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Distress Resulting From Perceivers' Own Intimate Partner Violence Experiences Predicts Culpability Attributions Toward a Battered Woman on Trial for Killing Her Abuser : A Path Model
Michelle L. Stein and Audrey K. Miller J Interpers Violence 2012 27: 2527 originally published online 10 February 2012 DOI: 10.1177/0886260512436388 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jiv.sagepub.com/content/27/13/2527

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in and MillerJournal of Interpersonal Violence The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permission: http://www. sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

JIV271310.1177/0886260512436388Ste

Article

Distress Resulting From Perceivers Own Intimate Partner Violence Experiences Predicts Culpability Attributions Toward a Battered Woman on Trial for Killing Her Abuser: A Path Model

Journal of Interpersonal Violence 27(13) 25272544 The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0886260512436388 http://jiv.sagepub.com

Michelle L. Stein1 and Audrey K. Miller1

Abstract Intimate partner violence (IPV) constitutes the majority of assaults against women in the United States, and greater than one third of female homicide victims are murdered by an intimate partner. In a small percentage of cases, battered women kill their abusers, and evidence of battering and its effects may be used to support a plea of self-defense in these cases. Prior research has shown that culpability attributions toward battered women who have killed their abusers are influenced by perceiver variables, including gender. The present study expands on this research by examining the influence of psychological distress resulting from perceivers own IPV experiencesand the mechanisms of this influenceon their culpability attributions toward a battered woman defendant. Female undergraduates in the present sample (N = 154) read a vignette, adapted from an actual criminal case about a battered woman who had killed her abuser. Data supported a hypothesized path model, wherein participants reporting greater psychological distress
1

Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, USA

Corresponding Author: Michelle L. Stein, Department of Psychology and Philosophy, Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, 77341, USA Email: mls056@shsu.edu

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resulting from IPV perpetrated against them perceived themselves more similar to the defendant, in turn empathized with her to a greater extent, and, in turn, attributed less legal culpability to her. Implications for future research are discussed. Keywords battered women who kill, battering and its effects, intimate partner violence, peritraumatic distress, perceived similarity, empathy, culpability attributions

Psychological sequelae of intimate partner violence (IPV) include posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), learned helplessness and depression, low selfesteem, and suicidality (Bargai, Ben-Shakhar, & Shalev, 2007; Dutton, 2009; Dutton, Hohnecker, Halle, & Burghardt, 1994; Golding, 1999; Palker-Corell & Marcus, 2004). The intense fear, helplessness, and horror of IPV may be reexperienced in a very literal sense in that abuse is often repeated. Victims may attempt to avoid behaviors that have precipitated abuse in the past. And, victims often exhibit increased arousal, such as an exaggerated startle response, in anticipation of abuse. Women who experience relatively severe violence and/or sexual abuse are particularly likely to experience PTSD symptoms, and psychological abuse (e.g., coercion, stalking) predicts PTSD incrementally over physical abuse (Dutton, 2009; Mechanic, Weaver, & Resick, 2008). In addition, battered women who kill their abusers report more severe abuse than battered women who do not kill their abusers, and they experience more severe PTSD symptoms (Dutton et al., 1994).

Battered Woman Conceptualizations and Legal Defenses

Battered Woman Syndrome (BWS) was conceptualized to explain why, despite repeated abuse, women may stay in violent intimate relationships (Walker, 1979, 2009). Walker described a three-stage cycle of batterers violent behaviors, in the first of which tension in a batterer is evident to his partner. In the second, an acute battering incident occurs. The third and final stage involves contrition and apology by the batterer. As the cycle repeats, the violence becomes more frequent and severe. According to Walker, victims begin to anticipate battering incidents and develop helpless responses, and batterers contrition functions to reduce the likelihood that women leave their abusers. In support of the BWS conceptualization, Walker (2009) interviewed

