Jacob Burckhardt The Cultural Historian As Political Thinker

Jacob Burckhardt: The Cultural Historian as Political Thinker Author(s): Richard F. Sigurdson Source: The Review of Politics, Vol.
52, No. 3 (Summer, 1990), pp. 417-440 Published by: Cambridge University Press for the University of Notre Dame du lac on behalf of Review of Politics Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1407777 . Accessed: 20/10/2013 22:29
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Jacob Burekhardt: The Cultural Historian as Political Thinker

Richard F. Sigurdson Thisarticle tothe ofmany that the scholars, argues, contrary analyses political
of the nineteenth-century Swisscultural historian is thought Jacob Burckhardt frivolous neither norirrelevant. Morespecifically, this combines essay biographical information aboutBurckhardt withan analysis ofhis majorwritings in orderto thenotionthatBurckhardt was simply a cultural historian and nota challenge seriouspolitical thinker. The central ofBurckhardt's lifeis thattheinteaching tellectual in masssociety can bestserve thecommunity, notbydirect political parbutbyworking fortheintellectual, and moralcultivation of ticipation, aesthetic, theindividual. The central ofhis political are that"great men" teachings writings often rulebutunjustly, thatsuccessful leadersapproach as a "work ofart" politics and master thedevicesnecessary to shape their thatculture shouldnot subjects, be subordinated to thestate,and finally thatindividualism, class conflict, mass and theerosion ofculture are bothunfortunate and inevitable democracy, aspects of modernity.
Although he was not, strictly speaking, a political philosopher, the political reflections of Swiss historianJacob Burckhardt(18181897) deserve attention from students of the historyof political a novel perspectiveon the naoffer thought.Burckhardt's writings tureoffreedomand individuality, and his powerful culture-critique of nineteenth-century politics and society provokesfreshthought and analysis of our own regimes. Yet until recentlyBurckhardt's contribution to politicalthoughthas been largelyignored.' Indeed the vast literatureon Burckhardt,much of it biographical, often avoids or deniesthetheoretical ofhis politicalremarks.2 implications And those commentators who do recognize the political side of his worktend to highlight the Epicurean and antiquarian conservatism of a man whose self-proclaimed mission was the defenceofthe culture of Old Europe.3 His thoughtis therefore widely regarded as an escape outside of modernityinto the realm of apolitical historical contemplation;Burckhardt'spolitical ideas are thus deprived of their relevance to the strugglesof the modern world. I wantto suggest, thatthisnarrowfocuson Burckhardt's however, Old World values and attitudeshindersour recognitionofhis conceptual and methodologicalinnovations.In fact,we can especially themesappreciate Burckhardttoday,since many of his favorite the relationshipbetween the individual and the mass; the tension between the ideals of equality and human excellence; the quality and nature of culture in the mass age; and the role of the intellec417
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state-are topicsofheateddebateamongcontualin themodern us on scientists. Burckhardt's challenge political writings temporary to rethink our ask all ofthesetopics:his historical place essays us within the courseof history, and his political writings encourage theories and symbols us to castoff manyoftheaccepted according we understand to thestate, and ourrelationship towhich ourselves lifein general. and to modernindustrial-technological to society, we might with Eventhough him,then, disagree reading ultimately Burckhardt assuresus thatwe need notacquiesceto theauthority which overstyle, the ofa modern political power theory privileges Insteadwe can rely state overculture, overprudence. and progress ofthepastand thecultivation ofour owncritical upon thestudy and our faculties of political capacities judgmentas the soundest meansfor in theface humanindividuality and freedom preserving of rapidhistorical change. in thisessayis to provide a brief introduction to My intention thinker ofcontinuing as a political importance. JacobBurckhardt I willconcentrate on Burckhardt's attitude towards politics general and on hisinterpretation ofthemodern and critique but conage, sideration must alsobe given the of to political implications his"cultural history"(Kulturgeschichte).
HISTORIAN AND HUMANIST
Born in 1818intoa prominent Basel family, Burckhardt belonged to the patrician class which had dominated forgenerationswithin theupper levelsofthecity'sclergy, educational institutions, government and administration. forinstance,was Antistes Jacob's father, ofBasel's main church,theMiinster,and it was expectedthatJacob would followin his father'sfootstepsand enter the ministry. But his studiesin theology whenhe realizedthathe lacked ended abruptly sufficient faith in the doctrines of revelation and the divinityof Christ.4 turnedinstead to the studyofhistory and natJacob Burckhardt to the went Berlin work with von to Ranke, urally Leopold leading figure in German historical scholarship. In Ranke's renowned seminar the young Swiss was trained to master archival research, to savour the well-chosen source, and to proffer the fruitsof his in an form. scholarship Althoughhe nevercomengaging literary writes acceptedtheRankean credo thatthehistoriansimply fortably
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"asitreally and although history happened" (wieeseigentlich gewesen), he instinctively thepompous disliked "little was Ranke; Burckhardt nonetheless with hisillustrious teacher's "No impressed presentation: theseriousness withwhich he treats speaksofgreat things history becomesclearly, almostfrighteningly evident in his expression."5 In Ranke'sconservatism, Burckhardt founda politmoreover, icaloutlook that wasbynature closetohisown.Thus, in 1841, perRanke's lectures still inhisears,Burckhardt could hapswith ringing write to his sister thathe had finally had "thecourageto proudly be a conservative and notto givein. (The easiestthing ofall is to be liberal.)"6 Yetearly as the on, Burckhardt rejected pureideology of the adoration modern which he found in fawning power-state Ranke's"political as he And Burckhardt became matured, history." intolerant ofthisnationalistic orientation in German increasingly historical research. He wouldlaterremember how Ranke clearly on Germanhistory-"Gentleman, nationsare began his lectures God's thoughts!"and it was againstthisidealization ofthestate theGerman-Prussian rebelled. (specifically State)thatBurckhardt For Burckhardt, thefoundation forour senseofpolitical comor collective liesnotin ourassociation as members munity identity ofan historical inoursharing butrather ofa common nation-state, The centralization culture. ofpowerintovastand expanding nationalgovernments is therefore a disaster sinceit destroys culture and withit anyhope forauthentic life.Consequently, community of history thatglorifies, as thecrowning achieveany philosophy ment ofworld thecoercive ofthemodern industrialhistory, powers bureaucratic stateis, from Burckhardt's an absurdity. perspective, There could be no justification for"history as progress," withor without Divine Providence. There wereno "laws"of history, no no universal reasonguiding and no continuous teleology, humanity, toward forms ofhumanliberty progression superior increasingly and state Burckhardt thusrejected thenororganization.7 entirely mativethrust ofGermanhistoricism, whichsought historical insightin orderto inform political praxis.
one has ever heard anythingfrivolouspass his lips; . . . when he
Burckhardt's doubtsabout anypractical roleforthecritical political historianin mass societyintensified during his own briefinvolvement in partisan struggle.For eighteen months in 1844-45, while to become vacant, Burckwaiting for a position at the university hardt supported himselfas the political editor of the conservative He soon foundhimselfin the middle of a heated disBasler Zeitung.
