The Concept of Norm in Sociological Theory and Its Application to Music Author(s): Helmut Staubmann Source: International Review

of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Dec., 1991), pp. 119-125 Published by: Croatian Musicological Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/836919 . Accessed: 16/12/2013 00:58
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H. STAUBMANN: NORM IN SOCIOLOGY, IRASM 22 (1991)2, 119-125

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THECONCEPT OF NORM IN SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY TO MUSIC AND ITSAPPLICATION

HELMUT STAUBMANN UDC: 78.067
Scientific Original Paper Received:April 11, 1991

Universityof Innsbruck, 6020 INNSBRUCK, Austria

Department ofSociology,

Izvorni znanstveni rad

2, 1991 Accepted:October 2. listopada 1991. Prihvadeno:

11.travnja 1991. Primljeno:

Abstract- Resume
The concept of norm and questions concerning the emergence and change of norms in social systems take a prominent place in sociological theory. The article tries to treat the particularities of the specification to musical norms or aesthetic norms in general. There is no general acknowledged status of the norm concept in different sociological paradigms. Exemplified by the sociology of music of John H. Mueller, Christian Kaden and Elisabeth Haselauer it is shown that the specification depends on the option for a special paradigm. The application of norm theories on aesthetic phenomena has consequences in two directions. Firstly, it leads to a non-reductionist explanation of aesthetic behavior and, secondly, it shows the necessity of further elaboration of the norm concept and basic sociological concepts like the notion of sanction.

The following considerationsare about aestheticmusicalnorms;the central question is how sociological norm theories - theories about the conditions of emergence and change of a singular norm or of more or less complex norm structures - can be generally specified in order to be applicable to the emerof aestheticmusicalnorms. gence and transformation The first necessary reflectionbefore undertakinga projectof this type, and this reflectionis often also the firstquestionin a discussion aboutthe topic, concerns the problem of whether it is at all useful to describemusic or, more generally, art - that is creative activity and experiencein the broadestsense - by theoretical concepts such as norms, or even to identify music or art in general with such concepts. To the public, art is diametricallyopposed to the norms of the respective society. Art is rather the individual's means of expression against society. On the other hand, if we accept the fertilityof the norm concept in the analysis of music culture,isn't it then superfluousto repeatfor the field of

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music what is generally valid for the emergence and development of norms. I think that the particularitiesand theoreticalchallengeencounteredin the application of the theory of norms to music is likely to create new views on other fields dealing with the emergence of norms. The empiricalobservationsI made in the course of a study some years ago about the musical-culturalattitudes of adolescentsgave the immediateimpulse for my working on sociological norm theories,and their relationto music.' The study concerned the use of media, the musical taste and the musicalactivitiesof 12 to 16 year old students. For my inquiry, I used what Karbusickycalled a ?sounding questionnaire<. The students listened to 12 differentpieces representing typical music styles. They had to judge these pieces according to a given scale, analogous to grades at school. I also made a sociometrictest with them, intended to measure the popularityof the students within theirclass (community of groups). of students),and friendshipsthe studentsin the same class (formation A central hypothesis of sociometricresearchon sociometricstatus, which is defined as the total of ?votes< given to a certaingroup member,is that the individof central uals with the highest sociometricstatus are consideredrepresentatives values and norms of the group. The sociometricstatus generallycorrelatespositively with I. Q., with relevantknowledge and achievements,with the degree of participationin social life, and with socio-economicstatus. In my study I also tried to find out if there was a connectionbetween musical preferencesand the status of the students within the class. Actually, there are empirical proofs of such connections. There were significantpositive correlationsbetween positive sociometricstatus and the music pieces preferred by the majorityof the students between posiand and rock significantnegativecorrelations pop-music), (mainly tive sociometricstatus and music styles which deviated stronglyfrom the group norm (in that particular case, Austrianfolk music, and classicmusic).The control analysis of the negative sociometricstatusproducedsimilarresults. The sociometric test also furnished proof of the connectionbetween social cohesion and musical preferences.Sociometricfriendsare usually homogeneous This assumptionapplies also to musiin terms of their personal characteristics. cal taste, as my analysis of groups that had formedwithin classes, i.e. groups of students who had voted for each other in the sociometrictest, made clear.Statistically, the members of the group judged the pieces in significantlyhigher conformity than the class as a whole. How can sociology explainthese empiricalresults?Apparently,processesof social control take place within these groups. These processesare able to control the musical preferencesof the group members;in other words, there are mechanisms within the group that force the individual quasi from the outside to act in conformity with the whole group. The significanceof such mechanismsfor the socialization process was studied and discussed with particularemphasis on their importancewithin group of adolescents,under the notion of >peergroup<<.
und musikkulturelles Verhalten 1 See: Helmut STAUBMANN, TontriTger Erhebung von Schillern der 6. bis 9. Schulstufe, Diss. Vienna, 1983. Eine empirische