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372 battered women about their experiences of IPV and determined that the majority of the sample described experiences consistent with the proposed cycle of violence. Researchers in the field of IPV have supported aspects of the BWS conceptualization but also have recognized that it may not fully explain the diversity of battered womens experiences (National Institute of Justice [NIJ], 1996). In particular, whereas the BWS conceptualization sheds light on psychological reasons women stay in abusive relationships, it may neglect logistic factors. For example, women may stay in abusive relationships for practical, environmental reasons such as lack of monetary or social resources or because they have children with their batterers (Ewing, 1987; NIJ, 1996). Research also has demonstrated that women who commit murder against heterosexual partners are far less likely to have violent arrest records than men who do so; that violence, harassment, and/or stalking by male intimate partners frequently are antecedents to their murders; and that police may do little to intercede in domestic violence calls from women (Abel & Suh, 1987; Biggers, 2003; Block & Christakos, 1995; Browne, 1986; Buzawa & Buzawa 1996; Ewing, 1987; Gillespie, 1989; Maguigan, 1991; Pagelow, 1992). Moreover, abusers may threaten to kill their partners on separation attempts, as means of keeping them in relationships (Campbell, 1992; NIJ, 1996; Serran & Firestone, 2004; Walker, 2009). Indeed, research has shown that women who have separated from an abusive partner are at higher risk of being murdered by their abusers than those who stay in abusive relationships, particularly during the 2 months following separation (Block & Christakos, 1995; Saunders & Browne, 2000; Wallace, 1986). It has been estimated that estrangement or threat of separation by victims is a precipitant in 30% to 75% of intimate partner homicides (Belfrage & Rying, 2004; Browne, Williams, & Dutton, 1999; Campbell, 1992; Dutton & Kerry, 1999; Johnson & Hotton, 2003; Lund & Smorodinsky, 2001; Serran & Firestone, 2004; Starzmoski & Nussbaum, 2000). Thus, IPV victims may literally feel their only options are to kill their abusers or be killed by them. After examining the scientific and clinical literatures on battering and its effects, and reviewing 238 state court decisions and 31 federal court decisions regarding the admissibility of expert testimony on battering and its effects, a joint government commission led by the National Institute of Justice concluded that provision of knowledge about the behaviors and reactions of battered women is relevant to multiple spheres of criminal cases (NIJ, 1996; see also Ewing, 1987; Schuller & Vidmar, 1992; Walker, 1993). This information may be used to support proffered defenses (e.g., self-defense, duress/ coercion), mitigate sentences, and dispel myths and misconceptions about

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IPV. In addition to supporting the scientific and clinical validities of battered women evidence, the commission concluded that expert testimony on battering and its effects (a) is admissible or has been readily admitted in all 50 of the United States and in the District of Columbia, (b) is most prevalently accepted in support of traditional self-defense cases (i.e., in 90% of states), and (c) is far from a guarantee of acquittal (NIJ, 1996). Criteria to meet a selfdefense claim vary by state but generally include: the presence of imminent danger, having acted as a reasonable person would act, not having been the aggressor, and having used necessary and nonexcessive force; in some jurisdictions, defendants must not have had the opportunity to retreat safely (Biggers, 2003; Hempel, 2004; NIJ, 1996; Schuller & Vidmar, 1992).

Laypersons Perceptions of Battered Women Who Kill

Despite availability of a self-defense plea for battered women who kill, laypersons may not understand effects of persistent abuse, perceive that a defendant had other options available to her, and wonder why she did not simply leave her abuser (Dodge & Greene, 1991). Worden and Carlson (2005) conducted phone interviews about IPV attitudes and beliefs with a randomized, representative sample of 1200 members of six New York State communities. They found that approximately two thirds of respondents believed women can find their ways out of abusive relationships, and approximately one quarter of respondents believed abused women secretly want to be abused. Consistent with general navet among laypersons about battered woman conceptualizations (NIJ, 1996), research generally has shown that mock jurors provided expert testimony on the effects of battering are less likely to assign responsibility to a defendant than those receiving no such testimony (Schuller, 1992; Schuller & Hastings, 1996; Schuller & Rzepa, 2002). Extant research has examined other specific factors that may influence culpability attributions toward battered women who kill, including victim characteristics (e.g., typicality, response history), situational characteristics (e.g., degree of confrontation, degree of force), and perceiver characteristics (e.g., gender, knowledge about abuse). With respect to perceiver characteristics, nearly all existing studies have shown that women attribute less responsibility than men to battered women defendants (Follingstad et al., 1989; Ho & Venus, 1995; Plumm & Terrance, 2009; Russell & Melillo, 2006; Schuller & Hastings, 1996; Schuller, Smith, & Olson, 1994). Also, Schuller and colleagues (1994) found that mock jurors with greater knowledge about abuse, and those endorsing lesser belief in a just world (i.e., people get what they deserve), were more

