Masculinity, Dualisms and High Technology Author(s): Doreen Massey Source: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New

Series, Vol. 20, No. 4 (1995), pp. 487-499 Published by: The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/622978 . Accessed: 10/01/2014 13:49
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487

Masculinity,dualisms and high technology

Doreen Massey
This paper exploresthe working out in daily lifeof certain classicdualismsof It focuseson reason/non-reason and transcendence/immanence westernthought. and in structuring on their influence in and aroundhigh-technology social relations sectors in Cambridge, of the masculine England.The significance poles of thesedualismsfor the characteristics of these sectorsand formale scientists' to themis relationship as are some of the associatedtensionsin the relationship betweenthe explored, is being masculinity high-tech spheresof 'home' and 'paid work'.A particular to whichseems to lead primarily resistance to a reinforcement of the reinforced, The conclusions dualisms. considersome of the implications of thesefindings both for these sectorsand forlifein academe. key words dualisms masculinity high technology reason science time working
Walton Hall, Milton Keynes MK7 6AA Facultyof Social Sciences,The Open University, revisedmanuscript received9 May 1995

One important of some of elementin recentfeminist analyses countryand has been the centrepiece of gender has been the investigation and decon- the most spectacular local-economic success stories struction This paper takes up of recentyears. In particular, of dualisticthinking. it is the foundation one aspectofthisissueofdualisms and theconstruc- of what has become known as the 'Cambridge tion of gender.It examinesthe interplay between phenomenon'(Segal Quince and Partners1985). two particular dualismsin the contextof daily life The investigation reportedon here is of those in and around high-technology and engineers, in scientists industryin the highlyqualified working the Cambridgearea of England.The focuson dualisms the privatesectorin a rangeof companiesfrom who form as an element thecore of this as lived, of dailypractice, is important tinyto themultinational, These are people primarily involvedin (see Bourdieu1977; Moore 1986), forphilosophical new growth. frameworks do not exist'only'as theoretical and in the designof new products. This is propo- research sitionsor in theform of thewritten word.They are the high-status end of high tech.The argument in both reproduced from two important factsabout and, at least potentially, struggled thispaper takesoff withand rebelled ofeveryday the scientists who work withinthis part of the againstin thepractice dualisms economy:first, thatthe overwhelming of living.The focushereis on how particular majority and problematize certain forms of themare male; and, secondly,that theywork exmaybothsupport social organization around British high-technology tremely long hourson a basis whichdemandsfrom themveryhighdegreesofbothtemporal and spatial industry. in various guises is flexibility (see Henryand Massey 1995). It was the industry High-technology seen acrossthepolitical as thehope forthe conjunction of these two thingswhich led to the spectrum future ofnational, and local economies(Hall train of inquiry here. regional reported to be aware of 1985) and it is important, therefore, thesocietalrelations, thosearoundgender, including and long hours of work whichit supports in itscurrent and encourages form High technology of organization.' In theUnitedKingdom, 'hightech' There are three bundles of reasons for the long has been sought afterby local areas across the hours workedby employeesin these parts of the
TransInstBr GeogrNS 20 487-499 1995 ISSN 0020-2754 0 Royal GeographicalSociety (with the Institute of British Geographers)1995

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488

DoreenMassey

the economy. The first groupofreasonsarisesfrom natureof competition betweencompaniesin high- I think to worklonger We don'tneed people This is the kind of compechooseto because because work, enjoytheir they technologyactivities. titionwhich has been characterized as classically theyown the project... and there'salso ownershipoftheclient. Production on a takes 'post-Fordist'. frequently place of specifically basis,as the result negotiated one-off at all.The onlyrestricmatter The clockdoesn't and competitive on tenders. High amongthecriteria tion togethome toolate. for meisI don't like The whichtenders are judged is the timewithin which to arrive mea key butI don't like landlady's given the contractwill be completed.Moreover, both much after midnight. and after there is a strong during production emphain answering sis on responsiveness to thecustomer: I don't know what to do I'vegotso much holiday in solvingproblems whichemergeduring with it. inquiries, and after of a product, in being installation/delivery ... because I enjoy it... I enjoy the work... I there when needed - even if the telephonecall ... I oftenwonderwhat I would enjoy computers from in the middleof the comes through California done if I'd had togeta job inthedaysbefore have It is not so much the inherent night. unpredictability computing. of R & D as theway in whichit is compressed into the spatio-temporal dimensionsrequiredby this One personwas sent abroadto a conference social construction of competition which particular off. wouldnottaketime because they is theissue.'Time'is important to successful competition.The resultsshould give pause for thought, Butthething is we havediscovered overtheyears for these are high-status core workersin what is thatpeople who workhere,and get into it, heraldedas a promising future. flexible become addicted ... we find the problem of frequently somepeopleto leave;theydo get very The demandswhichthisflexibility getting places even on of people are considerable.3 theseworkers engrossedin the thing... This circuit are on the the difficulties here, system working Moreover, these pressuresfor long hours are that them for someother maybe extracting thing added to by a second bundle of reasons: those hadanysleepfor haven't the likethey necessary, which revolve around the nature of competition last40 years! There are a numberof withinthe labour market. derivesfrom strands to thisbut themostsignificant as a knowledge- Figure 1. Enthusiasmforwork leading to longer thegeneralcharacter of thismarket in individualized hours based labourmarket. It is a market exlabour power, valued for its specific learning, cluster ofreasonsforthelong hours In orderto competein this Butthethird and knowledge. perience different. sectorsis completely (and otherslike it) employeesmust, of workin high-tech labourmarket of workingthe alreadylong It is,quitesimply, love their work. thatthescientists beyond the necessity four some aspectsofthis;thefirst hours required by their companies,continue to FigureI illustrates last own the and value of their are from scientists enhance the themselves, quotations reproduce These scientists labour power. They mustkeep up with the litera- two from company representatives. and maintain the perform- and engineersbecome absorbed by their work, ture,go to conferences and of talkingto the right caughtup by the interest of it; theydon't like to ance of networking of a problem unsolvedbefore labour,put in outsidethe leave an element they people. This is additional forits break offfor the evening.The way in which this and necessary hoursrequired by thecompany or presented is interpreted forthe successof the involvement successbut equallynecessary by different inter- groups varies. Company representatives individualemployee.Withinthe workplace, speak of action between employees can produce a culture the kindsof people they seek to employ as comas 'able to take as 'motivated', whichglorifies long hoursof work.Again,thismay mittedand flexible, watch the clock, kind to but it the individuals as not derivefrom between being competition pressure', - and theyfrequently variouspeer-group from may also result acknowledgethatsuch characpressures the need 'not to let the team down', forinstance, teristics in the work may derivefrom pure interest were A numberof companyrepresentatives can become a formof social compulsion(Halford itself. and Savage 1995). quite clear that their search for employees was

