College of Social and Political Sciences Graduate School

Maciej Alexander The issue of child sexual abuse has been much discussed politically, ethically and socially since the 1970s. However, it is during the last 20 years that this emotive subject has become a front page issue. The advent of legislation such as Megans Law in the US and Sarah Paynes Law in the UK, combined with the tabloid presss anti-paedophile frenzies have ensured that the subject is never far from public attention.

Purpose

This essay explores the concept of child sexual abuse in academic and political circles. It will focus in particular upon the psychological, social, and political implications as seen from both a Foucauldian and a feminist standpoint. It introduces the reader to the problems inherent in the definition of child sexual abuse and the legal implications of the age of consent. Further, it discusses the impact and outcomes of child molestation, in particular, the responses of the legal system and the utility of the Sex Offenders Register, an issue much discussed in the British media. The essay concludes with a discussion of the relationship between the issue of child sexual abuse and Human Rights legislation and introduces the role of the Multi-Agency Public Protection Arrangements (MAPPA) as a measure of tackling the social problem of child sexual abuse.

Defining child sexual abuse

The definition of child sexual abuse (CSA) is important not just to facilitate an understanding of this sensitive issue, but also because of its legal implications. The definition utilised by social work practitioners is useful since it addresses both aspects, e.g. Edinburgh and the Lothians Child Protection Committee define the occurrence of CSA when any

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Maciej Alexander person, by design or neglect, exploits the child in any activity intended to lead to the sexual arousal or other forms of gratification of that person or any other person(s), including organised networks. This definition holds whether or not there has been genital contact and whether or not the child is said to have initiated, or consented to, the behaviour (Edinburgh and the Lothians Child Protection Committee, 2003). Similarly, National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) defines sexual abuse as occurring when a child or a young person is pressurised, forced or tricked into taking part in any kind of sexual activity with an adult or young person(NSPCC, 2011). Historically child sexual abuse (CSA) was considered synonymous with incest (J. Renvoize, 1993; J. Silverman, D. Wilson, 2002) and believed to be rare (e.g. one or two in a million, J. R. Conte, 2002: 74). Indeed, some still maintain that, stranger danger is a patriarchal ruse (S. Angelides, 2004: 141); feminists have produced an array of statistics revealing that fathers, other male relatives, and male acquaintances were the primary perpetrators of child sexual assault (Ibidem). The definition of CSA is as much political as ... linguistic (L. Kelly, 1988: 65), with an clear definition hampered by the nature of the abuse itself, i.e. the variety of activities that can constitute abuse, the secretive character of the activities, and aspect of child development (S. Wurtele, 2009). Indeed the very terms themselves are considered to be part of the problem, since they are often negatively connoted. Rind and Bauserman argue that the mere choice of terminology [...] can lead to biased judgements and perceptions (B. Rind, R. Bauserman, 1993: 267). Their arguments are supported by Tindalls experiment, which tested students reactions and attitudes to negatively and non-negatively presented scientific research. Rind and Bauserman arrive at a conclusion that negative language used in relation to adult-adolescent sexual relationships biases impressions and understanding of the phenomenon. Therefore, they advocate replacing the judgemental term child sexual abuse

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Maciej Alexander with indiscriminate adult-nonadult sex (B. Rind, R. Bauserman, 1993). As both authors explain, and Rind himself in a later published analysis of sexuality textbook coverage (1995), the use of neutral terminology bolsters the truthfulness of science and does not stigmatise those who do not report negative consequences of sexual experiences with adults. The significant shift in defining abuse is the move from what happened to how what happened is experienced (J. Renvoize, 1993. Jo Woodiwiss (2009) questions the developmental model of childhood according to which abused children were powerless, innocent and passive. This misconception seems to be pervasive and prevalent in the literature on child sexual abuse and fails to recognise the other side of the victim - a survivor. The strong and resistant part of the child that often made them be blamed for abuse, at the very same time protected their integrity and sanity. This dualism has caused much debate over Child-Adult relationships.

CSA and the law

Terry Thomas (2005) believes that consent is central to the definition of sexual offence (T. Thomas, 2005: 9). At its most basic level, consent is the age that an authority (usually a government) states that an individual gains the rights of legal agency and can freely engage in sexual activities (J. Silverman, D. Wilson, 2002). Importantly child sexuality legislation and rights have changed with time. Researchers, such as Waites (2005), highlight the historical, and consequently political and legal, shift of what is defined as the age of consent. In the past, distinctions were drawn between genders and between sexualities, supporting Thomass assertion that, the age of consent is gender specific and socially constructed (T. Thomas, 2005: 9). Rind asserts that the historical dimension leads to exaggeration and overstatement of many forms of past

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Maciej Alexander sexual behaviour, including adult-nonadult sex, e.g. the age of consent for homosexuals in the UK was only normalised with heterosexual consent in 2000; those guilt of a crime before normalisation would not have been guilty after (B. Rind, 1995).

