Journal of Social Archaeology

ARTICLE

Copyright 2005 SAGE Publications (www.sagepublications.com) ISSN 1469-6053 Vol 5(3): 409424 DOI: 10.1177/1469605305057586

Ornaments as social and chronological icons

A case study of southeastern Zimbabwe
GODHI BVOCHO
Zimbabwe Museum of Human Sciences

ABSTRACT Studies of ornaments from the Zimbabwe plateau have focused mainly on glass beads. When other ornaments are referred to, little effort is made to produce a broad classication to enhance broader comparisons across the spectrum of ornaments in the region. This article examines archaeological ornaments as chronological indicators and communication devices. The period to be covered ranges from the eight to the eighteenth centuries AD, in southern Africa. In addition, the study attempts to contribute to lling the spatial gap between the well-researched areas of Mapungubwe to the south and Great Zimbabwe to the north of the Limpopo. KEY WORDS chronological signicance classication Malumba ornaments social signicance trade networks

Mwenezi

INTRODUCTION
Personal adornment has always played a signicant part in every society and, as such, the history of ornaments is probably as old as that of humanity
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(Glover, 1991). Ornaments are central in the life of Africans as they are in many parts of the world. These items include beads, bangles, rings and necklaces. Glass beads survive long in the archaeological record. As a result, most detailed studies in southern Africa have focused on them. As early as the eighth century AD, glass beads were exchanged for ivory and gold between southern African communities and the Arab/Swahili traders on the East African coast (Pwiti, 1991). Between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries AD, beads are noted to have been the most popular commodity of long distance trade in southern Africa (Bhila, 1982). Ornamentation is an expression of peoples values, and social and economic organization. Therefore, ornaments are an integral part of a multi-layered communication system in many African societies (Dubin, 1987: 119). They communicate cultural values in a symbolic language. In some parts of Africa, ornaments are indicators of age, marital status and social rank. The ornaments people wore could also identify religious and social groups. In Zimbabwe, brass and copper wire for armlets and leg rings were worn as symbols of wealth and importance in the community. Other ornaments are widely worn around the waist, neck, the wrists and even on the head. In Zimbabwe, gold was also used to decorate wooden stools, wooden headrests, clubs, spears and swords (Ellert, 1984). Some ornaments, like beads, have been used as chronological indicators and as a reection of a peoples technology. Ornaments of all forms are of vital cultural, economic and ritual signicance, as will be shown by the study of ornamental objects from the sites of Malumba and Mwenezi in southeastern Zimbabwe.

SOURCES OF DATA
The ornaments that are the subject of this study came from the archaeological sites of Malumba and Mwenezi, both found in southeastern Zimbabwe. Since 1993, surveys in this area by the University of Zimbabwe Archaeology Unit have identied many Stone Age and Iron Age sites. Mwenezi Farm site is the biggest stone walled enclosure of the Zimbabwe tradition in the area. It is on the northern edge of Mateke Hills (Figure 1). Large quantities of cultural material like shell and ivory beads, pottery and animal bones were recovered from one of the middens on the site. According to Manyanga (2000), radiocarbon dates suggest three occupation periods. The rst dates from the seventh to the ninth centuries, followed by an intermediate occupation from the twelfth to the thirteenth and nally the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries AD. In 1998, excavations were carried out at Malumba on the southwestern edge of Mateke Hills. Deep stratigraphy was evident from Trenches 2 and 5 as well as Test-Pit 3, where cultural material was recovered from a depth of 1.5 m (Figure 2). The radiocarbon dates and associated material culture

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show that a Zimbabwe culture occupation at Malumba dated from the eleventh century to the fourteenth century AD, thereby making it contemporary with Mapungubwe (12201290 AD) and Great Zimbabwe (1270 1450 AD) (Manyanga, 2000). Chief Native Commissioners reports found in the National Archives of Zimbabwe suggest that local people previously occupying Malumba and Mwenezi ranches were relocated to the Matibi 2 Reserve. The Chief Native Commissioners report of 17 May 1927 states that the erection of the fence on the northwestern boundary of Matibi 2 Reserve was meant to protect the Ranch from the cattle of the local people who had been moved from Nuanetsi (Mwenezi) Ranch. Most local people who were forced to leave their ancestral homes to give way to Figure 1 Location of the research area the commercial farms did not (after Manyanga, 2000: 10) move very far away. This makes Mwenezi and Matibi 2 the most probable destinations of many people from these nearby commercial farms and therefore a useful source of ethnographic information to help interpret the archaeological past. For the ethnographic survey, a questionnaire was designed targeting Matibi 2. People of different social classes and age groups were included in the interviews. Some of the groups from Gezani village in Matibi 2 use Malumba Hill for traditional rain making ceremonies.