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dualisms andhightechnology Masculinity,

489

directedtowardsfinding of muchmore these characteristics. The the issues whicharise are therefore scientists themselves oftentalk of theirdelightin generalrelevance, small secbeyond the relatively the nature of the work, of its intrinsic interest. tors of high technologyin Cambridge.Certainly, have partners they posed questionsto us personallyas we did However,wherethesemale scientists (and all the partners we identified were women), the research.Yet in other ways, the particular theirviews were more cynical,oftenpointingup mannerin which these pressures function and the obsessivenessor workaholism.4 kinds of social characteristics with which they are A couple of points are worth makingat this associated,are quite specific to individual parts of an immediate First, juncture. responseto the work- the economy. ing lives of these employeesmay well be critical. as we carried out the research, ours was Certainly, so, in principleat least. Yet the reasons for the Dualisms and masculinities of workalso have their perhapsexcessiveduration formulations otherside: each is thoroughly ambiguous,though Dualistic each in a different way. In terms of sectoral One of the specificities of these high-technology first' is no bad sectors is bound up with the reasons why the competition, 'puttingthe customer Yet the employeesare so attachedto theirjobs and how thing(especiallyif you are the customer). demands placed on employees can be enormous. these reasons are interpreted. The dynamics in In termsof the labour market, it has usuallybeen play here are associated with elementsof mascuas an advance that one's value is linityand of a very specific interpreted formof masculinity. based on knowledge and experienceratherthan, Above all, the attachment to these jobs is related for example, on lack of unionization or an to with their characteras scientific, as being acceptance of low wages. Moreover, the in- dependent upon (and,perhapsequallyimportantly, dividualization of the labour market mustin some confinedto) the exercise of rationality and of senses be an advance,certainly over the treatment logic. Withinthe structure of the economy,these of workersas a mass, as an undifferentiated pool jobs representan apex of the domination of of nameless labour power. The idea, however reason and science. It is this which lends them thatwe are headingtowardsan economy much of theirstatusand which,in part,accounts unlikely, and society which is based on knowledge is forthe triumphalist theyare so often descriptions as a change for the better. Finally, accorded in journalistic accounts. What they interpreted the fact that people enjoy their work and that demandis the abilityto think logically."They are they enjoy it in part precisely because it is in a sectorof the economywhose primecharacter(in the employees them- istics are, for these employees,structured knowledge-producing around selves) can be seen only as an improvement over one of the oldest dualismsin westernthoughtthe kindsof jobs whichare characterized above all that between reason and non-reason; it is a by mind-numbing monotonyand a desire to get sector identified with that pole - reason - which to the end of the day. After and validated, as yearsof exposingthe has been socially constructed, factand the effects of de-skilling, I findit hard to masculine(see, especially, Lloyd 1984). criticize jobs because they are too absorbingand Moreover, in this dualisticformulation, science demand too much in the way of skill enhance- is seen as being on the side of History(capitalH) ment! (Yet this very dilemmamay point to the as progression. It makes breakthroughs; it is fact that the problem has been wrongly posed. involved in change, in progress.And it is here Maybe it is the polarizationbetween de-skilled that it linksup to a second dualism:thatbetween and super-skilled whichshouldbe the focusof our transcendence and immanence.In its aspect of attention... ?) science is deeply opposed to that transcendence, Secondly,the second and thirdof these sets of supposed opposite, the static realm of living-inreasons for long hours (the natureof the labour the-present, of simple reproduction, which has market and the love of the work),thoughperhaps been termed 'immanence'. This oppositionbetween less so the first in the transcendence and immanenceis also a dualism (the natureof competition are sharedby manyotheroccupationsand with a long history in western thought. And sector), sectors again it is transcendence partsof theeconomy, whichhas been identified especially professional and, perhapsmost particularly, academe. Some of and constructed as masculine(he who goes out

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490 and makes history)as against a femininewho merely' lives and reproduces.As Lloyd (1984, 101) argues

