatthewT Rutz)
inn
FORUM
of Palestinian Heritage: Saffa Archaeological Village as a Model The Destruction

by Salah H. al-Houdalieh
Roa^^^^^ljoac^^^^^^^ît^^^^^^^Line
i S? ?
A PUBLICATION SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH OF THE AMERICAN
PALESTINE M A N EY
p u h i i s h in g
EXPLORATION
QUARTERLY
Exploration Quarterly (PEQ) is the journal of the Palestine in 1865 as the first scholarly Exploration Fund, which was established to scientific of the what was then generally society dedicated study known as the Holy Land. In 1869 the Fund, through its Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, aimed to illuminate the Bible for its readers with scholarly information about the land of the Bible. successor and while it remains true to its PEQ is the Statement's its scope. In spite of its historical original brief, it has greatly widened land of Israel, but title, PEQ is concerned not just with Palestine/the with the wider region of the Levant? its history, archaeology (including biblical aspects), art, languages, natural and earth
ethnology, geography, natural and earth sciences.
Palestine
PEQ
AUtSTIVR KXPi.OKAI'lOK'Q.UAk'l'liiL?.Y
? <&
CALL FORPAPERS
Contributions should be sent to the Editor: Professor J RBartlett, 102 Sorrento Road, Dalkey, Co. Dublin, Republic of Ireland Books for review should be sent to: Ashley Jones, Palestine Lane, Exploration Fund, 2 Hinde Mews, Marylebone UK London W1U2AA, To view the full Notes for Contributors please visit
EDITOR
Professor J R Bartlett Trinity College Dublin, Republic of Ireland
REVIEWS EDITOR
Ashley Jones Palestine Exploration Fund, UK
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.NEAR EASTERN A^CHAEOIOGY

Editor Sandra A. Scham Managing Editor Trina Arpin Assistant Editor Camilla Luckey Art Director Monica McLeod Sawyer/McLeod Creative arti-facts Editor Benjamin Porter Review Editor Justin Lev-Tov Editorial Committee Jeff Blakely Lynn Swartz Dodd Ann E. Killebrew Yuval Goren Adel Yahya Denise Neil Asher Silberman Sharon Steadman Bethany Walker Samuel Wolff Richard Zettler Schmandt-Besserat
thanks due to guest editor April Nowell of the University of Victoria, this issue touches on time periods that have not been covered frequently in these pages. Although I now teach Biblical Archaeology, my original fieldwork was on the prehistory of Jordan so I find it particularly gratifying to be able to present these articles covering Anatolia, Jordan, and the
Levantine corridor over a chronological span of several million years. Over
the past decade Near Eastern Archaeology has come to represent the broad range of interests of our subscribers by encompassing material that is outside of the usual fields suggested by our title. We have endeavored to expand our and geographically and hope to continue this horizons both chronologically
practice At the into same the future. with our Forum section, we have tried to present diverse
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of current, sometimes bleak, realities
Payments
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that the amount of attention accorded to the region can make our work
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VTrV
The
Pleistocene Evidence
by Ludovic Slimak, Damase
Peopling from
Mouralis, Nur
of
Anatolia: Deresi
Kaletepe
Balkan*Ath, Didier Binder,
and Steven
L* Kuhn
A range of evidence indicates that early humans were in and around Anatolia the present throughout the Pleistocene Nonetheless, epoch (see sidebar). There and Paleolithic artifacts from across Turkey (Harmankaya on the the below Tamndi but of many map 1996), points from surface contexts, and artifacts collected represent To Lower few have been field checked and verified. date, Paleolithic remains have been recovered archaeological contexts at only a small handful from primary geological existing archaeological is remarkably sparse. record for this period in Anatolia are many reports of Lower
of localities Lower Antalya), Istanbul). elevations exception Anatolia
within
Turkey.
The
two best known
sites with
Paleolithic
(situated near layers are Karain Cave and Yanmburgaz Cave (located not far from Both cave sites are situated at comparatively low seacoast. With one not far from the present-day
(Giile? et al. 1999), the high plateau of central has remained a virtual blank spot on the map of about when the Lower Paleolithic, (or if) raising questions was the region during the earlier phases of the occupied The research to resolve should help at Kaletepe Deresi 3 reported some of these questions.
Paleolithic. here
Iraq
\Qrontes R.
Mediterranean
Sea
Syria
Beirut/
Map of Turkey, showing reported sites. Stars indicate investigated Lower Paleolithic occurrences Paleolithic. and Tanindi (from Harmankaya 1 Dursunlu; 2* Yanmburgaz 1996). Cave;
Lower Paleolithic Sites

0 100 200km
Turkey
Small dots
indicate
surface 4=
finds or unverified Deresi 3.
sites with
in situ Lower
3= Karain Cave;
Kaletepe
NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006)
51
m H^HB^^HhI^^^rk^9BI
j???gHH?^^^Hh?%% - JHI
ite
'
"
i>
' "
-^"SSa^^ yfP9Bl?:Jsl^^^
*;' lllHkyii^^BII^R^Îi?^SHK'%'aHSI^^^^^^^Î^H
Volcanic courtesy
terrain of the
typical of the Central authors.
Anatolian
Volcanic
Province.
Unless
otherwise
noted,
all photos
and
illustrations
in this article
are
to the scarcity of early Paleolithic Several factors contribute remains in Turkey and on the central Anatolian plateau in most is One of the of these the simple important particular. sites. sites old of very Large finding dating to the last difficulty
few millennia are often quite easy to locate, either by virtue
are often either deeply buried or else have been eroded away,
exposing underlying rocks too ancient to contain traces of
of standing architecture or because they form large, mounded tells or h?y?ks that project above the surrounding landscapes. In contrast, Paleolithic sites tend to be unobtrusive. Consisting
of thin scatters of stone tools, animal bones, ash lenses, and
often hominins (humans and their closest ancestors)?but with a record of much earlier Miocene primates (Alpagut et al. 1990; Begun 2005: 54; Sevim et al. 2001). Lower and Middle Paleolithic remains have been recovered
from secure geological contexts at only two sites on the
other ephemeral traces of human presence, Paleolithic sites are easily obscured by thin layers of sediment cover. The only way to systematically discover early sites is to search for "old dirt," sedimentary layers of the correct age to contain Paleolithic remains. One obvious place to look for old dirt is in caves, sites in Turkey are and indeed most of the known Paleolithic interior associated with such karstic features. Unfortunately, contains few caves. Pleistocene that Anatolia may deposits have existed in the broad inland basins of the central plateau
Anatolian (Konya) (Gule? plateau. One of these isDursunlu et al. 1999), where a small sample of stone artifacts and a large collection of animal remains have been recovered from a deeply-buried layer that formed sometime between 780,000 and 990,000 years ago. The other is Kaletepe Deresi 3 (KD3) (Nigde), the subject of this article (Slimak et al. 2004, 2005). This site presents one of the most complete early Paleolithic
sequences in Turkey. The stratigraphie sequence at the site,
more
than 7 m deep, contains multiple archaeological horizons attesting to presence of early humans in central Anatolia during both the Lower and Middle Paleolithic.
52
NEAR EASTERN 69:2 (2006) ARCHAEOLOGY
Continuous
"carpet"
of obsidian
debris
in the Kaletepe/K?m?rc?
obsidian
source
area.
Contextof KD3
locality with unusually high potential Province Volcanic The Central Anatolian (CAVP), which is a particularly includes the area better known as Cappadocia, sites. Here to dirt" old for and "old prospect promising place
there are extensive Pliocene and Pleistocene volcanic deposits,
The KD3
is situated
in a part of central Turkey remains. to yield Paleolithic
et al. 1999; Binder and Balkan-Atli 2001). The Paleolithic were in the course of the at discovered first KD3 deposits at KD3 took test excavations first The Neolithic project. summer site excavated in has been the and every 2000, place since that date by a team of French, Turkish, and American researchers (Slimak et al. 2004, 2005). The site is situated on the south bank of a seasonal stream bed (dere) near the southeastern edge of the main exposures of K?m?rc? obsidian. Itwas originally identified by L. Slimak based on the presence of artifacts and bone eroding out of the steep bank. The Pleistocene deposits have been exposed in two stepped trenches (called "locus Amont" and "locus Aval") approximately horizons are contained 15 sq m in size. The archaeological within a series of alluvial and colluvial deposits that are made up mainly of reworked pumice and volcanic tephra along with larger chunks of rhyolite, and?site, and obsidian. For the most part the
sediments are quite fine grained. The exception occurs in the
coming from some of the same volcanic systems that produced is for which Cappadocia rock formations the spectacular famous. Because the soft volcanic tuffs produced by many of the CAVP volcanoes erode easily, many of the older layers are exposed rather than remaining deeply buried. Other products
of the volcanoes, rocks such as obsidian and basalt, were used
for making stone tools throughout prehistory. The natural abundance of these desirable raw materials would have helped
attract early humans to the region.
The KD3 site is located in the southern part of the CAVR on the edge of the G?ll? Dag volcanic complex, not far from the town of ?iftlik. The G?ll? Dag complex includes several distinct obsidian sources that were exploited prehistorically et 1996; Chataigner (Cauvin 1996; Cauvin and Balkan-Ath al. 1998). Obsidian from one of these, the Kaletepe/K?m?rc?
source, was widely traded throughout the eastern
Mediterranean
period. The by an almost Kaletepe/K?m?rc? continuous carpet of debris from obsidian working that extends region during the Neolithic source today is marked
across the lower slopes over several hectares of the volcano.
lower part of the sequence, where there is a thick layer of large, angular and?site blocks (corresponding with archaeological level IV). These blocks appear to have come from the collapse of a cliff face or small bedrock overhang nearby. and We are currently able to establish only the maximum series A KD3 minimum of the sequence. ages stratigraphie ash layers is found near the top of the of six thin volcanic sequence, between archaeological levels Y and II.These tephras have been traced to an eruption at the nearby Acig?l volcanic complex dated to around 160,000 years ago (Druitt et al. 1995; Kuzucuoglu et al. 1998; Mouralis 2003). the entire stratigraphie At the other end of the sequence,
column sits on a basal layer of extrusive volcanic rocks that
and D. Binder (CNRS, N. Balkan-Ath (Istanbul University) a of Neolithic conducted detailed France) workshops study source (Balkan-Atli situated on top of the Kaletepe/K?m?rc?
69:2 (2006) 53 ARCHAEOLOGY NEAR EASTERN
Overview
of KD3
excavation
area:
"Aval"
excavation
area
is to
left, "Amont"
area
to right.
1.1 and 1.3 million years ago (Bigazzi et al. formed between et al. 2002; Mouralis 1993; Mouralis 2003). Based on these it appears that the sequence at KD3 could age determinations
represent as much as one million years of human occupation.
it is unlikely that sedimentary However, layers representing the entire time span have been preserved. We do not know how much time elapsed between the formation of the bedrock and the deposition of the earliest archaeological levels and there are likely significant gaps in sedimentation. Nonetheless, the archaeological sequence at KD3 is unique within Turkey its both for age and for the variety of Paleolithic materials represented in it.
from level II (just below the volcanic tephra). The scarcity of bone is probably due to mainly the acidic nature of the volcanic if the main activities conducted sediments at KD3. However, at the site centered on the extraction and working of stone for tools, there may never have been much bone deposited in the first place. The 14 archaeological levels at KD3 can be divided into three basic phases, based on the kinds of artifacts present within them. These are described below, from youngest (phase III, found closest to the surface) to oldest (phase I, the deepest levels in the cave). Phase III, the most recent, includes levels I, F, and II. Levels V and II are separated by the 160,000 year-old tephra layers. These three layers represent a classic or Mousterian Their lithic Paleolithic Middle occupation. are characterized by well-made retouched points assemblages and sidescrapers. Several variants of the Levallois method of flake production, typical of the Eurasian Middle Paleolithic, are represented. Almost all of the artifacts in these levels are made of obsidian. Although most of the debris recovered resulted
"finished" activities,
A Summary of Stone Artifacts from

archaeological levels at KD3 consist mainly of dispersed accumulations of stone artifacts and occasionally other material. The 14 archaeological levels should be considered as The
representing episodes of more-or-less intense hominin presence
Kaletepe Deresi 3
in the area, separated by periods when few or no artifacts were being deposited. The finds consist almost exclusively of flaked stone artifacts, totalling nearly 5,000 specimens as of the end of 2006. Unfortunately, bone is extremely scarce in the deposits at KD3. To date, the only identifiable faunal remains consist of a mandible and isolated teeth of a primitive equid coming
from the production

tools wherein locus near level are present. worn-out "Amont" the IV. bottom
of artifacts,
These may implements
several well-used
"retooling" replaced accumulation with with were
represent
of Photograph of large blocks archaeological
section of the
in KD3. section
The
corresponds
54
NEAREASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006)
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I -:--.:?.:. ?.t.., . .. .F?? , , :: .:.:.:. .:....... ?: ?S??:??,-?:,; : ?1:".11 'U?!:-:. ...:.:-?s71?; ..:::,?;, 4f?;,-?_;=;MV:U.?:i::. .... -.:;: ...... ..?.?::.,.'.S' :? . . ?,Nl I..f:.. I....? 1.?`.;? 7: ....INQUI, , ItS -?,??. ,If !? '. .i ,: -,.I ? ....11., ::.".. ..t ,454?,',,??: :?j-;.. .. .fil-i..1 -'i...: Z..,....,.::. 1:.--Z ;? ?I ..I....?i....1. -.""S Mf, M, ,.? I11t."....i...; M ?l ?. .:.. ......'?f 1..: .." ... .;::;? ,f -.I.. OW",-U:, -::i,,1.?i ..... .'?.1 .. ...: .. ]_-"??;klxi;, ...: := " I.,_ ..1. .......'..,_k?.:f .f .. . ..% ??.':..:.,?,.. ?.. ? .: --%:f?,.! ? ?%,::,;:??., -f?:: .;i .:..:: .tS: m "", -.,M':i??l f.1...: I-, ?? .,..-, ..".. 11, .. ..":.:..??: , ,..;. .f......".,n,.I:. ,-?S, "'..:1., ,-;IWU :_..i.'.. .;.-....,.:..?. ,n'!.........t?'.. .,?:??:,,. ."iI.': ?; I
.;...-I....
Sem
Levallois
core
and
retouched
Mousterian
point
from
Level
IIat KD3.
Flake
cleaver
(and?site)
and bifacial
handaxe
(obsidian)
from
Levels
V and VI at KD3.
56
The middle Phase II is comprised of levels IF and III.Cultural remains are quite diffusely distributed in these levels. Artifacts include irregular scrapers and notched and denticulated tools. on thick flakes with In level III, these tools are manufactured large, flat striking platforms, whereas in level IF blanks were produced using the discoid method. As in the overlying levels, obsidian was the main raw material exploited. The assemblage from level IF bears some similarity to assemblages of stone artifacts from two coastal Lower Paleolithic sites, Yanmburgaz Cave (Turkish Thrace) and Karain F (assemblage A at Antalya) (Kuhn et al. 1996; Stiner et al. 1996; Yal?inkaya et al. 1992; Otte et al. 1998). It represents either a late manifestation of the Lower Paleolithic or an early kind of Middle Paleolithic industry. Layer III has yielded a number of obsidian flakes of a form typically produced during thinning of large bifaces using antler or hardwood hammers. For this reason we believe that it
represents a variety of late Acheulean industry.
forming Levant,
as
it does a land-bridge
between
Europe,
the and
and central Asia.
Historical
documents
the regions testimony goods A direct,
rich archaeological to frequent movements over
record provide of people,
ample
ideas, and
across Anatolia range of evidence,
the last few millennia. both circumstantial and human and
suggests
that humans the region and
ancestors remote
repeatedly
traversed
in even more
times. Hominins
(humans
their closest ancestors)
first began to colonize territories outside of their

evolutionary heartland in sub-Saharan Africa at the
at KD3, consists Phase I, the earliest phase of occupation of levels IV through XII. Level IV corresponds with the accumulation of large blocks; level V consists of finer-grained are very the block layer. Levels VI-XII sediments beneath events. The thin layers, resembling individual depositional artifact assemblages from these levels show a wide range of technological and economic behaviors associated with the
very beginning of the Pleistocene geological epoch, around L8 million years ago (Ant?n and Swisher 2004; Dennell and Roebroeks 2005:1099).
currently the earliest-known hominin
Dmanisi,
of
site outside
Africa and dating to between 1.7 and 1.8 million years before present (Gabunia et al 2000; Vekua et
al 2002), is located in southwestern Georgia, a short
distance north of theTurkish border.The most likely routes ofmigration therefrom theAfrican Rift Valley
pass directly through eastern Anatolia. more recent In a somewhat time frame, reconstructions show Anatolia Asia of the dispersal modern humans between years ago. of Homo passing genetic sapiens through and human
early en route 60,000
Africa,
Europe,
after
Interestingly,
mitochondria! DNA
only) Homo shows clearer
(passed on in the female line

evidence for the expansion than does of the Y
sapiens
through Anatolia
chromosome (which tracksmale descent) (Richards et al 2000; Oppenheimer 2003: 86; Cinnioglu et al 2004)- These data do not imply thatmales and females dispersed by different routes: instead, they likely reflect the chance local extinction of some of
the older Y-chromosome the first and is every between
Large and?site core from Level IV at KD3.
lines. And recent dispersal that
these
are just there
the most
events:
reason Africa
to expect and Eurasia
hominins
moved
at other
times during
the Pleistocene.
NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006) 57
Level IV contains evidence for the production of very large flakes from large and?site and rhyolite cores, some larger than 20 cm in diameter. "Formal" tools in level IV are primarily tools and some flakes with heavy choppers and chopping minimal retouch. A few fragments of roughly-made bifacial artifacts are also present. More than 90 percent of artifacts are manufactured of rhyolite and and?site: obsidian, though
locally available, was seldom used.
lend further support to this hypothesis of a second major et al. dispersal event (Carbonell et al. 1999; Goren-Inbar 2000). The site of KD3 certainly has something to contribute to evaluating this hypothesis. The artifacts from levels V and VI-XII of some of the artifacts from Gesher (Goren-Inbar et al. 2000; Saragusti and Goren Inbar 2001). However, if the ages of the earliest layers at KD3 the of the age (dated to more underlying bedrock approach than 1.1 million years ago), they would be older even than Gesher Benot Yacov. Only additional Chronometrie research will permit us to saymore about the ages of the levels between bedrock and the tuff at the top of the KD3 sequence. Efforts Benot Yacov
are currently underway to correlate different volcanic tuffs
are reminiscent
at the bottom of the sequence are Levels V and VI-XII of obsidian very different. They include bifacial handaxes
as well as cleavers. The large tools are manufactured
from both and?site and obsidian: the latter seems to have been especially favored for making bifacial tools. Level V is also rich in and?site polyhedrons, which may represent another, independent trajectory aimed at the technological production of small flakes. The assemblages from level V and VI-XII are clearly a local The assemblage from layer IV expression of the Acheulean.
is less easily characterized. activities It could oriented represent the raw material production of procurement around
and pumices
volcanic
in the KD3
in the
sedimentary
region.
sequence with
specific
eruptions
to the earliest and most sediments corresponding Although recent hominin dispersal events seem to be absent in the sequence at the KD3 locality, the G?ll? Dag stratigraphie area presents many possibilities for investigating these time as well cores Levallois Middle Paleolithic flakes and periods. as handaxes are found on the surface throughout the lower
slopes to be of the volcano. out of In some intact locations, the layers. artifacts In future appear years eroding sedimentary
to become handaxes and cleavers, or large flakes destined it could represent a novel Lower Paleolithic technological faci?s for the region. Only further excavation expanding the
collections and the area excavated will resolve this question.
we hope to investigate the most promising of these localities in an effort to extend the local Paleolithic sequence into both
earlier and later periods.
Potential Significance Kaletepe Deresi 3

As analyses of the materials
and FutureWork at
recovered mature and more
Another that develops from work at KD3 is question "where did the obsidian go?" Obsidian from the G?ll? Dag
was exchanged throughout the eastern Mediterranean as
absolute dates become available, KD3 promises to shed new light on the movement of populations and technological innovations between the Near East and Europe during the Pleistocene. Already, the site is unique within Turkey as the only location
where has an Acheulean been excavated are widely the major river assemblage from known courses, with handaxes sedimentary sites, the and cleavers layers. particularly at undisturbed from but open-air before
Handaxes along
excavations
KD3 no Acheulean
potentially From the dates of the underlying bedrock, it appears that old to provide evidence deposits at KD3 are insufficiently which probably for the initial human entry into Anatolia, more 1.8 The million years ago. occurred than upper part of
the sequence seems to have been truncated sometime soon
assemblage had been found datable geological context.
in a sealed,
obsidian early as the Aceramic Neolithic period. However, artifacts are simply unknown in Lower and Middle Paleolithic the best outside of the CAVP. Of course assemblages sites (Karain and documented Lower and Middle Paleolithic Yanmburgaz caves) are hundreds of kilometers away, and it is not surprising that the obsidian never reached these distant localities. Still, we know little of how Lower and Middle Paleolithic humans might have utilized the raw materials they collected at Kaletepe within the more immediate area. Any information we can obtain from future studies of Paleolithic sites in the surrounding area about transport and exploitation in understanding of K?m?rc? obsidian will be invaluable ranging patterns and territory sizes of Paleolithic populations
in central Anatolia.
KD3
area may
and other
also
Paleolithic
to
localities
answering
in the surrounding
another important
after as eruption of the Acig?l volcano some 160,000 years ago, and so is probably too early to contain evidence for the dispersal of anatomically modern Homo sapiens. Nonetheless, KD3 may contain evidence for another dispersal event of
intermediate age. Some researchers argue that the appearance
contribute
about question ancestors. KD3

sea level, at
of the globe by early human colonization is situated at an elevation of 1,600 m above

equivalent to Boston, Massachusetts.
a latitude
industries with well-made handaxes of developed Acheulean and cleavers in Eurasia represents a discrete hominin dispersal
in the current interglacial, the area is characterized by very cold, windy winters: conditions would have been even more forbidding during colder glacial intervals within the Even
58
ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006) NEAREASTERN
temperatures, when plant foods would have been unavailable. In the long run, such ecological barriers would have been far more significant than sheer distance in channeling early information hominin dispersals. Additional chronological from KD3 will enable us to correlate the various occupation horizons with the record of global climate change during the it will be of particular interest to know whether Pleistocene:
the early occupations correlate with warm or cold intervals.
1995
Late Quaternary Central Turkey. A.,
Rhyolitic Journal
Eruption
from the Acig?l Society C, M.,
Complex,
of the Geological D.,
152:655-67. III, Ferring, Ant?n, S., G.,
Gabunia,
L., Vekua, R.,
Lordkipanidze, Nioradze, Joris, O., A. Hominid M.,
Swisher,
Justus, A., G.,
Tvalchrelidze, M-A.,
Bosinski,
de Lumley,
Majsuradze,
Mouskhelishvili, 2000 Early Pleistocene
Cranial
Remains
from Dmanisi, Setting and Age.
of Georgia: Republic Science 288:1019-25 Goren-Inbar, N., Feibel, C,
Taxonomy,
Geological
Verosub,
K. L., Melamed, I. the Out-of-Africa
Y, Kislev,
M.
E.,
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Oppenheimer, 2003
S. The Real Eve: Modem Carrol and Graf. L, Kozlowski, H. Technical Palaeolithic. V., Hickey, Sellitto, D., Evolution Journal and Human of Human Remains in the J., Bar-Yosef, O., L?pez Bay?n, I., and Mans Journey Out of Africa. New York:
Peoples in Near East from 14000 to 6000 BP. Journal of