CLASSIFICATION OF ORNAMENTS
Ornaments for the study were rst classied using the material from which they were manufactured. These are mainly glass and shell. The main attributes recorded included material used for manufacture, colour, shape,

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Figure 2

Malumba site plan (after Manyanga, 2000: 36)

diameter, thickness and perforation size. Colour changes over time helped in determining trade patterns and preferences.

Glass beads
Following Beck (1928), the classication was largely based on shape, colour and size as the main attributes. This method has been successfully applied because it enables comparisons. Out of the 1944 glass beads recovered from Malumba, nine different colours were determined. Light blue is dominant. Other colours include translucent green, red, black and white as shown in Table 1.

Table 1
Red White Yellow Pink Black Dark-green Uc Green-trans Total

Colours of glass beads from Malumba

Ref

Light blue Blue-trans

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T1L1 T1L2 T2L1 T2L2 T3L1 T3L2 T3L3 T3L4 T4L4 T6L6 T6L7 T6L9 TP1L6 TP2L1 TP3L2 TP3L3 T5L2 T5L4 T5L7 T5L8 T6L5 Total

470 39 2 2 3 70 2 2 590

110 2 3 4 1 4 26 8 1 1 1 2 163

318 19 3 1 3 1 6 4 33 2 5 395

100 2 3 6 3 5 5 124

103 9 1 1 1 1 16 13 145

48 10 19 1 6 84

1 33 6 3 1 13 17 74

136 13 3 2 6 21 3 1 3 9 197

88 5 3 1 2 4 1 104

31 7 3 1 1 9 13 2 1 68

1404 99 33 7 3 3 4 19 31 45 14 9 170 3 7 23 15 13 5 3 34 1944

Ornaments as social and chronological icons

Key: T1 L1, Trench 1 Layer 1; TP 1 L6, Test-Pit 1 Layer 6; Trans, Translucent; Uc, Uncertain

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The method of shape categorization followed that of Beck (1928). His shape classes are simple to use and have been successfully used by archaeologists like Chittick (1974), Mupira (1991) and Kinahan (2000). The beads examined were assigned to six basic shape categories. The shape categories were established with close reference to the nearest geometric shape. Oblates refer to small rounded beads; cylindrical refer to beads where the thickness is less than the diameter. Garden roller beads are circular in shape, mainly with large perforations. Of all the 1944, 1345 (69 percent) are oblates, 591 (30.4 percent) are cylinders, 3 (0.2 percent) hexagon and 2 (0.1 percent) are barrels while 1 (0.1 percent) is a heptagon. The beads that are of particular interest are the hexagons, garden rollers and the heptagon. These were recovered only from levels 1 and 2 of Trench 2. All are translucent blue in colour and the largest of all the glass beads. These large blue beads came from the same levels as the small glass beads of similar colour. At the sites of Schroda and Pont Drift found in the Shashe Limpopo valley in South Africa, both garden roller beads and moulds were recovered (Hanisch, 1980). These relate well with Malumba and Mwenezi because they also constitute part of the Shashe Limpopo valley. From Malumba, two barrels were recovered. The diameter of the beads ranges from 1 to 9 mm. Most of the beads measure 2 mm (62 percent) followed by those between 3 mm and 4 mm (37 percent) and those in the 59 mm category (0.3 percent). Bead thickness is what some scholars refer to as the length. Thickness was measured parallel to or along the perforation line. Some 1423 (73.7 percent) beads fall into the 12 mm category of thickness. Close similarities were noted in shape and colours with those from Shroda, K2, Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe.