DoreenMassey

structures is immense power of theseconnotational and it is apparently not muchlessened- indeed,it - by the is possibly renderedonly more flexible existence among them of inconsistenciesand initsorigins, is a transcendence 'Transcendence', ofthe contradictions. InitsHegelian itis associated feminine. with a version, of whatis supposedly by the signified repudiation female the'holes'and'slime' which threaten to Dualistic practices body, It was only gradually, in the course of considering free 1943, (seeSartre engulf pp 613-4)... subjecthood In both cases, of course,it is only from a male theinterview material and thenature ofworkin the that thefeminine canbe seenas what must scientific perspective sectorsof the economy,thatthe issue of Butthemaleperspective be transcended. has left its dualismsemergedas significant in thisresearch. It marks on the veryconcepts of 'transcendence' and was the whichpeople said, the way lifewas things . 'immanence' organized and conceptualized, the unspoken whichemerged thatpushed assumptions repeatedly, The two dualisms (reason/non-reasonand the inquiry in thisdirection. are thus not the same, transcendence/immanence) Thus, for example, it was evident that in betweenthem. thoughthereare interrelations these scientific Cambridge employeeswere speciThe reasons for these characterizations and attached to thoseaspectsof their workwhich fically for the construction of these dichotomiesin the What they embody 'reason' and 'transcendence'. first to gender, place, as well as theirrelationship nature: they reallyenjoy is its logical and scientific have been much investigated(see, for instance, of theirwork and may glory in the scientificity Dinnerstein 1987; Easlea 1981; Keller 1982, 1985; exhibit delight in the puzzle-solving frequently Hartsock 1985; O'Brien 1981; Wajcman 1991). natureof it all.6 Their partners comlogical-game Many of theseauthorshave examinedthe relation ment theirobsession with theircomputers, upon of scienceon theone hand betweentheconstitution talk and bothpartners and company representatives and of genderon the other.David Noble's (1992) of candidly boys with toys (one representative historyof A worldwithout womentells the long pointingout that theylike theirjobs because the story of the capturingby enclosed masculine companycan buy farmoreexpensivetoysthanthe which men themselves societiesofthekindofknowledge production could ever afford): was to receivethe highestsocial valuation. has been subjectto much Such dualistthinking You know We have toyswhichtheycan'tafford. has criticism. However, the natureof the criticism a computer, buythem you big kidsreally; engineers, ... youknow[they know are]quite you'vegot them changed and been disputed. In The secondsex, ifyoucangivethem thetoysto playwith. Simonede Beauvoir(1949) famously happy urgedwomen In recent to enter the sphere of transcendence. to computers The attachment maybe seen in this years, however, it has ratherbeen the fact of two ratherdifferent which has been the primary context as reflecting things, dualistically thinking fromthe more technohas been criti- both of which are distinct focus of dispute.Dualistic thinking about with cized both in general, as a mode of conceptualizing logically orientatedlove of 'fiddling and in itsrelation to gender machines'.On the one hand, these machines, theworld,and in particular, leads to the whatcan be done withthem, and sexual politics.Dualistic thinking embodythesciencein of the which the employeesare involved.They are aids of optionsand to the structuring closing-off On the otherhand, to logical thought. In relation and and stimuli ofeither/or. to gender worldin terms (and of their relative the construction to it likewise, leads, sexuality, predictability thuscontrollability) heterosexualopposites and to the reductionof as machinesinsulatesthemfromthe uncertainties, to two counterposed possi- and possiblythe emotionaldemands,of the social gendersand sexualities bilities.Moreover, even when at first sight they sphere(see below). comes throughin a wide The aspect of transcendence may seem to have littleto do withgender, with of thejob as 'struggling' are thoroughly imbuedwith the characterizations rangeof suchdualisms whether one side being sociallychar- problems, as 'making breakthroughs'; genderconnotations, as far fromit with these workersthinkof themselves the otheras feminine, acterizedas masculine, the former therebybeing socially valorized. The or rightup against it, there is the notion of a

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dualisms andhigh Masculinity, technology 'frontier'. scientific-technical One scientist, reflecting on thereasonsforhis long hoursof work,talkedof by success'and of thefactthathe was being'driven in the same 'always reachinghigher'.A scientist ofthehoursworked who was quitecritical company, by others, arguedthatforsome people crisisis part of the job culture: 'it's a sortof badge of courage'. and thestruggle of Otherwordstoo reflect theeffort it all: 'If I staggerout of hereat II o'clockat night I really don't feel like going home and cooking'. I try to spendas much There'sthequest:'As a parent time as I can with [the child]but in my quest for whatever it is I tendto workveryhard'.There'sthe 'ifyou've gottado it thenyou've gotta compulsion: do it'.And,hopefully, there's thetriumph:

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ofhimself. Not onlyis theidentification presentation withscientific research andpositive butit verystrong seemsequallyimportant forhimto establish whatis not ofhimself. Domesticlabourand partofhispicture caringfor his daily needs and living environment is definitely is out.It is notjustthatscientific activity ratedwhichis significant but also thatit positively is sharply cut offfrom otheraspectsof life.This is theold dualism itshead inpersonal showing precisely and dailylife.What was going on self-identification was a realrejection ofbeinggood at ofthepossibility labour. A framing of lifein both scienceanddomestic of 'either/or'. terms In this case, and in some others,such downplayingof therestof lifeextendedto all non-work/ were scientific activities. But such extreme positions his wifeis much thanmy wife moreeven-tempered not commonand seem to be more evidentamong who sayssort of 'what thehell, we have Friday night men thanthosewithpartners and,even more it',but[my wife] single got to go outanddon'tyou forget those children. than with Somemen markedly, among that ifthere is nothing on specifically thefact accepts aware of the issue.For one scientist, a I will were clearly andnothing tobe done, that thechances arethat hislife'(whatthis changed and what new babyhad 'completely and reappear cross-eyed looking disappear, with a slightly smile orlookdowncast. meantwas thathe went home earlyalmostevery not, triumphant othernight)and yet the difficulty of balancingor That quotationillustrates a further phenomenon: integrating bothsides of his lifewas evident: thattheself-conception ofmanyof theseemployees is builtaroundthe work thattheydo and specifiI feelfrustrated.., when... after thisbaby that's callyaroundthisworkas scientific activity: other mylife... I go homeearly every day changed themachine in front ofthem is their home. It is their their lives and sciencewhichdominates interests ... andpickherup at 4.35,takeherhome, (almost) play withheruntil and ... I find thatsometimes bedtime, that's andkeeps meawayfrom work. quite frustrating, - it'sfulfilling I mean in itsownright, butit's... I'm conscious of thefact that... I callit a half-day, you I find know. it frustrating.

