AmericaNegations in Pā Inian RulesAuthor(s) George Cardona

Linguistic Society of America
Negations in Pinian Rules Author(s): George Cardona Reviewed work(s): Source: Language, Vol. 43, No. 1 (Mar., 1967), pp. 34-56 Published by: Linguistic Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/411384 . Accessed: 07/03/2013 06:56
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NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

GEORGE CARDONA
University of Pennsylvania
Some of Panini's rules contain negative compounds. In such cases there is ambiguity; the negative can be construed with the nominal following it in the compound, or it can be construed with a verb. According to the Mahabhasya, the first interpretation yields a positive rule providing an operation in a domain specified by the negative compound: non-x. The second interpretation yields a negative rule providing for the cancellation of an operation already provided for. Again, the first interpretation yields a one-step operation, while the second interpretation requires that two sentences be understood, providing two steps: tentative application of an operation and its subsequent cancellation. Both interpretations involve negation (pratisedha); the first type is called paryudasa(pratisedha) 'limitation(al negation)', the second type prasajyapratisedha 'negation (subsequent to tentatively) applying'. The conclusions derived from the Mahabhasya are used to judge some formulations in the Kaiika. In addition, it is shown that, while Patafijali usually demonstrates that both interpretations of an ambiguous negative compound will yield desired results, later commentators decide in favor of one or the other interpretation on the basis of economy. Finally, it is shown that the rules usually considered by Western scholars do not lend themselves to a clear understanding of the essential difference between paryuddsa and prasajyapratisedha.
Paninian tradition, as we know it beginning with the varttikas cited and discussed by Patafijali in the Mahabhasya, distinguishes between two types of This distinction has of course negation called paryudasa and prasajyapratisedha.1 engaged the attention of modern scholars. They have concentrated either on briefly characterizing the two types of negation (Renou 1940:114, 1942:203-3, 230-1; Abhyankar 1961:227, 253) or on their formal logical aspects (Scharfe 1961:63-4, Staal 1962:58-61, 1963:255). What should be considered a very important aspect of this question has been largely neglected, viz. how this distinction corresponds to the major principles followed by Panini in framing his rules. Moreover, when reading discussions concerning paryuddsa and prasajyapratisedha in modern writings, one gets the impression that in cases of ambiguity Patafijali and other Paniniyas always chose an interpretation in terms of one or the other type of negation exclusively, and that this choice was strictly determined by the
I I am deeply indebted to Pandit Ambika Prasad Upadhyay of Varanasi, with whom I read the Mahabhasya and appertaining commentaries, and to K. S. Krishnamurti Sastri of Madras, with whom I read the Laghumafijua.. I worked with them during the academic year 1965-6 under the auspices of the American Institute of Indian Studies, to which I am also indebted. May I be permitted also to express here my gratitude to Louis Renou, whose recent death will be deeply felt, for the encouragement he lent me from the beginning of my career. In the following I use 'rule' to refer to any Paninian sutra. In this usage, I follow the custom of Paniniyas. Cf. K&a.ad 1.1.1 (on which, see below, 1.2[a]): vrddhisabdahsamjnatvena vidhzyate 'vrddhiis ruled in as a technical term.' For the Paniniya, then, a term defined is brought in by rule, though we may not consider a statement such as 1.1.1 a rule in the strictest sense (cf. Fowler 1965:44, n. 4). On vidhi, vidhiyate, see note 17. Finally, note that I have not used quotation marks with italicized Sanskrit words; the context makes clear whether the word is used or mentioned.