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lenient in their judgments about a battered woman defendant who had killed her abuser. In contrast to the latter finding, Follingstad and colleagues (1989) found that belief in a just world and other juror attitudes (e.g., trait empathy, feminism, social desirability) did not predict mock jurors verdicts in response to a vignette about a battered woman who had killed her abuser. Most relevant to the present study, however, Follingstad and colleagues (1989) did find that perceivers own histories of physical abuse predicted not guilty verdicts. Yet research has yet to examine specific mechanisms by which perceivers own IPV experiences may influence their culpability attributions toward battered women who have killed their abusers.

The Present Study

Research on culpability attributions toward sexual assault victims may provide insight into the influence of perceivers own IPV experiences, via perceived similarity with respect to these experiences, on their culpability attributions toward battered women who kill. Supporting this analogue, women in physically abusive intimate relationships often are subjected to sexual violence (Dutton et al., 1994; Walker, 2009). Moreover, Dutton and colleagues (1994) found that battered women who had attempted to kill or had killed their abusive partners were even more likely than a clinical sample of battered women to have been sexually victimized by their partners. As in other instances of IPV, laypersons often attribute unreasonable blame to sexual assault victims based on victim characteristics, situational/ contextual factors, and perceivers own characteristics, including gender, belief in a just world, and perceived similarity (e.g., Grubb & Harrower, 2008; Miller, Amacker, & King, 2011; Miller, Markman, Amacker, & Menaker, 2011; Ullman, 1996). Each of these factors except perceived similarity has been examined as an influence on culpability attributions toward battered women who have killed their abusers (Follingstad et al., 1989; Ho & Venus, 1995; Plumm & Terrance, 2009; Russell & Melillo, 2006; Schuller & Hastings, 1996; Schuller & Rzepa, 2002; Schuller et al., 1994; Terrance & Matheson, 2003). The defensive attribution hypothesis (Shaver, 1970) states that perceivers tend to attribute lesser culpability to victims to the extent they perceive greater similarity to them; the perception of similarity increases the perception that a similar event could befall them in the future. This model may explain, for example, why women empathize to a greater extent with female victims of violence (e.g., Barnett et al., 1992; Ching & Burke, 1999; Smith & Frieze, 2003), whereas men attribute greater responsibility to them

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(e.g., Bell, Kuriloff, & Lottes, 1994; Grubb & Harrower, 2008). Consistent with Shavers (1970) defensive attribution hypothesis, recent path analytic data has supported a causal model linking female perceivers sexual victimization histories to greater perceptions of similarity to a sexual assault victim with respect to these histories, in turn to greater victim empathy, and, in turn, to lesser culpability attributions toward the sexual assault victim (Miller, Amacker, et al., 2011). Overall, consistent with foregoing theory and research demonstrating perceiver variables that predict victim culpability attributions (Grubb & Harrower, 2008; Miller, Amacker, et al., 2011; Shaver, 1970), it was hypothesized in the present study that degree of psychological distress resulting from perceivers own IPV experiences (Hypothesis 1), perceived similarity to a battered woman defendant with respect to her IPV experiences (Hypothesis 2), and empathy for the battered woman defendant (Hypothesis 3) each would inversely relate to culpability attributions toward the battered woman defendant. Moreover, it was hypothesized that data would support causal linkages consistent with Miller, Amacker, and colleagues (2011) path model of perceiver variables predicting culpability attributions toward a sexual assault victim; specifically, greater degree of psychological distress resulting from perceivers own IPV experiences would predict greater perceived similarity to a battered woman defendant with respect to her IPV experiences, in turn greater empathy for the battered woman defendant, and, in turn, lesser culpability attributions toward her (Hypothesis 4).