Volcanology Cinnioglu, C, King, and Geothermal Research 85:517-37. S., Cavalleri, G., Otte, R., Kvisild, Roseman, T, Kalfoglu, C, Lin, A., E., Atasoy, Prince,
M.,
Yal?mkaya, Ta?kiran,
Lillie, A., R, Semino, 2004 Excavating Human
K., Oefner, R Strata
R, Shen, 1998
O., Cavalli-Sforza, Y-chromosome 114:127-48.
L., Underhill, Haplotype
Long-term Anatolian
in Anatolia. Richards,
Evolution
34:413-31. V,
Genetics
M., Macaulay, Rengo, C,
E., Vega, Cruciani,
E., Sykes, F., Kivisild,
B., Guida,
T., Villems,
C,
Stefanescu, A.,
G., Hatina, Oppenheim,
J., Belledi, A., N0rby,
M.,
Di Rienzo,
A., N., and
Novelletto,
S., Al-Zaheri, R., Torroni, A.,
Santachiara-Benerecetti, Bandelt, 2000 Tracing mtDNA 76. Saragusti, 2001 I., and Goren-Inbar, The Biface N. H.-J.
S., Scozzari,
in the Near Founder Eastern European Lineages Human Pool. American Genetics 67:1251 Journal of
inAix-en Ludovic Slimak is a researcher at CNRS Provence (France). He has conducted research on the Paleolithic in France, Ethiopia and Djibouti, among other places. He discovered theKD3 Paleolithic locality and has directed excavations there since their inception in 2000. Damase
Universitu environments
Illuminating International Sevim, A., Begun, A New American Slimak, L, Roche, Binder, 2004 Kaletepe
from Gesher Benot Ya'aqov, Israel: Assemblage in "Out of Africa" Dispersal. Patterns Quaternary 75:85-89. E., Geraads, D., and Pehlevan, from Turkey C. (Abstract).
Mouralis
of Rouen
is a Maitre
. His research
de conf?rences
focuses on stratigraphy
at the
and
Quaternary
in Anatolia,
volcanic
D,, Gule?,
chronology, and the Paleolithic and Neolithic periods. is Professor in the department Balkan-Ath of at Istanbul \ Prehistory University (Turkey). She is a noted specialist in the study of theNeolithic and obsidian i exploitation in Anatolia. She is co-director of research on the Neolithic obsidian workshops at Kaletepe and has overseen ; the Paleolithic project as well. Didier Binder isdirector of theCNRS prehistoric archaeology laboratory inValbonne (France). He has conducted excavations \ ofNeolithic sites in France, Turkey and elsewhere. He is head of the French scientific mission conducting research on the Neolithic obsidian workshops of theG?ll? Dag area and helped I \ to sponsor the Paleolithic project at the is Professor Steven Kuhn of Anthropology (USA). He has conducted research University of Arizona \ on the Paleolithic in several parts of the eastern and northern
Mediterranean basin. His current work focuses mainly on the
2001
Late Micoene Journal H.,
Hominid
of Physical Anthropology D., C, Buitenhuis, and Grenet, aspects
114:134-35. H., M. arch?ologiques, d'une s?quence Rendues Palevol de Balkan-Ath, N.,
Nur
Mouralis,
D., Kuzucuoglu, Deresi 3
(Turquie),
chronologiques pleistocene lAcad?mie Slimak, 2005 L., Balkan-Atli, Installations conaissance peuplements 13:287-94. Stiner, M. C, 1996 Arseb?k, Cave Turkey: Vekua, A., Bears
et pal?ontologiques en Anatolie Centrale. Comptes de Paris 3:411-20, D., and Din?er, B.
des Sciences N., Din?er,
Pal?olithiques de cinq ann?es en Anatolie humaines
en Cappadoce. Etat des sur les premiers de recherch? centrale. Anatolia Antiqua
G.,
and Howell,
F. C. Artifacts in Yanmburgaz Cave,
and Palaeolithic
Dissecting D.,
a Palimpsest. Rightmire,
Geoarcheology G. R, Agusti, A., Nioradze, M.,
11:279-327. J., Ferring, R., M., Ponce de C. Science
Lordkipanidze, Maisuradze,
G., Mouskhelishvili, M., Tvalchrelidze,
Leon, M., Tappen, 2002 A New 297:85-89. Yal?inkaya, 1981 I. Pal?olithique du Levant, Internationaux Scientifique. Yal?inkaya, L, Otte, Tagkiran, 1992 Karain Pal?orient M., H. Skull
and Zollikofer, Georgia.
of Early Homo
from Dmanisi,
Pleistocene prehistory of Turkey.

inf?rieur eds. du Turquie. Pp. 207-18 P. Sanlaville and J. Cauvin, du Centre Paris: Editions Bar-Yosef, O., National CNRS. Kozlowski, J,, Leotard, J-.M., and de in Pr?histoire Colloques la Recherche
1991, Recherches 18:109-22,
pal?olithique
en Turquie
du sud.
60
Late Acheulian Variability Levant: A Contrast of of the Eastern Margins
in the Southern the Western and Levantine Corridor

and Philip J. Wilke
by Gary O. Rollefson, Leslie A, Quintero,

One of the fascinating aspects times is that of very ancient extinct the cultural habits of the archaeology it offers of
glimpses true for lifeways. We find this particularly behavior of hominids during the Lower Palaeo about the daily period of the
of those objects that do survive the wear and tear of time, stone artifacts. Thus, it has been the numerous specifically difficult to gain a clear sense of fairly mundane topics such as how hominids in subsisted diverse regions with varied resources to daily living. We present here and challenges research that assists our quest for understanding we look at a major tool in these ancient lives. Specifically some new Acheulian
lithic. Interestingly relatively little is known of people during the fairly well-studied in the Levant sites. Much
Acheulian significant
in spite of numerous discoveries of of this deficiency results from a lack of
preserved perishable goods; these seldom survive time depths of hundreds of thousands to well over amillion years. But also of the behavioral significance lacking is clear understanding
site assemblages, the cleaver or butchery knife, and discuss how this tool reveals behavioral choices and in Lower Palaeolithic regional differences and eastern regions of the Levant. lifeways in western
Background
exca In 1997, we conducted vations on the banks of Ain Soda, a pool in the marshland of the Azraq
in eastern of what Jordan, was once along a the large shore
Oasis
**. ^f^V^Jp?j WC^-s**-*^ ?L
Pleistocene lake. Analysis of the bifaces (colloquially, "handaxes") from the Late Acheulian layers
revealed an unprecedented
of a particular type proportion called bifacial tranchet cleavers that exceed 90 percent of the in the tool assemblages bifaces (Quintero et al. 2004: 3). Similarly high
/,... cleavers from
percentages
occur in the of sites a number
of
that
tranchet
two of us
assemblages
(Quintero and Wilke) discovered in the abjafr Basin of southern et al. 2005; Jordan (Rollefson
Quintero et al. n.d.). Suspecting
that these high cleaver percentages might be a feature characteristic of

the eastern steppe of of the Jordan?the Levantine eastern margin
"i:^T?
Corridor?we decided to test the case by re-examining the biface one us studied that of had sample from Tabun Cave, located in the
western Levant on the coast 'Ain Soda (Jordan) Centre, (adapted 1989).
Levant showing Map of the southern from the of the Hashemtte Roadmap
the
location
of Tabun
Cave Royal
(Israel) and Jordanian
of Israel, (Rollefson
some 1978).
25 years
earlier
Kingdom
of Jordan.
Geographic
Aerial
of the remnants photo Photo the photo (red circle).
of what courtesy
was
the western
shore
of a Pleistocene
lake
in eastern
Jordan
at South
Azraq.
'Ain Soda
is at the
left of
of the authors.
Trench
2 at
'Ain Soda,
showing
a pavement
of artifacts,
many
of which
are bifacial
cleavers.
(Photo:
L. Quintero)
62
ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006) NEAREASTERN
Excavations
in Trench
4 at
'Ain Soda.
This
silt dune
produced
substantial
numbers
of bifacial
cleavers
and
Levallois
points.
(Photo:
L. Quintero)
*W'
A bifacial
cleaver end
from
'Ain Soda.
Notice
at the distal
of the piece.
(Photo:
the razor-sharp G. Rollefson)
cutting
edge
i,yp*k
2**
,,^^H^'..
The Wadi Tabun
inMount south of Haifa. (Nahal Me'arot) Carmel, Mughara Cave is at the far right of the photo. (Photo: G. Rollefson)
Close-up
of the entrance
to Tabun
Cave.
(Photo:
G. Rollefson)
NEAREASTERN 69:2 (2006) 63 ARCHAEOLOGY
The Carmel
caves are located on the western
slopes
ofMount Carmel about 20 km from the city ofHaifa and near theplace where the Caves segues Valley of the into theCoastal Plain. Dorothy Garrod famously
excavated and es-Skhul been conducted the Carmel Caves of el-Wad, et-Tabun, in the 1930s. Nether excavations have there, however, from the late 1960s
complete bifaces (i.e., damage to specimens did not affect in two of the from excavated metrical attributes) deposits in 1997. These bifaces derive from four trenches exposed Ain Soda's Late Acheulian at The sediments occupation. Tabun produced bifaces from 10 of the 14 depositional units (in 25 of the 86 geological beds) identified by Jelinek (1982). our analysis included all of the bifaces from these Although
units, some of the geological units are completely or partially
onward. Burials of twoMiddle Palaeolithic human types (Neanderthals and Early Modern Humans) have been found there.The significance of the Mount
Carmel caves for the study of human the framework is unparalleled. evolution within
to Levantine Mousterian assigned (Tabun C and phases we our limited and have for this D), paper to the sample artifacts that came from Units 13 and 11, 12, (all assigned to the Mugharan Tradition by Jelinek, which includes Late Acheulian and [or "Acheuleo-Yabrudian"], Yabrudian, Unit Amudian and Late 14, containing industries) only Acheulian artifacts. The number of metrically complete bifaces from these subassemblages totals 844 specimens = = 179; Unit 13, n (Unit 11, n 426; Unit 12, n 127; and Unit 14, n= 112).
Et-Tabun Cave (the Cave of the Oven) was occupied during the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic ages (half a million to some 40,000 years ago). Up
in the silt, and clay accumulated cave. Deposits at of sea sand and pollen examined the site suggest a warm time climate durfhg the of its occupation, when the sea of the Mediterranean of sand, to 25 m
Influences on Assemblage
Character
had risen due tomelting glaciers. The coastal plain

was narrower savannah than it is today and was and silt vegetation. Clay Cave indicate covered with in the upper that a more humid
Site Function in early work that the McCown (1961) demonstrated changes in the use of Tabun Cave through time influenced in Layer the character of the stone tools and faunal material B, as compared with the lower deposits of greater antiquity. It is likely that the very
Cave as the documents local a environment
levels of et-Tabun
long stratigraphie
and diverse over fluctuated
record of Tabun
set of adaptations time. Concerning
climate prevailed when glaciers formed again and the Mediterranean Sea dropped to itspresent level.
In 2003, we re-analyzed 1,126 bifaces from the excavations undertaken by Arthur Jelinek at Tabun in the 1967-?972 seasons. We used a new method of analysis developed by two of us (Wilke and Quintero) that pays particular attention to technological of biface and use-life aspects production (including changes in tool form that resulted from tranchet flake removals during subsequent resharpening episodes that led to tool exhaustion and discard or to re-use of ultimately these tools as flake cores). Two features of the Tabun bifaces
were immediately clear. First, bifacial cleavers were severely
complicated
a rich list faunal remains, the Tabun sediments produced of species (Bate 1937), although most of the microfauna and some of the remains of larger animals probably were into the cave by predators and raptors. Yet, it is introduced
clear that the occupants and of the cave exploited fauna. a wide range of woodlandriparian-adapted
The
because
faunal
it was
history
an
at Ain
Soda
open-air
is not
site
as rich, perhaps
more limited
exposed,
with
occupation. pool/marsh
Nevertheless, equids, wild
salts in the silt dunes at the edges of the Also, to bone preservation. may have been detrimental
teeth cattle, and of rhinoceros, giant camel elephant, were recovered various from
in the 1978 analysis as a consequence of using underreported Bordes' (1961) biface typology, which defines biface Fran?ois
types biface using an inconsistent Using mix our refinements. of morphology, new technological technology, analysis, and we
Late Acheulian
megafauna were
deposits,
preyed
so it is clear
upon and
that steppe-adapted
on the margins
butchered
of the lake. This exploitation pattern is echoed at the nearby site of C-Spring Acheulian 1989). In spite of (Clutton-Brock
the dissimilar environments, hunting of large game appears
found the representation of cleavers exceeded 70 percent of the biface assemblage. So, in one important way, the Tabun biface assemblage is not so very different from those recently found in the eastern Levant. Our second notable finding was that bifaces
in the Tabun assemblage are significantly smaller than those
to have
faunal
been
inventory
a major
activity
in both
regions. The
a broader
larger
range
at Tabun,
however,
suggests
from Ain Soda. We consider here possible explanations for these and other phenomena and their importance to regional interpretations of hominid behavior.
of exploitation. in site character are reflected in the tool The differences assemblages as well. The broad range of flake tools at Tabun (the ratio of flake tools to bifaces is roughly 9:1) suggests a
domestic setting in which diverse activities were carried out.
64
different ratio offtake tools to bifaces (3:2). The range of flake tools at Ain Soda ismuch more restricted as well. Also, the percentage of scrapers in the tool assemblage at Tabun is consistently higher than that
of bifaces, as one would expect in a more generalized
Shrews
Boar
Moles
Voles
Roe Deer Fallow Deer
living area. For instance, inUnits 11 and 12, the scraper index ranges from about 45 to 60 percent (although in Unit 14 it drops below 30 percent). At Ain Soda, the percentage of bifaces ismuch higher than that of
scrapers. Nonetheless, the prevalence of cleavers at
Mice
Hamsters
Wild Goat
Gazelle
Soda attests to the importance of butchering large game animals at both sites. Finally, site tool assemblages differ in how cores and tools were made. Tabun assemblages show limited use to produce of Levallois techniques, special methods desired forms of tool blanks by pre-shaping the cores from which they were detached. As the bar graph of both Tabun and Ain modified Levallois indices shows, the three lowermost units at Tabun have very few Levallois tools. They begin to increase inUnit 11, perhaps reflecting a slow transition to the Levantine Mousterian above it.At Ain Soda, on the other hand, the use of Levallois techniques is common, reflecting a substantial knowledge of these sophisticated flint-working strategies.
Gerbils Rock Cony Owls

Hyena Panther
Hartebeest
Hartebeest
Wild Horse
Onager
Wild Horse
Onager
Wild Horse
Onager
Wild Cattle
Rhinoceros
Wild Cattle
Rhinoceros
Wild Cattle
Rhinoceros
Wolf
Fox
Faunal Identifications
Elephant RiverTurtle
at Tabun {Bate
Elephant Giant Camel

1937), 'Ain Soda,
Elephant
Dromedary
and C-Spring
Camel
(Clutton
Brock1989).
Raw Material Availability

How people acquired high-quality
stone tools, often become a standard ignored concern making has
raw material
research, interpretation
for
in the past in the
record. Tool forms and sizes of the archaeological of raw often reflect the quality and configuration
materials, as well as the economic and subsistence
hominids already were using beginning of the Pleistocene, tools. By theMiddle stone, bone, and wooden fire and making were animal-skin Pleistocene, wearing they clothing prepared with a variety of stone scraping and cutting tools. In the Levant, At
Acheulian Technologies
choices made by prehistoric people. High-quality, in situ tabular flint and bedded nodules of flint occur in abundance in large sizes just a few tens of centimeters beneath the surface of silt dunes in Trench 4 and Trench 2 at Ain Soda and were used flint workers as the extensively by the Acheulian
tool stone of choice. Nevertheless, sources of some
Middle Pleistocene about one bifacial tools appeared during the

million Stone years ago. tools, largely made of flint, were used to process animal those of elephant, rhinoceros, kills, including hippopotamus, wild cattle, and gazelle, which roamed the Levantine landscape. Tools thousands slowly over a period of many of improved years. and Handaxes, used for example, became smaller and better
of the preferred raw material at Ain Soda have not been located and may have come from some distance in 1972, away. In a survey of the Wadi el-Mughara Jelinek and his team located in situ nodules of flint in all of the colors and qualities identified in the Tabun excavations. This source was located in a basin 3 km
upstream in the wadi, in uncertain quantities and
shaped. Scrapers, made of thickflakes struck from flint cores,

for scraping meat from bones and for processing animal skins, became better adapted for these purposes. in a variety of forms appropriate Handaxes occurred for
different tasks, including butchering and cutting, piercing,

as a last resort, for personal and perhaps, defense chopping, a specialized wild animals. cleavers, against Bifacial form of are now seen as large cutting or butchering tools. The handaxe, that and abundance suggest proliferation of handaxes perhaps both men and women, had them. As everyone, techniques for these handaxes making slowly improved over the millennia, same techniques led to new types of specialized tools, ultimately the handaxe obsolete. making
sizes of nodules (Jelinek, personal communication is, the 2005). We suggest that these differences?that distance stone workers had to travel to obtain flint and especially the quantities and sizes of available explain much of the variation nodules?probably between biface assemblages from the Late Acheulian at Tabun and Ain Soda.
65
91.45%
Ain Soda Ratio
Tabun to flake tools at 'Ain Soda and Tabun.
of bifaces
Essential Scraper & Biface Indices

80.0%
70.0%
60.0%
50.0%
40.0%
30.0%
20.0%
10.0%
0.0% U-12 Essential scraper and biface indices IM1 and U-13 'Ain Soda, including Type 'Ain U-14 Soda 38 (a naturally backed flake tool).
at Tabun
66
80.0%
70.0%
60.0%
50.0%
40.0%
30.0%
20.0%
10.0%
0.0% U-12 Essential scraper U-11 indices U-13 at Tabun and U-14 'Ain Soda, AS-is excluding Type 38.
and biface
Modified Levallois Index
Modified index,
Levallois excluding
indices unshaped
(which measure flake tools;
of the use of Levallois the importance IL-38 excludes Type 38 (naturally backed
at Tabun and 'Ain Soda. ILe is the techniques) flake tools. flakes) as well as other unshaped
"essential"
IL
69:2 (2006) 67 NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY
of their ratios at the two sites. Although

thickness means are similar, lengths and
U-12 U-13 U-14
71.9
51.6
51.1
80.7 75.2 102.4
widths at Ain Soda are markedly larger than for the assemblages at Tabun. The that nodules around Ain probability Soda were larger overall than those in is supported to the Wadi el-Mughara some extent by the maximum lengths and widths of bifaces in the assemblages, and possibly by the minimum lengths as well. and widths Fortunately,
observations of the remaining cortex
53.7
67.2
Ain Soda
contains the highest 13, which of normally percentage long and narrow Micoquian bifaces, a type of piercing tool). The ratio of thickness divided by width provides an insight
into the cross section of the average biface in the assemblages. In this case,
Assemblage
U-11 U-12 U-13 U-14
W/L
0.701 0.718 0.633 0.714 0.656
traits at
T/W
0.519 0.527 0.556 0.507 0.384
'Ain Soda and Tabun.
the Ain Soda bifaces are relatively thin in relation to width, whereas in all of the Tabun units, bifaces have a
chunkier cross section. Finally, the
on
Ain Soda
Summary of biface
long section (thickness in proportion to length) shows that the Tabun

samples their are counterparts significantly at Ain stouter Soda, than
the specimens from both sites confirm these differences in the size and
configuration of the resource material.
The
erences intensive in the above ratios of is also bifacial
consistency
explained, cleavers
in the diff
however, at Tabun by more than at
A similar interpretation comes from looking at the relative proportions of the bifaces themselves. The ratio of width divided by length yields a summary of the "average" plan form of bifaces,
essentially a measure of "squatness." In general, bifaces are
resharpening
Ain Soda, When refurbishing a slicing edge across the end of the tool in this manner, the tool's length will clearly shorten;
Biface Dimension Means
u-11 Means of biface
U-12 dimensions
U-13 (in mm)
U-14 from Tabun and 'Ain Soda.
'Ain Soda
68
u-11 Means of ratios of biface
U-12 U-13 U-14

dimensions from Tabun and 'Ain Soda.
'Ain Soda
It
Comparison of bifacial cleavers from 'Ain Soda (left) and Tabun (right). (Photo: L Quintero, P.Wilke, J. Quintero, and G. Rollefson)
Kt..
Comparison
of piercers
from
'Ain Soda
(left) and Tabun
(right).
(Photo:
L Quintero,
P.Wilke,
J. Quintero,
and G. Rollefson)
and while distal width and distal thickness are affected, there is little effect on medial width and thickness. The index" (W/L) "squatness this kind of would mirror of length with reduction little narrowing of medial and the width, shortening of the tool in resharpening would also show up in the more intensively resharpened bifaces in terms of the cross section and ("chunkiness") section ("stoutness"). long minimum The lengths (mentioned above) for the Tabun likewise samples reflect the probably intensity of resharpening. Additional f
of flake blanks are virtually to bifacial all restricted cleavers on flakes), whereas nearly a tenth of the bifaces at Tabun are made on flakes these tend to be the (and smallest in terms of absolute
This finding dimensions). at Tabun, that suggests in flakes large produced the decortication of flint nodules were saved and used into for later modification bifacial
purposes,
tools for butchering

an example of
A piercer
from Tabun
used
as a flake
core.
Note
the
flake
scar on the
resource use due to the location of flint sources. Flint "husbandry" at Tabun can be seen also in the reuse as flake cores of bifaces efficient once
evidence that lower right. (Photo: G. Rollefson) an influence support might on lithic manufacturing behavior due to distance from resources comes from two other aspects of the bifaces in the various assemblages. Bifaces at 'Ain Soda are almost on made nodule blanks (and the small number exclusively
the bifaces approached At Ain exhaustion. Soda, as were at Tabun while few bifaces cores, very recycled nearly one-third of the sample was recycled in this manner. reflect an easily accessible, flint Clearly, these differences at Ain rich environment for the more fortunate hunters
70
91.10% 100.00%
No Possibly Yes
87.50% 9.01% 3.49%
58.91% 5.09% 36.00%
Tool Groups Ain Soda H Nodule Flake Tabun 8.55% 91.45%
BIFACES FLAKE TOOLS

Biface blanks
56.71% 43.29%
Ain Soda Nodule Flake of biface Summary and Tabun. 99.30% 0.70% traits at
Tabun 91.10% 8.90% 'Ain Soda
8.90%
the Mediterranean Ain Soda Comparison of the Tabun use of flakes or nodules for the production of bifaces.
shore.
Here,
on rich faunal people capitalized resources but had limited access to good stone for tools. In the
eastern steppic regions, lakeshores
Bifaces Re-Used as Cores