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pute between radical democrats on the one side and the conservalike many tivesand theCatholic Cantons on the other.Burckhardt, detestedtheradical democratsbut was unconservative Protestants, about sidingwithultramontanism.8 So he decided that comfortable the object of his editorialswould be to carve out a middle ground and "Radicalism."?9 ofcourse,were between"Absolutism" His efforts, led to civilwar,theSonderbund to no avail and theconflict eventually Krieg,which broke out shortlyafterBurckhardthad resigned his editorial post and escaped to the calm of Italy's museums. lead public opinion in this That Burckhardtdid not successfully affairwas not surprising-he had, in fact,littletalent as a pamphleteer and no feel for,nor sympathywith, the concerns of the mass public. But what is interesting, forour purposes, is the way thathe triedto convince the rulingclique of Basel to take a longer view oftheimmediatecrisis."What alone can help?"he asked. "Not direct attacks, nor even the merely indirectmass rule of governwill do it, genuine ments,but only a truecultivation[wahre Bildung] Burckhardt here strikesa chord toleration,consistency, loyalty"?' that will echo throughouthis life'swork- the only proper role for an intellectualin mass societyis a formof "civic humanism" that aesthetic oftheindividual extolstheintellectual, and moralcultivation as a necessary(but not sufficient) comrequirementforworthwhile munitylife in a freesociety." Education and the developmentof the qualities of good taste and sound judgment provide the only antidote for social and political ills.
FLIGHT TO ITALY
Burckhardt's unpleasantexperiencewiththe sordidentanglement of religionand politicsin Switzerlandlefthim witha profounddistaste forthe modern manifestations of both. It had long been clear to him thatmodernChristianity had lostitsentitlement to dominion of the world,and that its present-day defenderscould lay no claim to the highestof moral values.12 What is more, the events of the 1840'sled Burckhardtto thinkmore critically about the role of the masses in politics:
- so disgusting in Switzerland and barbarous-havespoilt Conditions for me .... The wordfreedom soundsrichand beautiful, everything but no one shouldtalkabout it who has not seen and experienced masses .... I know toomuchhistory undertheloud-mouthed slavery of the massesbut a future to expectanything fromthe despotism
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which willmeantheend ofhistory.... Believeme,"thepotyranny, onesboastfully to whomcertain litical appealdo notyetexist people" of thereare onlymasses,and amongthema number . . ; instead, characters, ripeto fallintothehands of splendidstillundeveloped the first swinewho comesalong, and to behavelikebeasts.13 Burckhardtreacted with characteristic petulance to the demands of the democratic and egalitarian political movementsof his day. he As a partisanof intellectualfreedomand creativeindividuality, recoiled in horrorat both the barbarism inherentin radical mass movements-such as socialism, communism, and nationalismand the dehumanizing spiritofmodern capitalistindustrialization When reformers in Basel and itsfalsegods- scienceand technology. university-and its began to agitate forthe closure of the "elitist" schoolofall things!- Burckhardt declared replacement by a technical "I a want these do not to in infamous times, produce family peevishly: no proletarian will teach my children morals!"14 Yet in the face of this crisis,Burckhardttook no further part in conservative or otherwise. he There was, felt,no political affairs, question of active political participationby the cultural elite, "because in a matterwhere means, end and starting point are beyond So Burckhardt control, one is bound to compromise oneself."'"5 devotedhimselfto a life of scholarshipand contemplation,consisdirectpoliticalinvolvement: "Politics tently abstainingfromfurther are dead as faras I am concerned;I do whatI do as a human being."6 Burckhardt's from thepresent" has receivedmuch notorious "flight attentionovertheyears,and his own explanation ofhis actions furtherdamns him in the eyes of those who are inclined to condemn his abdication of political responsibility. In two oft-quotedletters to Hermann Schauenburg, his mostpolitically mindedfriend, Burckhardt explained his break frompolitics somewhat romanticallyas a "flight to Italy": You weather-wise vie witheach otherin getting fellows deeperand intothis wretched handhavesecretly deeper age- I on theother fallen out withit entirely, and forthatreasonam escapingfrom it to the them beautiful, all, from lazy south. .... Yes,I wantto getawayfrom theradicals, thecommunists, theindustrialists ... theStatefanatics, the idealists, the'ists'and 'isms'of every kind.17 likethesehaveled manycommentators Statements to considerBurckhardt'sattitudeas yet another example of that apolitical aestheticism of the educated European man thatThomas Mann once de-
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scribedas an "inwardness protectedby power."'8 Hayden White,for instance, believes that for Burckhardt, "historical knowledge is separated fromany relevance to the social and cultural definitely of Burckcastigates problems itsown timeand place."Whitetherefore in the age ofchaos thatfollowed, since his withhardtforcomplicity thatfailureof nervein the European man drawal"merelyreflected of culture which in the end leftunopposed the forcesthat would plungeEuropean civilizationintotheabyssoftotalitarian ultimately terror."19 too,likeso manylatercritics, Schauenburg, apparently reproached his friendfortaking offin search of "southerndebauchery"while in the norththingswere going to pieces. Yet Burckhardthimself understoodhis southernsojourn as a necessarypreparationforfuture service. If he was to servethe communitywithprudence and sound judgment, he had to cultivatehis inner qualities away from theturmoilof theday. Burckhardtwould later explain thatthe critical historianmust attain "an Archimedean point outside events" in order to "overcomein the spirit"the prejudices of his contemThe historianhas an obligation to society,Burckhardt poraries.20 but this does not translateinto a compulsion fordirect suggested, action, especially when circumstancesdo not warrant it. "Good heavens,"he wrote, I can'tafter all alterthings, and before universal barbarism breaks in (and for I can foresee themoment nothing else) I wantto debauch witha realeyeful ofaristocratic so that, whenthesoculture, myself cial revolution has exhausted fora moment, I shallbe able to itself takean activepartin theinevitable restoration. . . . I wantto help to savethings, as faras myhumbleposition allows.. . . Out ofthe a newexistence storm willarise,formed, thatis, upon old and new is to helpbuild anewwhenthecrisis foundations .... Our destiny is past.2 Ratherthana politically or unconcernedaesthete, disinterested then, Burckhardtwas a sensitiveand loyal citizen who looked forward to playinga positiverole in theculturalrebirth ofEuropean society. Yet he had grave misgivingsabout the efficacy of theoreticalactivism and so made no attemptto influencethe political agenda of thefuture.Still,he realized thatiftherewas any hope ofaddressing the serious problems of modernity, it lay with educators, not with politicians or publicists.22
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The factthat Burckhardtwithdrewfromactive politicalparticipation does not mean, moreover,that he was forthis reason any less keen an observerof sociopoliticalevents.We should remember, first ofall, thatBurckhardtdid indeed writeand lectureabout politics despite his famous rejection of "political history." book, TheAge of Althoughwide and deep in erudition,his first the Constantine Great evenfrom Burck(1852),23 receivesscantattention hardtscholars,primarily because it did notuncovermanynew facts about the period and so its scholarshipwas soon surpassed. Constantine deals mainlywiththereligiousand culturalsourcesofrenewal in the transition fromthe ancient to the medieval world,when one order was crumblingand another takinghold. But forstudentsof politics,its analysis of Constantine as a political actor stands out as a touchstoneto theartofpoliticspracticedbythe so-called"Great