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There is another point in my observationsto which I wish to do draw particular attention. The group member acting under externalpressure (sanction), does not experience this pressure as such, and thereforehe or she does not experience his or her action as being in conformitywith the group norms. On the contrary,in the case of adolescents, musical preferencesare a means to express the aesthetic detachment from parents and school, a phenomenon which sustains the opposite assumption. We can observe this kind of dialectic between adaption and deviation with all aestheticphenomena,e.g. with fashion or with new styles in painting. However, notions such as sanction,social control,socialization,conformity and deviation lead to the concept of norms. But before discussing the difficulty of giving a homogeneous and generally acknowledged definition of norms, I wish to summarize other studies in the field of sociology of music, which mention the concept of norms more or less explicitly.2 As far as I know, there have been three explicit attempts to apply the concept of norms to music. The oldest and certainlythe most elaborateattempt is to be found in the work of John H. Mueller, the American sociologist. In his theory, Mueller, author of several importantempiricalstudies about the development of musical taste - his most importantwork treats the changes in the repertoire of American symphony orchestras- follows primarilythe line of William Graham Sumner. According to Sumner there are certain phenomena that occur within a group which he himself called >mores< or ?folkways<. Similarly to Durkheim's ?faits sociaux<<,these phenomena representnormativeaction patterns.Mueller uses these notions for his work and applies them to music life; on the basis of these notions he argues against the so-called romantic theory of the aesthetic process. The folloving quotation taken from the essay >Methods of Measurementof Aesthetic Folkways<<,published in the American in 1946, summarizeshis argumentation: Journal AItmay be contendof Sociology ed that aesthetic phenomena are an individual and subjectiveexperience and not subject to social control and therefore are not properly classified as folkways. But upon furtherreflectionit will be evident that aesthetictastes do display a certain consensus and that they are codified and culturallytransmitted, just as are ethnical or economic folkways. Likeother codes, they are fortifiedby ethnocentricrationalizationsand by an aesthetic 'conscience'which labels discrepantforms as decadent or ugly. They assume even an institutionalcharacter in their elaborate organization. They manifest a constellation of patterns in public performances,in economic support,in educationalpolicy, in the organization of vested interests, in the theories and laws of harmonicconstructionall of which is supported by a vast corpus of literature and criticism.<3This quotation already suggests the essential explanationfor the emergenceand change
2 See: Helmut STAUBMANN, >Musikkultur aus Regelungsperspektive,<< in: Normen und soziologische Erkldrung,ed. H. STAUBMANN et al., Innsbruck/Vienna, 1987, pp. 172 cont. 3 John H. MUELLER, >>Methods of Measurement of Aesthetic Folkways,< The American Journalof Sociology, 4 (1946): p. 276.

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of aesthetic norms: on the one hand, norms emerge and change because of certain aesthetic ideas embedded in the individual by the process of internationalization, on the other hand, they emerge and change because of their establishment in the social system by the process of institutionalization. Christian Kaden, a German music sociologist, also deals with the emergence of norms and the social conditions of their development in his marxist-materialist analysis of the particularitiesof shepherd music as compared to ordinary folk music. However, his definition of the norm concept is not identical to the definition of norms used in sociology. Kaden uses >>norm? on the abstract level of cybernetic language usage, which understands >>norm?as the total of all qualities of a system which resist all kinds of exto this definition a 'norm' does not ternal influences. He writes: >>According or forbidden prescribed, nor does it mean that a norm is imply something Of it would have been possible to use the term set. course consciously 'structural characteristics' instead of 'musical norms', but as characteristics that always remain stable need to be specified, the norm concept appears to be most adequate for their description.<<" Although the definition of norms as structural characteristicsincludes the sociological concept of norms in the narrow sense, there is still something in the definiensthat is unclear and requires specification, as the criterion of stability in social systems applies to a number of phenomena that one would never call social-structuralcharacteristics or even norms. The explanation of aesthetic musical norms in the sense of Kaden is basically bound to materialisticpremises as they are seen mainly in their function to work, to time or in similar functions e.g. to the change of the whole socio-economic system. A third explicit attempt concerning the uses of norms in sociology of music is a study by Elisabeth Haselauer that deals with the importance of Durkheim's work for sociology of music.5 As a starting point she takes the
concept of the ?faits sociaux< which Durkheim defines as >... every more or