90.00% DAInSoda Tabun
and springs supported megafauna and their human predators who if likely pursued a highly nomadic,
tightly patterned, existence at sites
like Ain
environments
80.00%
Soda. Logical
would
use of these
required
have
70.00% 88.91% 60.00%
hunting in more
of large game and resulted sites butchery ephemeral locations

and tool
at favored
large 50.00% 36.00% 40.00% easily game
where
stone
both
were
accessible.
Conclusions
The differences
the eastern
in these
and
exam
30.00%
ples
from
western
20.00% 9.01% 5.09% 10.00% 3.49% I
margins of the Levantine Corridor are evident, but broader regional are not differences behavioral as obvious. It is clear that 'Ain Soda (and the al-Jafr sites) differs from Tabun and possibly other
Mediterranean coastal sites due
Ym
to the
Ratio of the use of expended bifaces as cores for the production of flakes. occupation
former's
and
more
narrower
limited
range
Soda,
resources
and less substantial

for the cave
and more
difficult
to obtain
flint
dwellers
at Tabun.
In sum, on the one hand we have the protected living site of Tabun Cave, used over a very long extensively environment next to located in a lush woodland duration,
At this point, of the activities. we simply do not have an obvious intact residential site in eastern Jordan with a broad range of activities to compare with those that presumably occurred at Tabun. We assume that such sites exist and perhaps only await discovery.
In the same vein, comparative data are needed on large
71
site characteristics Soda, we believe,

These choices are
we have reflect
the
discussed real differences

expressions
at Tabun and Ain in human choices.

of the variable
expectable
References
Bate, D. M 1937 A. Part IL Paleontology: The Fossil Fauna from the Wady of Mount I, eds. D. Press. Caves. el-Mughara Carmel: Excavations A. Bordes, 1961 F. H, Typologie du Pal?olithique Institut de Pr?histoire de J. A Re-Consideration Azraq. Pp. the Early Paleolithic Hours. British 540. Oxford: Jelinek, A. 1982 J. The Tabun Cave and Paleolithic Man in the Levant. Science 391-97 o? the Fossil in The Hammer of Azraq, Jordan, Fauna on from C-Spring, Studies in and E Series ancien et moyen. No. L Bordeaux: E. Garrod in The Stone Age Pp. 135-227 at theWady el-Mughara, Volume and D. M. A. Bate. Oxford: Clarendon
on what was behaviors that depended array of hominid available to use in the particular activities that took place in different environmental settings. In the distant past, people
responded to diverse situations, choosing from a common
tool kit those

today. We can
items best
envision
suited
family
for survival,
in the
just as we do
entrance to
members
Tabun Cave engaged in the domestic activities of the day. Perhaps we can even find common ground with the nomadic on the sandy shore of of butchering experience elephants Lake Azraq. And is that not our goal?
l'Universit?
de Bordeaux.
Clutton-Brock, 1989
the Rock:
Acknowledgment
Archaeological Archaeopress.
eds. L. Copeland International Reports
We are deeply grateful toArthur Jelinek for facilitating our research efforts and for helpful discussions the concerning stratigraphy at Tabun Cave. We also thank Vance Holliday for
216:1369-75. McCown, 1961 T. D. Animals, Climate and Paleolithic Man. Kroeber Anthropological
ABOUT
THE AUTHORS
Society Papers Quintero, 2004 L. A., Wilke, The ACOR Eastern
25:221-30, G. O. and Paleoanthropology.
P J., and Rollefson, Levant,
the Pleistocene 16(l):l-3.
Newsletter
Gary O. Rollefson (Ph.D. University of Arizona) is a professor in theDepartment at Whitman College, of Anthropology Walla Walla, Washington. He specializes in the prehistoric archaeology of Jordan and is director of the 'Ain Ghazal Gary O. Rollefson archeological project. Leslie A. Quintero (Ph.D. University of California, Riverside) is a research asso ciate in theDepartment of Anthropology at theUniversity of California, Riverside, where she is research director at the Lithic Technology Laboratory. She specializes in the prehistoric archaeology of Jordan and is co-director of the al-Jafr Basin archaeological project. of Philip]. Wilke (Ph.D. University is a professor Riverside) California, at in the Department of Anthropology the University of California, Riverside. He specializes in lithic technology and is co-director of the aUJ?fr Basin archaeological project.
in press An
on the Lower Paleolithic of the Jordan Perspective Corridor." In Studies in the History and Archaeology of Antiquities. of Jordan 9. Amman: Department Eastern "Levantine
Rollefson, 1978
G, O. A Quantitative from the Tabun and Qualitative Excavations, Ann Typological 1967-1972. Arbor, of Bifaces Analysis Ph.D. Dissertation, Microfilms
of Arizona, University International. Rollefson, 2005 G. O., Quintero, The Acheulian Jordan. Journal L. A.,
MI: University
and Wilke,
P J.
in the al-Jafr Basin of Southeastern Industry the Israel Prehistoric Society 35:53-68, of
Leslie
A. Quintero
'S
Ph?ipJ. Wilke
72
animad)
a\^[LOTJ?0 QQ?S3l20aDS8
i era racf?
?^
by Michael Human Modern S. Bisson, April Nowell, evolution
[OQsra
Carlos Cordova, years. years
00Qoai?)
Regina Kalchgruber, and Maysoon al-Nahar (Meilars 1989a, 1996). In the Levantine corridor, the hominin sequence is different. The early hominin record there is poorly represented, although Homo ergaster must have begun living
there as part of its expansion out of Africa as early as 1.95
can be traced back 7,000,000 in Africa humans evolved 160,000
parts Neanderthals,
ago and as recently as 26,000 of the world with at least one
Since the discovery in 1856 in Germany, this species has generated controversy, it is questions concerning whether their genetic relationship to modern humans, their capacity for language and artistic expression, or the reasons for their extinction
years ago we shared other species?the of the first Neanderthal
(Mellars 1996). in the long term depends on an these debates Resolving accumulation of evidence for how Neanderthals adapted to the physical and cultural environments around them. In other words, in order to understand why they died, we need to first understand how they lived. There are only two places in the world where Neanderthals' remains have been found?Europe and the Levant. Both early were living in the Levant modern humans and Neanderthals first 100,000 years ago. While Neanderthals by approximately evolved in Europe, the Levantine record is key to understanding the timing and roles of ecological and cultural factors in facilitating or limiting their survival. Indeed, the Levant served as a biogeographic corridor between Africa and Eurasia for more
the
million BP (Dennell 2003). In the Middle Paleolithic (ca. 250,000 to 45,000 BP),when the Levantine fossil record becomes more complete, we find early forms of AMHs present from ca. 130,000 to 80,000 BP at the sites of Skhul and Qafzeh in Israel. This is significantly earlier than most of the securely dated Neanderthals in the region except for the female found at Tabun (Israel) whose remains have recently been dated to 122,000 ? 16,000 BP (Gr?n and Stringer 2000:610). All other Levantine Neanderthals (Amud, Kebara, cluster between ca. 70,000 and 45,000 BP (Rak Dederiyeh) 1993; Shea 2001). There are no hominin fossils associated with the transitional stone tool industries that bridge the Middle and Upper Paleolithic beginning at ca. 45,000 BP, making attribution
of this transition to either species purely speculative. However,
exchange
than 20 million years (Bar-Yosef 2000) with "every biotic the two realms [using] that took place between
Crossroad' as a major passageway" (Tchernov
(ca.38,000-26,000 BP) (Bergman and Stringer 1989). It is therefore commonly assumed that this transition was accomplished by AMHs. The most prominent explanation accounting for the disappearance of the European Neanderthals is that they were in some way adaptively inferior to AMHs, as well as and that this may have involved basic cognitive technological/behavioral
However, there is no
the Early Upper Paleolithic Ahmarian is definitely associated with AMHs
'Levantine
differences
universal
(Mellars
on
1989b,
this
1991). remains
the movement of 1992:149). Perhaps more importantly, hominin groups (a term used to refer to living humans and their extinct ancestors) in and out of the Levant turned this region into a cultural crossroads between Paleolithic Africa and Eurasia (Trinkaus 1993; Hublin 2000).
agreement
question
(Wolpoff and Caspari

one of the most
1997; d'Errico et al. 1998), which

debates in paleoanthropology.
contentious
The Levantine corridor is potentially the most as a to issue this there is fundamental place study
between the Levant ourselves, and we Europe modern that is not often see As AMHs humans
interesting difference
The Levantine Fossil Record

Because Neanderthals believed
limbs, a stocky torso,
emphasized. our existence
originated in Pleistocene Europe, it is that many of their distinctive features (including short
extreme muscularity and an enlarged
to cold nasal aperture) evolved as biological adaptations a climate by species with limited technological capabilities (Trinkaus 1988). The European fossil record is chronologically linear, with Homo heidelhergensis and Homo antecessor preceding who were replaced by anatomically modern Neanderthals, Homo sapiens (AMHs) between ca. 40,000 and 26,000 BP as that species migrated into Europe from the south and east
and the Neanderthals' extinction as proof of the of our AMHs ancestors. Yet the fossil record in now shows that Neanderthals and early AMHs at ca. 120,000 BP and that been contemporary replacement Neanderthals
superiority the Levant may have in the first
(between ca. 70,000 and 65,000 BP) episode were the "victors." After that date, there is only very limited evidence of the simultaneous presence of AMHs tenure (Rak 1998). It is important during the Neanderthal to note that the Neanderthal ascendancy coincides with the onset of Oxygen Isotope Stage 4 (which begins at 71,000 BP),
NEAREASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006) 73
a period of cold and dry conditions inWestern Europe that biome south and may have shifted the Neanderthal's optimal east (Tchernov 1998). But this does not necessarily explain the replacement, unless AMHs were culturally and or biologically unfit to compete in colder conditions. These are just a few of the issues that make
in the Levant There adaptive are many success
the hypotheses they actually are. As we need to know more about changes
Paleolithic land-use and subsistence
part of this process, in Levantine Middle

strategies over time.
This is one of the goals of the archaeological since 2002. been conducting
surveys we have
the study of Middle

inherent of problems
Paleolithic
in assessing hominin
adaptations
the relative Most
so important.
The Nature of Paleolithic Sites

Paleolithic archaeological sites occur in a variety of
contemporary
species.
sites in the Levant (and everywhere else) do archaeological not yield hominin fossils. Although the Levant is considered to have abundant Middle Paleolithic hominin fossils, only thirteen of the hundreds of sites that have been investigated thus far have produced hominins; of these only six have yielded remains that can be positively identified as either Neanderthal or AMH (Shea 2003:327). Thus, classifying sites where no hominin remains were found as either AMH or Neanderthal sites is potentially problematic. This is compounded by the fact that the technologies produced by the early AMHs of Skhul and Qafzeh and the Neanderthals that followed them are nearly identical (Bar-Yosef 1994). Both are associated with the Levantine Levallois Mousterian (described below), and only the subtlest differences in retouching strategies have been detected (Bisson 2001). Some archaeologists have proposed differences between Neanderthal and AMH residential and subsistence patterns based on the sites where identified hominins (Shea 2001:56-7) are present. Neanderthals appear to have been living at individual sites over a number of seasons and radiating out from these bases each day in a predominantly hunting-based economy, which
spear points at "collector"
topographic contexts and reflect a number of different functions. Historically, in theLevant and elsewhere,
there has been an excavator rockshelters for bias toward caves and that the understandable easy to locate and reasons
they are relatively was with as
can preserve
long stratigraphie sequences of occupations. This

interest to earlier of particular their culture-chronological archaeologists, orientation
(Trigger 1989). Such natural shelters can serve

temporary camps or task (i.e., activity specific) locations, but most often appear to have been base
camps inhabitedfor significant durations. Open-air sites are also known from the Levant As would be expected in a relatively dry terrain, these tend to be
associated water. with springs, Pleistocene lake shores, or
other locations near a reliable supply of drinking

Like caves, camps. these can There include both base and task sites, the temporary are also
is reflected
those sites.
in the higher frequency of Levallois

This pattern In contrast, is referred the two to sites as with a
subsistence
strategy.
AMH
fossils were single season occupations, suggesting greater group mobility and a forager strategy that had the potential to exploit a wider variety of food sources. At this point, the sample
most common of which are lithic (flint) acquisition and initial processing locations. As summarized in the article, our surveys failed to find caves with evidence ofMiddle Paleolithic occupation but did
sites, at least one of flint acquisition one and that open-air camp site, topographic feature may have served as an animal trap. locate a number
of sites where we can unambiguously link specific hominins to this collector versus forager model is too small to reach any firm conclusions. Indeed, although the extant data support the itmight not explain the replacement of early AMHs model, mobility
than
after 90,000 BP, because greater residential by Neanderthals in this model) is generally (a characteristic of AMHs
considered to be a more strategy. efficient resource exploitation strategy is a collector
The Levantine Mousterian

The Levantine Middle Paleolithic was initially defined based on the long chrono-stratigraphic sequence in the Mt. Carmel Caves in Israel, principally the Tabun sequence (Garrod and Bate 1937). This was subsequently modified as more data and new dating techniques became available. The sequence begins with the late Lower/early Middle Paleolithic Acheulo-Yabrudian or Mugharan Tradition (from 350,000 to perhaps 250,000 BP), which includes three faci?s (variants), an Acheulian faci?s with many small handaxes, a Yabrudian faci?s with numerous retouched faci?s scrapers, and an Amudian non-Levallois blades (see sidebar "Basic Lithic These blades were transformed into knives by Technology"). one Because the Amudian blades superficially edge. blunting resemble Upper Paleolithic forms, this faci?s was initially intensively with many
between possible solution to the lack of association and archaeological is to use specific hominins assemblages time ranges of each species in the Levant the established One
as a proxy for direct hominin associations. However, the
recent re-dating of the Tabun Neanderthal woman noted above raises problems for this approach. Until more securely dated fossils are found and we can be certain both that the
proposed that there time was ranges no for the two species are correct and simultaneous presence of Neanderthals
and AMHs previously
in the region, this solution risks "confirming" established models rather than testing them as
74
called the Pre-Aurignacian (Jelinek 1982). The Mugharan has almost no Levallois
technique, and some archaeologists
consider it to be a late manifestation of the Lower Paleolithic (Shea 2003). The Mousterian (250,000-40,000 BP) is a single technological tradition with of the Levallois very high frequencies is into coastal and It divided technique. inland/southern
The coastal
sequences
employs
(Marks 1992).
the names
sequence
of major
these
at Tabun stratigraphie to latest, From earliest (Copeland 1975). units

phases are:
Tabun bi-directionally cores with
D:
Characterized prepared recurrent
by
uniLevallois
or
relatively are blades
little platform and elongated
preparation. flakes or
Products points. Tabun centripetal striking oval of Jordan areas. of Carlos Cordova.
C:
Levallois preparation
cores
are
recurrent
with convex or
and multi-facet are
platforms. but
Products few points,
large circular
flakes,
Map
showing
survey
Map
courtesy
Tabun with
B:
Levallois
cores preparation
are
recurrent and faceted
unidirectional Products points and
platforms. s< Levallois
include some
frequent Levallois
short, wide blades (Bar
Yosefl994). ?_ n ; glrbid SYRIA \ \ \ \ IRAQ

The interior/southern variant was
as similar described originally with Tabun D-type Mousterian,

and numerous elongated points.
to the blades
It was
Amman -Wadi
Madaba
hiban \
Zarqa Ma'in
considered to be contemporary with all three coastal phases. The situation in the interior
is now known to be more complex, with
Survey Area ^-~"

\
^ ISRAEL /
"Karak
Wadi al-Koum\ Survey Area
assemblages similar to Tabun C-type at Ar Rasfa in northwest Jordan (Shea 1999) and the sites reported here, and Tabun B-type
at Wadi al-Hasa site 621, in west-central
Jordan (Potter 1995).
SAUDI ARABIA
Wadi Zarqa Ma'in Paleolithic Complex

In May, 100
Aqaba
0 I_I_I
Kilometers
Gulf of Aqaba
Map of northwest Jordan showing sites discussed in text. Map courtesy of Carlos Cordova.
the 2005, our team surveyed Wadi Zarqa Ma'in in northwest Jordan as a follow-up to a similar survey of theWadi al-Koum done in 2002. Both were part of a pilot project intended to assess Middle Paleolithic land use on the eastern side of the Rift Valley extending from Pleistocene
NEAR EASTERN 69:2 (2006) 75 ARCHAEOLOGY
?>.
Lake Lissan up to and including the Madaba Plateau, and to identify sites for future excavation. The long term goals of our of Middle Paleolithic project are to expand our knowledge
adaptations in an area of environmental variation where the
Pleistocene oak-pistachio coast graded to the more

compare these adaptations
woodland along the Mediterranean arid grasslands in the interior and to

to patterns observed in other areas
Caves
sites
in Wadi
Zarqa
Ma'in
survey
area.
of the Levant. Our study area was Ma'in and the western
the town of Ma'in exposures karstic of Cretaceous processes have
the upper reaches of the Wadi Zarqa edge of the Madaba Plateau between
Nebo, limestone created many terrain featuring formations caves and extensive in which rockshelters.
is a bed of red Mediterranean sediment soil of Pleistocene in the Wadi al-Koum, origin. Guided by our observations
our reconnaissance strategy was to survey the plateau edge
and Mt.
These
same formations flint nodules abundant produce stone tools and the mantling that can be used for making
Paleolithic artifacts and to explore all looking for Middle caves and rock-shelters in those areas where lithics (stone tools and the debris from making stone tools) were found. Our initial work was in the Al-Huma area, which
was already known to have extensive evidence
of Chalcolithic
Ten caves and
and Early Bronze Age

numerous rock-shelters
activity.
were
inspected, but a large majority contained only a thin filling of recent sheep dung. Inmost cases, this can be explained by the local bedrock, In which is the Amman Silicified Limestone. this formation, flint forms irregular horizontal seams at frequent the intervals, inhibiting formation of deep caves in which sediments could accumulate. However, we did find two sites which may contain Middle Paleolithic is a of which the most promising materials, 15 m in diameter (WZM-1), large sinkhole and at least 10 m deep containing a talus cone of debris sufficiently deep to support a growth of trees. The
preclude its use
vertical
sides of this feature

site, however,
as a habitation
lithics abundant Middle Paleolithic
ranging through
as for site a water
in age from the the Chalcolithic

Because source and/or we it
Irip y y y y L ^v.
Map showing open-air sites discussed
are
scattered have an animal targeted
around served trap this
its mouth.
r-S^^
in text. Map courtesy of Carlos
l/i MX V
Cordova.
may as have
prehistoric for future
people, excavation,
76
*.!$?iiM?s? mm.
WZM-1 "The Sinkhole." All the photos in this article were taken
:.
,.*<
<40
by Regina
Kalchgruber.
realizing, of course, that any Middle Paleolithic deposits will be deeply buried. success of our search for Middle the limited Given cave sites, the final two weeks of our survey Paleolithic were devoted to the discovery and testing of open-air sites. lithics occur Middle Paleolithic throughout Dispersed
the research area; however, one location that we named
WZM-3
on which WZM-3 is located has been almost entirely deflated to bedrock; there is only one narrow terrace contouring around the base of the hill, about 5 m above the valley floor, that is horizontal enough to support a thin layer of The hillside soil. Artifacts can be found on the entire hillside, but have been concentrated on this terrace by downslope movement. During the survey we collected artifacts along the surface of this site resulting in the recovery of 205 cores and 443 complete flakes. Almost all are Middle of a single microblade Paleolithic in origin, with the exception core (typical of the Upper Paleolithic) and 5 heavily weathered bifaces that may be Acheulian (Lower cores were cores with 52 Levallois the Paleolithic). Among recurrent forms outnumbering preferential ones by a 2 to 1 ratio and, most importantly, flake cores outnumbering point and blades cores combined by almost a 3 to 1 ratio. Among the complete flakes, normal and decortication flakes (the latter being the first
abundant Site Complex the Ma'in Paleolithic produced remains. This locale includes two low Paleolithic Middle the Dead Sea along the road to Ma'in Hot hills overlooking formations which Springs. These hills include geological that can be used for making large flint nodules produce stone tools. Although there is a continuum of archaeological artifacts across this area, we divided the Ma'in Paleolithic into three sites, of which the two most Site Complex are WZM-2, at the east end of the hills, and important of located on the north flank of the westernmost WZM-3, the two hills, adjacent to a small valley.
IT*
kSs?SKSCSSt
;1** -î*Rv> *.
' . ? -*** s ' ' i^TTrl^ntiHnw?^BH^^BB^ffl^^BVMii f-^'-flBHIc^^^--^' -' -^*MBMIIIIBBMBBliW^BBTni?I^^ "' -, -Vi ^??^?^^sâi%?MRSQfflBff#^l(IDÔf' -r-'-Jk-. y..A?rt??jsM?MB?w?'T ^T?^^BHMMIIIImMiIbMMBFjtBiI?J?lTO jMw-.il: j*? .????.. . -#ii ?:>j.-?* i a?ffi?*sP^^&S "*;"^ '!',,i:'^ffi.'^<v;>!* ^. - ?P'jjsiuEj?ESftT V ?-?i'.? ??'V,e?(|i:** .jBHSBB!^wmBS||B1hBH||WH 5Sv$S?MHffi?*!l^^
Photograph
of
WZM-3._
flakes removed
?'' ?, arc -F'?r'?? ?: (??' 'I:?''??? ?:.?? I ;: ?;-. ??-i-? '?.?,. ?i?. k .:? ;rr'?;?? ?C;? ?? ? .i:.:r ???i;? ::?? ??? ? : i?? :?? L
r?
from a core) constitute over 80 percent of the collection with blades accounting for only 10 percent. This site is a lithic acquisition and preliminary reduction area in which the
'''
dispersed distribution of cores and the debris from working the cores and making tools mirrors the availability of flint. The very high percentage of flakes with cortex on them (76 percent), as well as the high percentage of casual cores suggests that finished products, in the form of Levallois products as well as larger non cortical flakes and blades produced by the other cores, were being taken to other locations, presumably habitation or task sites.
__
?'?lrC?lr? ___ 1 __1I1 .aa
1S"II"II?FCL. 3
Cores
found
at WZM-3
JUK
**T^PV:".
2&*^--t?**f*
?r ,fwmk
:StfC?< i. GfettSt?iiteptt?jRra AhiiHEWiB
Road
cut where
WZM-2
was
found.
WZM-2
end of the two hills, a road cut over At the northwestern section up to 2 m 160 m in length exposes a stratigraphie are strata The Two one, upper deep. highly variable exposed. in thickness, consists of a colluvium abundant containing lithics. In places, this colluvial layer is over one meter thick. The lower stratum consists of a partially cemented breccia a crust te. not is It of clear caler? what the origin capped by of this material is, but it is similar to modern spring deposits in the area and grades into what appears to be a spring of the road cut. This breccia deposit near the mid-point rests on a bed of limestone bedrock. Lithics are present but are substantially in this unit and are widely less common dispersed. Abundant brightly colored flint, grading from to as angular brown orange and purple, outcrops light rubble at this end of the hill. This flint has excellent flaking qualities, but larger pieces have many flaws, causing them to break into angular chunks. This flint was only found in the colluvial and brecciated layers. a 1m by 50 cm test pit down the face of We excavated the road cut and we also collected artifacts from the surface around the test pit. Our work resulted in the recovery of thousands of specimens, almost all of them from the upper colluvial layer. Those lithics have undamaged and very sharp edges. Analysis of these specimens is ongoing, but preliminary
show that Levallois products are almost entirely observations absent from the colluvial layer and cores are rare. on the surface, the most the cores collected Among common types are casual and single platform (40 percent), followed by two platform normal blade and (24 percent), and discoid (12 percent each), (8 percent). polyhedral on these cores are predominantly Striking platforms are Middle but the rest (20 percent) plain (80 percent), convex forms. Only 11 cores of the Paleolithic multi-facet colored flint were recovered in the road cut, of which 5 were casual (2 platform or polyhedral), 5 normal blade cores, and one preferential Levallois point core. All 5 blade cores have plain platforms and are smaller than almost all of the Middle Paleolithic blade cores recovered from WZM-3. At this point in our analysis, it seems that the colluvial layer contains elements of both Middle Paleolithic and early if that is in Determining Upper Paleolithic technologies. fact the case will be a major focus of future research. The scattered lithics found in the lower cemented breccia layer are significantly to is restricted different. Our collection what was exposed in the road cut. Almost all of the lithics were heavily patinated white flint rather than the colored flint. In addition to a few normal flakes, they included one casual and one polyhedral core as well as one large prismatic blade and a fragment of a second large blade.
The Middle Paleolithic-Upper Paleolithic