and content thanMachiavelli'sreflections on thegreatpoliticalactors of the past in the Princeand the Discourses. Constantine, immortalizedby church historiansas a Christian as a man of extraordihero, emerges fromthe pages of Constantine virtz-he was audacious, ambitious, ruthless,and entirely nary amoral. Burckhardtseems to take special pleasure in paintingthis picture of "Constantine as Machiavel."24Yet a close reading sugattitudetowardConstantinewas highlyamgeststhatBurckhardt's bivalent: one the one hand, he admired the political skillof a man who could successfully manipulate the spiritual instinctsof great masses of people; but on the other hand, he lamented the death of classical antiquityand he hated the base and evil Constantine forunitingchurchand statein an unholyalliance against thenoble forcesof culture. For Burckhardt, Constantine exemplifies "Political Man"motivatedby powerand glory, he reliedupon crimeand deception to attain his personal and public goals. This point reminds us of Machiavelli's accounts of greatfounders.Not only is the successful politician depicted as one who repeatedlycommits cruel and inhuman deeds as a matter of "necessity," but this success depends and skill.25 upon a unique combinationoffortune Moreover,Burckhardt and Machiavelli both emphasize the special role in history of greatmen who alone seem to capture the spiritof an epoch and throughwhom a whole people suddenly passes fromone stage of
Men"ofhistory. In thissense, thebookis no less"political" intheme
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a whole culture toanother.26 ofcourse, Constantine, people Through moved from to his revolution waspolitBut paganism Christianity. LikeMachiavelli's Constanicalnotreligious. Numa,Burckhardt's tinedemonstrated his qualities as a leaderbycreatively exploiting as a political tool:he "possessed thevalueofreligion thegreat merit conceived ofChristianity as a world ofhaving and ofhaving power inthepages Peter actedaccordingly."27 Gayrecognizes Consequently, for called ofConstantine whatMachiavelli an "unvarying admiration - thatpeculiar and ruthlessness ofversatility, mixture energy virtzi withthe we tendto associate, after Burckhardt, especially reading of the Renaissance."28 Gewaltmenschen ["menof power"] In spite of Burckhardt's respectforthe greatman's political is portrayed as distinctly Constantine acumen,however, unworthy of moralpraise.Indeed Burckhardt rebukes Eusebius and other ofthechurch for toreveal Constantine's truepospokesmen failing no word the "uttered of murderous sition, displeasure against they are guilty of"judghistorians In thiscase, theChristian egoist."'29 sincetheyennoblethecharacter of the ruler mentby greatness," eventhough hispower was"bought at thecostofuntoldsufferings visionofall the to others" and they to him"theprophetic attribute In orderto whichlatercame of his work." greatand good results one mustbe willing pass such a judgment, coollyto dismissthe tothesubsequent favorable ofthemultitude and topoint sufferings conditions as justification for all the"temporary ofthose misfortune" sacrificed thegreat man'sacquisition ofpower. s0Burckhardt during was notoriously reluctant to givepolitical rulers any suchbenefit ofthedoubt.The striving for no matter howgreat itspolitpower, outtobe, always icalconsequences mayturn appearstohimas "the most which ofnecessity unfathomable humanegoism, must subdue others to its will and findits satisfaction in their obedience." For in itsthirst is insatiable for obeBurckhardt, moreover, power-lust dienceand admiration to use force and in its claimsto theright at any time.31 Forceis always evil. Although "evilon earthis asa partofthegreateconomy ofworldhistory," itspolitical suredly manifestation is simply theright ofthestronger overtheweaker, claimedbymurder and robbery, extermination or enbyeviction, slavement of weakerraces,people,statesor classes.32 feltthat"the Unlike a true Machiavellian, then,Burckhardt as such,is farfrom In particular, the stronger, beingthebetter?'." defeat ofthenoblesimply is a terrible becauseitis in theminority The victors willinevitably therights to themselves thing. arrogate
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ofthemajority and arguethathistory is on their side or thatnatural selection determined thattheyshouldemerge victorious. Yet theforces which havesuccumbed havebeennobler andbetter, might eventhough their was ambition, just as thevictorious, onlymotive nevertheless a future ofwhichthey themselves might "inaugurate haveno inkling" So evenwhengooddoesfollow from evil,and relativehappiness from we cannotforget thateviland misery misery, werewhatthey were:"Every successful act ofviolenceis evil,and at thevery leasta dangerous Burckhardt was unshakexample."?33 ableon this hewasconvinced, for that point; example, contemporary German victories inFrance were notonly completely unpraiseworthy from thepoint ofviewofculture, butwereharbingers ofmorehorriblemilitary conflicts to come. Burckhardt as a fallacy theMachiavellian delimisimply rejects tation ofpraiseworthy or necessary crime. And he does so, in part, becausehe objects tothetheory ofthestate thatunderpins it.This viewwouldhaveus believethattheadvantage ofthewhole,ofthe is equivalent to a powerful and glorious peopleor thecommunity, the interests of the nation are thus inalienable state; and maynot be prejudiced whatever. We are therefore to by anything willing excusetheviolenceofgreatrulers who havesucceededin accommeetourapproval. Suchan exemption from the goalsthat plishing moral code wouldonlybe justified, Burckhardt ordinary argues, ifnation-states werereally absolute entitled to permanent entities, andpowerful existence. Butthey arenot.Nation-states areartificially constructed institutions and their to security cannot allegedright be used tojustify blatantviolations of individual humanrights. This same ambivalent is evident attitude in Burckhardt's most famoushistorical in Italy study,The Civilization oftheRenaissance His thesis hasbeenmuchdebated and continues togenerate (1860).34 and wecannot do itjusticehere.35 Butweshould controversy, recognize thatBurckhardt bothadmiredand despisedthe men of the Renaissance.Hence forsomethebook is a tribute to thespirit of Renaissanceindividualism, whileforothers it is a condemnation of theunfettered ofRenaissanceman (and by extensubjectivity sion,of modernman). Indeed, the emergenceof modern man with his freedom, and diversity wasdescribed in suchloving decreativity, paganism, tailthatwe tendto overlook therepudiation ofmodernity implicit in histhesis. Burckhardt introduced theidea thattheRenaissance Italianwas"the first bornamongthesonsofmodern Both Europe."