less determined way of acting that is able to exert external pressure on an individual; the determined way of acting which generally occurs in a given society and which exists by itself independent of individual forms it may assume.< This definition is very close to our concept of norms, even if it is not wholly identical with it. Haselauer shows the identity of musical-cultural phenomena and Durkheim's ?faits sociaux<<,and thus detects the components of musical acting that are independent of the individual. At the same time, Durkheim's concept represents a premise for a genuine sociology of music as, according to Durkheim's theory, the ?faits sociaux<<are emerging characteristics of new social groups or societies, a definition that excludes a reductionist explanation referring only to the individual.
4 ChristianKADEN,>>Musikalische Internaund ihre sozialenGrundlagen,< Normenbildung

tional Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, V/2 (1974): p. 179. 5 See: Elisabeth HASELAUER, Musiksoziologische Studie nach Emile Durkheim, Vienna,

1977.

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The comparisonof these threeattemptsto apply the norm concept to music culture reveals one problem very clearly:there is no definition of norms generally accepted by the scientificcommunity.Often authorsuse this term intuitively, or they are satisfied with using the norm concept as it is defined in everyday language. Explicit definitions of norms range from >regularities of behaviour that can be empirically observed< to >evaluations in the sense of of internal and external behaviattitudes, that is preferences< and >>patterns The reason for the many different definitions of norms lies in the variety our<<. of coexisting paradigms in the social sciences. We have already noticed this when comparing Kaden's materialist approach to the approaches of Mueller and Haselauer, which can be taken as part of the traditionof the theory of action. And there is another example that illustratesthe consequencesof the option for a certain theoretic model for the norm concept:the Germanbehaviorist Karl-DieterOpp writes apodictically,in his book on >The Emergenceof Social Norms<: >>Normsare sustained by individuals<.6 This statement leads to the conclusion that every hypothesis about groups has to be formulatedon the basis of a hypothesis about individuals. On the other hand, system theory as it is representedby Niklas Luhmann,simply rejectsdefinitions of that kind as useless and misleading.7 The criterion of a definition is its usefulness, and, in the scientificcontext, usefulness refers primarily to the possible integrationof a definition into the whole context of a theory, or to the use of a definition as the starting point for further reflection and empirical research.In the Social Sciences, the notion of >>expectation(represents a key-notion in this sense. Taking the notion of >>expectation<as the basis, we could define >norm< as generalized, sanctioned expectation about internal and external human behaviour that emerges from communicationand interaction. Finally, I would like to stress some conclusionswhich directly follow from this definition for the analysis of social norms, with special regard to musicalculturalnorms. 1. Expectationsare learned, that is they are the result of communication and interaction and, therefore, they cannot be primarily explained by conditional factorssuch as biological or technologicalfactors.Accordingto this point of view, innovations in the field of communicationtechnology cannot be the immediate cause of transformationsof cultural patterns,but only conditional factorsfor changes in communicationprocesses.Somethingsimilarto what Niklas Luhmansays about the significanceof writing is, in this sense, also valid for audio media: the communicationprocessbecomes independentof conditions of presence, and allows unknown partners,and partnersremainingunknown, to be reached, who are no longer subjectedto a dense networkof interactionalre6 Karl-DieterOPP, Die EntstehungsozialerNormen.Ein Integrationsversuch soziologischer, und ?konomischer sozialpsychologischer Erkl'rungen, Tiibingen, 1983, p. 5.
7 See: Niklas LUHMANN, Soziale Systeme. Grundrifl einer allgemeinen Theorie, Frankfurt, 1984, pp. 346 cont.