Transition
to blade-based at a has been documented technologies Upper Paleolithic small number of sites in the Levant and occurs at ca. 45,000 BP, although the precise nature of the transition varies from place The transition from flake-based Middle to place. At
desert, Israel,
the open-air
a stratified
site of Boker Tachtit

sequence documents
in the Negev
a gradual
replacement including points, by prismatic blades process occurs at Ksar Akil, Lebanon 1990). In Umm el Tlel, Syria, of blade show the derivation
of elongated
unidirectional
products, (Marks 1993). A similar (Ohnuma and Bergman layers again
Levallois
the transitional
from elongated production Levallois point production 1993). The (Bo?da and Muhesen end result of these changes in core technology was exclusively core face preparation and plain, as opposed to unidirectional
Test pit at WZM-2. faceted, platform preparation.
TheWheatfield Site
At the northwest grades under cultivation. concentration
area adjacent to
end of the road cut, the breccia stratum into a narrow valley floor with soil that is currently Inspection of that field located a discrete of artifacts that was restricted to a 25 by 35 m
the road. Reconnaissance further down this
of colored flint from the colluvial layer of WZM 2 may represent a part of this Middle Paleolithic-Upper Paleolithic transition, but one that is different technological from those noted above. There is no evidence that the rather The poorly executed normal blade cores are derived from elongated, recurrent Levallois point cores. Overall, Levallois point cores are much less common than Levallois flake cores in theWadi al-Koum andWadi Zarqa Ma'in collections and are preferential (see sidebar, Basic Lithic Terminology). The natural fractures of the colored flint as it broke free from its source veins created angular blocks with natural flat striking
platforms and corners conducive to the initiation of a sequence
cores made
field revealed virtually no other artifacts. The colluvial layer pinches out on this flank of the hill, and although there are
some artifacts made of the colored flint, a majority are white
rather than recurrent
patinated flint similar to that in the spring deposit. 2 flake, and 2 Of the 9 white flint cores, 7 are Levallois, 13 are colored from this flakes collected Of the 37 site, point. flint from the colluvial those, layer, but 24 are white. Among are 7 large Levallois flakes, 3 are large normal flakes, one is a knives. There are also three blade, and 3 are naturally-backed or deliberately true tools, all with notched serrated edges.
collection stands in stark contrast to the others made in
these blocks could easily have been of blades. Nevertheless, worked using typical Middle Paleolithic flaking strategies, The of the striking platforms. faceting predominance including of plain platforms and blade removals combined with a few Middle Paleolithic flake core types in our small sample may represent a novel variation on the Levantine Middle Paleolithic
This
this survey. Not a single formal tool was recovered among the hundreds of flakes in the surface collection around the test pit, site produced as and the 825 sqm of theWZM-2 Wheatfield as flakes as did almost Levallois formal tools and many many Thus we believe that the 30,000 sq m collected atWZM-3. dated to between 24,200 BP the colluvial layer atWZM-2, and 36,700 BP, is an intensive flint acquisition and processing station. The brecciated BP, represents spring. This date appears to be too old and is only provisional. is the only concentration of The Wheatfield site, which finished products found in the entire survey, may be an open
air campsite at that also associated preserve with in situ the artifacts spring. below Because the plow the soil zone, site may
to Upper Paleolithic transition process, but this will only be confirmed by the excavation of a larger sample and refinement of the dating of this potentially important site.
Middle Paleolithic
In addition
all areas where
"Smears"
found by our survey, scattered artifacts were found in almost
soils were
to the sites Paleolithic

Pleistocene,
individual Middle The
red Mediterranean
layer, dated to more than 286,000 an earlier Paleolithic use of the land next to a
inspected.
vertical. other modern
scatter we observed
ditches, into road-cuts, the excavations
is both horizontal
soil quarries, red Mediterranean
and
and soils,
In drainage
artifacts horizons.
occurred
area excavation
there is a high priority.
in the Levant Virtually at least on the similar results has and, (Shea 2001) produced this scatter differs from the record of the Madaba Plateau, Upper and Epipaleolithic periods, which were represented by a total of less than 10 individual artifacts out of the many
at varying depths rather all prior reconnaissance
than discrete
80
ARCHAEOLOGY NEAREASTERN 69:2 (2006)
Artifacts
from
the Wheatfield
site.
hundreds
recorded. This pattern, which can be referred to as smears," has not received much attention in trying from archaeologists, who are justifiably cautious to interpret the behavior represented by artifacts found on "Middle Paleolithic
the surface. variety Deposits of natural in open-air disturbances settings can such as be subject to and erosion
a wide
(movements caused transport by flowing water, bioturbation by animal burrowing, trampling, etc.), and wind action, all of which can move artifacts out of their original depositional
circumstances. Moreover, there is good reason to believe
artifacts now exposed on the surface have either suffered at least 40,000 years of direct or have been buried and more to the elements, exposure or wind erosion. These water latter recently exposed by that most Middle Paleolithic processes,
can size-sort natural generate
:^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Hmx
mm. mut
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^v
particularly flowing water

artifacts by removing concentrations,
(including
smaller
sheet erosion),
pieces and that do also not
creating
"sites"
actually reflect prehistoric behavior patterns. In the case of wind erosion (deflation), isolated artifacts buried at different
depths false may become concentrated However, these on the surface, act with creating different a association. processes
if they had been moved significant distances two circumstances water. where We found only by flowing swale with a few that had occurred. One was a gravel-filled cores and bifaces situated water abraded Middle Paleolithic concentrated between Koum
little artifacts
two completely al deflated hilltops on the Wadi was circumstance the The other steep (WKM 10). retained slopes of large wadis or hillsides, which generally
or no on soil. any In those areas, terraces. sheet erosion on concentrated the plateau natural However,
intensities
sedimentation,
depending
and
on
local
topography,
processes
of
erosion.
think that these disturbance processes had relatively little effect on the horizontal distribution of Middle Paleolithic artifacts on the Madaba Plateau. The red Mediterranean We soils in which
action rather
soils and in broader valleys in which the red Mediterranean have survived, inspection of small stream beds revealed no
accumulations of artifacts. We are thus confident that the
the artifacts are found were deposited

than flowing water, a circumstance that
by wind
reduces
positions remained and
horizontal movement
the by specimens some wind observed action,
if the terrain is relatively flat. Although

in our low survey intensity were certainly erosion, affected and sheet
features have of artifacts relative to topographic the same as when they were originally discarded, resource Paleolithic thus may hold clues to Middle
strategies.
exploitation
trampling
and
by both wild animals

domestic animals
prior to their original

after their recent
burial
by modern
exposure,
we do not think they were transported far from their original point of discard. To test this, we systematically inspected wadi bottoms and stream gravel deposits, where artifacts would be
In the pattern we have observed thus far, flakes and cores, as well as a few handaxes, occur as isolated pieces. Retouched unretouched tools are rare. Of the formal tool categories, Levallois points, likely spear tips (Shea 1988), are the most common.
common
Like the cores collected

isolated cores are recurrent
at flint
sources,
the most
forms, but
Levallois
Basic Lithic Terminology

Middle Paleolithic stone tools are made by direct percussion flaking, usually employing a hard (i.e.
dense, non-brittle using stone a soft such (i.e. as quartzite), limestone, but bone, sometimes soft Europe, the most common technique was to work
hammer. Shaping stone antler, or hardwood) by grinding only became common during the In percussion flaking, a suitable piece Neolithic.
sequentially around the perimeter of a nodule, taking flakes from both faces. This discoid technique produces large, thick, asymmetrical that may flakes with deep striking platforms or be either plain (one facet) multifaceted. Expended discoid cores are roughly circular in outline, with bi-conical cross-sections and zig zag edge profiles. A second strategy, the Levallois technique, was to prepare one face of the core
of siliceous rock like chert or flint is struck with glancing blows on flat surfaces near its edge to remove chips from the underside of that edge. The piece that is struck is called a core, and if with either centripetal (with scars converging a on core center into it is the the of the core) or parallel flaking to itself isworked finished tool, called a core tool The flat surface on the core create a uniform convex surface from which one that is struck is called the striking platform. The pieces removed by percussion are called either flakes or, if their length ismore than twice large, symmetrical, thin Levallois flake, blade, or point (symmetrical triangular flakes) was then struck. The opposite face of the core was often minimally worked except for those or more
their width, blades. A flake has an exterior face that was on the outer surface of the core before it parts of the edge that were carefully prepared was with small facets to create a striking platform struck, and an interior face, a planar surface suitable for the removal of Levallois flakes. marked by a bulge (the bulb of percussion) to the point of impact. The exterior Levallois products tend tomirror the outline of adjacent the core face, and in this way the makers could face may be cortical (covered with the original weathered surface of the core), faceted with flake scars from prior flake removals from the core, or a combination of both. At one end of a flake or blade will be the portion of the core's striking platform that was removed when the piece was detached. Retouch is the process of secondary flaking to refine a piece into a tool. Retouch can be either unifacial if retouch from only one face of a piece, flakes are removed from both Paleolithic, the great majority
pieces are called formal cases
the shape of the flakes produced. One important characteristic of Levallois products is that, except for the platform end, their edges are uniformly sharp. Because strong platforms with the correct suitable exterior edge angle (ca. 70?) are essential to strike large flakes, both Levallois and discoid cores often had platforms prepared control two or more facets. Platform faceting is more common in the Middle Paleolithic than much cores it is in the Upper Paleolithic. Levallois designed to produce a single flake, blade, or with those producing point are called preferential, multiple products are recurrent (Bo?da 1995). The Levallois technique was employed in varying frequencies and Africa, throughout Europe, Western but it was most common Asia, in the
flakes are removed or bifacial if retouch
faces. In theMiddle of tools were made by unifacially retouching flakes. These retouched
tools.
Because Middle
flake, or in some
Paleolithic
blade,
peoples
tools,
relied on
to
strategies
produce the blanks (unmodified flakes or blades) for these tools were central to their technology. In Levantine Levallois Mousterian
(Marks 1992).
82
what
striking these cores are found.
is most
is the lack of chipping debris where In these low-energy depositional and
both
surveys do not match the majority of material reported from the Levantine interior. Until recently, almost all interior sites were similar
erosional environments, chipping debris would be expected if the core was being worked where it was discarded. Yet, the frequency background
cores were being
most
of flakes density
carried
around
cores
of artifacts.
by hominins
It would
is no higher appear
than the that the

sources
rich in Levallois blades and points, making them to the Tabun D-Type Levallois Mousterian are of the coastal sequence. These blade rich assemblages not restricted to the early time span of the D Type on the coast and instead (Henry
cores were
as convenient
covered
the entire
of new tools, and some were possibly also being used as tools themselves. Our future research will try to provide a more
complete explanation for this pattern.
Paleolithic
and point
1998). Although
recovered
range of the Middle some Levallois blade

systematic surface
in our
is of many of the isolated artifacts to to is their This visible the naked edges. damage eye and consists of small flake removals rather than the One characteristic extensive
rounding and crushing usually caused by water transport.
of formal specimens were recurrent collections, cores Levallois flake producing short, broad flakes. Like the the majority recently assemblage reported from Ar Rasfa our material in Northwest more closely then the the most in the (Shea 1999, 2003), Jordan If this is correct, resembles the Tabun C-Type. Wadi Zarqa Ma'in and Wadi al-Koum sites mark southerly manifestation
Levantine interior yet
This
in that the surrounding sediments are fine not to the creation of this type of conducive grained and and ancient animals is one damage. Trampling by modern These areas have been extensively possible explanation. is unusual
of this technological
recorded.
tradition
but damage caused grazed by livestock since the Neolithic, by recent trampling, as well as by the plowing that effects all intact soil on the Madaba virtually plateau today, is to on detect the Middle Paleolithic easy heavily patinated artifacts. Although
specimens, the great
The Madaba plain has considerable potential for developing an understanding in the of Middle Paleolithic adaptations Levant. In the Pleistocene, it was an ecologically diverse area bordered on the west by the rift valley, with its oak-pistachio in the east. and grading to semi-arid savannah woodland, Our recent research and studies by other archaeologists
demonstrate that a wider variety of stone technologies was
fresh damage
majority
scars are present

scars are
on many
as heavily
of damage
patinated
damage
as the rest of the flaked

scars were sealed under the
surfaces.
carbonate
In some cases,
encrustation
that coated many specimens. This is further corroboration that the damage occurred either before or shortly after the is one artifacts were discarded. Utilization by hominins or in the Pleistocene possible cause, although trampling some unknown depositional cannot circumstance be ruled out. Archaeologists must be extremely cautious in attributing edge damage to hominin utilization when surface-collected
Paleolithic artifacts from open-air settings are involved.
being used to exploit this environment to testing the niche Data from this area may be relevant and other models partitioning proposed to explain possible differences between Neanderthal and early AMH adaptations in the Levantine corridor
than was once believed.
(summarized in Shea 2003). Much research remains to be done, not the least of which is finding a way of correctly attributing archaeological to assemblages hominin to have our research area does not appear species. Although the potential for producing hominin fossils, which are almost exclusively preserved in cave deposits, it does offer many land-use patterns. insights into Middle Paleolithic Identifying and explaining those patterns will be a primary goal
future research.
The most process

interpretation
likely cause (Levi-Sala

of
is some form of post-depositional 1986). If additional study supports

on these specimens, then
an
the
possible
of our
use-wear
for identifying land-use from their patterns potential distribution would be enhanced. Only further research will
resolve this question.
Acknowledgements
The research Research Social Science in and Wadi of Middle al-Koum Paleolithic General
was made Grants
Future Research
The surveys of the Wadi Zarqa Ma have documented abundant evidence in northwest presence Paleolithic and Upper Jordan. Because only a few Lower Paleolithic artifacts were recovered, was area not regularly used by that the survey
and Humanities
possible by support from the Council of Canada (SSHRC to April Nowell and Michael
of Victoria, McGill University Bisson) and The University and Oklahoma State University. We would also like to thank the Department in both Amman of Antiquities and to conduct our work and for being Madaba for permission so gracious and to everyone at ACOR for their kindness and logistical support. Finally, we would like to thank Mr. and Mr. Abdullah al-Bwareed for Zakariya Ben-Badhann was their hard work and expertise. to It truly wonderful work with you all. All the photographs used in this article were taken by Regina Kalchgruber.
it appears hominins during those times. The geology of the survey area is such that cave deposits with long occupation sequences are not present, but task sites such as flint acquisition and
preliminary processing stations are common. At least one
open-air campsite has been located and designated excavation. The Middle Paleolithic technologies
for future found in
NEAR EASTERN 69:2 (2006) 83 ARCHAEOLOGY
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ABOUT
THE AUTHORS
Neanderthals 64. 2003 The Middle
Eastern Archaeology
Paleolithic Prehistory
of the East Mediterranean 17:313-94.
Levant.
Journal ofWorld
is an Associate Bisson Michael Professor and Chair of the Department of Anthropology, McGill University. He
is a specialist on prehistoric on hominid technology,
Tchernov, 1992
E. Biochronology, in the Southern Dispersal of Modern Paleoecology Levant. Humans and Dispersal Pp. 149-88 Events in The of Hominids and
His current including bothmetals and lithics.

research focuses dispersals Evolution
inAsia,
eds. T. Akazawa,
T. Aoki
through the Levantine Corridor during the late Lower and Middle Paleolithic. His
analysis of Paleolithic stone-tool reduction
and T Kimura, 1998 The Faunal
Tokyo: Sequence
Hokusen-sha. of the Southwest Dispersal Humans Bar-Yosef Asian Middle Pp. Asia, York:
Michael Bisson
sequences
experience to Hominid and Modern and O. Events, inWestern .New
is informed by over 30 years

as a flint-knapper.
Paleolithic 77-90
in Relation
in Neanderthals
eds. T Akazawa, Plenum Trigger, 1989 B. G. A History University Trinkaus, 1988 E. The There Evolutionary Neanderthals? Biocultural Cambridge: Press.
K. Aoki,
April Nowell is an Associate Professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Victoria. She specializes in
Neanderthal children, and behavior, the origins the archaeology of art, language, of
of Archaeological Press.
Thought.
Cambridge:
Cambridge
and symbol use. For the past 15 years she has worked on Paleolithic projects inFrance
and Jordan.
April Nowell
E. Cordova is Associate
Origins
of Neanderthals,
or Why
Were Carlos
Pp. 42-66 Adaptations Cambridge Angles
in The Emergence
of Modern ed, E.
Humans: Trinkaus. 1993
in the Later Pleistocene, University Press.
Professor of Geography at Oklahoma State University, Stillwater. He obtained his

Ph.D. at areas the University of expertise His His of Texas at Austin. are Geoarchaeology, research
Femoral Neck-shaft Humans Middle 393-416. and Activity Paleolithic
of the Qafzeh-Skhul among Journal Immature of Human
Early Modern Near Eastern 25:
Levels
Hominids.
Evolution
Geomorphology, and Quaternary palynology

on focuses the Late during on vegetation, Quaternary, focusing mainly areas humans and climate. His main study are in Jordan, the Crimean the Peninsula, and phytoliths. environmental change Great Plains of North America, and Mexico. is Research theAmerican
Wolpoff, 1997
M,,
and Caspari,
R. Evolution. New York: Simon and Schuster.
Race and Human
Carlos
E. Cordova
Southwest,
Regina
Kalchgruber
Assistant
Professor in theDepartment of Physics at Oklahoma State University and specializes

in luminescence dosimetry. Her dating research and environmental on optically sciences, the Regina Kalchgruber focuses Earth
stimulated
luminescence
(OSL) dating
in particular
to archaeology, applied and planetary sciences, surface Dr. of Mars. Maysoon al-Nahar
received
her
Ph.D. from Arizona State University. She is currently Chair of the Department of Archaeology at the University of Jordan and Director of the Archaeological Museum
and Heritage es-Swwan Museum at the University of
Jordan. Dr. al-Nahar directs the Tell Abu

Project, Jerash, (University in Jordan. of
Jordan field school) and is involved in several

other archaeological projects Maysoon al-Nahar
ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006) 85 NEAREASTERN
Shelter
or
Hunting
Camp?
Accounting of a Deeply
for the Pretence Stratified Cave
Site in the Syrian

by Bruce As Schroeder Iwatched, the younger
Steppe
of the two wives in a
up the sloping surface family clambered stone ridge in the middle of a massive of the an enormous on Desert. With rubber bladder her Syrian back, she searched for water that, after an autumn rain, was captured in pockets in the rock. Wind blown debris was with the detritus of flocks also caught along passing in the pockets?not the most salubrious of water sources.
Two a bowl of fresh in front of their herd, offering boys to passing the sparse (October 1965).Note archaeologists in Unless otherwise all the noted, vegetation background. photos are by the author. and illustrations Bedouin milk camel Jebel and Jerf al-Ajla with cave opening M'qeittaa tent on left and our white black Bedouin sunlight; the right (October 1965). showing expedition in the tent on
Bedouin
In the fall of 1969 the Bedouin family was camped in front of the ridge, called Jebel M'qeittaa, while their
Iwas there to re-excavate and goats grazed. Jerf a cave at small located the base of the al-Ajla, ridge. sheep
.
..?J^pllipilfcr^?;:
I? . ^^y^&^'MW^^W
mam
*$$$$
Al'?ft:
llf? S?'?'
for
site
locations,
but
watching
this
search
for
the Syrian Desert made me wonder why people returned to this

cave, which lacked a spring or any other source of water, over
and over for hundreds of thousands of years. Some might say that a cave like Jerf al-Ajla was desirable simply for the shelter it provided from desert sun and winter cold and rains. The simple
presence of a cave, however, never guarantees its occupation.
forms the northern apex of the Arabian Desert. (See sidebar? The Syrian Interior.) Cutting across the Syrian steppe-desert are a series of ridges that have played an essential role in of These the human and animal life the region. ridges shaping collect rainfall which drains into a series of interior basins where
they ridges natural form are artesian synclines, springs or and seasonal lakes. Between they contain these served highways as In antiquity now they
Why
did people choose repeatedly to come to and stay at this particular site?What was the attraction that this location held over thousands of years? Can we learn something about the the of those people by examining lifeways and motivations factors that led to its selection?
depressions. caravans,
routes
for ancient
and Tadmor carrying traffic between Damascus (Palmyra). herds toward the These corridors also funneled migrating limestone highlands of central Syria and directly toward the cave of Jerf abAjla.
Registration
map
indicating
the area
covered
in the
satellite
image
(from Fortin
1999:
32).
88
With
Palmyra springs situated in the middle of the El Kowm attracted humans (and herds) right steppe-desert, the Paleolithic. Flint beds are also present around the through
in several locations. (See sidebar?Natural Resources,
approximately numerous artesian
basin
Food and Flint). Visitors left behind an enormous variety of archaeological evidence at almost 200 mostly Paleolithic sites (Le Tensorer, et al. 1997). These range from open campsites, to flint workshops and the most impressive archaeological
remains, calcareous spring mounds. These are mounds of
following heavy depression on the west and north by ridges significantly higher than the the Kowm basin. During wet periods plateau surrounding of the Pleistocene, runoff from the ridges surrounding the a basin formed lake of estimated size, impressive Palmyra at over 500 sq km (Sakaguchi 1978); undoubtedly, the lake attracted game. Judging by the artifacts recovered from them, the lake terraces formed during the Middle Paleolithic. At water so the level and fluctuates did present significantly
during A few recent millennia springs as well. are present in the southwest part of artesian
stratified calcareous
springs?some reach
deposits
20 m.
accumulated
Many contain
around prehistoric
long sequences of
industries from the early Acheulian, through the flake and blade industries of the Yabrudian, Hummalian, Mousterian, Upper Paleolithic, and Epipaleolithic (Jagher and Le Tensorer and even Bronze and Iron Age 1995; Bo?da 1997). Neolithic materials are also found in various part of the basin. While the Palmyra basin is of similar size, it has quite different hydrological characteristics and archaeological evidence. Instead of fossilized artesian spring mounds with their impressive Paleolithic the deposits and excavations, comes evidence from Oasis the major prehistoric Palmyra
from the excavation of a single cave, Mugharet ed Douara
the basin. They are associated with fossilized sediments that, remains. But in the like El Kowm, have yielded Paleolithic it is unlike El the wadi gravels, wells, Kowm, Palmyra basin,
and lake-shore terraces that contain prehistoric materials
to the Epipaleolithic ranging 1979a; Fujimoto 1979b) and the Prepottery (Fujimoto A and B. Unfortunately, Neolithic there have been few from the Middle Paleolithic
investigations of these survey reports.
As at El Kowm, flint outcrops and workshops are located a raw material is found short distance from Douara. Abundant at several locations in the Jebel Douara basin, immediately over (i.e., north of) the ridge in which the cave is formed. One of the flint localities is identified as containing late Acheulian, 23 are associated with the Levantine Mousterian and 19 with the Prepottery Neolithic (Akazawa 1979a). or The Ed Dou depression, west is of the basin, Palmyra basin. Even though it is only a short distance away, the Ed a Dou should be considered
separate geographical feature
I (Akazawa Sakaguchi
et al. 1973; Akazawa and 1979b; Akazawa, on the The of the northern cave, 1987). edge
from the Palmyra basin. It is 15 km west of it and separated by two significant ridges; it also has a separate drainage system. The Ed Dou is an open basin formed at the
junction of two major ranges,
the Central Palmyrides (or Southern)

contrast to
(or Northern) and the Frontal Palmyrides.