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fact that one interpretation would permit the application of a rule which would lead to the desired results. But Patafijali frequently shows that choice of either alternative will permit application of a rule to yield desired results. In defending one alternative or the other, however, later commentators enter into deliberations which are of interest to the linguist.2 In this paper I discuss passages in the Bhasya which illustrate most clearly the distinction between paryuddsa and prasajyapratisedha.The conclusions drawn in this discussion are used to judge the acceptability of some interpretations in the Kasika. Basically, then, this is a philological study in which one aspect of Paninian usage is clarified. 1. Panini's grammar is, as Patafijali states (Bh. I.1 [I.I.1]), a word instruction (sabddnusdsana) which teaches correctly formed words (sabda) of Sanskrit as opposed to vernacular ones (apasabda).3 It would also be possible to teach incorrect words, whence would be inferable that others are correct, but the procedure followed is preferable by virtue of its brevity (Bh. 1.24 [1.5.20] laghTyadnabdopadeso gariydnapasabdopadesah):each correct word such as gauh has incorrect 'cow' many correspondents, as gavi, gonZ,gotd, etc. Nor is it practhe to for ticable grammar be simply a complete listing of correctly formed words. The means of instruction set into play by Panini is a set of rules providing general and specific operations whereby one can master great masses of correct formations with a minimum of effort.4 A rule providing a general operation is called an utsarga(vdkya), one which provides a specific operation is called an apavdda(vdkya). The former applies in general (sdmdnyena), the latter in specific cases (vise,a). For example, a general rule is given (3.2.1 karmanyan) whereby a root of the ac(dhdtu) having a complement whose meaning is the object (karmnan) the verb root denoted is followed the suffix tivity by by an; thus, corresponding to kumbhdnkaroti 'makes pots', we get kumbhakdra-'pot maker'.5 A specific rule for the same content derivation is 3.2.3 (dto'nupasargekah), whereby the suffix ka follows a root in -d not preceded by a preverb (upasarga); e.g. nrpa- 'king', corresponding to nrn pdti 'protects men'.6
2
nai. In the following,I use 'absence' the negativemarker to render Skt. abhdva (cf. 1.2 with
n. 17, 1.3, and n. 12). When the meaning of nan is construed with an activity (see the verse cited in 1.3), it means absence; when construed with a nominal, the meaning of difference is conveyed. But for grammatical reasons, Paniniyas in general do not accept that difference (bheda)is directly the meaning (artha) of nan. This is discussed at length by Nagesa, M 648-706 and more briefly in PLM 63-9, to mention only the last major Pa.niniya. See also note 19.-Note that abbreviations for Sanskrit references are explained at the end of this paper. Patafijali is cited as Bh., followed by volume and page number of the Rohatak edition, followed by volume, page, and line number of Kielhorn's edition. 3 Note that the correct derivation of words according to Panini's scheme involves a commeans a grammar. plete system of syntactic relations, so that sabddnugdsana 4 Bh. 1.25 (I.6.3-4) kimcitsdmdnyavisesavallaksana.m pravartyam yendlpena yatnena mahato mahatahMabdaughdnpratipadyeran. 5 Since 'object' is given in the locative (karmani), by rule 3.1.92 (tatropapadamsaptamistham), the object kumbhamis called upapada 'subjoined word'. By 2.2.19 (upapadamatii) there is composition of the upapada and the verb root followed by an. In -kdra (< kr-an), vrddhireplacement is effected by 7.2.115 (aconniti). 6 -pa-(k)a -> -p0-a by 6.4.64 (dto lopa iti ca).