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ciprocityand controlof traditionalformsof communication.s Especiallythis idea of detachmentof the transmissionof aestheticalnorms from the controlmechanism of the primary groups such as family, local communities, schools etc. could be the decisive explanation of music-culturalchange. Thus, as we can see in the case of pop music, music-cultural interferences are favored and accelerated. 2. In social systems, the stabilizationof expectationsis assured by certain control-mechanisms.A majorpart of sociological literaturetreats these mechanisms of social control in relationto norms of externalbehaviour,such as statuted laws. In this context, the particularitiesof music-aestheticalnorms become particularyevident as they have a more direct influenceon the development of personality. Thus, the adoption of aesthetic norms seems to be more strongly bound to, and more dependent on the subject.Traditionalpotentials of sanctions such as punishment, materialincentives,and grades as used in music lessons at school, are not applicable to norms of taste. Above all, the subtle forms of approval and disapproval, which have considerableinfluence on the formation of the identity of the individual, play a significant role in the field of aesthetics. As early as 1951, Clyde Kluckhohnwrote in his classic, frequentlyquoted essay >Values and Value-Orientationin the Theory of Action. An Exploration in Definition and Classification<: >It is felt ... that in a very broad and general way the same principles apply to aesthetic and expressive values as to moral and cognitive values. However, a conceptual analysis in the aesthetic side as full as that which follows on the ethical must be a separate task.<9 I think that this task is as relevant today as it was forty years ago when the statementquoted was made, and that it is worth while following this line.

8 See: Niklas LUHMANN, Kommunikation >Verinderungenim System gesellschaftlicher in: Soziologische und die Massenmedien,<< 3, Opladen, 1981,p. 311. Aufklfrung 9 Clyde KLUCKHOHN, and Value-Orientations in the Theoryof Action. An ExWValues a GeneralTheory in: Toward of Action, ed. Talcott ploration in Definition and Classification,<< Parsonsand E. A. Shils, New York, 1951,p. 389.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY StudienachEmileDurkheim, HASELAUER,Elisabeth: Musiksoziologische Vienna, 1977. Christian: KADEN, International >>Musikalische Normenbildungund ihre sozialen Grundlagen,< Reviewof the Aestheticand Sociologyof Music, V/2 (1975): pp. 57-66. in the Theoryof Action. An Exploration KLUCKHOHN, Clyde: *Values and Value-Orientations in Definition and Classification,<in: Toward a General Theory of Action,ed. Talcott PARSONS and E. A. SHILS,New York,1951, pp. 388-433. einerallgemeinen LUHMANN, Niklas: SozialeSysteme.Grundrijf Theorie, Frankfurt,1984. im System gesellschaftlicher Kommunikation und die MasLUHMANN,Niklas: WVerAnderungen senmedien,< in: Niklas LUHMANN, Soziologische Aufklirung3, Opladen, 1981, pp. 309334. of Measurementof Aesthetic Folkways,<< The American MUELLER, John H.: >>Methods Journal 4 (1946):pp. 276-282. of Sociology OPP, Karl-Dieter: Die Entstehungsozialer Normen.Ein Integrationsversuch sozisoziologischer, und Okonomischer alpsychologischer Erkldrungen, Tiibingen, 1983. - Eine empirische und musikkulturelles Verhalten STAUBMANN, Helmut: Tontrd'ger Erhebung von Schillernder 6. bis 9. Schulstufe, Diss. Vienna, 1983. in: Normenund soziologische STAUBMANN,Helmut: >Musikkulturaus Regelungsperspektive,<< ed. H. STAUBMANNet al., Innsbruck-Vienna, 1987, pp. 171-184. Erklf'rung,

Saietak I NJEZINA POJAMNORMEU SOCIOLOCKOJ U GLAZBI TEORIJI PRIMJENA Pojamnorme i pitanjakoja se tiOupojave i promjenanormi u drugtvenimsistemimazauzimajuistaknutomjestou sociololkoj teoriji. U lanku se poku!ava raspravljati o osobitostimaspecificiranja glazbenihnormiili estetikkih normi Ne postoji status pojma norme u razlibitimsocioloikim paradigprihvacen olpe primjerimapokazali su John H. Mueller,ChristianKadeni Elimama.oplenito. Na glazbeno-sociologkim sabeth Haselauerda specifikacijaovisi o opciji posebne paradigme.Primjena teorijanorme na estetitke fenomene ima posljedice u dva smjera. Prvo, ona dovodi do neredukcionistirkog objasnjenjaestetirkog ponalanja i, drugo, pokazuje potrebu za daljnjimrazradivanjempojma norme i temeljnihsociololkih pojmovapoput pojmasankcije.

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