the other basins,
In
a local source of it is without surface water except for brief falls periods after precipitation
in the immediate area or, more
Satellite Satellite
image image
some of the of the Syrian desert in the text. features mentioned showing topographic from NASA Visible Earth image archive (http://visibleearth.nasa.gov/view_rec.php?id=1410).
falls in the likely, precipitation area and north of the highlands then flows down the largeWadi Abiad system, through theWadi Abiad gap, and into the Ed Dou.
The Syrian Interior

The limestone ridges occur in two groups known
Palmyra,
precipitation
in winter
can mean
snow. This
as the Central
and Frontal (or the Northern and Southern) Palmyrides. The Central Palmyrides are a complex of highlands extending for 300 kilometers eastward from the eastern flanks of theAntULebanon
in the Horns area passing north of Palmyra
occasionally results inblizzards and knee-deep drifts that quickly melt but still create havoc among the Bedouin and their flocks. During the Pleistocene, the climate underwent major changes. During theperiod ofMiddle
Paleolithic decreased either precipitation (leading to less water increased or temperature producing evaporation),
Mountains
to the Euphrates River. The Frontal Palmyrides form a a high lake level in the Palmyra basin with Mousterian series of braided ridges stretching northeastward 170 artifacts found on the high terraces (Sakaguchi 1978). kilometers from theDamascus basin to the Palmyra This would also mean increased vegetation cover in the region (GORS 1996). This cluster of ridges ends on interior steppe. Even under the doorstep ofJerfaUAjla at one of themajor interior regime the area is not today's climatic as barren as the impression in many given images. drainage basins of central Syria, theEd Dou.
in central occupation of Paleolithic human Syria. They are also the key to understanding a in in the steppe-desert zone. They offer presence single location critical factors such as water, abundant flint surprisingly, centers the major Not the interior drainage basins are What are areas where only often appear in photographs an Artemisia (wormwood) steppe -Chenopodiaceae the result of centuries survives, of degradation by and overgrazing. The older inhabitants can recall the continuing loss of trees and cover during recent decades. Nevertheless,
deforestation of the region
(for hunting tools) plus animal herds attracted to the ground springs. The steppe also provides nutritious foods like Gordon Hillman
roots, fruits, seeds, nuts and desert truffles. in the Near The Syrian interior, as elsewhere East, a climate. Precipitation has Mediterranean generally the steppe,
captured the enormous potential of

the modern climatic regime in
even under
photographs taken west of the Euphrates River, in the vicinity of Abu Hureyra, inApril 1983.
What is the most the environment climate, refer way of characterizing central of Syria? Some, emphasizing to the area as "desert" (Emberger and accurate
falls during the four-month cold season, December throughMarch, although rain can fall anytime from October through June. In the highlands north of
The the
Zone two
5 Dry Steppe Bedouin boys
as
it could
be
today
(after
a wet
spring
and
the
removal
of grazing
pressure).
Compare
this with
the photograph
of
(Photo
by Gordon
Hillman).
90
NEAR EASTERN
ARCHAEOLOGY
69:2
(2006)
As with
presence.
the other basins,

Numerous caves
there is ample evidence

and rock shelters with
for human
surface
Gaussen vegetation More
1963). cover,
At
other
times,
researchers
emphasizing the area describe
the as
"subdesert steppe" (Emberger and Gaussen

recently, Andrew Moore and colleagues,
1969).
in a
from the Middle Paleolithic evidence of human occupation and later line the ridges overlooking the Ed Dou leading to the Wadi Abiad gap. As the only one of these sites excavated so far, Jerf al-Ajla demonstrates that this area has been occupied since at least the Late Acheulian.
carefully detailed analysis, differentiate two vegetation The Zone 5 Steppe zones covering the Syrian interior.
is identified as a moist to note very dry steppe and medium-dry steppe or a the dominant vegetation forms.
The Archaeological
It is found in areas with less than one hundred and fiftymillimeters precipitation and occupies much of the
open plains we associate in southwest Asia with the
term "steppe."The Zone 4 Steppe is also located in central Syria and has been identified as a terebinth almond open woodland steppe supporting drought
resistant beneath tree growth and a ground the trees. It is a bit moister cover of grasses than Zone 4 as
Palmyra and the area of the cave can be distinguished from the desert further south and west by its topography and somewhat higher precipitation. Both of these factors have contributed to significant human activity in the region, especially under the Romans who built towns and cities (Palmyra being the most prominent) as well as dams, fortresses, boundary markers, and tracks. Until Jerf al-Ajla was brought to the attention of the world in 1955, however, no cave sites in the archaeological Syrian Desert had been explored.
The question remains, why was the steppe-desert occupied
Exploration of Jerf al-Ajla
it is associated with the febels making up the higher

elevations of the central Palmyrides.
for hundreds of thousands of years and why specifically a site such as Jerf al-Ajla, which lacked a permanent source of water that one would think was especially necessary for humans and
animals living in a "desert." To answer this we must look at
the environment of the Syria interior and then in particular at the landscape and setting of Jerf al-Ajla. First, we should take a look at the cave of Jerf al-Ajla and its excavation in order to reveal the history of its human occupation. Through the work of Dr. Carleton Coon of the University of Pennsylvania, Jerf al-Ajla became the first Paleolithic site to be excavated in the arid interior of the Levant in 1955. Numerous other caves and rockshelters located in the better watered rim and published, the desert had been excavated surrounding series Wadi the es-Skhul, (et-Tabun, el-Mughara including Skifta Yabrud and the Wadi Bate and 1937), el-Wad) (Garrod series (Shelters: 1, 2, and 3) (Rust 1950), and Oumm Qatafa, in the Judean desert Erq el-Ahmar, Abu Sif, and el-Khiam that the arid interior Coon however, believed, 1951). (Neuville might hold evidence of early blade production and early forms of the Modern Humans who produced them. His excavation of the cave lasted only three weeks during which he removed most of the deposits under the existing cave roof. the late lower The long series of industries?from to the Epipaleolithic?Coon found at Jerf al-Ajla Paleolithic was surprising, but especially intriguing was the sequence of Middle
in
Paleolithic
to Upper
series of
Paleolithic
cave deposits.
industries
This was
present
a rare
a contiguous
occurrence
at that time; inWestern Europe and the Levant such industries were typically found in separate caves and rock shelters, and, when they were found together in a single
many archaeologists argued that the mixture was
deposit,
caused by displacement
to bad Close up view of the Zone 5 Dry Steppe (Photo by Gordon Hillman). excavation
due to freezing or water

In recent decades,
erosion,
more
or
sites
techniques.
have been excavated
that contain sediment with both Middle industries but, until the early seventies, and Upper Paleolithic not studied or published. had been yet thoroughly they
ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006) 91 NEAR EASTERN
Aurignacian+Mousterian
{Eontntt bywuiiuio
C D
LateMousterian 35,700 BP Levantine Mousterian (TabunB 43,000 BP type) Levantine Mousterian (TabunD
?3**W
- J tfjr &? ' & '**'
Mousterian Tabun D type
Drawn
section
of Jerf al-Ajla
showing major
Final Acheulian with Levallois
layers and their industrial identity.
Final Acheulian
(no Levallois)
; -?.
\-??tf'?\V &
%$
.: M
* $> v?T1'
Except for a single chapter in a popular book, The Seven Caves (Coon 1956), in which he described the cave along with six
other excavations over a 16 year period in various parts of the
Middle
i>>^:v A *** >'
Coon did not publish the data he obtained from Jerf al-Ajla. Further, he had saved only ten percent of the lithic material excavated. The other 90 East from Morocco to Afghanistan,
percent was as a result of in a pile dumped a conflict over on rule the cave terrace at the entrance between Coon interpretation
and the representative of the Antiquities Department. In 1965, a decade after Coon, I returned to Jerf al-Ajla1 to conduct my own limited excavation which involved a square
meter test pit cut directly through the six-and-a-half-meter
thick deposits (Schroeder 1969). My objective was to check the stratigraphy in a fresh exposure and to obtain a complete sample of the cultural remains, especially the lithics.
The Attractions of Jerf al-Ajla
the obvious challenges faced by early hominids Despite inhabiting a desert steppe, (e.g., limited water and food) the interior of central Syria clearly offered sufficient rewards to attract Paleolithic populations for thousands of years. The three interior
drainage basins of central Syria were not equally attractive,
however,
and
to judge by the density and persistence

occupations. El Kowm seems
of Paleolithic
to have offered
post-Pleistocene
Author's excavation
test
trench (in 1955).
(?n 1965)
cut through
the
section
sufficient resources of water, food, and flint to have been the most and into the intensively inhabited throughout the Pleistocene Holocene (when other environmental factors became dominant). The Palmyra and Ed Dou basins were less attractive, probably because neither had a reliable supply of fresh water. The Palmyra basin's large lake was perhaps attractive only
left by Coon
for short periods when and melting snowfields
rains runoff from the winter-spring into the flowed from the highlands
92
It had been a wet winter and the local Sheikh made

certain that grazing pressure on the steppe as well vegetation as annuals
in the Syrian they were extinct steppe-desert. also are nearly the gazelle extinct, though areas of central
Today residue
was kept low (apparently by maintaining a stock of

Kalashnikov rifles). Barley-grasses like poppies, mustards, iris, gladiolus, grape delphiniums, muscari and clover grew thigh-high. Such a hyacinths, an enormous attraction to carpet of vegetation would be
populations may still exist in remote (and protected)

Syria. that appeared the spring,
Although the herds thatmoved through the area and

the roots, seeds and nuts during
the herds of large steppe ungulates likePersian gazelle,

onager, wild The most camels, common and and, at Douara, animals goats which were
probably hunted in the hills behind the cave.

game al-Ajla common are gazelle fauna onager. at Upper represented of Syria. at Jerf found are These the most Pleistocene sites are also found,
summer, and fall provided potential food resources, the occupants of the central interiorof Syria still needed to find useable rawmaterial toproduce the basic technology required in the Paleolithic. Fortunately, therewere flint
sources that met this need. Given some rudimentary skill
in the steppe-desert
Camels
and experience, flint will provide sharp edges for simple cutting but it can also be shaped for a variety of other
tasks such as smoothing, chiseling, gouging, Fortunately for the visitors or the occupants, scattered thoughout inmany the chalk and and scraping. flint beds are central .
especially at El Kowm and Douara Cave. Surprisingly, the latter are not reported by Coon (1956) at Jerf al-Ajla though they are abundant in the deposits of
Taniat al-Beidha, Historical the Iron Age accounts cave just across the abundance the
limestone-rich
Syria. High quality Eocene flint sources are situated

close to, and cases, in each of the major basins
Ed Dou basin from Jerf al-Ajla, which Coon also

excavated. record
listedabove (Juligand Long 2001). Cretaceous sources

are also distributed throughout central interior of Syria, this flint variety has shown serious though internal stresses and fractures. Reflecting this, most of the in some cases flint sources.
of animal herds present in the steppes of central and

northern One of in recent times. Syria before their extinction accounts mentions abundant the earliest
herds of onager (Equus hemionus) near the upper Euphrates in the 4th century BCE (Xenophon) when
basin and provided fresh water for short periods (and even then only near the lake's inlets). Most of the time, water in the lake would have been brackish.2 Similarly, water of any kind was only available in the Ed Dou basin after precipitation on the steppe had filled natural hollows and basins or fallen in the highlands, flowed down the Wadi Abiad, and spread out onto the Ed Dou. There it turned the wadi surface into a
green carpet of grass or, more recently, watered a barley crop
workshop sites are associatedwith uniformly high quality

Eocene
The Ed Dou is especially fortunate to be nearly surrounded by rich flint beds. For example, just behind theWadi Abiad gap and a few minutes' walk from Jerf al-Ajla there are multiple beds of both nodular and tabular flint exposed in the sides of a short but deeply cut tributary ofWadi Abiad. Directly across the Ed Dou basin from the Abiad gap there are flint beds exposed in the face of another deeply cut wadi. At the head of the Ed Dou basin nodular flint erodes out of the base of the mesa-like topographic
surface where
purposely planted to catch the runoff. On the other hand, the Ed Dou benefits from its location at the junction of ridges of the Southern Palmyrides where they converge with the Northern Palmyrides. The channels between
the Southern ridges represent a major corridor for the summer
feature called Jebel Tar. Along

these and other outcrops have
the steppe-desert
been exposed is a
of game out of the Syrian Desert (in the vicinity migration of the Damascus basin) into the better-watered highlands of to the steppe Abiad and Abu and farther north Rujme?n Jebels
grasslands of northern Syria. Passage to the northern grasslands
pavement of debris from hundreds of generations of Paleolithic visitors shaping flint in a variety of styles: bifaces from the Lower Paleolithic, flakes and cores from the Middle Paleolithic, and blades and cores from the Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic.
Why DidThey Keep Comingato Jerfal-Ajla?

Central Syria was, as we have seen, seasonal steppe that
is partially blocked by the mass of Jebels Abiad and its outlier Jebel M'qeittaa. Jerf al-Ajla is situated adjacent to the major gap in these ridges where theWadi Abiad opens onto the Ed Dou giving access to the summer pasturage in the Abu Rujme?n Jebel Abiad highlands.
attracted herds of large and swift-moving herbivores

throughout the region during moist springs.
to grasslands
as the
In summer,
the desert to the grass of the Zone 4 steppe and especially south stopped growing and dried out, the herds moved out
of these broad expanses and into the cooler, better-watered
69:2 (2006) 93 NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY
JerfaMJIa \
areas. Apparently, Jordanian Desert were to herds large enough gazelle even in several support hunting groups the recent past. There are ethnohistoric records of gazelle hunting groups, called
^mmm^
the Solubba (Betts 1989; Betts 1998)

>=4jâK?mi*? -?SSBStj :.*r^.iisii^?ate?t?^''-*"
or Sleyb (Moore, et al. 2000a), living in the Arabian and Syrian deserts. Indeed there are reports of gazelle hunting being carried on in areas to the north and west of Palmyra into historic times by the Suteans (Betts 1989). The route to those pastures north of Palmyra passes directly in front of Jerf al-Ajla on the way to (and from) summer pastures via theWadi Abiad.3 The gap created by Wadi Abiad offers passage through the mountain barrier of Jebels Abiad and M'qeittaa which block access to the highland pasturage. The wadi itself drains the of the Jebels Abiad large catchment Abu Rujme?n segment of the Northern and then passes through Palmyrides the Wadi Abiad gap directly into the Ed Dou depression. There it promotes the growth of vegetation. This would have attracted migrating certainly herds of game moving out of the desert through the Ed Dou corridor, the main route to the northeast, Palmyra, and the Euphrates in historical times. A major problem for ancient hunters was the maneuvering of swift and wary wild animals within
hunters* weapons?likely
Looking Jebel
north
across
the ed Dou
basin
toward
a section
of the central
highlands.
Jebel
M'qeittaa
is the ridge on the left extending infront of the largermass of Jebel Abiad behind. On the right is
Antar.
range of the
spears or
bows and arrows in the late and post Paleolithic. One solution in the open steppe was the use of kites, desert Nodular flint beds eroding from the side of Jebel Tar.The author'swife is holding one of the nodules. of the Central (Northern) Palmyrides and the steppe grasslands beyond them on the northern Syria border near the Euphrates River. Bedouin groups with their flocks continue this highlands
arrangement today.
hunting structures with long converging walls of stone. Kites are well known in the open deserts of Jordan and Syria, where they served as corrals into which migrating herds were driven, and a number of them have been discovered at the southern end of the Ed Dou (Legge and Rowley-Conwy 1987). The narrow passes
and onager were seasonal visitors to the steppe grasslands (Legge and Rowley 1987). A major route to Tadmor (Palmyra) passes via Ain Qaryatein through an especially wide channel in the braided Southern Palmyrides. This track would have ended at the Ed Dou and Wadi Abiad basins and would Gazelle have taken the game into the higher elevations and grasslands north of the Palmyra region (Musil 1928) in the spring and then
and canyons in the vicinity of Jerf al-Ajla would have served the same function as kites without requiring construction. Game congregated on the outside of theWadi Abiad gap could easily have been funneled through the narrow passes where they could be ambushed. There are several forms of evidence suggesting that historic and prehistoric hunters recognized the value of Jerf al-Ajla for this type of intercept hunting including
94
ARCHAEOLOGY NEAREASTERN 69:2 (2006)
region antiquity and the importance of this area for intercept hunting practices during the Paleolithic despite the absence
of a permanent water supply.
Notes
1. This Professor out with cooperation basis of my work was suggested It was and to me by Solecki. Ralph the permission of Dr. Coon. thesis at Columbia carried generous the
It formed University basin
(Schroeder 1969).
2. Today wells ' '?rdSSjJrJw ?*'-'^r " ^^^^^^^^^^^Hhh^'' jf'-9'-'f -j?r^ *ijf ^^^^Hrv. ' & *j?*'*. !*(#"">r '"t-lr SÎB? '. ?J?'-' .ffi?/:J^r **'": ,.""'"" '<^?HH&a?l?E&.ii/''? >???. major source residents bulk water but in the Douara are the for of potable of the Palmyra in the basin fresh water
basin, otherwise comes from wells,
they provide only brackish water. 3. The Wadi Abiad is said to be the
EH^^âRbML
' :" >
^ ? . .filialy^; i?
'
!?^ ^
??^?^811^^
largest wadi system in Syria. It is clearly in satellite images of Syria, the Levant and even the Near East. visible
Probable summer Satellite
routes of gazelle and possibly from the desert to the steppe in the spring onager migration in the fall (after After Legge and and returning (1987) with additions Rowley-Conwy by the author). image from NASA Visible Earth image archive (http://visibleearth.nasa.gov/viewj-ec.php?id=1410).
References
Akazawa, 1979a Basin. Pp. T. Flint Factory Sites in Palmyra Site Basin 159-200 in The Paleolithic of Palmyra
of Douara
Cave
and Paleogeography
in Syria. Part 11:Prehistoric Occurrences in the Palmyra Basin, Bulletin 1979b Middle Cave. Pp. No. eds. K. Hanihara The University
and Chronology and T. Akazawa. of Tokyo. from Douara Cave Part 11:
16. Tokyo:
Paleolithic 1-30
Assemblages
in The Paleolithic of Palmyra
Site of Douara in Syria.
and Paleogeography Prehistoric Basin,
Basin
Occurrences
and Chronology and T. Akazawa. of Tokyo. K. Cave Site,
in Palmyra Bulletin No.
eds. K. Hanihara University and Endo,
16. Tokyo: Akazawa, 1973 T., Baba, H., Investigation Pp. 10-53 Part
of the Douara in The Paleolithic I, eds. H. The Suzuki
1970 Season. Cave in
Site at Douara and F. Takai. of Tokyo.
Syria. No.
Bulletin
5. Tokyo:
University
An example of a hunting blind overlooking theWadi Abiad. Photo by Pat Julig. the discovery of desert kites in the corridor between ridges of the Southern Palmyrides leading northeastward to the Ed Dou depression and the presence of hunting blinds in, and in some cases overlooking, theWadi Abiad. As further evidence that this area was used to intercept herds of migrating game during the Pleistocene, we have found at least ten rockshelters and caves that, in addition to Jerf abAjla, line up at the foot of Jebel M'qeittaa and overlook the Ed Dou basin. The similarity of surface material from these shelters with
Akazawa, 1987
T,
and Sakaguchi, Paleolithic Palmyra Bulletin
Y. , eds. Cave and Paleogeography in Syria. Part IV: 1984 Excavations. The University of Tokyo. of
Site of Douara Basin No.
29. Tokyo:
Betts,
A. The Solubba: Non-pastoral of Oriental Nomads Research in Arabia. 274:61-69. Bulletin of the
1989
American Betts, A., 1998 ed. The Harra
Schools
and
the Hamad: 1. Sheffield:
Excavations Sheffield
and Surveys Academic Press.
in Eastern
Jordan. Volume
de Paris X. Coon, C. S. 1956 Emberger, 1963 The Seven Caves. H. of the Mediterranean Zone. Volume 21. Paris: New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Garrod, 1937 General of theMediterranean Zone. Volume 30. Paris: 1996
Prehistoric
Occurrences
eds. K, Hanihara The D. A. University
in the Palmyra Basin, and Chronology No. and T. Akazawa. Bulletin 16. Tokyo:
of Tokyo.
L., and Gaussen, Bioclimatic UNESCO-FAO.
E., and Bate, D. M. A. ofMt. Carmel. Sensing Oxford: (GORS) General Organization of Clarendon Press,
The Stone Age Organization Syria. Remote
of Remote Space
1969
Vegetation
Map
Image Atlas.
Damascus:
UNESCO-FAO. Fortin, M. 1999 Fujimoto, 1979a T. and Epi-Paleolithic Assemblages in the Palmyra in The Paleolithic Basin. Site of Pp. 131-58 Douara Cave and Paleogeography of Palmyra Basin in Syria. Part U: Prehistoric Occurrences eds. K. Hanihara The University in the Palmyra Basin, and Chronology and T. Akazawa. Bulletin No. 16. Tokyo: Le Tensorer, 1997 The Problems on the UpperJulig, EJ., 2001 Syria, Land of Civilizations. Quebec: Mus?e de la Civilisation.
Sensing. J.-M.
Jagher, RM and Le Tensorer,
1995
Rapport 1995. Le Pal?olithique d7El Kowm (Syrie). Bale and