Method Participants
Female undergraduate students (N = 154) from a university in the southern United States participated. Mean age of participants was 20.21 years (SD = 2.64), and ethnic composition of the sample was 56.5% (n = 87) European American, 21.4% (n = 33) African American, 18.8% (n = 29) Hispanic/Latina American, and 3.3% (n = 5) other.

Procedure
Participants volunteered and provided informed consent to participate in a study entitled Intimate Partner Experiences, approved by the universitys institutional review board. Sessions were administered in groups of 5 to 60, with each participant seated at a desk to maintain privacy while completing a questionnaire packet.

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First, participants own histories of victimization by abusive relational behaviors (i.e., IPV experiences) were assessed. Then, participants who reported a history of at least one IPV experience indicated the degree of psychological distress they had felt during or immediately following their most distressing IPV experience (i.e., peritraumatic distress). Next, participants read a vignette, approximately one page in length, adapted from an actual criminal case of a battered woman who had killed her abuser (State of Kansas v. Hundley, 1985). Specifically, the vignette stated that a 25-year-old woman (Sarah) was on trial for the murder of her live-in boyfriend of 4 years (Jay). Participants were told that the woman was pleading not guilty by self-defense secondary to an extensive IPV history, including emotional, physical, and sexual abuse. They also were informed of various barriers the woman had faced to leaving this relationship (e.g., boyfriends threats to kill her, lack of money and other resources). The vignette next described an occasion, following an abusive incident, when the woman had left her boyfriend successfully but returned to him several days later when he threatened to kill her if she did not. One night following her return, her boyfriend had physically and sexually assaulted her and then locked her alone in a bedroom. The vignette concluded with the boyfriend opening the bedroom door and the woman firing five shots, hitting her boyfriend twice, and then immediately calling the police. Following the vignette, the degree of participants perceived similarity to the defendant, empathy for her, and culpability attributions toward her were assessed. Following completion of the study, each participant received a debriefing form, including provision of resources for low- and no-cost counseling.

Measures
Peritraumatic distress resulting from perceivers own IPV experiences. Participants IPV experiences were assessed by the 29-item Abusive Behavior Inventory (ABI; Shepard & Campbell, 1992). Developed based on clinical information provided by battered women and male batterers, the ABI is unique in its inclusion of both physically abusive experiences (12 items; e.g., slapped, hit, or punched you, physically forced you to have sex) and psychologically abusive experiences (17 items; e.g., called you a name and/ or criticized you, made you do something humiliating or degrading; Shepard & Campbell, 1992). Participants indicated the frequency with which they had been victimized by each abusive behavior, by current or past intimate partners, according to a 5-point rating scale (1 = Never, 5 = Very frequently). The large majority of the sample (n = 145; 94.2%) answered