of their scientific/ Moreover, this glorification research and development on thepartof capabilities the scientists can go along witha quite contrasting some of the comments made about the Finally, deprecationof their ability to do other things, wereparticularly their scientists by (some of)thepartners especially(in the contextof our interviews) themas in thefaceof domestic labour.This is sharpand revealing, describing incompetence workwhichit is quiteacceptablenotto be good at. Thus: notvery ... better with than socially adequate things with people. 'I shoveit in themachine'; 'I do it laundry? cleaning? workgetsthebestof him, work is thecentre of his whenit getstoo much'; or 'Tescoes, Friday shopping? ... life. 'I put something in the microSaturday'; cooking? wave.Nothing As longas it'squick andeasy special. One of theveryfewfemale that'sgood enoughforme'; gardening then? 'when companyrepresentanecessary'. of management, not of the tives (thatis, a member scientific team)reflected: Thereis herenone of thepleasurable elaboration on thenature of thetaskswhichtypifies of descriptions therewere Well,whenI first joined the company the paid scientific work.The answersare shortand twelve andthey stuck meinan office with peoplehere dismissive. thedevelopment team anditwas a nightmare. I really Such attitudes are important in indicating whatis hatedit.Theydidn't talk, didn't knowhow to they considered own talkto a woman, didn't. they really acceptableas partof thisscientist's

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492

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of codification whichresonatewith dichotoWhat appears to be going on, in and around forms these jobs, is the construction/reinforcement of a mous distinctions between two genders, makes kindof masculinity (thatis, of character- people more easily exploitableby the formsof particular istics which are socially coded masculine)around capitalin thesesectors. Thereis herea convergence between a certain sort of reason and scientificity, abstract thoughtand tran- of desires/interests; scendence.It is a processwhichrelatesto some of masculinity and a certain sortof capital.7 This is not to say that what is at issue here is the dualismsof westernthought and which,as we - certainly as anashall see below, has concreteeffects on people's simple'sexism'.Our interviews lives. lysed so far- did not reveal the explicitsexism it mustbe foundin some otherstudies,including of the employees, Such characteristics Cockbumrn's muchin the way of relateto the moregeneralnatureof these (1985). We did not encounter stressed, statements about theunsuitability of women jobs. These are jobs which derive theirprestige strong but and theoretical from theirabstract nature. forthesejobs. Therewerea fewsuchstatements precisely and content of thesejobs are theywere infrequent The veryconstruction in the overallcontextof our Nor was it clearthatthe male scientists theresult of a long processof separation of concep- interviews. tion fromexecution(and of the further reinforce- who displayedthe characteristics describedalways as masculine(although ment of this distinction social and spatial recognizedthem explicitly through They are jobs, in otherwords,which further probing may well have unearthedmore distancing). is that of thesekinds evidenceon thisscore).The point,however, enable and encouragethe flourishing of social characteristics. Moreover,the long hours what is at issue hereis not so muchovertdiscrimiforthe variousreasonsdiscussedabove, are nation or sexism as deeply internalized dualisms which, within which structure both their workedin themenforce and daily lives, centrality personalidentities of the bulk of whichhave effects the employees'lives and a transfer upon thelives of othersthrough the operation of social relationsand to others. In Cynthia structuring the work of reproduction and whichderivetheirmasculine/ social dynamics, Cockburn's (1981, 181) words: feminine coding fromthe deep socio-philosophical is must comesecond. commitments Suchwork Family of society. for underpinnings western on not havingresponsibility clearly predicated and indeed on having no one to lookafter, childcare, someone to lookafter you. ideally

The worklhomeboundary

of all thisis not onlythatthesejobs The boundary The implication betweenworkand 'home' has often in workinglifeof science and been seen, and in this case can be seen, as an are an embodiment but also that,in theirveryconstruc- instanciation transcendence of the dualismbetweentranscendence in lifewhichtheythereby and immanence.8 tion and the importance of history At work,the frontiers a separation of these are come to attain, they enforce at home (or so the formulation pushedforward; thingsfromotherpossible sides of life (the other would have us believe), thereis a world of feeland thusembody sidesofreasonand transcendence) Once ings, emotions and (simple) reproduction. as partof a dualism. thesecharacteristics Moreover, again, Lloyd (1984, 50) summarizes the complex by expellingthe otherpoles of thesedualismsinto arguments whichhave evolved: on to of lifeand frequently the peripheral margins and pervasive an influential We owe to Descartes other people (whetherunpaid partner or paid for a powerful which ofmind, theory support provides services),they establishthe dualisms as a social versionof the sexual divisionof mentallabour. is forsomeoneelse divisionof labour.The pressure forthat Womenhave been assigned responsibility the otherside of life. to carry Man of whichthe Cartesian ofmasculinity realmof the sensuous ifthere is indeeda form Moreover, ifhe is tohavetrue must Reason transcend, knowledge bound up withall this,thenthe companiesin these of He mustmove on to the exercise of things. partsof theeconomylet it have itshead; theytrade in mostof scientific activity; imagination, disciplined fromit and - most significantly andto therigours on it and benefit ifhe wouldgrasp ofpureintellect, in this fromthe point of view of the argument is to Woman's task ofscience. foundations theultimate the it. Furthermore, reinforce ofmind and of theintermingling thesphere paper - theythereby preserve for which are body,to whichthe Man of Reasonwill repair possession of these characteristics, the Ifhe is to exercise andrelaxation. warmth solace, to and whichare related sociallycoded as masculine