Age of consent varies across the EU from 13 in Spain, to 14 in Germany, 15 in Poland, the Czech Republic and 16 in Sweden and in the UK. Each country also seeks to afford specific protection to the vulnerable, in Germany children with learning difficulties, as well as emigrant young people are protected until they are 18 years-old (Section 176, Strafgesetzbuch). The legal definition of criminality surrounding CSA has been extended, on the advice of psychologists, social workers and criminologist to include the early contact stage (grooming) (The Sexual Offences Scotland Act 2009, Sexual Offences Act 2003). Section 15 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 states that meeting a child under 16 following a grooming process by a person aged 18 or more is an offence. Anne-Marie McAlinden from the Queens University in Belfast adds that this newly introduced measure is significant because it is a full offence and not an inchoate offence, yet it seeks to criminalize the preparatory acts involved in abuse and allow intervention well before actual physical exploitation takes place (A. McAlinden, 2006: 2004). As much as McAlinden reaffirms the need to penalise attempts to abuse children, she narrows the problem of child molestation to physical contact. McAlinden ignores other forms of child sexual exploitation such as exposing children to pornographic materials, masturbating in front of them, making sexual insults, or watching them without their knowledge as determining child sexual abuse.

CSA and the social world

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Maciej Alexander James Kincaid asserts that the development of the modern child and modernity go hand-in-hand and they have remained closely interlinked eroticising what should be perceived as asexual and innocent the child (Kincaid, 1992). On one hand, he claims, we have consenting, independent and aware adults and, on the other, there is a naive, pure child socially stripped off sexuality, not to mention sexual desires. Kincaid, however, points out it is the Western culture that has constructed the child as pure innocence, but at the same time sexualised and erotised it [innocence]. Therefore, purity becomes an object and those who desire it are the subjects. But this binary code of experience/immaturity, powerlessness/power and subject/object does not pass close scrutiny. When a child questions parents requests to clean up their room, or more, publicly disobeys to do what they are told, are they still objects while parents remain subjects or is it a role reversal? Julia OConnell Davidson (2007: 95) arrives at a conclusion that disobeying children are not only refusing their status of an object, but also taking the subject status away from their parents, or any adult, in this matter. Baudrillard in his Fatal Strategies published in 1990 made an interesting point pertaining to this notion. He demonstrated the instability of subject/object relations by claiming that a subject can be objectified as well as the object can become a subject. To prove his point he uses an example of desire. [...] the subject retains an absolute privilege, since it is the subject that desires; [...] everything is inverted if one passes on to the thought of seduction. There, its no longer the subject which desires, its the object which seduces (J. Baudrillard, 1990: 95). His logic confirms Kincaids conclusion that the duality of powerful/powerless is a very wobbly concept (Kincaid, 1992: 7).

Jean Renvoize argues that children do not need to be subject to violence to be sexually molested. She even points out that children may only realise they have been sexually abused when they reach adolescence, if violence was not involved (J. Renvoize, 1993: 33). Jo

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Maciej Alexander Woodiwiss, however, cautions against disclosures of child sexual abuse in adulthood. She advises that memories of child sexual abuse in adulthood could be incited, in particular when explored in counselling settings (J. Woodiwiss, 2009). Her arguments contrast Renvoizes, who says that childrens disclosures of CSA are usually an indication of a trauma (J. Renvoize, 1993). Lynne Segal (L, Segal, 1999: 116 145) supports Renvoizes arguments and adds that children are trapped in a relationship of fake trust with their abuser. This bolsters the recent legal recognition of actions undertaken by paedophiles to befriend and establish an emotional and very often financial bond with a child.