Organic ornaments
Beads made from organic material are fewer than the glass beads. This is probably mainly due to poor preservation. It was determined that organic beads from Malumba and Mwenezi are made of ostrich eggshell, Achatina, mussel and ivory. Ostrich eggshell beads The most abundant of the organic ornaments were the ostrich eggshell beads. The diameter ranges from 314 mm with the 56 mm class accounting for most beads. The last diameter class is the 714 mm, where most beads in that class measure 13 mm and 14 mm. Some of the beads still retain the original outer surface with pores, an aspect that enhanced identication. The diameter/thickness ratio places many beads in the discs category. Perforation sizes are also larger than for glass beads, with 19 (38 percent) accounting for those with 1 mm and 31 (62 percent) being 24 mm. This perforation size, shape and diameter closely resemble Hanischs (1980) ndings on ostrich eggshell beads from Schroda and Pont Drift and Becks (1931) at Great Zimbabwe.

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Table 2
Ref T1L1 T1L2 T2L1 T2L2 T3L1 T3L2 T3L3 T3L4 T4L4 T6L6 T6L7 T6L9 TP1L6 TP2L1 TP3L2 TP3L3 T5L2 T5L4 T5L7 T5L8 T6L5 Total

Bead shape categories from Malumba

Oblate 915 82 22 4 3 3 4 10 27 39 10 6 132 3 7 20 15 11 3 2 27 1345 Cylinder Hexagon Heptagon Garden roller 484 15 11 3 9 4 6 4 3 37 3 2 2 1 7 591 3 3 1 1 2 2 Barrels 1 1 2 Total 1403 99 33 7 3 3 4 19 31 45 14 9 169 3 7 23 15 13 5 3 34 1944

Key: T1 L1, Trench 1 Layer 1; TP 1 L6, Test-Pit 1 Layer 6

Achatina and mussel beads After the ostrich eggshell beads, Achatina and mussels were relatively plentiful. Achatina shell is more durable than eggshell. The diameter range is largely similar to that of eggshell beads. This means that the Achatina beads like the eggshell beads are disc-shaped. A mussel is a water snail whose shell is very shiny and glitters like quartz. Beads of this material are few in number when compared with Achatina and eggshells. Only 23 were recovered. The diameter and thickness categories as well as perforation resemble the distribution for Achatina. Ivory ornaments Ivory remains were also recovered from the two sites. A total of 19 ivory beads were recovered from Malumba. Mwenezi yielded only 10 such beads. Of the Malumba assemblage, 14 of the beads are cylindrical in shape and ve are discs. Mwenezi yielded six cylinders and four discs. The perforation diameters are mainly 24 mm. Most of the beads reveal a very smooth surface. From Malumba, the bead is irregular although it is generally discoid in shape. The diameter is 14 mm, while the thickness

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Figure 3 (a) Ivory from Malumba. (b) Ivory from Mwenezi. (c) Bone from Malumba. (d) Wound copper from Mwenezi

is 5 mm. Of particular interest is that it has two perforations of an identical 4 mm-perforation size (Figure 3a). Two perforations were not common among the beads recovered in Zimbabwe. The relatively large size and the unpolished surface suggest that, other than being worn for decoration, this object could have fullled social roles (Bent, 1969: 36). From Mwenezi, an elaborately decorated fragment of ivory is of interest. It measured 10 mm in length and had a diameter of 4.3 mm. The elaborate decoration at the other end reveals systematic crosshatching that comprises very closely packed ne lines of incision (Figure 3b). The parts that are not decorated are polished smoothly.

Metal ornaments
From Malumba, a total of 20 copper ornaments were recovered. The perforations suggest that the beads could have been strung into bangles or necklaces. From the Mwenezi Farm site, metal ornaments are mainly wound copper and iron. Pieces of wound copper were recovered and spirals or fragments of this nature were also recovered from a midden. For Zimbabwe in general, metal ornaments are largely made of copper, copper alloys, brass, gold and iron. The most commonly recovered objects from archaeological sites in Zimbabwe are copper gold and iron. Caton-Thompson (1931) recovered bracelets, rings, bangles and beads made of copper and gold during excavations at Great Zimbabwe. From the Mapungubwe and K2 burials, such metal ornamental objects were recovered in association with male gures in burials. Of interest has been the association of gold ornaments with remains of people believed to be of high status (Huffman, 2000).

CHRONOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE
Glass beads constitute the most abundant artefacts in the archaeological record that attest to international trade. Therefore, the earliest evidence for trading relations between southern Africa and the outside world has been documented using glass beads. Largely, glass beads have been studied as

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Figure 4 (a) Malumba blue and yellow translucent. (b) Indopacic beads from Malumba. (c) Black and white beads from Malumba. (d) Hexagonal beads from Malumba

chronological indicators. This has been within the context of pushing for an exotic theory (external trade) as the prime mover in the rise and decline of prehistoric states in southern Africa. Therefore foreign trade glass beads have largely been used as chronological indicators. Early works by CatonThompson (1931), Robinson (1958) and Schoeld (1958) tried this with limited success. As Wood (2000: 78) notes, they had insufcient knowledge of matching types and periods of manufacture. From the lower levels of the trenches and test-pits at Malumba, beads similar to the ones recovered from Schroda (eleventh century AD) were recovered. Most of the beads from middle levels closely resemble those from Pont Drift and Bambandyanalo. These trenches largely yielded translucent blue, green and a few yellow beads. The bulk of Malumba beads are similar to the ones from Bambandyanalo and Mapungubwe. The translucent blue beads, both oblates and cylinders, are highly characteristic of Bambandyanalo (Figure 4a). This goes hand in hand with the large quantities of Indian Red beads from Trench 2, level 3. The upper levels of the trenches and test-pits show similarities with the green, yellow and light blue beads from Great Zimbabwe (Caton-Thompson, 1931; Figure 4b). Other large beads from Malumba are the wound barrels, both green and blue. The large beads are similar to those recovered front Bambandyanalo, Mapungubwe and Ndanga cave (Beck, 1931). Their rarity and large size could have signied high-ranking social positions. Most of the opaque black and white beads are from the lower levels. These black oblates (Figure 4c) have been used by Wood (2000) to dene the Mapungubwe culture that dates from 1220 to 1270 AD. Large and small black and white glass beads in the Renders enclosure were found at Great Zimbabwe. Therefore, Malumba was occupied largely in contemporaneity with Mapungubwe as well as Great Zimbabwe. The earlier phases of Malumba reveal beads similar to the ones from Schroda and Pont Drift, while the middle phases reveal beads like those from Mapungubwe and the late phases reveal contemporaneity with Great Zimbabwe. The absence of glass beads from Mwenezi is not an unusual situation, as other researchers south of the Limpopo have found out (Gray, personal communication, 2001). The community at Mwenezi could have thrived more from hunting than on

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external trade (Manyanga, 2000). People at Mwenezi who thrived on hunting could have beneted from external trade at Malumba. Alternatively, this explains how complexity developed without the inuence of the trade with the outside world.

TRADE NET WORKS

Imported glass beads in the Shashe-Limpopo region provide evidence of trade between the local inhabitants and the outside world beginning in the eighth century AD (Wood, 2000). The people in the Shashe-Limpopo region exchanged goods, starting with the Muslim traders who dominated the Indian Ocean trade routes. Traders from the Persian Gulf and ports of Oman were most active. Glass beads from Chibuene on the Mozambique coast are similar to those from Zhizo occupations at Makuru and Leopards Kopje in Zimbabwe. The similarities between the beads from the eastern coast (Chibuene) and those from Malumba suggest that Chibuene was one entry point for beads coming into the interior of southern Africa (Sinclair, 1982: 163). Most opaque green, Indian Red, yellow and grey-blue are Indopacic beads from India. The colour and shape clearly show that they are from one source. Great quantities of beads from Mapungubwe and Bambandyanalo are said to have come from Indian sites (Dubin, 1987). Caton-Thompson suggested that beads found at Great Zimbabwe were of Malay or Indian origin. Most yellow beads from Great Zimbabwe are like those recovered from Pemba, proving to be Indopacic in origin. Such kinds of Indopacic beads were also recovered from Zanzibar (Beck, 1931). The beads managed to reach southern Africa through long distance trade. The glass beads could have been exchanged for goods such as ivory and animal (leopard) skins (Pwiti, 2005). European beads in the form of hexagonal and one heptagonal bead as well as small oblate pink beads, which date to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries AD, indicate contact with the Europeans. These beads from the upper layers at Malumba were recovered together with nineteenth-century pottery. This shows that they are a later introduction as the local people came into contact with European traders such as the Portuguese.