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affirmatively (i.e., anything more frequent than Never) to one or more ABI items. The prevalence of those answering affirmatively to any item in each of four categories was: psychological abuse by a current partner (n = 88; 57.1%), psychological abuse by a past partner (n = 131; 85.1%), physical abuse by a current partner (n = 48; 31.2%), and physical abuse by a past partner (n = 88; 57.1%). As the specific variable of interest in the present study was the degree of subjective distress resulting from participants own IPV experiences, participants who answered affirmatively to one or more ABI items (n = 145) were prompted to refer to the most personally distressing of their IPV experiences as they responded to the Peritraumatic Distress Inventory (PDI; Brunet et al., 2001). The 13-item PDI was developed to assess distress-related symptoms occurring during or immediately following traumatic events, consistent with DSM-IV criterion A2 for the diagnosis of PTSD (Brunet et al., 2001). The PDI developmental study and others have shown that PDI scores predict PTSD symptoms (e.g., Kunst, Winkel, & Bogaerts, 2010; Nishi et al., 2010). In the present study, the PDI assessed the degree of psychological distress participants felt during or immediately following their most distressing IPV experience (i.e., the referent ABI experience). Participants responded to PDI items (e.g., I felt helpless to do more, I thought I might die) according to a 5-point scale (0 = Not at all true, 4 = Extremely true). Total PDI score was obtained by the mean score across 13 items. Coefficient alpha was .88 in the present sample. Perceived similarity to the battered woman defendant. A 6-item measure created for the present study assessed perceived similarity to the battered woman defendant with respect to her intimate partners controlling, abusive, and harassing behaviors (e.g., Sarah has been physically abused by her boyfriend, Sarah tried to leave her boyfriend but he continued to harass her), and in terms of overall perceived similarity. Participants indicated the degree of similarity they felt to Sarah according to a 6-point scale (1 = Extremely dissimilar, 6 = Extremely similar). Total perceived similarity score was obtained by the mean score across 6 items. Coefficient alpha was .78 in the present sample. Empathy for the battered woman defendant. Two scales from the Interpersonal Reactivity Index, empathic concern (7 items; e.g., I have tender, concerned feelings for Sarah) and perspective taking (7 items; e.g., I try to understand Sarah better by imagining how things look from her perspective), were adapted to assess empathy for the battered woman defendant (Davis, 1980; used and adapted with permission from M. H. Davis, personal communication, October 21, 2009). Participants indicated the degree of empathy

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they felt for Sarah according to a 5-point scale (1 = Not at all, 5 = Extremely). Following reverse scoring of four antithetical items, total empathy score was obtained by the mean score across 14 items. Coefficient alpha was .81 in the present sample. Culpability attributions toward the battered woman defendant. A 9-item measure created for the present study assessed culpability attributions toward the battered woman defendant, according to elements of the self-defense legal standard described in the introduction. The scale was comprised of the following items (first six reverse scored): Sarah was in imminent danger, Sarah acted as a reasonable person would, Sarahs actions were justified, Sarah was just defending herself from Jay, Sarah had no other options in the situation, Sarah is not guilty of any crime because she acted in selfdefense, Sarahs actions were unnecessary, Sarah used more force than necessary, and Sarah is guilty of murder. Participants indicated their degree of agreement with each item according to a 5-point scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 5 = Strongly agree). Following reverse scoring of six antithetical items, total culpability attributions score was obtained by the mean score across 9 items. Coefficient alpha was .85 in the present sample.

Results Descriptive Statistics and Zero-Order Correlations With Defendant Culpability Attributions
The mean PDI score for this sample was 1.44 (SD = .90), indicating peritraumatic reactions tended to be slightly-to-somewhat characteristic of participants own IPV experiences. Participants in the PDI developmental study had experienced or witnessed any of a variety of critical incidents including accidents, disasters, physical or sexual assaults, illnesses/injuries or deaths, combat, and harassment/threats. The mean PDI score for the present sample was higher than that of a police officer sample in the PDI developmental study (M = 1.17) and approximately equal to that of an age-and-gender matched nonpolice sample in the PDI developmental study (M = 1.52; Brunet et al., 2001). Among participants reporting a personal IPV experience in the present sample (n = 145), approximately 69% met Kunst et al.s (2010) PDI cutoff score of 1 for DSM-IV Criterion A2 and 30% met Nishi et al.s (2010) PDI cutoff score of 1.77, the latter most accurately distinguishing between PTSD and non-PTSD groups in a sample of motor vehicle accident victims. The mean perceived similarity score for this sample was 1.85 (SD = 0.95), suggesting that participants tended to feel moderately dissimilar to the