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dualisms andhightechnology 493 Masculinity, most exaltedform of Reason,he mustleave soft truein a temporal and spatialsense.Moreover,it is woman willkeep a dislocation emotions and sensuousness behind; whichprimarily takes the formof an for them intact him. invasionof the space and time of one sphere(the and preoccupations of the home) by the priorities in a whole The factthatall thiscan be, and has been,severely other(paid work).This can be illustrated flexiin terms of itsdescriptive criticized accuracy, range of ways. The high degree of temporal simply in terms ofthenumbers ofhoursworkedturns has bility most particularly froma feminist perspective, farmore in one its power as a connotational to be a flexibility not destroyed system. out, in practice, thanin the other. While thedemands, and What is at issue in the ideologicalpower of these direction is not onlythematerial dualisms facts to whichthey attractions, of work are respondedto by working over Bank Holidays relate(manywomen duringevenings,at weekends, (oftenonly very imperfectly) - and it is expectedthatthiswillbe so, don't like houseworkeitherand many femalepaid and so forth and 'flexibility' to be required boundary)but it is the 'commitment' employees negotiatea work/home of thispartof the economythe complexconnotational systemsto whichthey an acceptedmember in principle refer. of this boundary the 'time-in-lieu' accruedis far Moreover,the negotiation thereby takenand indeedhas to be moreformally as a crucialelement in less often has emergedin our research the construction of these men's attitudeto their negotiated; intowork the demandsof homeintrude of themselves. workand in theirconstruction far less than vice versa (see Henry and Massey are also dislocated as work which originally 1995). Spatialboundaries One of the avenues of inquiry takenhome.A highproportion of sparked my interestin designing this research is veryfrequently in a these employees have machines,modems and/or derived fromstatements made in interviews previousproject(Massey et al. 1992). That project studiesin thespace of thedomestic spherebutthere was also concernedwith investigating high-tech is no equivalentpresenceof the concernsof home and withinthe central thoselocatedon scienceparks, firms, space of paid work (at the most specifically themes in a numberof the obvious level, for example,not one of the comone of the recurring of boundaries. panies we investigated interviews had a creche).One of the concernedthe blurring 'The boundary betweenwork and play disappears' companyrepresentatives we interviewed spoke of was a responsewhichstuckin my mindfromthat the employeesbeing 'virtually here' (in the workearlier research. Whatabsorbedme at thatpointwas place) even when working at home because of the links installed between the the characterization of everythingoutside paid telecommunications work as 'play' and, especiallygiven the very long two places. Moreover,thisraises a thirdand very hoursworkedin thecompanies we were investigat- significant A lot of aspectof thisone-wayinvasion. in difficulty ing, it promptedme to wonder who it was that our interviewees spoke of the scientists' thedomestic labourwhichwas necessary turning off about work,of not continuing performed thoughts to keep thesemenfedand wateredand able to turn to thinkabout a problem even when physically But what the earlier doing something The menwondered up for work each momrning.9 quitedifferent. had in mind was that work itselfhad if they should chargeto the companytime spent respondent of play: that you get thinking in the bath.A few men and their many of the characteristics partners paid fordoing thingsyou enjoy,you have flexible spoke of episodes when he would get up in the you take work home, you middle of the night to go and fiddlewith some workingarrangements, are providedwith expensivetoys. In thisformula- puzzle. Men, partners and sometimes children combetweenpaid work mentedon mindsbeing elsewhere when notionally tion,there reallyis no boundary and play. In thisway of understanding 'the it was timeforplayingwiththe children or driving things, home'in thesense of thedomestic, of reproduction, the car on a day out. Here thereis a real 'spatial' of the sphereof emotions, and feelings, splitbetweenmindand body; a capsule of 'virtual' sensuality or of immanence, does not enterthe picture at all. time-space of workwithin the material place of the what actuallyhappens home. While the body performsthe rituals of How, then,do we interpret to the boundarybetween work and home in the the domesticsphere,the mindis preoccupied with and worriesof work: case of thesescientists in Cambridge? Thereare two the interests stages to the argument. thereis indeed a dislocation of the boundFirst, I amwellaware ofthefact inmany that that areas, you the9-5pmandeverything likethat, ary between work and home. This is particularly arebetter having

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494 butI havenever found itat all compatible with trying ortrying to work to pursue a bitofresearch ora bitof to haveto giveup at themagic hour or development, whatever ... and I meanyou can'tsay to somebody between 9 and 5pmand you willnot you willthink think between and8.55am. 5.05pm This is eminently understandable and, in many it is good to have paid employways, attractive: mentwhich is interesting and it is a challengeto resist the compartmentalization of lifeintomutually sealed-off time-spaces. But what is important is that once again this worksin onlyone direction. Whiledomestic timeis porous, work time is not. Indeed, and this is the it cannot be so. Whileit is assumed significant point, thatone may think about workwhileplayingwith the childrenor while out for the day with the thereverse is not thecase. Indeed,a reason partner, late nightsand given forworking quite frequently weekendsat the office is thatthe time-space is less disturbed then- even ifotherpeople are doing the same thing,thereis less in the way of incoming phone calls and so forth.One of the dominant of this kind of work is that it characteristics The demands, and induces, total concentration. in its implication above quotationis interesting that 'thought'is involved only in paid work.'0 Morea lack whichrequires over,it is the kindof thought In a sense,even of intrusion; it is totally absorbing. to this'all-work' thereservations of the atmosphere its truth.Thus one or two workplace reinforce had a gym and elaboratecatering faciliworkplaces thandetract ties on site,theaim being to aid rather the overallabilityto concentrate. And in one from in company,partners seemingly despairat ever men - came into the office: seeing their

DoreenMassey cannot be taken.Indeed time-in-lieu, tripsto the shops,etc. provideoccasionalwindows withinthe theworkplace, day. But,within working everything - even the exerciseof the body - is geared to the of the intellect: productivity - I'd beenworking I wasamazed when I went there at Thishugefactory in Lancashire [a major corporation]. hadshut andI camedownhere to theinterview with andI walked la smaller Cambridge-based] company, up thestairway floor there was a series of andon every little andramps offices around theedgeandthemiddle ofeachfloor wasopenandthere wasa ping-pong table or a snooker table and everybody seemedto be that this is supposed to gamesandI thought playing be a placeof work - and thenwhenI saw all the weredoing- a chap[would] they things puthisbat downandgo off roomin anddesign an IC in a little thecomrner. What we have here, then,is the workplaceconas a highlyspecializedenvelope of spacestructed intowhichtheintrusion ofotheractivities and time, interests is unwantedand limited.I For most of these scientists, however,'the home' is constructed and spatially, it Bothtemporally entirely differently. is porous and, in particular, it is invaded by the sphereof paid work.