THE CHOICE OF ORNAMENTS

The archaeological ornaments had signicant meanings to their makers and users. However, to get to such meanings using the archaeological material alone is very difcult. The Shona people of Zimbabwe comprise a number of different dialect groups. The basis of using ethnographic data to interpret

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archaeological evidence rests on the historical and cultural continuity between the Iron Age prehistoric populations and modern Shona groups (Pwiti and Mahachi, 1987: 57). The story of Shona ornaments is the story of many contrasting life-styles that have developed in Zimbabwe. For a long time, it had been thought that ornaments were merely worn to decorate the body. This perception has been associated with the assumption that only women wore ornaments (Glover, 1991). Beauty therefore was linked to women and not men in a society. In reality, adornment communicates cultural values in symbolic language that expresses rank, religion, age grade and marital status. This makes ornaments an integral part of a multi-layered communication system among all Shona speaking people (Dubin, 1987). In fact, the Shona extend the practice of adornment to include objects like tools and weapons. The picture painted by the earliest researchers is that imported glass beads were more important and commonly used than locally manufactured ornaments (Chirapa, 1988). The way the Shona speaking people combine various ornaments depends on taste, status and religious beliefs. These combinations are powerful communication tools. Ancestral spirit mediums (vadzimu) can be identied by black and white beads. Traditionally among the Shona, combining black and white is symbolic of spirit mediums. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, glass beads were symbolic of wealth and importance in the society. During the investiture of a new chief by the Rozvi Mambo or his representative, they were handed black and white calico and beads as part of the regalia (Mudenge, 1974: 383). This signied conferring legitimacy and authority on the vassal chiefs. The conus shells symbolize fertility of land, animals and plants as well as the people themselves. Chiefs wore them as representatives of the communities and the landscapes. Spirit mediums wear rings, bangles and anklets made of brass, copper and gold. The copper and gold bangles are known in Shona as ndaririra or tsambo (Ellert, 1984: 5). Those plagued by the avenging spirits (ngozi) wore red and black beads. The red symbolizes blood spilt and black symbolizes accepting of the wrong committed in bringing the sorrow. Some ancestors work and hunt for the person whom they possess. These spirit mediums are distinguished from others by wearing the white and red or black in place of white beads. For them, the red element is more important as a symbol for blood. Some hunters wear ornaments made of animal bones or teeth. The creators or wearers of the ornaments claim to gain a measure of control over the animals spirit. It is difcult to separate traditional medicine and religion among the Shona because of the close link between them. Traditional healers claim that they use ornaments as a way of enhancing their healing powers. For most traditional healers, beads are the most popular items for adornment. They are slung obliquely across the chest or worn as a necklace. Some nangas wear the conus shells (ndoro). During the liberation struggle (19759), most of the Zimbabwean guerrillas got these armbands from respected nangas. Chipande refers to a necklace

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for babies to ensure that the head fontanel fuses fully. The mollusc shell beads worn by the babies act as immunization against diseases like measles and whooping cough (Gelfand, 1985). Waist girdles (mukanda) with bright colours of beads are largely a component of the womens private ornamentation. Ornaments that are worn for sexual enticement vary from metal bangles to necklaces made of various kinds of material. Some of them are not private but are functional. The sound produced by ornaments on the wrist, legs and neck is claimed to attract the unmarried individuals of the other sex. Mukanda are claimed to arouse the sexual feelings of the partner during lovemaking. Traditional men are said to have teased females without mukanda for being as smooth and slippery as sh or frogs. Mature virgin women ready for marriage wore white beads to show purity. When some Shona women wear the waist girdle, they believe that they will not get pregnant. The Shona decorate their objects in a manner that goes with their social status. Huffman (1996) shows how decorations on divining dices among the Shona are similar to the decoration style on buildings or on stonewalls. The different forms, like chitokwadzima, kwami chirume and nhokwara, have designs carved that represent four adult statuses (Huffman, 1996). Ornaments have widely been viewed as objects that adorn the human body. Just as people want to adorn their bodies, they also have the feeling that tools and weapons, which they use, should be adorned. A walking stick (tsvimbo) plays an important role in religious beliefs of the Shona. Most of them are brightly decorated using bands of glass beads, copper and brass wire. Decorated in the same manner are the dagger (bakatwa), the spear and wooden snuffboxes. Beaded aprons (zvichakati) are used mainly by women during traditional dances. The dominant decorations are the chevron and triangular motifs. Stools are decorated using different patterns, some of which are engravings. Clubs and axe handles are also decorated in a similar fashion. Of major interest is that most of the decorations are said to be instructions from the ancestors. The oil gourd container (chinu) used for traditional washing at wedding ceremonies and for family cohesion is decorated brightly. The newly married wife brings this for her in-laws and it signies her transition to womanhood. From this wide range of choices of ornaments and forms of adornment, it can be noted that human behaviour is patterned and systematic in conveying messages.