Damascus: Universities of Bale and Damascus. and Long, D.G.F. Flint 19-31 Fortin, Sourcing in Central Steppe Desert Region, Syria. Pp. sur la Syrie Antique, ?d. M. of the Canadian Society
in Recherches Toronto:
Canadiennes Symposium
Annual Studies. S.
for Mesopotamian J.-M and Muhesen, Les premiers of Natural Legge, A. 1987 hommes
of Tokyo.
du d?sert syrien. Paris: National
Museum
History. P A. in Stone Age Syria. Scientific American
J., and Rowley-Conwy, Gazelle 257:88-95. Killing
ABOUT
THE AUTHOR
Moore, 2000 Musil, A,
A. T M, Hillman, Village Hureyra. on
G. O,
and Legge, A. From
J. to Farming at Abu
Schroeder conducted this investigation in the mid to late60s as part of his Ph.D.
thesis research at Columbia University.,
the Euphrates: Oxford
Foraging Press.
Oxford:
University
Prof. Ralph Solecki, Supervisor.During

his analysis and small re-excavation at
1928
Palmyrena. Society.
Volume
4. New
York: American
Geographical
the cave he had the benefit of spending timeworking inProf. Fran?ois Bordes' lab (Universit? de Bordeaux). After completing the study, he joined the faculty at the University of Toronto,
Scarborough. inadequacies tiny test were Meanwhile of Coons obvious, because 3 week the and the author's to return own excavation
Neuville, 1951
R. Le Pal?olithique et Cie. et Le M?solithique du D?sert de Jud?e. Paris:
Masson Rust, A.
Bruce Schroeder
1950
Die
H?lhlenfunde
von
Jabrud
(Syrien).
Neum?nster:
Karl Wachholtz. Sakaguchi, 1978 Y. Palmyra Pluvial Lake: The Paleolithic Site of Douara Cave
he requested
permission
to Syria
and continue work at the cave. In the late60s however theLevant was in turmoil following the 1968 Arab-Israeli conflict. Syria
was closed to North American archaeologists. Schroeder then Schroeder, 1969
in Syria, Part and Paleogeography of Palmyra Basin. Pp. 5-28 I: Stratigraphy in the Late Quaternary, and Paleogeography eds. K. Hanihara and Y. Sakaguchi. Bulletin No. 14. Tokyo: The University H, B, The Lithic Industries of a Middle Columbia from Jerf Ajla and Their Bearing to Upper Paleolithic Transition. University. on the Ph.D. o? Tokyo.
Northeast quadrant of applied toLebanon to survey for sites in the interiorLebanon, thegeographical segment closest to Syria. There he discovered a number of caves and open sites in theBeqaa Valley and Anti-Lebanon Mountains near the borderwith Syria.After 5 seasons of survey and excavation of severalNatufian and PPNA sites, this research was cut short in 1974 for the next 15 years (1974-1990) by the internal conflict inLebanon. In addition to excavations in Syria and Lebanon, Schroeder has excavated in theDordogne regjuon of France, New York State and Ontario. City (Staten Island) and in
Problem Dissertation,
96
^^^ B
3.rri"l3.C
US lll^^^^^^^^^^^^^l
UI Porter^^^^H edited byBenjamin
The Rose Red City: A Review of "Petra: Lost City of Stone"

I admit that I had low expectations when I visited Petra: and Lost City of Stone, the Cincinnati Art Museum theAmerican Museum ofNatural History, New York's traveling exhibit. Having visited Jordan several years previ ous, I spent two wonderful days hiking the ruined city. I could not imagine how a museum exhibit could capture the majesty of a site famous for its stunning architecture and unique environmental setting. Iwas pleasantly surprised; the that there ismuch more demonstrating to Petra than rose, cliff-carved buildings. In venues across visitors to North America, the exhibit introduces museum exhibit is fantastic, the splendors of ancient Petra and theNabataean society
who literallycarved the city from bedrockwhile shuttling

goods between the Persian Gulf and theMediterranean Sea. Ancient writers suggest and archaeological evidence confirms that Petra was an important economic base for theNabataeans 1 visited and was quite possibly at the Glenbow their capital Museum in
Youthful CE head. Khirbet Tannur, circa first century Cincinnati Art Jordan. of Amman, Museum; (? Antiquities, Department Peter John Gates FBIPP, ARPS, Ashwell, U.K.) Photographer: male
the exhibit
The modern of Jordan rediscovery Calgary, Canada. first glimpse of the show frames the exhibit. Visitors* entrance is a large cut away of the Siq, the winding through which all visitors to Petra must pass; here they are invited to walk into the showroom and explore the wonders nineteenth of Petra. Past the entrance are remnants of the on of Petra. Displayed century rediscovery are artists Victorian the walls the work of traveling such
caretakers, serving hired help for excavations. The bulk of the exhibition Petra and the Nabataeans devoted
water
as Petra's
as guides
for tourists
and
concentrates Most
on ancient
themselves. issues,
Larger
to specific aspects
thematic
and trade.
displays are such as sculpture,

sections explore
management,
other
of life at Petra
in more
as Lady Louisa Tenison, David Roberts, and L?on de is a copy of Frederic Edwin Laborde. The centerpiece El Khasn? Church's (1874), a large oil on canvas, of which the original exhibit on Church's is currently work. The part of another touring exhibition likewise ends
religion, daily life, Roman period Roman settlement. The exhibit's aesthetically pleasing the movement of visitors well facilitates presentation through the exhibit. The initial mood of exploration and mystery grows as one moves deeper in the exhibit, in thanks to the displays and ambient music playing In the Byzantine for the background. instance, gallery, Panagiarion: Hymns in the background. Virgin Mary plays quietly are well conceived. The individual displays station features a general life. discussion these The of Nabataean photographs, discussing Illustrating and diagrams, artifacts. discussions Panteleimon Kartsonas's to the Each are
detail, including Petra, and the post
at Petra, documenting current activities issues of preservation, and especially efforts to deal with of Vivian the ravages of flooding. The photography Ronay is also displayed; the photos of modern Bedouin with modern are interspersed with quotations from the likes of TE. as are on discussions the social problems and Lawrence, economic were that face the Bedoul possibilities relocated from Petra to a nearby town the region for tourism. Today, tribe, who in 1986 to act
on an element as text panels displays move
develop
the Bedoul
maps, individual
as well
^^M
^H
beyond the usual fetishization of artifacts and instead

concentrate on demonstrating of how how these artifacts help
editorship of Glenn Markoe. This is no mere catalogue, to the site of Petra, however. It is a valuable introduction The its archaeology, and the civilization of the Nabataeans. is divided volume into two equal parts, the first half exploring Nabataeans history and society, while the second half focuses each of the sections experts in the field on Petra alone. Lavishly illustrated, consists of topical essays written by and will be useful to specialists and
^^?
^^1
reconstruct antiquity. Many of the displays likewise

include discussions archaeologists know what
^H
^H ^H ^H ^H ^H ^H ^H ^H ^H ^H ^H
they know and do what they do?how
they date
and read carbonized papyri, for instance. earthquakes, The text is sometimes repetitive from display-to-display; visitors are told frequently that the Nabataeans believed in conspicuously their wealth, displaying This is one drawback of a museum exhibit with certain a strict narrative of the order for example. that dispenses as one cannot be
To my mind, particularly
framework, in which visitors will view displays. is a valuable tool, repetition pedagogic exhibitions. The non-narrative
alike. Rumors that the volume may be out non-specialists we can only hope that Abrams of print are worrisome; sees a to Books fit order second run. a number of other The Glenbow Museum provided programs and events associated with the Petra exhibit but unique to Calgary. Throughout the Calgary run, an was lecture series evening including a lecture provided, on new discoveries from Petra by David Johnson and an overview included of the site from Larry Herr. Various other events singles nights, complete with lectures followed
in museum
is particularly successful for these traveling approach museum that draw displays large crowds, as it prevents
^H
^H ^H
people from congregating around an individual display,

to see artifacts past the mobs themselves contorting create bottlenecks around the glass cases. on Petra is that the architectural that
^H
^H ^H ^H ^H ^^m
As I alluded to earlier, the problemwith any exhibition

and the environmental settings are difficult to represent inmuseum venues. The exhibitors resolve this issue using various multimedia displays. panoramic dimensional architecture Black Visitors videos can sit on benches and watch simultaneously of the site projected
of live music, family fun weekends by an apr?s-program or architectural could make mosaics where children of Petra, and continuing education classes drawings such as belly dancing. My admission price included an evening showing of Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade, the film that first introduced Also to the Glenbow Petra to a wider was audience. unique display for children, GSI: Glenbow Science Investigation. With in hand, participants worksheets traveled between five artifact stations: architecture, trade writing, ceramics, goods, and coins artifacts and textiles. At from different analyzed the date station, visitors "sites," determined or Roman, Nabataean, each the interactive
^H
^H ^H ^H
on three screens in themiddle of the exhibit. A three

situates the successfully landscape model into the environmental landscape of Petra. photographs of Petra and its environs that is
and white
^H
^H
fill up empty wall space throughout the display.Most

notable of the multimedia is an eight minute video
^H ^H
^H ^H ^H ^H ^H
shown at themidpoint of the exhibit or at the end of the exhibit. The video draws together the disparate displays
into a unified whole, helping visitors draw connections between the various components of Nabataean life they The video employs computer have already encountered. graphics demonstrates to reconstruct how the urban center the monumental of Petra, and rock-cut tombs were
and culture?Greek, with each Petra-themed artifact. Egyptian ?associated At the end, participants could compare their results at the Conclusions Stations. The with those provided Glenbow exhibit program Museum to create
built on an already excellent traveling a vibrant museum and engaging
^H ^H ^H
^H ^H
sculpted into the cliff walls. The video is very good? lacking the kitsch or propaganda typical of traveling exhibitions. Especially nice is that the video is offered
at various visitor the stages in the tour. Unlike other exhibits, is not required to sit and watch a movie prior to the traveling exhibit isPetra Rediscovered:
Hopefully likewise take advantage of this opportunity. Regardless, in all of its venues, will be Petra: Lost City of Stone, enjoyed by experts and novices alike.
around Petra and the Nabataeans. revolving the other venues visited by this exhibit will
Kevin McGeough University ofLetnbridge
^H ^H ^H
entering the gallery. LostCity of the Nabataeans, a beautiful volume produced by the Cincinnati Museum of Art under the general
Accompanying ^H
Note:
1.Petra: traveled Lost City of Stone ran at the Glenbow of Civilization Museum in Ottawa, in Calgary running
fromOctober 29, 2005 to February 20, 2006. The exhibition then

to the Canadian Museum
from April 7, 2006 to February 18, 2007.
98
reviews Chieftains of the Highland

Clans?
Centuries
baffling but may
edited by Justin LewTov

nevertheless hail it as "refreshing."
Moreover,
A History
B.C.
of Israel
it will do nothing for the dialogue between archaeologists and biblical scholars that we desperately
need taken to write seriously, real histories this book's of ancient misuse Israel. Unfortunately, approach if of the "sociological"
this book is a monologue;
in the 12 th and 11th

EfyRobert D. Miller II. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2005. Pp. 206. Paper, $28.00. ISBN 0-8028-0988-X.
The
does
that is finally becoming useful in biblical studies would set that

school An back many early years. gives away Miller's intentions: statement
The avoiding
key
to writing Rankean a moderate to any plausibilities, testing and
a critical empiricism
postmodern and na?ve
history Biblicism
of
Israel, while
title correctly describes this book; the subtitle does not. It is all about Miller's "complex chiefdom" model, but it
not come we close to being in this University a "history of early Israel." from the is the What have slender volume, adapted dissertation,
including
postmodernist external reality,
skepticism
about
the of
approachability well-argued to further possible
is the construction pasts that are available
of possible examination better-informed
and
that
challenge
other (p. 4).
author's
recent
of Michigan
pasts,
yielding
reconstructions
following: (1) an anthropological exercise in theory, complete with jargon, which leans heavily on ideology (the "ideal
Israel") and and construes the archaeological (2) an data analysis very of selectively settlement sometimes inaccurately;
patterns
BCE, surface "site based
in the central highlands

largely done on the during that author's surveys
in the 12th?11th
own rather in Jerusalem, long since
centuries
superficial employing
Even supposing that this statement is intelligible and that it represents a worthwhile goal, Miller himself acknowledges that his "complex chiefdom" model and analysis are unlikely to be
successful: Several drawn from such issues, analyses however, really render and all conclusions themselves
a stay have
catchment"
models
been
tendentious,
the tasks
proven
inapplicable to regions like Israel; and (3) an attempt to portray

earliest Israel in socioeconomic terms as a "complex chiefdom"
all but impossible (p. 22).
with
a hierarchical
centers.
stratified
society and several regional of the

even Israeli range of of
Miller's dauntless efforts in the face of such insurmountable

theoretical obstacles (not to mention the archaeological data,
administrative
What
vast the body
we do not have here is (1) an appreciation

of previous surveys scholarship of on the subject, and of the or other entire not Finkelstein survey no
which
have
are usually
intractable
for the non-specialist)
might in
the
made
for an acceptable
dissertation?a
sort of "test-run."
pioneering
But most dissertations

truncated, "semi-popular"
should not be published,

form. Despite the
especially
praise on
archaeologists; available settlement
(2) a competent data: layout, house
archaeological type and
discussion form, pottery,
illustration other artifacts,
dust jacket, this book does not exhibit sound archaeological

method and is little more than a self-indulgent exercise in
demography, or ethnic identity; (3) data that might

support the author's theories, except his own surveys;
actually
(4) any
speculation. "The Archaeology

about Miller's appropriate entire
Lawrence
Stager's brief 1985 BASOR article, of the Family inAncient Israel," saysmore
and the reality of early Israel than
real grasp of the texts of the Hebrew Bible and how they may
confirm/contest This book the archaeological is an attempt data. on the author's doctoral to capitalize
models
book.
(published substantially as it was in 2002 as an ASOR Annual). Yet, it isneither genuinely "popular,"burdened dissertation
as it is with can it claim esoteric to make citations any and anthropological contribution jargon; to mainstream nor substantial
William
G. Dever
Professor Emeritus University of Arizona
scholarship, due to its use of idiosyncratic and inappropriate theory. I predict that Israeli and American archaeologists, the former of whom now dominate the field, will examine it briefly and dismiss it. Biblical scholars, especially the younger ones enamored with postmodern paradigms, will probably find it
Democracy's
Ancient
vis
collective and town.
identification,
organization,
and
agency:
tribe,
land,
Ancestors: Collective
By Daniel University glossaries, 82885-6.
Mari and Early Governance.
In the first section, "The Tribal World of Zimri-Lim," Fleming addresses the issue of ancient tribal categories and the political
and organization He
ramifications
among demonstrates
of tribal modes
intersecting some mobile awareness
of identification
and of sedentary the problems
E. Fleming. Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 2004. Pp. xxvii + 359; maps, indexes. Cloth, $75.00, ISBN 0-521
populations.
with
the concept "tribe," which as a culturally distinct kinship 28-45).
in practical terms he views network (cf. Kraus 2004:
Eschewing evolutionary models, Fleming grounds his analysis in the ancient terminologies of tribal identification, ?^?^ ? l9JH
?m,M.;* ..,.. leadership, and administration. Most innovative
p3HH|; |^S^5 study of the ancient Near East. Though looking SBlpBI linguistic reflexes of those differences. Given the Hj^fflS for democracy in any historical period in greater Sim'alite pedigree of the last king of Mari, Zimri |NH^9E ^BBB Mesopotamia may well be an ill-conceived project, Lim, Fleming argues that inMari we have, in effect, jH^H ^Hjemk a variety of evidence does document collectives the archives of a tribal king who had to contend ^^^^| ^^^H| engaging in political action at various levels. By a with complex array of tribal constituencies. While MHi^l flHHff ignoring this material, we run the risk of neglecting Fleming's is not the only possible interpretation a significant part of the dynamics of coercion and negotiation of the data, his thoroughness will provide a basis for ongoing that both conferred legitimacy on and subverted the self-stylized discussion of the complex nexus of tribal identities and political autocrats of the Near East. The volume addresses present structures in this period (cf. Streck 2002: 175-82).
these problems anew by concentrating on one particularly rich
rTnhe question of "primitive democracy" in ancient first arose amid the social and X Mesopotamia intellectual tumult ofWorld War II, and since then the topic has lingered uneasily at the margins of the
B M
explication ideological differences between the structures of the Sim'alite and Yaminite tribal confederacies and the
here is Fleming's
of the fundamental
and promising body of material: the royal archives from Old Mari (TellHariri). The question is, however, Babylonian/MB II was there any relationship between the sociopolitical world of Mari and the advent of Athenian democracy, a historically and culturally circumscribed phenomenon that is itself still the subject of considerable debate? A genetic model directly linking alleged ancestor and descendent here would strain credulity at
best. Fortunately, factors millennium that and others Fleming's and contexts concern is rather to explicate the in raise complex second questions Greece of corporate decision-making and to material to thereby from
The second section, "The Archaic State and the m?tum 'Land'," addresses the highest unit of regional political
organization, the archaic the state, "land." Fleming After discussing the some "land" theories as the about effective presents
polity capable of negotiating war and peace in theMari period. This entity was typically named for a capital city ("land of Eshnunna"), a constituent population ("land of [the tribe] Yamutbal"), or a coalition composed of administrative
than by modern
("land of Zalmaqum") and was districts. Fleming argues that, in

fictions about territory.
Syria-Mesopotamia might pose
this period, political geography was defined more by population

cartographic
ancient
elsewhere.
Fleming's work begins with a solid, readable introduction in which he outlines the history of the publication and of Mari the the sketches technical texts, study problems of the corpus, and surveys the political history understanding of ancient Mari (cf. Heimpel 2003: 3-172). He persuasively argues for the use of analytical categories that derive from the precise language of texts, our informants on the past (cf. Kraus 2004: 54-59). By addressing basic information about
the nature of his his source material interest and in reaching approach, a wide Fleming audience. underscores express
of widely varying size and function punctuated the landscape of theMari period, and the third principal section thus addresses "The Collective and the Town." Here Fleming addresses how towns functioned
and, more collective specifically, action. For how
Settlements
in this political environment

ideologies expressed town the
town-centered
example,
anthropomorphized
itself or a town's collective

as actors. Within this
inhabitants ("theTuttulites") appear

elders, "heads," and various
schema,
types of fluidly defined, ad hoc assemblies also gave voice. The Mari archives document Imar (Meskene), Tuttul (Tell Bi'a), and UrgiS (Urkesh, Tell Mozan) as three Syrian towns with particularly antecedents traditions strong collective in the third millennium. that may have had
Three principal sections comprise the substance of the study.

Each section isolates a particular axis of governance vis-?
100
Fleming's surprise tablets no from
judicious one Emar. of very
command with
of his
the work
primary on the
sources
will
familiar The high
cuneiform volume (cf.
translations quality as well
in the
present
other fields are likely to profit from consulting this work, among^^^^| them the study of the IronAge in the Levant, the Early Bronze and fourth- and thirdAge in northern Syria-Mesopotamia, millennium southern Mesopotamia, as well as anthropological archaeology in the Near East more generally. ^^^H In conclusion, we may fairly ask if the whole notion of an "exclusionary" (pp. 177-80), autocratic mode of political control man constructed in ancient Syria-Mesopotamia from only the most is not merely a straw literal reading of elite
^^^H ^^^H ^^^H ^^^H ^^^H ^^^H ^^^^| ^^^H
are generally
as quite
readable
Heimpel
crept into
2003: passim). Only a few translation problems have

the manuscript: omissions from the translation (pp.
73, 88) or Akkadian text (pp. 118, 120), arguable renderings of idiom (pp. 168, 203), and a few confusing interpretations (pp. 50, 54). Fleming excerpts from a first-millennium proverb (p. 204) cited only as K.8282, which was edited as "Counsels ofWisdom" 31-35 (for context, see Lambert 1960: 96-106).
Akkadian of text, text lexicon, notes. with passages and Fleming's respect and grammar research to the discussions are wisely was of technical consigned points to thorough, literature the
the present work literature and material culture. Nevertheless, is a corrective to political histories that recount only the great deeds of great men. In the end, the scholarly community can be grateful to Fleming for advancing such a thoughtful and study. This is an ambitious synthesis that thought-provoking deserves to be widely read and discussed. ^^^H
^^^^| ^^^^| ^^^^| ^^^H
copious especially
remarkably secondary
abundant
produced
been Michael Streck and
by the French publication

however, for him Streck. In a monograph investigated facets of Amorite and the
team. It would
to consider a series linguistic, nomadism
have
of
interesting,
the work of articles,
Matthew T. Rutz
^^H University of Pennsylvania ^^^H
has
recently
onomastic, in the Mari
socioeconomic
period, often differing significantly from the French team with respect to philological analysis and interpretation (for bibliography, see Streck 2002: 209).
Several The maps features are clear of the book aim to expand reflect of the the its readership. topography geographic than a of and handsomely none precise specific. reference, through and
W Heimpel,
2003
REFERENCES ^H ^^^^|
Letters to theKing ofMari: A New Notes, Translation, with Historical ^^^^H ^^^^H Introduction, and Commentary. Mesopotamian
Civilizations 12. Winona Lake, IN:Eisenbrauns. ^^^^|
W. Kraus,
2004
Syria-Mesopotamia. features dozen terms is marked, towns are
However, and the
region's
location The
of more
Islamische Stammesgesellschaften: Tribale Identit?ten im

Vorderen Orient in sozialanthropologischer Perspektive.
^^H
^^^^H
^^^^H
is misleadingly handy are of for readily quick
glossaries and more
of ancient nuanced index.
Vienna: B?hlau.
^^^^H ^^^^|
^^^^H
discussions The index
accessible royal
the
subject
Laess0e, J., and Jacobsen,T. ^^^^B Siksabbum 1990 Again. JournalofCuneiformStudies42:127-78.
letters,
inscriptions,
other
documents
W G. Lambert,
1960
translated and discussed will ensure that this work is quickly

integrated into the study of the early second millennium. The
^^H
Babylonian
Wisdom
Literature.
Oxford:
Clarendon
Press.
M. E Streck, ^^H
2002
book is generally well edited, despite a few errors of typography

and omission (for p. 118, note 18, add Laess0e and Jacobsen
Zwischen Weide, Dorf und Stadt: Sozio-?konomische

Strukturen des amurritischen Nomadismus am Mittleren
^^^^H
^^^^H
1990 to the bibliography).