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Table 1. Zero-Order Correlations with Culpability Attributions toward the Battered Woman Defendant Measure 1.Peritraumatic distress resulting from perceivers own IPV experiences 2.  Perceived similarity to the battered woman defendant 3.  Empathy for the battered woman defendant 4.  Culpability attributions toward the battered woman defendant 1 2 .46** 3 .25** 4 .21*

.26**

.14* .51**

*p < .05 (one-tailed). **p < .01 (one-tailed). One-tailed significance tests used per directional predictions.

battered woman defendant. The mean empathy score was 4.22 (SD = 0.58), suggesting that participants tended to feel very empathically toward the battered woman defendant. And, the mean culpability attributions score was 2.15 (SD = 0.74), suggesting that participants tended to disagree that the battered woman defendant was legally culpable. As shown in Table 1, zero-order correlations with culpability attributions toward the battered woman defendant supported study hypotheses. Specifically, peritraumatic distress resulting from perceivers own IPV experiences (Hypothesis 1), perceived similarity to a battered woman defendant with respect to her IPV experiences (Hypothesis 2), and empathy for the battered woman defendant (Hypothesis 3) each inversely related to culpability attributions toward the battered woman defendant. Interrelationships among variables also were consistent with potential causal linkages as proposed by the path model of defendant culpability attributions (Hypothesis 4).

Model Testing
The hypothesized path modeldepicting that greater degree of peritraumatic distress resulting from perceivers own IPV experiences predicts greater perceived similarity to a battered woman defendant with respect to her IPV

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Peritraumatic Distress Resulting from Perceivers Own IPV Experiences = .45*

Perceived Similarity to the Battered Woman Defendant = .26*

Empathy for the Battered Woman Defendant = -.51*

Culpability Attributions toward the Battered Woman Defendant

Figure 1. Supported path model of culpability attributions toward a battered woman defendant (n = 145), with standardized path estimates *p < .01, two-tailed.

experiences, in turn greater empathy for the battered woman defendant, and, in turn, lesser culpability attributions toward herwas tested using SPSS Amos 17.0 software. The model, shown in Figure 1, revealed excellent absolute fit with the data, 2(3) = 3.43, p = .33, and excellent relative fit compared to the independence model (CFI = .99, TLI = .98), RMSEA = .03 (Hu & Bentler, 1999). To increase confidence in the directionality of the supported model, each possible directional respecification of mediators and outcome variables (i.e., perceived similarity, empathy, and culpability attributions) was tested in five alternative models. Each alternative model exhibited poor fit with the data and poor fit relative to the independence model, all ps < .03, all CFIs < .92, and all RMSEAs > .11.

Discussion
The present study extended on research demonstrating that mock jurors own abuse histories predicted not guilty verdicts in response to a vignette about a battered woman who had killed her abuser (Follingstad et al., 1989). Grounded in the literature on victim culpability attributions, specifically theory and research on the defensive attribution hypothesis (Grubb & Harrower, 2008; Miller, Amacker, et al., 2011; Shaver, 1970), a path model was developed to explain mediating links between psychological distress stemming from perceivers own IPV experiences and their culpability attributions toward a battered woman defendant on trial for murdering her abuser. As hypothesized, the supported path model indicated that, to the extent participants had experienced peritraumatic distress stemming from their own IPV experiences, they perceived themselves more similar to the battered woman defendant with respect to her IPV experiences, in turn empathized with her to a greater extent, and, in turn, attributed lesser criminal culpability