Power

So called grooming, and what it leads to, reflects the Foucauldian concept of disciplinary power (M. Foucault, 1977). In his Discipline and Punish (1977) Foucault develops the concept of power by utilising the architectural design of Panopticon, where the inmates can be observed, but not the observer. Although, the concept of power does not always find positive reception (e.g. Nancy Hartsock), some of his work, in particular the mechanisms of discipline, is much more appreciated by other feminists (Vikki Bell). Three instruments of discipline illustrate how power relationships between the abused and abuser operate. Hierarchical observation, just as Foucaults Panopticon, Vikki Bell argues, is a recurring theme, or arguably a mechanism by which the body of the abused child is caught within a power of network (V. Bell, 1991: 174). On the most literal level, it can take form of abusers watching their objects without being in view. It is, as research shows, not uncommon that victims of child sexual abuse remember feelings of being watched even when there was no physical presence of the abuser (Yes You Can!, 2008). On a deeper level,

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Maciej Alexander being watched or experiencing the feeling of being observed causes unease and fear of the unpredictability of abuse. Gradually the child gets trapped in a vicious circle of Panopticon whether he or she is watched or not, there is always the risk of being abused. The focal point of feminist arguments is the second element of disciplinary power normalizing judgement. The third and last one examination is a combination of the previous two. As the father of the idea of Panopticon says himself: normalizing judgement [...] compares, differentiates, hierarchises, homogenises, excludes. In short, it normalizes (M. Foucault, 1977: 183). Children are born to a society that teaches them that conformity is the only way forward and if they disobey, they will be punished. Conformity is the new old thou shalt not. This mechanism is the one that has been so fiercely fought against by feminists like Florence Rush or Linda Gordon. Steven Angelides summarises their intellectual and political efforts by saying that they brought child sexual abuse out of the closet and corrected the historical amnesia of whole societies (S. Angelides, 2004: 147). Similarly, other writers (Lynne Segal, Jean Renvoize, Jo Woodiwiss) value the work of feminists of the 1970s. They point out that feminists revealed the real face of child molestation hitherto absent or ignored in good class homes; homes where it simply does not happen (J. Renvoize, 1993).

What really happens after

What the Second Wave of Feminism contributed to is to give the abused power to speak up openly about what happened and how it happened. They reversed the popular belief to blame the victims of child sexual abuse. Too many times victims were regarded as provocative, desiring, enticing, and guilty of their fate (S. Angelides, 2004).

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Maciej Alexander The core of those arguments was the children appeared contenting to participation in sexual acts and non-contact situations. Ronald Summit challenged the pre-1970s conventional thinking in a paper The child sexual abuse accommodation syndrome (1983). In his discussion on child sexual abuse, Summit makes a valid point on social aspects of abuse dismissing male victims accounts: Where there is some public capacity to believe that girls may be helpless victims of sexual abuse, there is almost universal repudiation of the boy victim (R. C. Summit, 1983: 180). He explains the syndrome by referring to five categories: secrecy; helplessness; entrapment and accommodation; delayed, conflicted and unconvincing disclosure and retraction. The core of his concept is encompassed in the following quote: The only healthy option left for the child is to learn to accept the situation and to survive. There is no way out, no place to run. The healthy, normal, emotionally resilient child will learn to accommodate the reality of continuing sexual abuse (Ibidem: 184). Ronald Summit undermined and challenged the popular misconceptions around child sexual abuse not because of his logical approach or some unique investigating methods, but because his team listened as feminists, child abuse survivors, and patients bore witness (J. R. Conte, 2002: 77). He succeeded because he worked across the fields of psychology, psychiatry, social work, criminology; he involved those whose voices were not heard and let them speak.

The main argument against child-adult sexual activities is young people and children lack the competence (emotional, intellectual and social) to make the autonomous and informed decision (T. Thomas, 2005; S. Angelides, 2004; J. OConnell Davidson, 2007). This was contested by some paedophile lobbies (such as North American Man/Boy Love Association) arguing that consent could be deciphered (through body languages) instead of given. NAMBLA aim to promote child-adult relationships as they do not cause any harm and