Abstractspaces the differto conceptualize One way of beginning ence betweenthesetwo kindsof spaces is through In his accountof The the work of HenriLefebvre. the space ofspace(1991), he characterizes production of current westernsociety as 'abstractspace' and as one of its defining discusses (and criticizes), its fragmentation, its division into subfeatures, of specialized spaces devoted to the performance havechildren andwivesandthey arealways activities. ... they His historical analysisexplainsthis prothecomplaints from their wives... Thisis a cess as the resultof aspectsboth of modernity retailing and is a perennial constant complaint ... there complaint capitalism domion the one hand and of currently in nant formsof that never seesthem andthey arealways thepartner on the other.Although masculinity in to comeinhere andwork Infact, tend here. partners Lefebvre'shistoricalaccount and the supposed one is; where theother theevenings becausethat's his spaces may be questioned, of jobs buttheycan bring newnessof abstract kinds theyhave different and fragmented spaces/ examplesofsuchspecialized anddo it here. their work with them the specialized resemblevery strongly space-times in high-tech an invasion: she is conforming space-timesconstructed However,it is hardly workplaces. of to the norms of the workplace; what she has They seem to have many of the characteristics not the sphereof abstract space: they are demarcatedagainst an in withheris her 'work', brought thedomestic, and he can carry on withwhathe has outside, they are specialized,they are masculine. to do. Yet, in the storywe are tellinghere,theyare not This does not mean thatlevels of concentration coexisting with other similarlyspecialized and - that but witha time-space within theworkplace do not vary,northattime-out sealed-off time-spaces

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dualisms andhightechnology Masculinity, of the domesticsphere- which is porous,which whichis perhaps, allows entryfromotherspheres, characteristic of an older and in Lefebvre's terms, yet,possiblyat the same time,a more potentially kindof time-space. Lloyd (1984, 50), it progressive mightbe recalled,contrastedthe wholly rational (i.e. evacuated of sphere of reason/transcendence 'the with'woman'stask'of preserving otherthings) of mindand body' (my sphereof the intermingling emphasis). asks Lefebvre Further, (1991, 191) pointedly

495

consistsof nothingmore thanthe spatio-temporal by one sphere(one side of the dualtransgression ism) into the other.As has been noted,thistransgressionis all one way but the second stage of the manner one interprets is thatin whatever argument it does not overcome of boundaries, this 'blurring' Yet it is the factof the dichotothe dualismitself. mies (reason/non-reason; transcendence/immanence) as beingpartof thatsame whichhas been criticized whichalso polarizesgendersand mode of thinking ascribedto them. so frequently the characteristics And it is the parallel fragmentation/specialization botha which came in for criticism andsimultaneously, Is notsocialspacealways, fromLefebvre. What, itsextension to thedeployment then,can be learnedabout the possibility field ofaction (offering of unianda basis ofprojects andpractical intentions) ofaction fication scientists? from thisstudyof Cambridge and whither derive (a set of placeswhence energies aredirected). energies

In other words, social space is both an arena of of furaction and potentially enabling/productive ther effects. Justso the places of work in these high-tech partsoftheeconomy:theyare notmerely may happenbut spaces which, spaces wherethings as in thenature of their construction (as specialized, and in the natureof the closed-off fromintrusion, in whichtheyare specialized), have effects things in thestructuring ofthedailylivesand theidentities of the scientistswho work within them. Most in their boundednessand in their dediparticularly, cationto abstract to the exclusionof other thought theseworkplaces and providea both reflect things, form material basis forthe particular of masculinity whichhegemonizesthisform of employment. Not of the only the natureof the workand the culture but also the construction of the space of workplace work itself, contributes to the moulding therefore, As Lefebvre and reinforcement of thismasculinity. (1991, 89) writes:

Resistance

The characteristics which have been described above are traitsof masculinity, not of men. As already implied,there is no simple homogeneity However,thesecharacamongthemenwe studied. are strongly embeddedwithin theculture of teristics this part of the economy (withsome variationin detail between different types of jobs). Moreover, the strength of thisembeddedness meansthatthese characteristics 'pull' all its participantstowards them.Individual men have relations to these characteristics which are more or less celebratory or painful. Many of them recognize the need to theverydifferent at negotiate personastheyinhabit home and at work- thescientist withthenew baby was doing just that.And what he (quoted earlier) was confronting there was precisely thedifficulty of his dominant as a scienpreventing self-conception tistfrom those otherpotenoverriding completely tialsides of himself. Othermenactively tryto resist thispotential domination. Theirnumber is smalland reasonsvaried.Most commonly, resistance is a Thedominant itup their tendency fragments spaceandcuts articulated objecinto pieces ... Specializations dividespace among responseto stressor to strongly themand act upon its truncated or to a genuine setting parts, up tions on the part of the partner, mental barriers andpractico-social frontiers. to the feltneed of these men to live a sensitivity more varied life,not to miss out on the children Lefebvrewould argue that the currently domi- growingup and so forth. nant tendency towards the homogenization/ Moreover,the resistance takesa particular form. and specialization of space is some- It is almostentirely to do withworking hoursand fragmentation thingwhichshouldbe opposed. This relatesto the withthetimeand space whichworkoccupiesrather second stage in the argument here about what is than with wider characteristics of the job. It also boundaryamong the takes place almost entirely at the individual level. happeningto the work/home scientists of the Cambridge These workplaces are not unionized. phenomenon. Moreover,at a Forwhathas been discussedso faris an alteration more general social level, while there are tradein the boundarybetween home and work which union campaigns and feministargumentsfor a