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sides of human consciousness were now allowed to develop freely, thus "an objective treatmentand consideration of the State and of all the thingsin thisworld became possible"; at the same time,the side asserteditself and "man became a spiritual individual, subjective and recognizedhimself as such."That thesedevelopments occur first in Italy,Burckhardtattributes to the particularity of"political circumstances" in the Italian city-states, whether republics or desThe stalemate between potisms. political Pope and Emperor,which the consolidation of a central prevented power in Italy,allowed for thefreeplay ofagonisticcompetition betweena multitude ofsmaller "whose existence was founded their on politicalunits, simply power to maintain it"37In these stateswe see, forthe first time,the development of a new spiritof rational calculation in politics,the unfoldingof what Burckhardttermed "the State as a work of art."38 This takesmany forms:thedeliberateand ruthless seizure ofpower by pettydespots and powerfultyrants;the painstakingcollection of social statistics in Venice and the introduction of public institutions and intricategovernmentalagencies in Florence; the estabofresident lishment ambassadorsand innovation in diplomaticpractices; and a mercenaryorganization of militia that was a product of cool reflection.39 Politicsas artwork:thisis thekeymetaphorwhichunitesBurckhardt'sdisparatestoriesand anecdotes about the politicsofthe age. Skillfulpractitioners of the political art--for example, those who can command a masteryofthemeans needed to shape theirsubject matter as they wish- getto enjoytherewards ofpowerand authority. Seen fromthe perspectiveof art, political authorityis strippedof its traditionallegitimacyand has to rely solely upon the skillsof the rational individual. Once again Burckhardt's analysis reminds us of Machiavelli. As many commentators have recognized, Machiavelli's centralsubject is individualisticpoliticalsuccess as a workof art.4?Indeed, as has been recentlyreaffirmed in an excellentdiscussionofthe"idea oftheRenaissance,"Machiavelli, though seldommentioned in theCivilization, "istheultimate sourceforBurckhardt'sopening thesis."" The Prince, it is pointed out, includes the famous trope which unifiesBurckhardt'sconception of individualisticpolitics as artwork:"Andin examiningtheir[i.e., Moses, Cyrus, Romulus and Theseus] lifeand deeds itwill be seen thattheyowed to nothingto fortunebut the opportunitywhich gave them matter be shapedintowhatformthey thought fit" (chap. 6, my emphasis). Machiavelli'sskilledprinceis thusBurckhardt's famousRenaissance
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hissurroundings a newfreedom from with man,"addressing preconand freedom for himself that to secure a new ception, exploiting levelof poweroverhis world."'42 UnderBurckhardt's thedarksideoftheRenaishowever, scrutiny, is fully sancespirit arepainted and immorality exposed- itsexcesses with thesameboldstrokes as itsgreatest cultural achievements. In we discover that Renaissance man was a of his particular, victimn ownunbridled "Thefundamental viceofthis character subjectivity: wasat thesametimea condition ofitsgreatness, excessive namely, The Italianwas forthisreasonthemostwicked individualism"'43 ofall menofthattime.Yethe gotthiswaythrough no fault ofhis but rather an historical And this own, through necessity. though in Italy, it soon spreadto all ofEurope.This appearedfirst egoism notonlyallows for theunderstanding ofthestate subjective egoism as a result ofrational calculation and deliberate butitforms planning thebasisofmodernity's newanddistinctive ofindividual ethos moral Thus while the Renaissance Italian was the first responsibility. to celebrate thenotion ofthestate as a conscious creation and tobear theburdenof selfhood, thesetraits becomeconstitutive elements ofmodernity. Thus to readtheCivilization is to recognize ourselves inBurckhardt's ofthepathology ofpolitical analysis individualism.44'
CULTURE AND POLITICS
After thepublication ofhis Renaissancework,Burckhardt devoted himselfsolelyto the preparationand presentationoflecturesto his studentsand to the wider Basel public. Today his reputationas an ofhistory rests outstanding philosopher largelyon theposthumously published books that derived from notes of these lectures. The on popular course on the study of history, published as Reflections History (1905), begins with a critique of the political implications of Hegel's philosophyof historyand proceeds to set up a complex theory of the interaction between three great historical forces state,religion and culture. His lectureson "The Age of (Pbtenzen): in the book known as Historical Revolution," Fragments (1929),*5includes Burckhardt'smost uncompromisingcritique of the society - itsculture, ofhis time and thetypeofindividual it institutions, has brought into prominence. And the Historyof GreekCulture (1898-1902) begins with a long section on the "State and the Polis"
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and discusses thesocialfunction ofculture and thepivextensively otal role of Greekpolitical philosophy.46 The central theme ofall thesepolitical reflections is thetension between thestate and culture, at times ofhistorical crisis. especially ForBurckhardt, thestatewas a coercive ofpower which apparatus wasin all casesan opponent ofhumanindividuality and creativity. He was especiallyrepulsedby the "moderncentralized state, anddetermining as a godand ruling culture, dominating worshipped likea sultan."47 Distrust ofstatepowerand resistance to anyform ofpermanent administrative runlikea red centralizing authority threadthroughout his books,lectures and private letters. Burckhardt's antistatism is nowlegendary, and he repeatedly commented condition ofculture inhis"power-drunk uponthedeplorable century." WhatBurckhardt meantby"culture," however, dependslargely on thecontext ofthediscussion. He used theterm in at leasttwo different it often meant culture"arways.First, "higher painting, etc. after an art chitecture, music,poetry, (Burckhardt was, all, historian and authorofbooks,someunpublished duringhis lifeHe usuallyuses thewordsKunst time,on artand architecture.48) whenspeaking of culture in thisre(art) or Bildung (cultivation) intends theelitist connotation thatonlythe spect,and he clearly fewcan participate in and appreciate a truly cultured existence.49 refers to thegeneral thesharedway Second,culture conditions, oflife in an epochorlocality the"culture" oftheRenaissance). (e.g., LikeHegel,whomhe repudiated in hislectures, Burckhardt treats each distinct and articulate epochas a complete whole,expressing itsZeitgeist thevarious lifeforms ofitspolitics and morals, through itsliterature and philosophy, itsartand science, as wellas through thecharacter of itsleadingindividuals. And although, as a good student ofRanke,he warned on pastages, against passing judgment Burckhardt could not resist thecritical standards of art applying to his studies ofthepolitical culture ofhistorical societies. history hispraisefor a senseofmeasureand balance,unity Consequently, from and internal in artfinds itscorreforged diversity, harmony in hispraisefor similar valuesin thepolitical and social spondence ofvitaland creative cultures Athens or organizations (e.g.,ancient RenaissanceFlorence)and thepersonality typestheyfoster (e.g., the"agonistic" Greekand the"universal man"oftheRenaissance).50 condemns the decadenceand disorder of Thus, too, Burckhardt modern culture and itsprogeny, "massman," and bemoans thescarinmodern times ofcreative, city freely self-disciplined individuals.5'
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In his lectures, Burckhardt treated thethreeforces as however, distinct in orderto demonstrate thatculture is uniquely related to humanfreedom. in thismanner, Understood