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Maciej Alexander are based on mutual respect and understanding (NAMBLA, 2011). Julia OConnell Davidson refutes their logic as morally and philosophically flawed (J. OConnell Davidson, 2007: 91). NAMBLA arguments resurrect the common social belief that child-adult sexual relationships are rare and do not lead to serious, as if any, harm (E. Olafson, 2002: 71 106). A meta-analysis of research on child sexual abuse conducted by Bruce Rind and Philip Tromovitch published in 1997 confirms these statements. Their study has been also used by NAMBLA to support their arguments and advocate adult-nonadult sexual interactions. Their study emerged as a response to claims based on clinical and legal samples that sexual molestation of children causes psychological and pervasive harm which is experienced equivalently by females and males (B. Rind, P. Tromovitch, 1997). Rinds and Tromovitchs suggested that intensity and harmfulness of child sexual abuse is culturally exaggerated and females tend to experience it more severely (Ibidem). They conclude CSA affects a small portion of individuals in an intensely negative way but has a much smaller negative, if any, on most individuals (B. Rind, R. Tromovitch, 1997: 250). Although initially the research did not get much attention, it gradually gained momentum and was subjected to public and academic criticism. Its detractors pointed out the studys methodological flaws such as sample bias, which the authors used as one of the arguments for the need to conduct the research. Other methodological flaws include generalisation errors or not specifying the definition of child sexual abuse, which they defined as any unwanted sex in one analysis and contact sex only in another. The last definition takes a strong stance against current psychological and legal developments on child sexual abuse. Other research, contesting Rinds and Tromovitchs findings, suggests (S. K. Wurtele, 2009; J. Silverman, D. Wilson, 2002; T. Thomas, 2005; J. R. Conte, 2002; P. Reavey, S. Warner, 2003) that child sexual abuse does have a negative impact upon emotional, psychological and social development. The consequences of child sexual abuse vary from

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Maciej Alexander post-traumatic stress disorder, to social maladjustment to sexual deviances (R. C. Summit, 1983; C. May-Chchal, M. Herczog, 2003; M. Ouellette, 2009; M. Lovord, 2005, C. M. Meston, 1999). In most cases the abuser is known to the child, with the prevalence rate ranging from 70% (McAlinden, 2006) to 90% (Wurtele, 2009). The occurrence rate varies depending on study and fluctuates between 5-20% amongst male and females; the same as in Rinds and Tromovitchs study.

Protecting human

Because legally child-adult sexual relationships are regarded as crime, the legal system introduced several ways of preventing it. One measure of reducing the level of sex crimes is the Sex Offenders Register. The register holds information about individuals convicted of sexual offence. They include details such as address, date of birth, national insurance number and type of crime. It requires registered sex offenders to notify the police about any changes of their address and any abroad trips. Although introduced only 14 years ago in the UK (Sex Offenders Act 1997), the idea of a database of details and whereabouts of Sex Offender had been discussed for some time (T. Thomas, 2005). It was fuelled by the cases of Megan Kanka in the US and Sarah Payne in the UK, abused and murdered by ex-sexual offenders living in close proximity to their victims. The concept of the Sex Offenders Register was believed to identify suspects after a crime, prevent crimes and act as a deterrent (T. Thomas, 2005: 154) by increasing public safety and security through managing the risk posed by persons convicted or cautioned of sexual offences (A. McAlinden, 2006: 2001). Silverman and Wilson (2002), however, argue that measures such as registration and community notification may even increase the

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Maciej Alexander likelihood of re-offending. This may be due to stigma attached to the crime and the offender, carrying it publicly. But also because ex-offenders become more careful about their actions. Although the public as well as professionals are still disputing over effectiveness of the concept of the Sex Offenders Register, the recent focus is on registrants human rights (British political populism risks conflict with Europe over human rights court, The Guardian, 17 February 2011; Sex offenders must wait 15 years to appeal register, The Independent, 16 February 2011). It started, however, when the Blame and Shame campaign was launched by The News of the World in 2000. It quickly became apparent that it may cause more harm than good. By premising the campaign on the idea that disclosing personal information to the public about whereabouts of sex offenders, it was believed it would deter further crimes. Its opponents claimed the politics of The News of the World put children at risk as it reduces the willingness of sex offenders to liaise with local policing and social services, it causes distress to third parties, such as families of sex offenders, but also it creates an atmosphere of violence and intolerance (J. Silverman, D. Wilson, 2002). Even more political storm was caused when books promoting adult-nonadult relationships were published (Phillip Greaves gets probation for paedophile guide, BBC, 7 April 2011; Amazon wont shelve Boylovers Book, Forbes, 10th February 2002). The books advocate sex between adolescents and adults as healthy yet socially misinterpreted. The author of the most recent one argues that paedophiles are misunderstood and purports to offer advice to help them abide by law (Phillip Greaves gets probation for paedophile guide, BBC, 7 April 2011). The publications have been criticised for promoting child molestation, yet Amazon.com says pulling the book would be an abridgement of free speech, protected under the First Amendment (Amazon wont shelve Boylovers Book, Forbes, 10th February 2002). The authors arguments parallel those of NAMBLAs, Rinds and Tromovitchs.