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496 shorter workingday and week, they have as yet made verylittle thereseems to Certainly, progress. have been no thoroughgoing in favour cultural shift of shorter hours,in spiteof the increasing working proportionof employmentwhich is part time. Indeed,sincein thesepartsof theeconomyat least, some of the compulsion to worklong days comes in and commitment fromthe interest to the work it is not clear how such jobs and otherslike itself, themrelateto the widerarguments about working time.Given all this,it is the scientists individually who decide how theyare going to respondto the and attractions of their jobs, and how they pressures will negotiate the work/home boundaryand the different identities theymay imply. In this context,it is deeply ironicthat one of the important mechanisms of resistance, and one adopted by a numberof the men, is preciselyto insist on thenecessity forand theimpermeability of the boundary betweenworkand home. Given that is forwork to invade home life,one the tendency forresistance is to protect home obviousmechanism This happens in a numberof life fromintrusion. ways. Some men (a few only but thenthe resisters in totalare nota highproportion of thewhole)have decidednot to takeworkhome,thereby preserving the the space of home and the timespentin it from intrusion of the demandsof paid work.Sometimes in timeterms, thiswill involvean intrusion maybe in order involvingstayinglongerat the workplace to finisha task there ratherthan take it home. Resistancehere is to the violationof the space of home. Other men, though again few,have made and insist on keepingto rulesabout time themselves and leaving a regular dailyroutineand on arriving it is at set times.Over thelong term, theworkplace to their careers possiblethatthiswillbe detrimental (see Henry and Massey 1995) but the men are aware of this and indeed in some cases have adopted the strategybecause of other problems (personalstress,problemswith healthor personal whichhad been producedby a previrelationships) to the high pressureand long ous commitment of thesecompaniesin general.It must hourstypical be emphasizedthat this is not the only way of coping with the pressuresof this work. Other and couples,have foundalternative scientists, ways but of dealingwithsuch demandsand compulsions based on time about resistance what is significant as we have and space is its irony.The 'problem', theworking arguedabove, has been posed through lifeof some of the majordualisms out in everyday

DoreenMassey of western Yet, in the absenceof ways of thinking. collective resistance,legislative action or wider cultural individual to deal withsome shifts, attempts of the conflicts thus provoked may result in a reinforcement of thoseverydualof the expression isms. The dichotomiesare rigidified in order to one sphere(thehome,the'restof life')from protect invasionby the other (scientific tranabstraction, scendence).The problemsposed by the dualisms resultin their reinforcement. Conclusions of The last sectionconcludedon one of a number ironiesanalysedin the paper:thatthose who were livesby thedomination of their to resist attempting most oftenfound one side of a dualistic separation the divide betweenthe two themselves reinforcing poles of the dualism.What such a 'Catch-22'indidoes not cates is thatthe way out of the conundra lie at thatlevel. The 'solution'mustbe soughtin a deeperchallengeto the situation. materialdiscussed here the empirical Similarly, raises a numberof confusionsand complexities around the politics of campaigns for a shorter day/week. They are issuestoo whichrelate working as much to academe, especially in its present and individually intensified increasingly competitive workdiscussedin as theydo to thehigh-tech form, the paper. They are issues which touched me as an academicand whichmade me think personally about my own life as I did the research.It is a At to have workwhichwe find interesting. privilege wherewe a recentmeetingof feminist academics, discussedan earlyversionof thispaper,noneof us to 35 specified wanted our 'work' to be restricted hoursin each week.Whileall of us wantedto resist the current pressureson hours produced by the we did not reinforcement of competitive structures, want to lose either the feeling of autonomous flexibilof temporal or the possibility commitment did we like the way in whichthis ity. But neither works in practice- the prescurrently 'flexibility' suretowardswhatcan onlybe called a competitive under to keep things and the inability workaholism as whichwe as academics, These are things control. sectorsdiswell as those in the high-technology For when an imporcussed here,need to confront. tant elementof the pressureon timeresultsfrom on theone handand individucommitment personal on the other,as well as from alized competition

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dualisms andhightechnology Masculinity, how can any form sectoraland workplacecultures, be organized? of collectiveresistance In the longerterm, the aim mustbe to push the to tryto findthose solutions questioningfurther, I which may exist at 'deeper' levels. In particular, suggest,it means questioningthe dualismsthemselves. Insteadof endlessly to juggle incomtrying and to resolve ambiguitieswhich, in patibilities it is important to reality, point to contradictions, the polarizations whichare undermine and disrupt in the first theproblem producing place. In philosoin feminist critical philosophy, phyand,in particular, thispositionis by now well established. The aim in generalnow is not only to valorizethe previously deprioritized pole of a dualism (as Simone de the Beauvoir did (see earlier))but to undermine structure dualistic altogether. Such fundamental may be carriedinto critiques otherareas. Thus, as indicatedin the earlypartof within thispaper,after yearsofcriticizing de-skilling I findit difficult to criticize jobs forbeing industry, too absorbing. Anotherironyindeed!However,as it may be thatthisverydilemma was hintedthere, the that issue would be betterposed in suggests another thanbeingcritical ofde-skilling way. Rather or super-skilling as such, it is the polarization betweenthemwhichshouldbe the focusof critical What is at issue here- and it is an issue attention. whichagain involvesus as academics- is thesocial division and execution, betweenconception between and the rest. intellectuals WhatI find as a political moreproblematical issue is thedivisionof thelives of thescientists described in this paper between abstract and completely labouron theone handand the'restof life' 'mental' on the other.In the versionof this paper sent to I had unreservedly referees, applauded those few whichwe had come acrossin our research attempts to resistthe compartmentalization of lifeinto muAt least one referee tually sealed-off time-spaces. questionedthis,asking simply'whyis it good to resist And I knowformyself compartmentalization?' thatone thingI thoroughly enjoy is to sit down in the secluded and excludingspace of the Reading Room at the British Museum and devote myself to thinking and writing. And yet- to return entirely - do we want lives sectioned-off to Lefebvre into into exclusive for compartments, time-spaces: the forleisure, forshopping... ? intellect, This dilemmamightrelate to, and be partially addressedby, a consideration of the majordualism discussedin thispaper- thatin which'science'itself