Though philological, anthropological, Fleming's he approach to make and analysis use research of are heavily attempts and archaeological, appropriate.
Euphrat. Baghdader Mitteilungen 33:155-209.
^^^^H
ethnographic
where
Most
refreshing is the degree to which Fleming has made integral to his explicitly problems of theory and method
study. This approach may rankle some readers, but Fleming's
awareness of broader issues will undoubtedly help keep Near

Eastern the wider Fleming structure transitions tedious studies actively of much The sections read. Outside engaged in, and therefore and social and points makes a number relevant sciences. justify aids the the for a of to, discussions also exerts study. the humanities effort repetition but
to clarify of key occasionally of Assyriology,
of his
between continuous
101
GSSF"**?** W& W?8M%? ess^S?Ss^ sA&s**^. * C ?I?M? W ^ W*$P wL The Destruction Heritage: of Palestinian Saffa Village
*Sf W*& B Iwl
JPB&. W??M? ?En
Archaeological as a Model
by Salah H* al-Houdalieh, Al Quds University
Between
1967 and 1993, during the era of complete of the West Israeli civilian and military occupation Bank and Gaza, Palestinians were unable to manage of their the archaeological and cultural heritage
it the Palestinian (PMTA). officially made
of Tourism and Archaeology Ministry This marked the first time that Palestinians were and protection, PMTA staff has
and protect
for the management, responsible of cultural heritage sites. The preservation steady progress towards protecting its archaeological limited by both heritage. However, internal and external
lands. With
the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 and
the subsequent Interim Agreement (Oslo II) in 1995, the was established and with Palestinian National Authority
and maintaining this effort has been
circumstances.
Main Road (^_t Archaeological Site
'"?n* ^""\_
Paved Road Contour Line
^"^m ' Wadi
Separation Wall
2003: 4-8; ce) (al-Houdalieh 1. Saffa -the old village 138-160). area: Roman, Byzantine, 2. Eth-Thahir: Late and Islamic Early period. and 3. ed-Dair: Roman and Byzantine Byzantine, Umayyad, period. 5. 4. Bir Lemsama: Roman and Byzantine Ayyubid period. period. 6. Bir el-Baten: Roman and Roman and Byzantine Abu-Fallan: period. The location of Saffa. 1516-1917 Finkelstein and Lederman 1997: and 7. Khirbet el-Lauz: Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, Byzantine period. 9. Badd 8. El-Ku'ma: Roman and Byzantine Early Islamic period. period. Isa: Middle Bronze Age, Iron Age, Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine and Early 10. Khirbet Urn eth-Thinein: Roman, Byzantine, period. 11. Khirbet Kureikur: Hellenistic, Islamic period. Roman, Byzantine, 12. Kreesina: and Early Ottoman Roman, Byzantine, Ayyubid, period. 13. Khirbet ed-Daliya: and Early Islamic period. Roman, Byzantine, Early 14. Khirbet Kafr Lut: Persian, Hellenistic, Islamic, and Ayyubid period. and Late Islamic period. Roman, Byzantine, Early Islamic, Crusader, Mamluk and Byzantine, Early Islamic, Ayyubid 17. Najmet Roman and Byzantine period. 18. Period. el-Houdali: Persian, Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine 19. Khirbet Islamic Period, Khirbet Baten Hassan: and Early Byzantine 15. Khirbet Huriya: Roman, 16. Fa'ush: period. es-Suana: Byzantine, Roman Early 20. Hallaba: Hellenistic, and Byzantine period. and Late Islamic period. Islamic, Crusader, Roman,
102
NEAR EASTERN
ARCHAEOLOGY
69:2
(2006)
m??????????????????l??M
&aRS?*3R9p?n9Pi?M
The village of Saffa, located near Ramallah, is a case study that exemplifies the current state of destruction and looting of archaeological and cultural heritage in theWest Bank. Saffa's cultural heritage includes human remains, artifacts, buildings,
ancient roads, terraces, and cultural earth accumulations. For
heritage.
The
continuous
destruction
of
sites
erases
very
decades, archaeological and historical sites in Saffa have been vandalized and looted and many of the remains were destroyed
without compassion, rendering them useless to archaeologists
for studying the previous cultures. Because of the escalation of in Saffa, we wanted to identify the character, this phenomenon motives and behind the destruction of Palestinian scope, to stem its diffusion. and cultural and archaeological heritage
important parts of ancient cultures and local people. In Palestine, laws have different antiquities regional determined the criteria for excavating archaeological sites and the proprietorship of antiquities. Various laws governing the antiquities of Palestine, from the 1929 Palestinian Antiquities Law to Jordanian and Israeli antiquities laws to the newly to Palestinian have Law, proposed Antiquities attempted restrict illegal excavations and impose penalties on those who
conduct such excavations.
The Location and History of Saffa

Saffa
northwest of Jerusalem. The village covers
is in the West to the Green Bank close west km 16 of Ramallah and nearly approximately
several hills
Line, 22 km
over an
It is clear that the most important aim of relevant local and of 1954 international laws (in particular the Hague Convention is ICOMOS conventions and principles) and the UNESCO/ to deter and prevent the pillaging, destruction, or demolition of archaeological sites and to protect the integrity of cultural so it to future generations. These may be bequeathed heritage
local and international antiquity laws and conventions are
area of about 14,000 dunums at an average altitude of 350 m. Nearly nine percent of Saffa's land is inhabited, with the rest used mainly for different kinds of cultivation. The climate of one. the village is a typically mild Eastern Mediterranean The social composition of the village consists of several clans that moved to Saffa from different places during the last few centuries. In 1922, the population was about 495 persons, in 1997 about 2857 (al-Houdalieh 2003: 1-4) and presently the local council estimates the population to be 3100 persons (Mr. S. Sh. Mansur, personal communication, February 2006). For almost 2000 years Saffa has been inhabited and has
occupied a strategic point of control over the surrounding
the protective framework for cultural heritage, theoretically of the laws by responsible officials but the non-enforcement and individuals must be considered the final nail in the coffin of cultural heritage. The previous laws for the preservation will remain in effect until the newly proposed antiquities law is passed by the Palestinian Legislative Council. in Saffa during 2005, Based on the field study conducted it is clear that the looting of artifacts in the village started in 1970s by Palestinians, mostly from the Hebron area. The
robbers worked in gangs, one consisting of seven males from
area. During
effective
the Roman
the
period,
caravans
the location
that
of Saffa proved
Jerusalem
in managing
connected
with
under
the coast. According

the supervision of the
to a 2001 field survey conducted

author, the region surrounding the
village includes 20 archaeological sites dating from the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1550 BCE) through the Ottoman period.
There are several factors threatening archaeological
one extended in collecting all family, and were interested own kinds of archaeological for their profit. They objects focused their illicit work at many abandoned archaeological sites around the village, namely Khirbet eLLauz, Bir eLBaten, In the beginning, eLKu'ma, Badd Isa and Khirbet ed-Daliya. the robbers chose dry periods to facilitate their digging and worked at night; however, they soon realized that very few
people were wandering around the excavated sites and began
working
They pickaxes
during the day and into the evenings.

were and armed with traditional unearth excavation rock cut tools?shovels, tombs last touched trowels?to
in Saffa including heritage looting, urban development, the Separation Wall, reforms, farming and agricultural misuse of the archaeological features, and the surrounding
Israeli settlements.
several
the
thousand
years ago. Often,

deposits against
these gangs dug through

the entrance fa?ade and
accumulated
Looting of ancient sites has become widespread all over the world (The International Council of Museums 2005: http:// Such events are reported daily by icom.museum/traffic.html). official and private institutions and by individuals. The looting of antiquities is not a new event?it was practiced in Egypt and in the Amherst papyrus dating from ca. 1134 BCE. documented The dramatic loss of cultural property inmany countries during the past few decades threatens to wreck our archaeological
Looting
destroyed the door blockage to open the tomb. They waited for the air in the tomb to exchange with fresh air, then slipped into the tomb with candles or kerosene inside lamps. Once the tomb, they gathered the visible objects in a safe corner and then they searched for other valuables. Many times, any in loculi, niches carved into the skeletal remains discovered were in inside the tomb. The earth inside walls, dumped heaps the tomb would be hauled outside and sifted to collect coins,
beads, scarabs, and other small items.
Then the robbers sifted through the materials accumulated in the center of the tomb and attempt to find the "middle pit,"
103
iMBJaa?fMHKMB^lM^mMgW^flB MBg^^MBMBJWSBMBB^WCMB MI^^^BBKmBJUJ^mBmbJm^BB BmCTUJ^BJ W?&^^Km? BB^^toMm BMLJB8B1L ,jBK1L JWfiK^JBH WfiRH& jglwSl^ JMW1& <?^^
the location where skeletal remains and grave traditionally goods are transferred after the bodies have been defleshed by in the loculi (Abu M. Y. Nasser, personal natural processes the robbers would communication, January 2006). Usually, leave the rock cut tombs open with broken pottery and skeletons scattered across the tomb?effectively destroying the
in situ archaeological record forever.
In 1989, nearly two years after the beginning of the first resumed digging intifada, a small gang of local inhabitants
archaeological remains at various locations in the center of the
In January and February 2006, personal interviews were conducted with local residents involved in the looting and showed that 68 people (approximately 2 percent of the total population) have excavated illegally in the village region during the last four decades. The majority of the looters (approximately 59 percent of the total number) are between 26 and 40 years old. 12 percent of the robbers are university graduates Approximately and 72 percent of them are married. Roughly 23 percent of
them 61 are percent in good economic are in moderate status, economic 16 percent status. are poor, and Approximately
old village in Saffa. The preferred areas for excavation belonged to several owners, and it is likely that the robbers made an oral agreement with each owner before they began excavating on his land. Usually, the landowner sends a member of his family to participate in the looting in order to control the number of finds and to ensure the landowner's fair share of the finds. These
unauthorized soon many of excavations the locals were knew mostly the conducted archaeological overtly and about materials
36 percent
three or four
of them have
times, and 30
looted one or two times, 32 percent

percent more than four times. The
16 percent of the total number professional looters constituted and half of them are between 31 and 35 years old. The looters are divided into two main categories, professionals
and amateurs. Professional looters are characterized by astonishingly
that had already been looted and subsequently sold (personal communication with Abu E. Sh. Ahmad, March 2006.). Since the start of the second intifada in 2000, the plundering of archaeological sites has flourished again in the village. About 12 gangs, armed with digging equipment and metal detectors, have spread over the larger sites in Saffa, especially those dated to the Roman period, and started to loot the undisturbed
sections of the sites. One of these gangs, consisting of four
high levels of experience in field archaeology, they tend to work in small teams and spend several days staking out archaeological sites of suspected value, looking for pottery sherds, dressed rock,
stone cut marks, ancient building traces, or cultivated and wild
trees flourishing
accumulation. site at random The
in rocky areas with a minimal

looters often to ensure that
amount of earth
to the looting have all valuables
professional in order intervals
return
people from the same family, used a bulldozer for nearly two weeks in their search for antiquities at Khirbet el-Lauz. The bulldozer indiscriminately damaged an area of about 900 sq m by plowing the earth to a depth of nearly 2 m. This resulted in the destruction of the weih stratified layers at the site and
further damaged numerous architectural remains. After the
been collected. Their extensive fieldwork experience enables them to classify the objects by periods and to assess the monetary worth of the objects. To keep updated about the antiquities market, the professional looters obtain the last published antiquities catalogs, particularly those dealing with coins. Amateur looters are marked by poor archaeological fieldwork
experience and haphazard large and therefore manner. gangs, tend Teams consisting to loot in a more looters of youths spontaneous often work in to of amateur mainly
looting, the area was backfilled
and leveled for farming.
relatively
attempting
Statistic of antiquities hunters in Saffa Village

Individuals Age
Professionals
Illegal Excavation >4

3-4
Participation
1-2
Economic
Status
Marital Status Low Married Single
Education
Secondary >
Good
Moderate
<
16-20 21-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 41-45 46-50 Over 51 Total

The definition
11 16 18 10 14 18
10 14 16
68
11
participation
21
is digging
22
in the same
25
spot for one
16
hour
42
or more.
49
19
60
of excavation
104
NEAR FASTERN
ARCHAEOLOGY
69:2
(2006)
imitate amateur short of not
the
strategies often
of
the
professional quickly one.
groups. and Because from foreign leave
However, a site they are after
the a
groups time
excavate to find a new
in order an
afraid
receiving
adequate
price
antiquities
dealers,
act as
they often have one of the local professional

intermediary.
looters
the illicit antiquities trade During the past two decades, in Saffa as part and parcel of the Palestinian has flourished territories. The local robbers, especially the professional gangs,
have connections with some Palestinian antiquities dealers
2000, the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) reported that only a couple of archaeological sites were illegally dug a month, but at least eightfold since then the number has been multiplied On the other hand, according to Dr. Hamdan (Blumt 2002). Director Palestinian of the of Antiquities Taha, Department and Cultural Heritage (DACH), looting during the current intifada increased an estimated 30-40 percent (Dr. Hamdan Taha, personal communication, February 2006). in the The of current law enforcement inadequacy territories has paved the way for robbers to steal Palestinian
from archaeological sites whenever and whatever they desire.
vast majority of the illegally sold items, and middlemen. are which immediately exported to Israel or abroad, disappear forever because they may have changed hands several times The
or are taken far away from their indigenous cultural context.
It is practically impossible to get accurate statistics on looted items from the village and its adjacent surrounding, but Abu
L. A. N., a local professional looter, estimates that over 2500
archaeological objects have been sold, about 75 percent being coins (Abu L. A. NL, and Byzantine Roman, Hellenistic, February 2006). Based on personal personal communication, travels in many villages of the Ramallah and governate interviews with local residents inAugust and September, 2005, I concluded that looting of archaeological sites and illicit trade in this region and in of antiquities is a widespread phenomenon other villages, like Beit Ur ehTahta, where it is sometimes more dangerous than in Saffa. The main causes of illegal looting are economic deprivation 2005: 97). and poor law enforcement (Blumt 2002; Maniscalco in 1967, the Palestinian national Since the Israeli occupation in Israel's economy has been based mainly on employment sectors. and When the first intifada broke private public out in 1987, this employment became less secure because of strikes called by the intifada leadership, curfews, internal territories closures, and the sealing off of the Palestinian forces Israeli (Blumt 2002). During a imposed by military to from 1988 five-year period, April April 1993, there were about 100 days of complete closure (United Nation, Fifty first session, 1996) and in the next six years this number to 436 days, of which 323 were working escalated days (United Nations, Fifty-forth session, 1999). The Israeli closures had adverse effects on the income of
Palestinian workers and caused a remarkable increase in the
stated that Israeli archaeologists accuse the Palestinians of being unable to protect the sites that lie under their control? Areas A and B, where the looting ismost common (Bloom 2005). The Palestinian Ministry of Tourism and Archaeology (PMTA) rejects these claims and points out that the looting is concentrated in Area C, which includes around half of the sites of the West Bank and which is not under archaeological Bloom control (Bloom 2005: http://www.ww4report.com/ Some observers attribute the looting of these node/810/print). to the presence of the Israeli military troops sites archaeological that impede Palestinian access to them (Schulman 2002). The Palestinian PMTA estimates that about 200,000 antiquities from the OPT were looted annually during the twenty-two year period from 1967 to 1992. Since 1992, these estimates have been revised to a total of ca. 120,000 items per annum (Chamberlain 2005).
Development
Fundamental
changes are taking place yearly in Saffa as part of planned development and construction projects that include new residential and commercial buildings, roads, and infrastructure
projects such as water and sewer pipelines. Construction and
development
areas, have
projects
already
in the village,
impacted
especially
parts of
in the ancient
the observed
adversely
It is assumed that if and concealed archaeological heritage. continues without limit, the original this nonstop phenomenon character of Saffa will be obliterated in the near future.
Construction The local architectural

ancestral exchanges. about the existence Architecture past because and
heritage
reflects forms many
is significant
internal and source
evidence
cross-cultural of knowledge have
of
level of unemployment among Palestinians, especially after the gradual replacement of Palestinians by foreigners (Blumt 2002). During the current intifada, the rate of unemployment among Palestinians has run as high as 60 percent; the majority are no longer allowed to work in Israel, as a of Palestinians result more than half of Palestinians in the territories fall below the poverty line. The deterioration of economic conditions to the loot and to sell the artifacts encouraged unemployed to whomever would buy them (Yahya 2005: 70). In December
an excellent architectural
elements
and also provide a symbolic value in their local communities sense of identity, history, and memory (Bacon 1997: 3-6). The local architectural heritage in Palestine, especially from the
Ottoman period, is related to agriculture, social concepts, and
social complexes in which the extended family was dominant. The gradual shifting of these factors during the second half of the last century played a significant role inminimizing this tradition.
69:2 (2006) NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY
105
This heritage
decades, but
has been
recently
largely neglected
area is beginning
over the past several

to attract attention
owners
were,
and
still
are,
less
concerned
with
the
preservation
this
and funding from private institutions and individuals, both local

and international. and There implement are fragmented and efforts rehabilitation to research, projects, document, protection
of the buildings and more interested in the economic value of the land itself. During the last three decades, the condition and character of the old village has fundamentally changed. The movement from the periphery to the village of construction
center has continued unabated because the master plan for the
but a clear and generally

future construction and
accepted
tie such
policy
to guide present and

completely or partly,
projects,
development
despite the
of the village has not been sufficiently modified,

increase in population.
their original environment is lacking. the late Ottoman ce), the During (1750-1917 period domestic dwellings in Saffa were approximately 350 m X 125 m. The houses from this period, in particular the courtyards, were designed to form adjacent construction blocks separated from each other by narrow unpaved pathways. Members of extended families shared the same courtyard and they did not
allow social others privacy. to use Thus, the space the in order to maintain were spatially seclusion organized and courtyards
within
The increased construction in the village center has taken two forms: protection/rehabilitation and destruction/demolition. on a limited scale for both Rehabilitation has occurred
commercial or residential purposes but without consideration
of Article
which repairs states
18(d) of the 1929 Palestinian

"no person shall make historical monument, without
Antiquities
additions the
Law,
or
alterations,
to any
permission
according
main groups
patriarch. The
to the degree of blood relationship to the family residential buildings can be divided into three
according to their design, materials, and location:
of the Director" for Protection of the (National Campaign and Cultural 1993: Those 15). Archaeology Heritage buildings that have been rehabilitated often were renovated using
modern construction processes that did not mirror the original
house {el'dar), hut (es-sakefa) and upstairs room (illayeh). The size of these residential spaces varied according to the size of the family and their economic status. The majority of houses consisted of a simple square structure built from roughly hewn stones, often robbed from older buildings or quarried locally.
The walls of Ottoman period houses are massive, about
architectural the extensive

exterior sealing involves walls original, adding
effort involves style. A common rehabilitative use of cement to fill gaps in the stone courses of
and repair interior Another facades, common or rooms, thus creating new, or openings. rehabilitative often resulting effort in
superstructures
90 cm thick, and designed to support the load of the heavy ceilings. The open areas between building units were used such as mainly by women for their daily domestic activities, stone and with basalt cooking, washing clothes, grinding grains a entrance of the houses had and consisted querns. Many single of two-stories: the lower story, used for livestock and storing agriculture-related equipment, and the upper story, divided into two sections by a series of relatively high storage bins served as the living and domestic storage space. Among in the village there are several buildings and interesting noteworthy houses, some with carved lintels, a few with inscribed foundation in the door arch or high in the front fa?ade, beautiful entranceways flanked by well-dressed and stone seats (al-Houdalieh 2006: 1-30). the traditional architecturally different styles of slabs fixed either and others with stone columns
changes to the interior floor plan. In general, these rehabilitative activities have been undertaken without consideration of the
historical or aesthetical value, the location of the structure, or
the surrounding environment of the buildings. Too often the Law rehabilitation work is done in violation of the Antiquities and without consideration of proper architectural rehabilitation
processes due to a lack of financial means, skills, or awareness.
to "rehabilitative construction" within the village, many buildings of architectural heritage value were demolished In addition
to create space for modern constructions. This activity is in
conflict with Article 18(c) of the 1929 Palestinian Antiquities an historical Law that states "no person shall demolish
(archaeological) monument or pull down or remove any part
Currently, many factors that helped to protect the architectural heritage in Saffa are changing dramatically for the worse. Until the middle of the twentieth century, the architectural heritage was not under an immediate threat; however, beginning in the 1950s the situation began to change. With
social, and economic growth, turmoil, many coupled families with started demographic
the permission of the Director" thereof, without (National for Protection the Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Campaign 1993: 15). Based on personal observations in Saffa, most of the owners are completely destroying the old buildings, leveling
the area, hauling the materials away, and sometimes digging to
increased political,
the pressures of new to construct
bedrock in order to prepare for the new houses. Once the former structure is demolished, the landowner will either apply for a construction license or simply construct the house illegally. If the landowner applies for a construction license, a cadastral map ismade by a licensed surveyor, plans are drafted by an architect, and necessary documents are submitted to theMinistry of Licensing and Planning of Local Government, Department and to other pertinent departments, including the Department and Cultural Heritage. of Antiquities Each department has
houses around the village core, effectively leaving the old ones abandoned and neglected. Without adequate protection and restoration, these buildings fell into disrepair and their structural It is thought that the majority of the integrity deteriorated.
106
^m??????????i.
a particular
in this process
jurisdiction
and
and distinct
transmits
scope of responsibility
its comments and
necessary
to conduct
test
pits
along
the
proposed
pipeline
route
ultimately
to determine
exist in the
whether
area.
substantial
where
cultural heritage materials

cultural heritage materials
approvals back to the Department of Antiquities For the Department

particular, construction the representatives a department site representative the report proposed to evaluate usually for the
of Licensing and Planning. in and Cultural Heritage

must current no finds visit situation; and make the proposed however, a positive cases,
Ultimately,
are discovered, the supervision

pipes continues.
the entire trench should be excavated under of an archaeologist before the work of laying
recommendation
construction.
In some
the landowner applies for permission while his old house is still and standing with the result that the Department of Antiquities
Cultural Heritage supervises a salvage excavation at the expense
In the last few decades, a series of infrastructure developments were carried out by individuals and official committees both within and around the village. Along the roads there are cultural heritage resources, including traditional significant sites, cultural heritage landscapes, buildings, archaeological
caves, cisterns, and cemeteries, that reflect the various cultures
of the landowner. The department representative documents the excavation and its adjacent physical environment using before he submits locus sheets, drawings, and photographs committee for an official his report to a special departmental
decision. the Based on the construction for law, anyone who license submits is not required documents a construction
that have occupied

road and network dividing pathways and the
this region throughout

of a main area street into urban the The
time. The original

running two parts, with east-west as well the main was as
consisted ancient connecting
several street
residential main
areas street,
the mosque
plaza.
3 m wide,
allowed to start building unless he receives a written and signed is not permit because submission of the required documents
considered a permit for construction.
Tragically, during 2004 and 2005 Saffa's local council destroyed