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Maciej Alexander Further controversy was caused by a 2008 case of a child molester who argued that the premise of the Sex Offenders Register violates Human Rights guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights, in particular the right to freedom of movement (article 2) and the right to privacy (article 8). Restricting the sex offender from visiting certain areas, such as playgrounds or schools, notifying institutions about abroad trips or disclosing certain information about sex offenders location could be interpreted as a measure preventing and reducing crime, but at the same time it curtails the sex offenders residual rights as stated in the European Convention on Human Rights. The recent decision of The Supreme Court that denying sex offenders their rights to appeal is a breach of the Human Rights has confirmed the sex-offenders claims. It has also caused public debate over the relation of crime and human rights. As a direct result of the courts decision, the government said they are appalled by this ruling (The Independent, Sex offenders must wait 15 years to appeal register, 16 February 2011); while the politicians that they would do the minimum necessary to comply (The Guardian, This is not the way to keep as safe from sex offenders, 18 February 2011). Regardless of the nature of crime, offenders are humans; therefore per definitionem have the right to appeal when their human rights are breached. One way forward in the dispute over human rights and sex offenders position could be further strengthening the Multi-Agency Public Protection Arrangements (MAPPA). MAPPA is a set of arrangements between local authorities, police, probation and prison services to manage risks posed by sex offenders (South Yorkshire Probation Trust, 2011). It operates in conjunction with agencies such as Job Centre Plus, NHS trusts, landlords and local authorities. First, introduced in 2000 by the Criminal Justice and Court Services Act (2000) in England and Wales and extended to Scotland in 2005 by The Management of

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Maciej Alexander Offenders Act Scotland (2005). The crucial stage of MAPPA is liaison between the organisations involved to assess and manage risks to both community and sex offenders. This dual function, as research suggests (The effectiveness of partnership working in a crime and disorder context, 2011), could be further strengthened by establishing formal links between agencies working towards reduction of crime and rehabilitation of offenders in communities. By shifting the focus on to leadership, data and problem sharing, communication, structure and ultimately exchanging experiences, the aim of MAPPA - protection of communities and the rights of sex offenders could become more effective and productive. The issue of the Sex Offenders Register in relation to the Human Rights boils down to breaching social rules and punishment as an ultimate form of social control. Terry Thomas reminds us, punishment is part of the aim of the penal policy and may involve a degree of censure or even circumscribing to reduce offenders activities (T. Thomas, 2005). On the other hand, even the most horrific sex crimes cannot justify refusing the sex offenders their fundamental and inherent human rights.

Conclusion

Child sexual abuse is a complex issue. Right from the beginning, the concept seems difficult to deconstruct. Definitions vary from stressing the coercive character of CSA, non-physical and physical contact, to abuse of power and terminological bias. Various legal stances of the age of consent across Europe and its interpretations confirm the concepts social and gendered premises. Child sexual abuse fluctuates between informed and autonomous and abuse of power. The outcomes of child-adult sexual relationships fall into three categories: positive, neutral and negative; with the later ones being the most controversial and hotly discussed.

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Maciej Alexander The introduction of the Sex Offender Register, although effective at its conception, nowadays causes much debate over its efficiency and appropriateness, and recently, over its relation to human rights. Whatever the concept of child sexual abuse is; however many parties are involved in studying it and regardless of how fiercely they argue over the validity of their arguments, the positive outcome is they all strive to refine child sexual abuse, and ultimately protect the human both the child and the adult.

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Maciej Alexander Bibliography:

1. S. Angelides (2004), Feminism, child sexual abuse, and the erasure of child sexuality, Journal of Lesbian and Gay studies, 10 (2), pp. 141 177 2. J. Baudrillard, Fatal Strategies (1990), London: Pluto Press 3. V. Bell (1991), Two Modes of Power? Foucault, Feminism and Child Sexual Abuse, Journal of Gender Studies, 1 (2), pp. 168 184 4. C. May-Chahal et al, Child sexual abuse in Europe (2003), Strasburg: Council of Europe Publishing 5. J. R. Conte, Critical Issues in Child Sexual Abuse (2002), London: Sage Publications 6. J. ODonnell Davidson, Children in the global sex trade (2005), Cambridge: Polity Press 7. M. Foucault, The History of Sexuality. Vol 1 (1998), London: Penguin Books 8. M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish (1977), London: Penguin Books 9. R. M. Holmes, S.t. Holmes, Current Perspective on Sex Crimes (2002), London: Sage Publications 10. J. R. Kincaid, Erotic innocence: the culture of child molesting (1998), London: Duke University Press 11. K. Liz (1998), Whats in a Name: Defining Child Sexual Abuse, Feminist Review, 28, pp. 65 74 12. M. Lovrod (2005), Shifting Contexts, Shaping Experiences, Meridians: feminism, race, transnationalism, 5 (2), pp. 30 56 13. A. McAlinden (2006), Managing Risk: from regulation to the reintegration of sexual offenders, Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 6 (2), pp. 197 218