497 is involved. It is perhaps that the problem lies most fundamentally in the postulatedseparation of the isolated intellect fromthe rest of one's being and calling the product of the workingof that isolatedintellect, 'knowledge'. Among (supposedly) many others,Ho (1993, 168) has argued for an alternative: of knowing - withone's entire This manner being, - is foreign to the rather than intellect justtheisolated of thewest.But... it is theonly scientific tradition if we [are]to follow to authentic way of knowing, theimplications ofthedevelopment conclusion logical scientific of the of western ideassincethebeginning We havecomefull to validating circle century. present to all the participatory framework thatis universal theworld over.I find systems indigenous knowledge this andquiteexciting. very agreeable The real irony,then, may be that the longnot onlywestern) dualism standing (though western betweenabstract and materiality/the body thought its own logic to its own undermay lead through And it is on thatdualismthatmuchof the mining. within the economybetweenconception separation and execution- and thus these 'high-tech' jobs - has been founded. themselves

Acknowledgements
I would particularly like to thank Nick Henry, with whom much of the empirical work for this paper was done, formuchdiscussion and comment. I also had thebenefit of fourextremely sets of thoughtful - many thanks. referees' comments A first version in a seminar of thispaper was presented seriesat I should like to thankNancy SyracuseUniversity. Duncanforherinvitation. She is currently collecting the seminar to Replacings, papers into a collection, be published by Routledge.

Notes
1. Only one aspectof theserelations is explored in this The work forms paper. partofa wider project on hightechnology and thesocialrelations which surround it.Thisresearch wasfunded bytheESRC: growth? Aspects of R000233004,'High-status homeand workaround sectors' high-technology and is beingcarried out withNick Henry, now at the Department of Geography, of University The project forms Birmingham. partof a wider offive on thenature programme piecesofresearch and consequences of growth in the south-east of

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498 is based in Englandin the 1980s. The programme the GeographyDiscipline,in the Facultyof Social from wherefurther Sciences,The Open University, information and a series of Occasional Papers are available. 2.

Doreen Massey be stressed thatthereis farmoreto thepossibilities of 'immanence' thanhavingchildren and doing the housework. The workof 'domestic it and labour',who performs how, and the complexintrahousehold negotiations over it,is the subjectof another forthcoming paper. in some cases by the This view was reinforced in attitude to the skillsof paid workon the contrast one hand and the domesticsphere on the other. fortheir Thus, in accounting doing almost partners all of the housework, a numberof scientists put it down to the fact that 'she's better at it'. The interesting thinghere is thatthereseems to be no thatthisskillis one whichcould be understanding learned.In contrastto the highlyintellectual paid this jobs, for whichmuch learningwas necessary, skillseems to be seen,althoughimplicitly, as innate. This is broadlytrueof most workplaces, thoughto different degrees. The windowless boxes of so the many modem factories preciselydemonstrate wander 'outside' desire not to let the eye/mind hours.But in the kindsof employduringworking ment under discussionhere, togetherwith some it is especiallymarked. others,

9.

The first two of thesereasonsare exploredin more detail in Henryand Massey (1995). As partof the 10. we interviewed ofnineteen research, representatives 60 male scientists and 38 partners, all of companies, whom were female. 'Partnership' was definedin terms of cohabitation. About one-third of the scientists were not cohabiting.The quotations from interviews whichare cited in thispaper have been selected as symptomatic. They capture,or express with precision,points or attitudes which were typicalor widely prevalentor, if indicatedin the attitudes held by some of text,whichcharacterized 11. the interviewees. In a paper currently in production,this characterizationof the work as 'flexible'is itselfbeing to one of the referees for questioned.I am grateful extendedand constructive thoughtson aspects of thisissue.

3.

4.

One resultof this absorptionin theirwork is, of course,thatthesemen have less timeto spare than have forlifein the domestic theymightotherwise sphere. A futurepaper deals directlywith this issue. In discussionson the presentpaper,Cynthia Cockbum (pers. comm.) wondered 'whetherthe timestolenby these men to sustaintheir addictive habit may actuallynot be stolen fromthe home (othermen don't spend more timethantheyhave to in thehome)but rather stolenfrom pub,cluband trade union'. There is probablya lot in this. The to emphasize pointin the present paperis precisely thatwhat characterizes these sectorsis a particular of masculinity. form 5. CynthiaCockbum (1985) has pointed to some of the inconsistencies and contradictions even here and of see hertreatment of theconceptof 'intuition' the scientists' ambiguousrelationto it. Indeed,the very factthatthe men 'reallylove' theirwork,are toucheson realmsoutside 'obsessive' and so forth, that of pure reason. But, as pointed out in the has neverbeen the consistency openingparagraph, of these of the functioning outstandingattribute dualisms, nor has inconsistencyseemed much to theirsocial power. impediment 6. Similar worlds have been described by Tracey Kidder(1982) and Sherry Turkle(1984). between gender analysis 7. These interconnections and aspects of economic growth,and, specifically, economic geography, are explored further in a forthcoming paper. 8. While the home/work distinction may validly be it must of this dichotomy, read as an instanciation

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