Culture. . . is thesumofall thathas spontaneously arisenfortheadvancement ofmaterial life ofspiritual and as an expression and moral life-all socialintercourse, and sciences. arts, literatures, technologies, It is therealmofthe variable, notnecessarily of all free, universal, thatcannotlay claim to compulsive authority.52 In the strictest would exclude religionand the sense, thisdefinition state,both ofwhichrelyupon theircoercivepoweroverindividuals (or groups of individuals) in order to satisfy metaphysicaland political needs. Thus culture and political or religious authorityare naturalantagonists- neitherstatenor churchcan toleratethe"free out ofwhich culture marketplaceof ideas" (frier geistiger Tauschplatz) arises. For his part, Burckhardtmakes no bones about which side stabilitybut a lust, and ipso factoinsatiable, therefore unhappy in itself and doomed to make othersunhappy."53 Althoughpeople are constrained by the base necessities of human existence (i.e., by needs and by material economic-political psychological-religious have the ones), they potential to transcendthis realm of necessity because of theirhuman capacity to create and to appreciate great achievementsin thought,speech or deed. This tensionbetweenpoliticsand cultureinforms his further distinction betweenthe stateand society- theformer is an instrument ofrepressionand domination,while thelatteris therightful repositoryof the ethicalvalues of a people. In thisvein he espouses some familiarclassical liberal doctrines:forexample, he argues in favor of religious tolerationand intellectualfreedomand against compulsorystateeducation and any attemptto legislatemoral conduct. Yet unlike most of the liberals of his time, Burckhardtfavoredthe radical decentralizationof statepower and its dispersal among several small independent states. That is because the real danger for nation-states:"what the nation desires, implicitlyor explicitly, is the idea is to make the general will power.... More specifically, of the nation feltabroad, in defianceof othernations."54 This politics of the power-statespirituallycripples its citizens, forpower is the primarygoal and culturea verysecondaryone. It is, of course, not impossibleto attain spiritualwell-beingwithinan autonomous
he is on: "Poweris of its natureevil,whoever wieldsit. It is not
human freedom liesintheomnipotent will" central ofgreat "dynamic
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ofindustrialization, modbutthehistorical civilsociety, processes haveeroded these bureaucratization anddemocratization ernization, naturalsocieties and replacedthemwithhuge,militarized states, withthe others and extension forexpansion each in competition ofstatepower. This is thelegacyofthegreatsocialrevolutions of the previouscentury.
THE AGE OF REVOLUTION
thusculminates in his Burckhardt's diagnosisof worldhistory Here his "the of Revolution." denunciation of own times, Age ringing thatthedevelopments Burckhardt stressed twomainthemes: first, haveruptured continuum" ofEuropean the"spiritual ofmodernity and second, rise "mass accounts for the of history society"); (this its thatthepresent has to institutionalize chief charage managed its ofchange in all of socialand political acteristic therapidity and thepowerinstitutions for industrial capitalism (thisaccounts state). waswedded Burckhardt ofthecultural ofWestern toa notion unity For him,in fact,it is consciousness civilization. of thishistorical thatseparates civilized man from barbarian: continuum "Weshall never be rid ofantiquity as longas we do notbecomebarbarians livewithout American menofculture and modern again.Barbarians evenwith consciousness ofhistory."55 Thus themodern philistine, all his material lacksthevery and cultural industries, possessions humandignity thatBurckhardt associateswithculture. Only by conscious oftheprocess ofhistory canwedistinguish ourbecoming selves as human, nature. The catastrophe ofthemodern apartfrom The modern is beingsevered. continuum age is thatthecultural is cutting itself world off from itsspiritual wholebymoving heritage in the direction of a fullyrationalized heartedly technologicalindustrial is slowly Humankind forculsociety. losingitscapacity tural and thusitendangers characteristic that disexpression, very itfrom nature. The typeofhumanthatsucha society tinguishing a civilized(i.e.,materially producesis, moreover, advanced)barbarian. isemphasized, Thisprocess as DavidGross demonstrates, expertly in Burckhardt's depictionof the masses of his day. Unlike the Grossexplains, the"new" masses masses, premodern, preindustrial ofthenineteenth had no connection with traditional century ways oflife, beliefs and values.Theyhad cutthemselves off from thehis-
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in terms ofthemateriand defined themselves torical continuum, rather thanbythepoeticor aralisticethosofmodern capitalism In other tistic idealsoftheir Burckhardt's words, spiritual heritage. thana stolid, mass man is a thoroughly bourgeois being,rather He is wholly dull-witted present-minded, peasantor proletarian. withthespeedand hustleofurbanlife, obsessed optimistic, pragof scienceand matic,acquisitive, impressed by theachievements militaristic and aggressive. "Thus it apnationalistic, technology, when of mass that Burckhardt attacked the he pears spirit society the of the bourwithout it,attacking spirit was,perhaps knowing geoisie."56
This pointhas notbeen loston Marxist historiographers, particworkhas received ularlythosein East GermanywhereBurckhardt's close attention. Kuczynski,forexample,arguesthatMarxist Jiirgen insofaras it brands Burckhardtas an apologist for historiography, thepropertiedSwiss patricianclass, has been unjust to him.'57 Kuczynski claims that while Burckhardt"thoughtas an idealist and intotheclass struggle preachedidealism,he gained suchdeep insights and perceivedcertainfeaturesof capitalism in the nineteenthcenthatitwas impossibleforhim not to have employed, turyso sharply, at least partly,the methods of historicalmaterialism. Therefore Burckhardtis not prohibitedby his class positionfromteachingus valuable lessons about the problems of modernity. Even if we are reluctantto accept this vision of Burckhardtas a proto-Marxist,Kuczynski's approach is appealing. He sees that Burckhardt'sblatantlyculturalistperspectivecan be criticizedfor but he recognizes ignoringcertainmaterial and economic factors, thatit is redeemed by a criticallucidityfully able to expose the fundamental relationship betweenmodern capitalismand culturallife. It is indeed because he can orienthimself towardthepast thatBurckhardtcan analyze thepresent withsuch precisionand realism.Thus conservative Burckhardt's allowshim to see whatmost anticapitalism liberal historians fail to see - therealities ofclass nineteenth-century the of militarism in a struggle, inevitability reactionarycapitalist state,and the directrelationshipbetweenthe rise ofcapitalismand the distortionand corruptionof true culture.58 Western writers have also recognized"thatBurckhardt's highconservatismconvergedwith extremeleftist views about the nature of the capitalist systemwhich allegedly subjected mankind to a new servitude.59This convergenceis not as odd as it mightfirst seem. Contemporarymass societytheoriesare proofthatMarx's picture
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of the alienated workerwithinthe capitalist systemcan be easily fusedwiththe culturalpessimismofnon-Marxistanticapitalism.60 thata "tyranny was also quite alive to thepossibility Yet Burckhardt is going to be exercised on the spiriton the pretextthat cultureis And Burckhardt the secretally ofcapital, thatmustbe destroyed."'61 shared many of the attitudesand assumptions of the aristocratic liberals in his century.Like Alexis de Tocqueville, with whom he is sometimescompared, Burckhardtfearedthat the dissolutionof the old order would usher in an age of mass democracy far more thatanyto individual freedomand culturalcreativity threatening has come He was concerned about the that before. especially thing life in an mass over intellectual that would come of public tyranny age opinion. An eccentric and free spirit himself, Burckhardt also defended individual libertyfrom the coercive pressures of mass Burckhardt's passionate defence of the freedomto know and to thinkand to say what one wants was not supplemented,however, with an equally vigorous defence of political liberty.He was prifreedom marilyconcernedwithintellectual (construedfroma liberalaristocraticposition), ratherthan political freedom(understood in liberal-democraticterms): "For freedomof the individual . . . in no way implies the free rightof every man to do as he likes, but the unimpeded rightto know and communicate knowledge, and the freedomof creativeimpulse."'62 In fact,he oftensuggestedthat the political problems of modern Europe stemmedfroman excess of unbridled individualism and political freedom.He was thus in concertwithmany contemporary conservatives in his attackon the in France, whichhe thoughtwas ultimately revolution to blame for the triumphof mass democracy.Utterlypessimisticon this score, Burckhardt it futile to attemptto soften theblow ofdemocthought as to seek or racy, Tocqueville proposed, protectionagainst state as Mill Unable or interference, suggested. unwillingto accept the democratic that the massescould be reconpossibility participation by ciled with the protection of individuality,Burckhardtcould see nothingbut darkness ahead. Indeed Burckhardtis widely acclaimed forhis clairvoyanceregarding the political developments of the twentieth century. he is noted forhis gloomy vision of mass societyand Specifically, for predicting the rise of totalitarianism.63 His reputation as a of doom" rests on his comments about contemporary "prophet largely life.Despite all modern advancementsin intellectualand material