DISCUSSION
The patterns coming from the ethnographic surveys show close similarities with the archaeological record. Of particular note is the similarity between the black and white beads recovered from Malumba, Mapungubwe and

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Great Zimbabwe, with the ones similar in colour and shape being used by the Shona people as symbols for ancestral spirit mediums. With the availability in the archaeological record of a multiplicity of colours on beads and the presence of multi-coloured waist girdles, walking sticks and oil guards, it is tempting to conclude that they were used for the same purposes in prehistory. Although there is a big time gap and signicant changes that have taken place, the general patterns of messages being communicated by ornaments remain crucial. From observations made in the ethnographic survey, there is a striking similarity between the wound copper from Mwenezi (Figure 3d) and wound copper bangles and anklets worn by Shona spirit mediums. They use bre to tie up the bangles, and copper from Mwenezi was coiled onto a bre. These two ivory objects, one with a large perforation and the other one elaborately decorated, probably assumed social roles in the societies in which they were used. These roles include totems, symbolism of power and traditional medicine from nangas. Worked bones have been recovered from many archaeological sites in relatively small quantities when compared to other bones. Thorp (l984) excavated Khami Hill complex and recovered perforated bones, which she attributed to the work of traditional healers (nangas). The ivory divining dice (hakata) and ivory lions recovered suggest that Khami Hill complex was also a place for ritual activities. Thorp (1984: 84) also says that fragments of such bones could be cut off and given to patients as medicine. Worked bones have been recovered from Mapungubwe, Schroda and K2 as well as Great Zimbabwe. The worked bones recovered from Malumba could have been used as pendants since there is a hole, or they could have been used as protection against evil spirits. Therefore, the choice of the ornaments was not random but a systematic way of conveying a variety of social messages. The presence of organic and metal ornaments is proof that exotic ornaments did not replace the locally manufactured ones. The large land snail (Achatina), the water mollusc (mussel), elephants and ostrich eggs were all exploited in different ways including ornamentation. This is testied to by the availability of ivory fragments, Achatina and mussel as well as eggshell ornaments from Malumba. Large numbers of ostrich eggshell beads and Achatina were recovered from Great Zimbabwe and Danamombe (Beck, 1931). These beads were used differently by different people and at different times. Ivory could be used for external trade to acquire glass beads or cloth. It was also used to make bangles and beads for local consumption. The association of organic ornaments with metal ones shows the local peoples technology in mining, smelting and smithing. Ancient copper mines were identied in one of the ranches in the research area. Bar G. Grobbler (a commercial farmer in the Mwenezi area) collected many metal items

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including an item that could have been used to draw copper into wire. Most of the spiral coils of copper and iron from Mwenezi are similar to those from Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe. One of the problems of using beads to develop chronologies, however, is that the bead types can be reintroduced as a result of changing political or economic tastes in the same way that fashion changes.

CONCLUSION
The study of ornaments should move away from the tradition of looking at an individual class of objects in isolation without taking an integrated approach wherein various ornaments are studied together to ascertain their mutually constitutive signicance. Glass beads, metal and organic ornaments from Mwenezi and Malumba were studied together as ornaments. Chronologies range from the ninth century to the late Great Zimbabwe period. The eighteenth and nineteenth century beads are in the form of hexagonal and pink beads. Malumba was linked to the outside world, as their glass beads resemble those from India and the Persian Gulf. Bead making sites in the Middle East, India, East Africa and Mozambique need to be carefully examined to understand the chronologies of the ShasheLimpopo region. Ornaments are symbols that communicate social messages. The great similarity between the archaeological and the ethnographic material suggests cultural continuity. Therefore the social values attached by the Shona groups to ornaments can reliably be used to interpret the archaeological material.