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to her. Thus, the current findings expand on the work of Follingstad and colleagues (1989) by highlighting process mechanismsperceived similarity and empathyexplaining why perceivers with a history of distressing IPV experiences attribute lesser legal culpability to a battered woman defendant. Plumm and Terrance (2009) examined the influence of empathy-induction instructions on mock jurors perceptions of and attributions about a battered woman on trial for murdering her abuser. They found that participants who were provided empathy-induction instructions by an attorney (i.e., asking them to think about how they would think and feel in the defendants shoes) viewed the defendant as less mentally unstable than those who did not receive empathy-induction instructions; however, other perceptions of the defendant and her behaviors (e.g., as reasonable and justified) and culpability attributions toward her did not differ between groups. Future research on empathyinduction interventions in cases of battered women who kill should examine whether the effect is enhanced for individuals who exhibit preexisting contextual similarities to the defendant, particularly those related to IPV experiences. In addition, such research might assess the effect on interventions that seek to enhance perceiver empathy by conveying a defendants history in a way that emphasizes common, relatable human elements. Future research might also assess empathy-induction interventions for psychologists and other social service professionals who in the capacity of their work conduct psychotherapy with or otherwise support battered women who have killed their abusers. The present study supported a model of laypersons culpability attributions toward a battered woman on trial for killing her abuser. This study employed an actual criminal case about a battered woman who had killed her abuser. Moreover, the criterion measure of culpability attributions was based on elements of the self-defense legal standard and included explicit items such as Sarah is not guilty of any crime because she acted in self-defense (reverse scored). Nevertheless, to transport the presently supported model to the study of jury decision making per se, several features of the current study would first need to be tailored accordingly. First, participants were not instructed to make a dichotomous (guilty vs. nonguilty) verdict, as they would have been in a strict trial simulation. Moreover, participants individually made attributions about the defendants culpability, and it is possible that individuals perceived similarity to and empathy for a defendant would provoke different outcomes in the context of group decision making. These design revisions notwithstanding, future research utilizing a jury-decision-making paradigm may target identification of desirable or undesirable perceivers

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(depending on ones interest or side in a case), akin to the process of jury selection. Limitations of the current study also highlight opportunities for future empirical advance. First, the sample consisted of undergraduate women, for whom the wide prevalence of IPV has been well established (e.g., Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). Restricting the sample to women rendered it particularly apt for studying the influence of perceivers IPV experiences and allowed for control of known gender differences in IPV victim empathy and culpability attributions. However, the supported model cannot be assumed without cross validation to generalize to other populations, including men and community members. Also, it is unclear the influenceif anythat assessment of participants IPV histories may have had on their subsequent reactions to the battered woman defendant. Future research might assess IPV experiences less obtrusively (e.g., after measures assessing reactions to the battered woman defendant). Although this assessment ordering would not be consistent with the directionality of the supported path model, it would rule out any explanation that assessment of participants IPV histories per se produced certain types of reactions in response to the battered woman defendant. Finally, although the supported path model had been conceptually specified and exhibited excellent fit with the data, and five models depicting competing directionalities were not supported by the data, a crosssectional study design inherently precludes firm causal conclusions. Future research employing a longitudinal, prospective design would provide a most stringent test of the influence of perceivers IPV experiences on their culpability attributions toward a battered woman defendant. In conclusion, the current study builds on extant research concerning culpability attributions toward battered women who have killed their abusers by explaining mechanisms through which distress resulting from perceivers own IPV experiences mitigates these attributions. Results highlight implications for future research in the study of social reactions to battered women who kill, including those of potential jurors who may be charged with evaluating the culpability of battered women who kill and those of social services personnel who may support or advocate for battered women tried with killing their abusers. Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Bios
Michelle L. Stein is a doctoral student in clinical psychology at Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, Texas, United States. She earned a masters degree in forensic psychology from John Jay College of Criminal Justice in 2008. Her primary research interests are forensic assessment standards and policy issues, particularly regarding victims and socially marginalized persons. Audrey K. Miller is an assistant professor of psychology at Sam Houston State University. She earned a PhD in clinical psychology from Ohio University in 2005 and completed a postdoctoral fellowship in clinical-forensic evaluation at the University of Washington. Her research broadly integrates clinical, personality, and social psychological perspectives. Specific research foci include contextual and prejudicial factors influencing culpability attributions; self-blame, coping, and growth in victims and socially marginalized persons; personality, prejudice, and prejudice reduction; narrative phenomenology and research methods; and, application of these issues to clinical and clinical-forensic domains.

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