similar to J.S. Mill. opinionin a mannersomewhat
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freedom and equality, Burckhardt life,despiteincreased political remained "doubtful theworld has on theaverage whether become all this.' for in thecondihappier Why?Becausetheimprovements tionsofliving havenotresulted in a corresponding increase in our withthoseconditions. satisfaction In modernity, thechief psychois the"senseoftheprovisional"for logicalphenomenon example, in addition to our uncertainty about our ownindividual "we fate, are confronted witha colossalproblem ofexistence."'64 This novel is at thesame timean intensely problem existential-psychological one: "Belief in invisible, foundations ofexisimmemorial political is The thus tence, state, politico-religious mysticismgone"65 deprived ofanyjustifications becomesa nakedtoolofpower beyonditself, forwhomever and themassesbelieve happensto seize itscontrol, thatcontrol ofthispowerful toolwillallowthem torefashion a new existence outofnothing buttheir ownceaseless and desires. wants - initiated This spirit ofrevolution in Francein 1789,and continued throughout Europein thenineteenth centuryencouraged andlegitimized therupture ofthespiritual continuum byredefining The most of changeas progress.66 representative political principle Western that which differentiates it civilization, postrevolutionary all earlier from of historical is idea the of"eternal ages rapid change, revision." "The decisivenew thing thathas ExplainsBurckhardt: comeintotheworld theFrench is thepermisRevolution through sionand thewillto changethings, with as thegoal." publicwelfare Behindand beneaththisspirit of institutionalized revision-this "terrible ofnovelty" and "blindwillto change"-Burckhardt spirit an insidious aboutthefundamental perceives assumption goodness ofhumannature, and therelated belief thatthehumanwillis pernecesfectly capableofeffecting anyand all socialreconstruction to increase humanwell-being.67 sary ForBurckhardt, thisoptimism aboutthenature ofman and the state is sadlymisplaced. The demands for socialreform egalitarian should be understood in socioeconomic terms as theclamor simply for morematerial benefits socialclasses.68 The social byparticular revolution cannotand willnotlead to any general moralrebirth, since"theoverwhelming ofthedesires are material in namajority
ture . . . forby far the greatestnumber of people have no other
ofhappiness."69 Andifmaterial desires arein themselves conception thesatisfaction and insatiable, absolutely promised bytechnology is illusory-newneedsand wantsare continually industrialization
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createdwithina populace turnedintoomnivorouscommodityconsumers. Fueled by unprecedented advances in science and technology, thepace ofchange in modern capitalistsocietyacceleratesat a danthisspiritof rationalcalculationtransforms gerouspace. Politically, our attitudetowardthe state,and justifiesthebrutaland aggressive There arisesin modernpoliticalthought ofnationalinterests. pursuit a new concept of the extentof the state'spowers, associated with the secularizationof the Church and the disenchantment of traditional political authority.The state becomes the sole guardian of rightsand public welfare,it even usurps the proper functionof societyby imposing its own moral principlesupon society.The consequences of this situation include: an immeasurable increase in militarism,with huge standing armies usable both at home and abroad; disbeliefin any overridingpolitical principles,but a concomitantincreased belief in saviors ("a voluntaryservitudeunder individualleadersand usurpers"); theriseofa nationalism thatceases to be an honest love of one's own and becomes "a further means ofagglomeration"; and a homogeneous,mass intellectual atmosphere thatdominates in all classes due to the rapidityof communications and thelevellingeffects ofa popular daily press. Finally, technology industrialization of the worldchanges forever the rural progressive and urban landscapes, altersthe worker'srelation to his means of production, and money becomes and remains the great measure of things.70 Burckhardt,as many have reported,was oftenremarkablycorrectabout the tendenciesand consequences ofthe industrialsystem emergingin his day. In his letters,Burckhardtmade a directlink between mass societyand the coming of new formsof dictatorship backed by a "caesarist"state. By promisingthe mass public that it will provide the desired goods and services,Burckhardtexplained, the stateraisesexpectationsit cannot keep.7 But it mustperpetuate the illusion that it is indeed the indispensable service mechanism by making the people more and more dependent upon its rapidly administrative At thispoint, efficient, brutally growing, bureaucracy. the state becomes a sort of thing-in-itself, with a "dynamiccentral will'." The principal formsof modern state organization cannot, however, cope with the newly created demands to satisfyall of its members' desires. The weaknesses of democratic governments in particularwill lead to "confusionby acts of violence, until finally
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a real Power emerges based upon sheer, unlimited violence, and it will take precious little account of the rightto vote, the soverThe state etc."72 industry, eigntyof the people, material prosperity, mechanism will be periodicallyseized by one "saviour"or another who will operate the (he called thesedictators"terrible simplifiers") industrial-state apparatus in a more-or-lessparamilitaryfashion. Burckhardtpondered the likelyconsequences forsocietyin a letter to his friend,Friedrich von Preen: It willbe mostinteresting foryou,mydear Sir,to observe how the ofStateandadministration andmilitarized; is transformed machinery forme-how schoolsand educationare put through the cure,etc. Of all classestheworkers are goingto havethestrangest time;I have a suspicion for thetimebeing,soundscompletely that, mad,and yet I cannot themilitary state willhavetoturn "industrigetridofit:that alist." The accumulation ofbeings,themoundsofmen in theyards and factories in all eternity in their for cannotbe left needand thirst withpromotion riches;a plannedand controlled degreeofpoverty, and uniforms, and endingdailyto therollofdrums, thatis starting whatoughtto come logically."73 The fact that the twentiethcentury did see the rise of the totalitarianstate,in conformity, howevervaguely,to Burckhardt's propheticvision, has earned him the reputationfora special prescience regardingmodern formsoftyranny. Accordingto Reinhold Niebuhr, forinstance, "no one predicted the modern totalitarian statemoreaccurately.... Burckhardt evenpredicted fairly accurately to what degree a liberalculturein totalitarian countries would capitulate to tyrannythrough failure to understand the foe"'74 Cultural pessimism was, of course, not at all uncommon in the latter stands partofthenineteenth century, yetBurckhardt's prophecy out because ofhis insightintothe relationshipbetweencultureand politics. He foresawand explained the necessarysubordinationof theforces ofcultureto theinterests ofthepower-state in themodern era, and he made it clear that humanity as a whole would suffer greatlyas a result.
CONCLUSION