References
Beck, H. (1928) Classication and Nomenclature of Beads and Pendants, Archaeologia 82: 176. Beck, H. (1931) Rhodesian Beads, Appendix I, in G. Caton-Thompson (ed.) The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reactions, pp. 22943. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bent, J.T. (1969) Ruined Cities of Mashonaland. Bulawayo: Rhodesia Publishing Company. Bhila, H.H.K. (1982) Trade and Politics in a Shona Kingdom. Harare: Longman Group. Caton-Thompson, G. (1931) The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reactions. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Chirapa, J. (1988) Beads from the Iron Age Sites in Northern Mashonaland, Zimbabwe, BA general dissertation, History Department, University of Zimbabwe. Chittick, N. (1974) Kilwa: An Islamic Trading City on the East African Coast, Memoir No. 5, Vol. 1. Nairobi: British Institute in East Africa.

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Dubin, L.S. (1987) The History of Beads from 30000 BC to the Present. London: Thames and Hudson Limited. Ellert, H. (1984) The Material Culture of Zimbabwe. Harare: Longman Zimbabwe Limited. Gelfand, M., S. Mari, R.B. Drummond and B. Ndemera, eds (1985) The Traditional Medical Practitioner in Zimbabwe. Cape Town: Rustica Press. Glover, L.L. (1991) Beads and their Range of Craft on the East African Coast: An Over View. Mombasa: Department of Coastal Archaeology. Hanisch, E.O.M. (1980) An Archaeological Interpretation of Certain Iron Age Sites in the Shashi-Limpopo, unpublished MA thesis, University of Pretoria. Huffman, T.N. (1996) Snakes and Crocodiles: Power and Symbolism in Ancient Zimbabwe. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Huffman, T.N. (2000) Mapungubwe and the Origins of the Zimbabwe Culture, in M. Leslie and T. Maggs (eds) African Naissance: The Limpopo Valley 1000 Years Ago. Goodwin Series 8, pp. 1429. Cape Town: The South African Archaeological Society. Kinahan, J. (2000) Cattle for Beads: The Archaeology of Historical Contact and Trade on the Namib Coast. Uppsala: Societas Archaeologica Uppsaliensis. Manyanga, M. (2000) Choices and Constraints: Animal Resources Exploitation in Southeastern Zimbabwe AD 9001500. Uppsala: Societas Archaeologica Uppsaliensis. Mudenge, S.I. (1974) The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire. A Reappraisal, Journal of African History 3: 37391. Mupira, P. (1991) Classication of Imported Glass Beads from Some Iron Age Traditions in Zimbabwe, BA Hons dissertation, History Department, University of Zimbabwe. Pwiti, G. (1991) Trade and Economies in Southern Africa: The Archaeological Evidence, Zambezia 18: 11929. Pwiti, G. (2005) Southern Africa and the East African Coast, in A.N. Stahl (ed.) African Archaeology: A Critical Introduction, pp. 37891. Oxford: Blackwell. Pwiti, G. and G. Mahachi (1987) Shona Ethnography and the Interpretation of Iron Age Zimbabwe Burials: The Signicance of Burial Location, Zimbabwea 3: 579. Robinson, K.R. (1958) Four Rhodesian Iron Age Sites: A Brief Account of Stratigraphy and Finds. Occasional Papers of the National Museum of Southern Rhodesia, South African Archaeological Bulletin 21: 551. Schoeld, J.F. (1958) South African Beads, in R. Summers (ed.) Inyanga: Prehistoric Settlements in Southern Africa, pp. 180229. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sinclair, P.J.J. (1982) Chibuene: An Early Trading Site in Southern Mozambique, Paideuma 28: 14964. Thorp, C. (1984) A Cultural Interpretation of the Faunal Assemblage from Khami Hill Ruin, in M. Hall, G. Avery, D.M. Avery, M.L. Wilson and A.B. Humphreys (eds) Frontiers: Southern African Archaeology Today. Cambridge: BAR International Series. Wood, M. (2000) Making Connections: Relationships Between International Trade and Glass Beads from the Shashe-Limpopo Area, in M. Leslie and T. Maggs (eds) African Naissance: The Limpopo Valley 1000 Years Ago. Goodwin series 8, pp. 7890. Cape Town: The South African Archaeological Society.

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GODHI BVOCHO is Curator of Archaeology and Monuments for National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe and is currently studying for a Master of Arts in archaeology at the University of Bergen, Norway. Research interests include development of social complexity, the use of information technology and community participation in heritage management. [email: gbvocho@hotmail.com, gbvocho2004@yahoo.com]