three of the most important courtyards in the village?an area of
nearly 3 dunums. The courtyards included 2 traditional olive presses, and associated bread ovens, and huts. The land opened was used for the local council's center, an
mosque, and for the construction of a new
16 historic residences, features like cisterns, up by the destruction addition to the village
school.
paved with asphalt in the 1970s and the secondary pathways, measuring 1.5-2 m wide, were left unpaved at this time. In 2001, the Saffa local council undertook a project to widen the roads in order to reduce problems associated with Israeli restrictions on Palestinian travel Specifically, the widening of the roads was intended to compensate for the inability of Palestinian residents from nearly 40 villages west of Ramallah to freely travel on the highway that connects Jerusalem with Tel Aviv. Furthermore, to meet future this road construction project was designed in to and accommodate the the region growth demographic
increased The number project was of private to resurface cars using and the roads. approximately reconstruct
Based on the author's field research in 35 villages in the historical buildings are Ramallah province during 2004-2005, and from frenetic construction, which suffering development has largely changed the historical landscape of the villages and it is recommended that all traditional the region. Therefore, most the valuable of should be protected and them) buildings (or maintained before they deteriorate or collapse. It isworth noting that if such buildings are destroyed and replaced by new concrete houses without any limit, then the original identity and character of the village will be completely erased in the very near future. This does not mean that development in Saffa should be frozen in order tomake a cult of the past, but there should be an intelligent balance between historical preservation and modernity. Road and Water
urban
4 km of internal streets and open about 8 km of agricultural roads in the vicinity of Saffa. This work was started without
permission, prior documentation, or supervision by pertinent
from the Department of including representatives is It worth that and Cultural noting Antiquities Heritage. the roads occurred around the most damage from widening curves, especially in the old part of the village. In general, the actions of the local council have resulted in the destruction of numerous cultural heritage proprieties (despite the resistance of several landowners), including ten traditional houses from officials, the late Ottoman period, four courtyard gateways, three rock cut cisterns dated to the Roman period, and approximately 700 m of terraces in nearly 30 locations.
Additionally, new agricultural access roads were
Pipeline
Construction:
requires that construction projects
Proper
development
be designed to avoid damage to aspects of cultural heritage. Ideally, a specialized group should conduct an assessment of important archaeological and historic features and deposits that may be adversely impacted by the proposed construction. Where an unavoidable danger to cultural heritage properties exists, the
project supervisor should plan for salvage excavations, carried
out by qualified
areas. For example,
technicians,
when cutting
to document
trenches
the endangered
for water pipes, it is
to facilitate the movement of farmers to their constructed these roads followed the traces of ancient fields. Typically, pathways which were narrow, partially paved with pebbles access roads and lined by large stones. These agricultural connected several settlements nearby during the originally The and Roman, Hellenistic, existing Byzantine periods. remains of these pathways were leveled and covered with a relatively thick layer of base material approximately 3 m wide.
107
of these roads has demolished and Finally, the construction adversely impacted the agricultural heritage of the village by uprooting a significant number of olive trees and impacting wildlife habitats adjacent to the roads. In the past, the inhabitants of Saffa depended on ancient
rock-cut collecting cisterns, and which storing are rainwater. scattered The all cisterns over are the area, for of different
sites and features, addition, more than 4,500 archaeological among them about 500 major sites, will fall under Israeli control and jurisdiction after the completion of the Separation Wall, This means that more than half of the cultural properties of the Palestinian Territories have been directly or indirectly impacted by construction of the Separation Wall (Hamdan 2005: 69-70). In Saffa, the Separation Wall was constructed in 2005. The 2 km long wall along the western side of the village in the expropriation of nearly 4,300 dunums of land (30 percent of the total area of the village) from the local residents. Most of the inhabitants have lost parts of their agricultural lands, thus, a large percentage of the locals have source of livelihood. lost their traditional Israeli bulldozers resulted uprooted hundreds of olive and wild trees, damaged hundreds of agricultural the physical appearance terraces, changed
of the area, cut the original pathways between ancient
sizes and shapes but all have a relatively thick layer of plaster of lime, grog, gravel, and sand) coating their (consisting interiors. Usually, the rainwater is collected from the roof and the beaten-earth
Saffa began to
surface around
suffer water shortages
the cistern.
due
In the 1980s,
of
to a combination
population
restore these
growth and low rainfall. The

cisterns but or construct greater domestic new
inhabitants
ones
began to
to of water,
ancient shortages,
in response
consumption
due to increased use of flush toilets, showers, particularly and garden irrigation, exceeded the capacity provided by the local cistern system. The Saffa local council, in collaboration with five neighboring local councils, began laying the first
water Saffa, mains the from contractor a water dug station the trenches northeast along of Latrun. In street the main
settlements as well as destroyed sites: el-Ku ma, Khirbet Huriya,

Sh. Mansur, personal communication,
parts of three archaeological and Khirbet Fa'aush (Mr. S.

February 2006).
at a depth of between 40 and 120 cm; the trenches along the pathways were 80 cm on average. The width of the trenches varied between 60 and 90 cm. According to Mr. F.A. Mansur January 2006), the pipe network (personal communication, runs approximately 5 km, with nearly 30 percent of this area to be of potential archaeological considered value. Digging trenches for pipelines has already adversely impacted the in Saffa, as evident from the cultural heritage properties
documented destruction of ancient architectural remains and
Khirbet Huriya has suffered the most harm because the wall has split the site into two unequal parts. Shortly before the bulldozers reached the site's boundary, an Israeli archaeological
team consisting of dozens of workers excavated several spots
line of the wall for about three weeks. along the proposed The fieldwork uncovered remains, significant architectural feature is church. This historic among them a Byzantine relatively large in size and nearly 1.2 m of the structure remains above the ground. The external walls are built of large dressed stones approximately 1m wide. Based on pottery
sherds and architectural evidence, such as column remains,
the discovery
including a
of archaeological
large amount
deposits
pottery
from various periods,

vessels.
capitals,
was
and spatial organization,

before the area was
it appears that the building

reused during the early
of broken
destroyed
The Separation Wall In April of 2002, the Israeli government announced its intention to build a Separation Wall and started construction in June of the same year. The Separation Wall was planned to stretch some 650 km from north to south and it has been
constructed as either eight-meter-high concrete walls or barbed
Islamic period (seventh and eighth centuries). The discovery of this archaeologically and historically valuable building has obliged the Israelis to move the wall eastward towards Saffa and confiscate even more land from the villagers. The political
excavations
pressure
along
to complete
its course
the wall quickly has forced the

through Saffa to be abandoned. In
wire with 60-80 m wide "buffer zones." Approximately 85 percent of the Separation Wall has been built on the eastern side of the 1967 "Green Line"?the internationally recognized border between the Palestinian Territories and Israel. The Separation Wall has had a particularly devastating impact on Palestinian and cultural heritage (Dr. M, archaeological Barghouthi, 2006). Field surveys personal communication, indicate more than 12,000 archaeological and cultural heritage sites and features are located in theWest Bank and the Gaza or 2,000 of them cut, destroyed, Strip with approximately demolished of the Separation Wall. In by the construction
addition, the Separation Wall has cut off eight archaeological sites (el-Ku'ma, Khirbet Badd Isa, Khirbet Um-eth-thinein, Khirbet Kureikur, Kreesina, Khirbet ed-Daliya, Khirbet Kfar Lut and Khirbet Huriya) from the village; effectively annexing them to Israel. Statistically Saffa has lost about 42 percent of the archaeological sites located in the village region.
Changes
plays an important role in the formation of cultural landscapes and reflects the relationship between humans and their environment, both past and present. Agricultural activities Agriculture
reveal knowledge pertaining to the terrain, environment,
inAgricultural Practices
also
108
and
economic as
resources throughout
available Palestine,
to different the vast
cultures construction
over of
time. stone
stones
with
canopy-like
roofs
to protect
farmers
from
the
In Saffa,
obvious
many over
terraces shaping the hillsides of the country is perhaps the most evidence of agricultural activity. Built by hand over
generations, their terraces enabled Specifically, environment. some to enact people terraces combated control erosion
sun and provide an elevated place from which farmers could monitor their fields and dry fruits such as figs and grapes. In a states that this (1996: 457-468) study, Hamdan comprehensive kind of structure was widespread throughout Palestinian cities
as well economy. as villages With and the it reflects neglect of a portion fig trees of and the country's vines past over grape
during rainy seasons, held some amount of rainwater behind the

terrace heavy wall, rains provided and converted downslope the steep movement slopes into of water arable during land. In
disrepair
structures
the past three decades, the mentars have fallen into disuse and and the results of the survey shows that all of these
are completely unusable in their current condition.
general, it is difficult to accurately date terraces because they are not associated with archaeological and/or historical data.
Furthermore, the terraces were used over long periods of time by
different cultures and there is significant evidence of constant repair and modifications. Sayej (1999: 203-07) argues that the origin of terracing in the central hills of Palestine, including the area of Saffa, may have begun during the Chalcolithic period (4500-3200 BCE), increased during the Bronze Age (3200-1200 BCE)and flourished at the beginning of the Iron Age (1200-586 BCE).Based on local settlement history and land use in the study in Saffa began area, it is hypothesized that terrace construction
in the extension The in third century BCE with constant maintenance, repair, and the present through day. were terraces built of differently-sized, courses. Over the past few irregular
status of the field structures can only be The deteriorating understood by studying the social and economic condition of the local community. Ethnographic and demographic interviews were conducted with a sample of 20 landowning families; all family members over 16 years old were interviewed. The study revealed
that the neglect and destruction of agricultural structures were
caused by various factors including: 1) the increasing difficulty of subsistence farming due to low productivity and increasingly high costs of living (according to the interviews conducted, nearly 90
percent of the landowners have chosen to send their sons to work
undressed centuries, the
stones local
farmers obtained
the area
the stones required for terraces by robbing stones scattered in ruins or by collecting local archaeological
surrounding slopes courses of or the are terraced areas. Terraces different along of on would along more constructed running course, in of in two parallel methods; the larger the top. cut contour stones, In the trenches
either in Israel or in theWest Bank) ; 2) the construction of new houses for which local residents take stone from neglected and distant terraces; 3) the division of farmland due to inheritance which reduces availability of large tracts of land that can provide for individual families; 4) the collapse of the sustainability extended family; and 5) destruction caused by grazing animals, particularly goats and sheep, which have become more popular in the village. Agricultural
properties sites and like causes damage
mountainous either of with the two
stones
activity
terraces immense
not only
damage
impacts
it also to
cultural
heritage
The from
slope, smaller
a single placed type the
stones of each
composed two courses farmers
and mentars,
affects shallow results
archaeological remains. mainly
construction along for the the
terrace,
potential
to archaeological
remains
contour
of Once
slope the
in order
terrace.
lower
a foundation to provide course was the area laid,
of
the terrace was backfilled with soil and small stones from the adjacent field areas. This procedure was repeated across the length of the terrace in order to reach a uniformly suitable level to control the slope of the hill with subsequent thickening of the
terrace walls to reinforce to topographic them against the pressure terrace of erosion. In addition considerations, construction
In the past, local farmers used deep plowing and cultivation. light ploughs drawn by beasts of burden, which only penetrated the ground to a depth of 20 cm, but in the last few years farmers
have increasingly come to rely on tractors that penetrate to
a depth of 45 cm. Ploughing to this depth dramatically raises the risk of destroying archaeological features and damaging the
architectural unearth and either stones remains from of these ancient structures, or used constructions. they are When typically farmers collected or
was also determined

of labor, and amount
by the abundance of the stones, availability

of land requiring terraces.
gathered
in heaps
in terrace
construction
repair, thus changing

and deep placing plowing archaeological are more
the physical appearance

remains dire on at risk. The areas sloped
of the landscape
consequences the process of
Over
terraces,
January 2006,
in the course of a one-week field survey conducted the author documented 6,000 approximately
mostly in the mountainous areas surrounding the
because
village. This case study reveals that about 55 percent of the terraced areas are completely abandoned and about 90 percent of their structures are at least partially destroyed. It is worth noting that during this survey, the remains of several small
mentar, circular structures measuring approximately 2.5 m
of plowing precipitates erosion with the result that new layers are disturbed with each subsequent plowing. In the last five years, some farmers have reformed parcels of their land through three of them are projects financially supported by UNDP; located on two different archaeological sites. Heavy machinery was used to level the ground and to remove the old structures, causing serious damage to the cultural heritage properties in these
in diameter, were observed.
These mentar were built of field
109
wKKlBK^JBfilPJliK>JlS^
areas.
It is estimated
that
approximately
100
terraces
were
either
damaged or destroyed, one third of them are in areas dated to the

Roman Local and Byzantine have period. also planted numerous trees in areas farmers
total of 20 for dumping deposits have the physical

impacted any
houses and their associated courtyards are used solid waste and, in a few cases, the accumulated reach depths of 2 m. This activity has changed appearance of these buildings and significantly
future use or preservation of the structures.
sites without with archaeological 18(c) of regard to Article the 1929 Palestinian Antiquities Law which states "no person
shall excavate, build, plant trees ..., on or in the immediate
or site, without the of an historical monument neighborhood of the Director" permission (National Campaign for Protection the Archaeology and Cultural Heritage 1993: 15). Planting remains because any kind of tree threatens the archaeological the farmers must dig a pit approximately 40 cm deep to place the sapling, disturbing the uppermost deposits. Furthermore, the growing roots of the tree affect the layers and structural evidence below it. Typically, tree roots follow the path towards
a moisture source and often find their way to cisterns and
Israeli Settlements
Israelis have confiscated a substantial amount of land from Saffa and established three settlements on portions of Saffa's hinterlands. The first settlement was built in 1977 on the archaeological site of Khirbet Kafr Lut; named after a biblical site and included inMadaba mosaic map (Hajaj 1990: 431). Based on the investigations and others (Finkelstein by Finkelstein and Lederman.
Persian up to the
1997: 143-44),
early Ottoman
this site was inhabited from the

period. The second settlement,
caves. The Saffa local council estimates that approximately 2,000 new olive, almond, and fruit trees were planted during the last five years throughout the village, including 200 in
seven archaeological sites.
on the site of Badd Isa and its Kfar Sefer, was constructed in 1991 adjacent neighborhood (Tofakji 1994: 47). The land for the establishment of this settlement was confiscated from residents in Saffa and the neighboring village of Deir Kadees (Mr. F.A. Mansur, personal communication, January 2006). The site of this settlement displays evidence of habitation dating to the Middle Bronze Age, IronAge, Persian, Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine period. (Finkelstein and Lederman 1997: 148-49). Lebeed, the third Israeli settlement, has been under construction since the 1990s. It is on the archaeological site of Khirbet remains to has which the Kureikur, Hellenistic, Roman, dating Byzantine, Crusader, and early Ottoman period (Finkelstein and Lederman 1997: 140-41). With the expansion of the settlement to the east and north, a portion of the archaeological site to of Umm eth-Thinein, Roman the and Islamic dating early period, has also been impacted. The Israel Antiquities Authority
conducted before salvage construction excavations began on on the these settlement. archaeological Yet, very sites few of
The Abuse of CulturalHeritage Sites

of the survey residents, it is obvious of archaeological and area of the village. This heritage properties is based on a lack of public value of heritage preservation and the desire to utilize these properties for financial gain
personal use (e.g., house construction).
to the According conducted with Saffa engaged in the misuse especially in the urban
results
and interviews that many locals historic features, abuse of cultural awareness of the of local residents (e.g., looting) or to be suffering
dating to the
A total of 31 caves and cisterns were discovered

from deleterious modern usage. 25 caves or cisterns
Roman or Byzantine period (37 BCE-638 CE), were connected by plastic piping to private dwellings or industrial units for use as septic tanks. Some of the smaller cisterns were enlarged by carving their sides and floors, but the rest were used without In addition, six burial caves from any substantial modifications. were the Roman-Byzantine found filled with rubble or period
cement to reinforce ground for new house construction.
the valuable ancient remains were kept, and the majority of the unearthed archaeological structures were completely destroyed by
the construction processes.
Conclusions
Saffa, faces as with numerous and
and Recommendations
many dangers other and areas in the Palestinian to its the Territories, preservation, and challenges of management
in a field survey identified winepresses conducted under the supervision of the author in the summer of 2001 and 12 of the presses were excavated. The majority had olive trees, fig trees, or grapevines planted in their collecting vats (al-Houdalieh 2004: 6-27). Based on the results of the excavation, it is estimated that the growth of the trees has caused great damage Numerous were
to the plaster-covered sides and floors of the winepresses.
protection,
archaeological
heritage properties. Based on the field survey and interview results, the majority ethnographic and demographic and cultural heritage sites in the study area of archaeological cultural
suffer from some form of disturbance, destruction, or partial
to impose basic the efforts of the local council in the village, some and waste disposal practices local residents continue to dispose of solid waste in abandoned and neglected buildings of architectural and historic interest. Despite sanitation
demolition due to human activities. To ensure the protection of cultural heritage throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territories as well as in Saffa, the following recommendations should be considered by key decision makers within Palestinian society.
110
NEAR
EASTERN
ARCHAEOLOGY
69:2
(2006)
Destruction Factors of the Archaeological

Stone Robbing Deep Ploughing Cultivation
Sites
in Saffa Region.
Looting Israeli Settlement Palestinian Construction Site
Separation Wall
The construction
of private dwellings 25 percent sites and 20 percent of the archaeological by the locals has affected of them. Some 65 percent of the archaeological sites were looted and it is thought impacted by the Israeli settlement 35 percent of their location. Meanwhile of the archaeological sites are affected their terraces, dug because by robbing are or no means access intact is to because located far from the there tractors for them. A away they relatively village sites are
have
been
that the whereas total
adversely rest were not the rest exist
planting
on the field observation, it is concluded of them are deep ploughed. Depending planted with trees and 40 percent in the rest of the sites to two sites, constituting is in response factors or to the shallow depth of the soil. Only political this is due to their distant shallow soils and/or sites, have been undisturbed location, archaeological by recent human activities;
of 60 percent of these that the absence of 10 percent political of the reasons.
Urban
and must
Planning To protect the traditional

the environment as efforts as coordinate such
buildings,
concerned and
archaeological
local governmental
sites,
councils
a cultural with
landscape,
Raising Awareness Through collaboration with, and coordination between, the of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage, relevant Department
non-governmental seminars and organizations, informative brochures and the local be made community, available must
ministries
the Tourism
Archaeology,
Education,
a to develop of Licensing and Planning and Department master urban development aspect plan. A fundamental
of any urban planning must be an accurate and complete
and cultural properties, which inventory of archaeological will enable responsible agencies to classify and rank properties according to their historic and cultural value. Based on this inventory, urban planners would be better informed as to which buildings should be preserved and which buildings or land plots are suitable for development and construction. However, heritage
damage
to local residents, particularly landowners and farmers since source of impact on the largest potential they constitute cultural properties. The purpose of these activities should be to increase appreciation of archaeological and cultural
heritage concerning and educate cultural communities properties. A core on the proper of protocols any such component
program
various
should be the clarification

antiquities laws that are
and explanation
to protect
of the
cultural
in place
efforts will the cultural only through coordinated of Palestinians be protected from destruction and
due to construction and development projects.
properties. In addition, programs should be incorporated into the public school curriculum to dramatically increase the scope
of awareness and convey the urgency of archaeological and
cultural heritage preservation work to the future landowners and decision makers in Palestinian society.
111
Restoration and Rehabilitation

An immediate step to ensure the preservation and protection
Chamberlain, 2005
K. Stealing Palestinian History, www.thisweekinpalestine.com/
of cultural
valuable
properties
and most
is to restore and rehabilitate

cultural properties
the most
in villages. Finkelstein,
details,php?id=1451&ed=107. I., and Lederman, Highlands the Sites. University Hajjaj, E. Palestine, O. Palestinian Ai-Osra. Folk Architecture. (Arabic). of Museums Al-Bireh: Institution of In'aash Sites and Places. Amman: University of Jordan. of Many Monograph Press. Z., eds. Cultures, Series the Southern No. Samaria Survey, Tel Aviv
vulnerable
Ideally these restoration

aimed at transforming
and rehabilitation
neglected properties
projects would
into centers
be
for
1997
14. Tel Aviv:
public use. In Saffa, there are currently four large Late Ottoman (1750-1917 CE) courtyards (ahwash) that are in relatively good condition that could be utilized for public purposes. These
courtyards crafts center, would a be youth suitable center, for a women's and a cultural center, heritage a traditional museum.
1990 Hamdan, 1996
Legislation
heritage protection must for
The
International 2005
Council
The existing legislation concerning

be strengthened enable sites,
archaeological
to provide of
and cultural
adequate sites
http://icom.museum/traffic.html. F. The "Blue Shield" Project. Practical Cultural Experiences Heritage. Concerning Pp. 93-107 Cult?rale in
in order conservation
Maniscalco, 2005
endangered
and curb the widespread problem of looting. Once enacted, the legislation must be enforced through the "policing arm" of the Palestinian Authority and supported by the Ministry of Tourism and Archaeology, as well as local councils and concerned citizens. The most effective tool at the disposal of the Palestinian Authority is to deny building permits to those individuals known to have or cultural properties. damaged or destroyed archaeological should recognize those In addition, the Palestinian Authority individuals who have abided by the various antiquities laws in
the completion of their construction projects.
the Protection Tutela, Delia The National
of Palestinian
Conservazione Palestina,
e Valorizzazione
del Patrimonio Massa.
ed. E Maniscalco. for Protection
Naples:
Campaign Heritage
of the Archaeology
and Cultural
1993 Sayej, G. 1999
The Law of the Palestinian
Antiquities.
Ramallah:
AI-KarmeL
The
Origin
of Terraces and Explanations,
in the Central Pp. 201-9
Hills in The
of Palestine: Landscape of K.
Theories Palestine: Nashef.
Equivocal Birzeit:
Poetry,
I, eds. Abu-Lughod, Publications.
R. Heacock,
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Birzeit University
Schulman, 2002
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A PUBLICATIONOF THE AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTALRESEARCH

C ^ The Pleistocene Peopling I of Anatolia: Evidence from ^

Human Evolution at the 73 Crossroads: An Archaeological Survey in Northwest Jordan

S. Bisson, April Nowell,

/? 4 LateAcheulian Variability " I inthe Southern Levant:

their genetic relationship tomodern humans, their capacity

aspectsof the archaeology ancienttimesis of verY

itoffers that of glimpses

true this for particularly

or Hunting Camp? of a Cave Site Anatomy Shelter

and artifact assemblages.

Petra: Lost City of Stone

for occupation working

Chieftains of the Highland Clans. A History of Israel in the 12th and

and Early Collective Governance

of Palestinian Heritage: Saffa Archaeological Village as a Model The Destruction

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.NEAR EASTERN A^CHAEOIOGY

views on the practice of archaeology of Al-Quds University al-Houdalieh

in today's world. In this issue, Salah H. discusses the problems of Palestinian

foray into both

the far distant

Sandra A, Scham Editor

of localities Lower Antalya), Istanbul). elevations exception Anatolia

two best known

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finds or unverified Deresi 3.

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typical of the Central authors.

NEAR EASTERN 69:2 (2006) ARCHAEOLOGY

in a part of central Turkey remains. to yield Paleolithic

69:2 (2006) 53 ARCHAEOLOGY NEAR EASTERN

A Summary of Stone Artifacts from

from the production

of Photograph of large blocks archaeological

NEAREASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006)

NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006)

and central Asia.

the regions testimony goods A direct,

rich archaeological to frequent movements over

record provide of people,

across Anatolia range of evidence,

the last few millennia. both circumstantial and human and

that humans the region and

their closest ancestors)

first began to colonize territories outside of their

early en route 60,000

(passed on in the female line

lines. And recent dispersal that

are just there

to expect and Eurasia

NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 69:2 (2006) 57

Potential Significance Kaletepe Deresi 3

assemblage had been found datable geological context.

about question ancestors. KD3

of the globe by early human colonization is situated at an elevation of 1,600 m above

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