Burckhardtadmittedlyfailed to offer any specificprescriptions fortheoverthrow ofthematerialconditions thatdenymodernpeople a trulyhuman life.He was, in addition, blind to the emancipatory promise of modernization and democratization. He saw only the
436
ofugly offices and railroad monuments factories, lines, proliferation tothecollective bad taste and greed ofan increasingly homogeneous massofpeople.Yethe didtry toformulate in hisbooksand lectures a concept ofhistory thatwas meantto articulate thedignity ofhuto an age characterized ofhumanlife. manity by thedegradation ForBurckhardt, thisgoalcouldnotbe served bya "political history" ofmajorbattles or oftheriseand fallofpowerful states and great leaders.It couldonlybe expressed a "cultural bethrough history" causeitis thefree, creative and of spiritual, spontaneous power the humanmindthatdistinguishes civilizedman from barbarian. There is, moreover, a directly to thisidea political component ofcultural The aesthetic re-creation ofthespirit ofpastages history. - by theact of remembrance is bothpersonally in dark redemptive times the culturalhistoriankeeps the faithwith his spiritual - thecultural constructive historian can"overheritage-andsocially comehistimein himself" an "Archimedean byattaining pointoutsideofevents" and thusactas a counterweight the against destructiveforces of modernity. It is the specialdutyof theeducatedto a knowledge as possible ofthedevelopment ofthe gainas complete state and culture and topreserve in historical thefew availmemory able testaments to therealization ofhumanfreedom and cultural Historical Burckhardt "is notonlya creativity. maintained, study, and a duty;it is also a supremeneed. It is our freedom in right thevery awareness ofuniversal ofnecessibondageand thestream ties."75 Burckhardt's thus coalescearoundthegeneral disparate writings aimoftracing thecultural oftruly continuum humanachievements in order todemonstrate theemancipatory As potential of"culture." we haveseen,Burckhardt moreconcerned withinwas,ofcourse, tellectual freedom thanhe was withpolitical freedom, yetthisis a commitment toa liberty that cannot be taken for Freedom granted. ofthought andexpression arecontinually under attack inthemodern democratic world,and evenin the mostadvancedand politically nations there areconstant threats toindividual liberty posedbynew industrial mass and commercial culture. technologies, politics thecounterweight Without ofan autonomous of the sphere culture, ofthestate dominance oversociety runsunchecked. Untiland unless thereis a truly freesociety, marketdistinguished by a "free of the even in the most place ideas," individual, materially prosperous industrial willbe essentially unfree. centers,
437
More thana merecritic, was a devotedand then,Burckhardt humanist whoattempted tocomprehend thepolitical realpartisan itiesofhumanlifethrough an aestheticized "cultural" to approach Burckhardt to capture and transmit to his students history. sought thepictures ofhistorical life attest toourdualnature as humans: that we are at onceunfree, within a setofpolitical confined or religious and yet free toexpress andexperience ourprescriptions, potentially selvesas spontaneous, Burckhardt's life creative, spiritual beings. and historical are to the extent that perspective antipolitical only he rejects the idea thatpolitical studiesmustrefer to thelimited and states He about and nations. his analysis speculation taught a broader students and deepertheory ofpolitics, one thatfocuses and recurring oftheself and society, of upontheeternal problems and civilization. culture
NOTES
1. A fine exception appearedin this journalexactly fifty years ago. See, Albert and theImageofMan; Review 2 (1940):415-37. Salomon, "Crisis, History of Politics in a series for inclusion ofarticles on "Neglected Still,Burckhardt easilyqualified - Defender Political Authors." of See, Wolfgang Mommsen,"JacobBurckhardt Cultureand Prophetof Doom; Government and Opposition 18:4 (Autumn1983): 458-75.Other recent discussions ofBurckhardt as a political thinker include Charles H. O'Brien,"Jacob Burckhardt: The Historian The as Socratic Humanist," Journal 16:4(1981); Political and Riisen,"JacobBurckhardt: ofThought Standpoint Jirn Historical on the Borders ofPostmodernism' andTheory 24:3(1985); Insight History and BenjaminC. Sax, "Stateand Culturein theThoughtofJacob Burckhardt," Annals 3:4 (1985): 1-35. ofScholarship 2. The outstanding exampleofthisis Werner Kaegi's massiveseven-volume ofBurckhardt's eine life, Burckhardt, study (Basel, 1947-82),which Jacob Biographic does notexaminesufficiently thetwomainsources ofBurckhardt's laterviewson on thestudy ofhistory and theletters to Friedrich von politics: i.e.,thelectures in theGermancivilservice.See also, Karl L6with, BurckPreen,a friend Jacob hardt: der Mensch inmitten derGeschichte (1936; rpt.Stuttgart, 1966),whichportrays Burckhardt as an advocateofapolitical Of equal sympathetically contemplation. is Freidrich influence Meinecke's assertion thatBurckhardt's cultural concerns are in opposition to thepolitical interests ofRanke,Droysen, Treitschke and entirely theEnglish translation ofhis 1948address see,"Rankeand Burckhardt' Dilthey; to theGermanAcademy of Sciences, in German Some New German Views, History: ed. by Hans Kohn (Boston:Beacon Press,1954): 141-56.Othershaveproposed similar ForJ. W. Thompson, is an "ardent Burckhardt aesthete" interpretations. in politics, uninterested seeA History II (NewYork: Historical Macmillan of Writing, concerns moral Company, 1942): 452-55. And forA. W. Levi, aesthetic trump or political ones at every turnin Burckhardt's andPolitics see,Humanism thought; Indiana University (Bloomington: Press, 1969): 192-203. 3. See, forinstance, "Some Noteson Burckhardt' Burleigh TaylorWilkins, 20:1(January Nichols's Journal ofthe JamesHastings History ofldeas 1959):123-37; toJacobBurckhardt, Force andFreedom: onHistory introduction (Boston: Reflections Beacon Press,1964): 3-76; Hugh Trevor-Roper, "JacobBurckhardt' Proceedings British 70 (1984): 359-78; and Gottfried Dietze'sintroduction Academy ofthe Royal
438
inthetext arefrom this edition oftheReflections). 9-26 (quotations andpagenumbers Burckhardt confessed thathe had been convinced 4. In an emotional letter, De Wette, his theology thatthelifeofChristwas a myth. byWilhelm professor, was to consider himself an "honest Fromthenon, Burckhardt he heretic"-i.e., but there stillhad prayer, was no revelation. Letter toJohannes 28 Riggenbach, Dru ed. and trans, Burckhardt, by Alexander August1838,in TheLetters ofJacob (New York:PantheonBooks, 1955),pp. 35-37. 15 August1840,Letters, 5. Letterto Louise Burckhardt, p. 58. 5 April 1841,Letters, 6. Letterto Louise Burckhardt, p. 60. 7. See, Jean Nurdin,"JacobBurckhardt et le refusde la moderniti,Revue 14:1(1982): 89. d4llemnagne 8. See, EmilDiirr's introduction tohis, explanatory Jacob alspolitischer Burckhardt Mitseinen Publizist: ausden 1844/45 Zeitungsberichten (Ziirich, 1937),pp. 7-20. Jahren 9. Letterto Gottfried Kinkel,21 April 1944,Letters, p. 91. in Diirr,Burckhardt als Publizist, 10. Burckhardt, p. 17. 11.On thispointsee, O'Brien,"Socratic Humanist," pp. 51-52. 12. Letterto Gottfried Kinkel,28 June 1845,Letters, p. 94. 13. Letterto Gottfried to Kinkel,18 April 1845,Letters, p. 93; see also letter HermannSchauenburg, 5 May 1846,ibid.,p. 97. 14.Letter toGottfried citedinValentin 12September Kinkel, 1846, Gitermann, als Pblitischer Denker Burckhardt (Wiesbaden,1957), p. 24. Jacob 15. Letterto Gottfried Kinkel,28 June 1845,Letters, pp. 94-95. 16. Letterto Gottfried Kinkel,10 December 1846,Letters, p. 103. 17. Letterto HermannSchauenburg, 28 February 1846,in Letters, p. 96. 18.Quotedapprovingly "On theBorders ofPostmodernism," byRiisen, p. 246. "Wehaveto learn," theculture from thispointofview Riisenadds,"that critique is a hiddenally of thedisasterit laments: 19. HaydenWhite, TheHistorical inNineteenth-Century Metahistory: Imagination Press, 1973),p. 236. Europe JohnsHopkinsUniversity (Baltimore: 20. Reflections, p. 37. 21. Letterto HermannSchauenburg, 5 May 1846,Letters, p. 97 22. On thispointsee, O'Brien,"Socratic Humanist," pp. 57-63. 23.Age trans. MosesHadas (NewYork, UniverConstantine, 1949;rpt. of Berkeley: Press, 1983). sityof California as PeterGay intimates, 24. Perhaps, thatis becausethebookis "Burckhardt's final with a personal debatewitha personal It reckoning Christianity, adversary. standsagainstpiety, and hypocrisy. It is thelast reverberation of a edification, that Burckhardt had fought inhiscorrespondence outyears before private struggle and in family discussions" inHistory (Style [NewYork:Basic Books,1974],p. 166). 25. "In an age lessunusualConstantine endowed wouldhardly have similarly suchhistorical attained . . . But since'thepower offate' significance placedhim at theborder oftwoworld hima longrein,itwas epochsand in addition granted themselves in muchgreater vapossibleforhis qualitiesas a leaderto manifest riety" p. 336). (Constantine, 26. Reflections, p. 292. 27. Constantine, p. 293. in History, 28. Gay,Style p. 167. 29. Constantine, p. 293. 30. Reflections, 326-27. 31. Reflections, p. 330. 32. Reflections, p. 332. 33. Reflections, p. 333.