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Maciej Alexander 14. C. M. Meston et al (1999), The relation between early abuse and adult sexuality, The Journal of Sex Research, 36 (4), pp. 385 395 15. M. Ouellette (2009), Some things are better left unsaid: discourses of the child sexual abuse of boys, Jeunesse: Young people, texts, cultures, 1 (1), pp.67 91 16. P. Reavey, S. Warner et al, New feminist stories of child sexual abuse (2003), London: Routledge 17. J. Renvoize, Innocence Destroyed. A Study of Child Sexual Abuse (1993), London: Routledge 18. B. Rind, R. Bauserman (1993), Biased terminology effects and biased information processing in research on adult-nonadult sexual interactions: an empirical investigation, The Journal of Sex Research, 30 (3), pp 260 269 19. B. Rind (1995), An analysis of human sexuality textbook coverage of the psychological correlates of adult-nonadult sex, The Journal of Sex Research, 32 (3), pp. 219 - 233 20. B. Rind, R. Bauserman (1997), A meta-analytic review of findings from national samples on psychological correlates of child sexual abuse, The Journal of Sex Research, 34 (3), pp. 237 255 21. L. Segal, Why Feminism (1999), Cambridge: Polity Press 22. J. Silverman, D. Wilson, Innocence betrayed (2002), Cambridge: Polity Press 23. R. C. Summit (1983), The Child Sexual Abuse Accommodation Syndrome, Journal of Child Abuse and Neglect (7), 1983, pp. 177-193 24. T. Thomas, Sex Crime. Sex Offending and Society (2005), Devon: Willan Publishing 25. M. Waites, The Age of consent. Young people, sexuality and citizenship (2005), Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan 26. J. Weeks, Sexuality (2010), London: Routledge

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Maciej Alexander 27. J. Woodiwiss, Contesting Stories of Childhood Sexual Abuse (2009), London: Palgrave MacMillan 28. S. K. Wurtele (2009), Preventing Sexual Abuse of Children in the Twenty-First Century: Preparing for Challenges and Opportunities, Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 18, pp. 1 18

Online sources 1. Multi-Agency Public Protection Arrangements, access on 1st April 2011 at http://www.syps.org.uk/mappa.htm 2. Greater protection for children as sex offender disclosure scheme goes national, accessed on 5th April 2011 at http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/media-centre/pressreleases/greater-protection-children 3. Phillip Greaves gets probation for paedophile guide, accessed on 10th April 2011 at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-12994248 4. Amazon removes paedophiles guide ebook after protests accessed on 12th April 2011 at http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2010/nov/11/amazon-ebooks-paedophilesguide 5. Amazon wont shelve Boylovers book accessed on 12th April 2011 at http://www.forbes.com/2002/10/08/1008amazon.html 6. National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) accessed on 27th March 2011 at http://www.nspcc.org.uk/ 7. Hellenic Resources Network, accessed on 20th March 2011 at http://www.hri.org/docs/ECHR50.html 8. Federal Ministry of Justice, Criminal Code Strafgesetzbuch accessed on 20th March 2010 at http://www.iuscomp.org/gla/statutes/StGB.htm

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Maciej Alexander 9. Sexual Offences Act 2003, accessed on 25th March 2011 at http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/42/contents 10. The Sexual Offences Scotland Act 2009, accessed on 25th March 2011 at http://www.legislation.gov.uk/asp/2009/9/contents 11. Sex Offenders Act 1997, accessed on 25th March 2011 at http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1997/51/schedule/1 12. British political populism risks conflict with Europe over human rights court accessed on 7th April 2011 at http://www.guardian.co.uk/law/2011/feb/17/british-populismeurope-human-rights 13. Sex offenders must wait 15 years to appeal register, accessed on 2nd April 2011 at http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/sex-offenders-to-get-right-to-appealregister-2216427.html 14. North American Man/Boy Love Association, accessed on 3rd April 2011 at http://www.nambla.org/

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