toJacob onHistory Classics, Burckhardt, Liberty 1979): (Indianapolis: Reflections
439
34. Civilization, withintroduction trans.S. G. C. Middlemore by Benjamin Nelson and CharlesTrinkaus, ed. (New York:Harper,1958). 2 vol.,illustrated 35. Foranalysis ofthisthesis and itsreception The see, WallaceK. Ferguson, in Historical FiveCenturies Renaissance ofInterpretation Thought: (Boston:Houghton introduction theNelsonandTrinkaus chaps.7-10,179-328; 1948), toJacob Mifftlin, of Kansas,Jacob Burckhardt, Civilization, pp. 3-19; Museum ofArt,University Burckhardt andthe Renaissance: Later 100 Years 1960);DenysHays,"Burck(Lawrence, 10:1(January1960): 14-23;Hans 'Renaissance': hardt's 1860-1960," Today History a Century after itsPublica'Civilization oftheRenaissance' Baron,"Burckhardt's News13:3 (1961):207-222; E. M. Janssen, tion," Renaissance Burckhardt und Jacob dieRenaissance in (Assen,Netherlands, 1970); PhilipLee Ralph, TheRenaissance (New York:St. Martin's,1973); and WilliamKerriganand Gordon Perspective The Ideaof the Renaissance Braden, Press, Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore: 1989). 36. Civilization, I: 143. 37. Ibid.,p. 22. 38. As many commentators havepointed "Der Staat out,Burckhardt's phrase, als Kunstwerk," bringsto mindthetitleof Hegel's sectionon the Greeks,"Das in his Philosophy For a critical discussion of the Kunstwerk," politische ofHistory. betweenBurckhardt's similarities culturalhistory and Hegel's philosophy see, E. H. Gombrich, Idealsand Idols:Essays on Values in History and inArt(Oxford: Phaidon,1979),pp. 34-42;and Eckhard Heftrich, Hegel undJacob (FrankBurckhardt furt, 1967). 39. Civilization, see, RobertM. Kingdon,"The I: 126-42. Fora commentary of Burckhardt's in BurckContinuing Utility Thoughton RenaissancePolitics," hardt andthe 100 Years Renaissance: Later, pp. 7-13. 40. See, for CharlesS. Singleton, "ThePerspective The ofArt," example, Kenyon Review 15:2 (Spring1953): 169-89. 41. Kerriganand Braden,Idea ofthe Renaissance, p. 55. 42. Ibid.,p. 56. 43. Civilization, 2: 442. 44. Nelson and Trinkaus, introduction to Civilization, p.19. 45. Historical trans. andHistorians onHistory Fragments, HarryZohnasJudgements die (Boston:Beacon Press,1958).Cf. ErnstZiegler, Jacob Vorlesung Burckhardts iber Geschichte desRevolutionszeitalters: In den seiner Rekonstruktion des Nachschriften Zuhorer. Wortlautes gesprochenen (Basel, 1974). 46. TheHistory trans. Culture, ofGreek byPalmerHilty(New York,1963),is an ofthe2 vol.,abridged version The important Germanedition. introducEnglish tionto thelectures been left out of theEnglishedition.The has, unfortunately, fullworkappearsinJacob vols.8-11,ed. FelixStthelin Burckhardt, Gesamtausgabe, (Leipzig, 1930). 47. Reflections, p. 179. 48. In Englishsee, Recollections trans.M. Hottinger ofRubens, (New Yorkand London: Phaidon, 1978); TheCicerone: An ArtGuide toPainting inItaly, trans.A. H. Clough(NewYork and London: Architecture Italian JohnMurray, ofthe 1979);The trans. of Renaissance, JamesPalmesand ed. PeterMurray(Chicago: University and ed. Peter in Renaissance Chicago Press,1985); and TheAltarpiece Italy, trans, Press, 1988). Humphrey (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity 49. In theintroduction to Greek Culture he declaresthat, "itis thespecialduty oftheeducated[dasGebildete] to gain as complete a knowledge as possibleofthe ofculture; thisdistinguishes man as a conscious humanbeingfrom development theunconscious barbarian" 8: 10). (Gesamtausgabe, 50. On thispointsee, Karl Weintraub Visions ofCulture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966),pp. 126-37; and Sax, "Stateand Culture," p. 22.
440
term 51. Thus David Gross notes a thirduse of culturein Burckhardt's This sort or whatwe wouldcall"massculture." culture" Kulturfaulnis -"decadent and was designed for themajority "wasmanufactured ofculture, Grossexplains, and the not to elevate." or titillate, to entertain See, "JacobBurckhardt merely Review 8:4 (October 1978): 398. Studies European Critiqueof Mass Society," 52. Reflections, p. 60. 53. Reflections, p. 139. 138-39. 54. Reflections: because are barbarians 55. Judgements, p. 38: "they p. 24; see also Reflections, and vice versa." theyhave no history, 56. Gross,"Critiqueof Mass Society," p. 397. Historiker Die Museund der 57. Kuczynski, (Berlin,DDR, 1974),p. 20 and p. can be foundin Johannes Marxistline on Burckhardt 26. The moreorthodox Zeit(Berlin,DDR, 1967). seiner in derKrise Burckhardt Wenzel, Jacob further Die Muse,pp. 20-21. Kuczynski 58. Kuczynski, (p. 19) that suggests unsuitable" him"totally renders aboutthestateand power Burckhardt's teaching BurckGermanbourgeoisie. ofthecontemporary to theideological requirements comas numerous wouldhaveopposednotonlytheNazi regime, hardt bourgeois FederalRepublic.He but also thepresently haveindicated, mentators resurgent whichtodayare againstmiliwiththoseforces instance, would,for alignhimself of atomicweapons. and theproliferation taryaggression ofCultureand Prophetof Doom,"p. 473. 59. Mommsen,"Defender MassSociety 60. See, SalvadorGiner, Press,1976),p. 187. (London: Academic 5 May 1846,Letters, 61. Letterto HermannSchauenburg, p. 97. 62. Reflections, p. 126. als Kritiker und 63. See, forexample,ErnstWalter Zeeden,"Der Historiker 11:3(1951): 154-73. Die Welt als Geschichte Prophet," 64. Judgements, p. 204. 65. Reflections, p. 205. von Preen,2 July1871, 66. Letterto Friedrich Letters, p. 147. 67. Judgements, p. 213. 68. Reflections, p. 217. 69. Judgements, p. 214. 70. Judgements, 203-20. 71. Letterto Max Alioth,10 September 1881,Letters, p. 205. von Preen, 1 May 1881, 72. Letterto Friedrich Letters, p. 202. 73. 28 June 1872,Letters, p. 152. 156 (10 April TheNation "The Historianas Prophet," 74. ReinholdNiebuhr, 1943): 531. 75. Reflections, p. 40.

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Jacob Burckhardt: The Cultural Historian as Political Thinker Author(s): Richard F. Sigurdson Source: The Review of Politics, Vol.

Jacob Burekhardt: The Cultural Historian as Political Thinker

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN

THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN

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THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

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THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN

he is on: "Poweris of its natureevil,whoever wieldsit. It is not

human freedom liesintheomnipotent will" central ofgreat "dynamic

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN

similar to J.S. Mill. opinionin a mannersomewhat

THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

toJacob onHistory Classics, Burckhardt, Liberty 1979): (Indianapolis: Reflections

THE CULTURAL HISTORIAN

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

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