It should be noted that Paniniyas paid a great deal of attention to the interpretation of
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LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)
To rule out free variation in such cases, however, the operation of the utsarga must be restricted. The division of the domains of the two operations can be accomplished in two ways. First, one may concentrate on the rules (lak$ana) applied to arrive at correctly formed words (lakcya): the general rule tentatively applies everywhere, but consideration of specific rules is necessary. One considers in what domain the operation of the utsarga rule is to be final and where it is to be countered; then, only AFTER considering the apavada rules does one apply the utsarga rules. Alternatively, one may concentrate on the results of rules applied. Then, the words which are the domain of specific rules are considered and set aside, and the utsarga rules, which now do not apply indiscriminately, are applied without specifically considering the apavada rules.7 Consider, for example, rule 4.1.89 (gotre'lugaci).This should serve to derive forms such as gargiydh 'students of the gargyas', in which the suffix yai occurs after garga and the suffix cha occurs after both, i.e. after gdrgya-.8Now, for the plural of gargya 'descendant (grandson, etc.) of garga', rule 2.4.64 (yainanosca)provides for the nonoccurrence of yai in the masculine, so that we get gargdh.Such a form should not be followed by cha, since the latter is ruled in after a form termed vrddha (cf. note 8). Rule 4.1.89 counters the deletion of yai when a vocalic suffix is to follow, so that if cha (-zya, note 8) occurred after garga-yan (gdrgya-) having plural meaning, yai would remain. It is argued, however, (4.1.89 vt. 1) that this is a case of unallowable mutual dependence: for yan to occur before a vowel initial suffix and thus not be deleted, we need -zya, and for cha (---iya) to occur, we need yan. A slokavdrttikacited by Patafijali (III.557 [II.240.23, 241.1]) gives the following solution. First the apavada is considered, then the utsarga; since nondeletion (aluk) provided by 4.1.89 is the apavada countering the utsarga of deletion (luk), therefore the conditioning factor of aluk acts as a counter. Alternatively, deletion is effected after considering the locus of occurrence of nondeletion and setting it aside.9 Adhering to the procedure outlined above, a general rule must always be considered with corresponding specific rules and is not to be applied until the domains of application have been segregated. Hence, such related rules are considered together to form a single context, even if they are widely separated in the sequential ordering of rules. This principle is illustrated by Patafijali in his discussion of 3.4.67 (III.392 [II.178.23-5]). Rules 2.4.64 and 4.1.89 are general and specific rules respectively, so that, though they are separate in sequential ordering, they are considered together in a single context: navidedasthamitikrtvdto 7This is discussedin detail by Nage6a ad pbh.62-3;cf. alsoBh. ad 2.3.46(II.817[I.463.1and 4.1.89,on whichsee below.Considerations of this sort 31),6.1.5 (IV.306[III.10.18-20]) of Paninian arepassedoverby Fowler(44-7)in his discussion ordering. Chais ruledin after a formtermedvrddha, that is (1.1.73),one whosefirst vowel (6.4.151). is a vrddhi vowel. gLater (4.1.90 vt. 2), the view is given that the locative in 4.1.89is a locativeof domain The rule then providesfor non-deletionwhen the form with yai IS TO (vi6ayasaptamT). OCCURwith a vocalicinitial suffix,not whenit actuallyoccursbeforeone. For the application of the principlesdiscussedhere to rules3.2.1,3(above),see Nagega,UddyotaIV.306.
8 Derivation: garga-ya-cha(4.2.114) -* gdrgya-4ya(7.1.2) -> gdrgy-4ya(6.4.148) -, gdrgzya
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ing navd according to the meaning of each member (anvarthasamjna),so that vibhdia is defined as the meaning of navd, which is now both 'not' (na) and 'or' (vd). However, the arguments summarized below are based on the single meaning 'not'. 12 I use this example only to illustrate that a pratifedha presupposes a prati$edhya;the point at which I have left the summary is not the end. It is then objected (vt. 10-12) that this formulation involves contradiction, since it is impossible that a single operation simultaneously occur (bhavati) and not occur (na bhavati). This is resolved by vt. 13: the prati?edha provided by nai is subsequently superseded by the option provided by vd. Kaiyata vidhdtumna gakyete 'Presence and absence cannot (1.327) ad vt. 10 comments: bhdvdbhdvau be ruled in', on which Nage6a notes: bhdvdbhdvdvitimaveva bhdqyevidhipratifedhagabdenoktau 'These very things (presence and absence) are what the Bhasya expresses by the words vidhi and pratiqedha.'
nana vdkyam bhavati I videsasthamapi sadekavdkyambhavati I tadyathd I dvitZye 'dhydyelugucyate tasya caturtha~a.thayoralugucyate'pavddah I 'One does not reason that, since two rules occupy separate places in the grammar, they constitute separate contexts. There is one context of related rules, though standing in different places. For example, in the second adhydya deletion is given; its apavdda, nondeletion, is given in the fourth and sixth adhydya.'? 1.1. A negative rule must also be considered together with the rule whose operation it cancels, for a pratifedha 'negation' requires a pratifedhya 'negandum'. This can be illustrated by the discussion in the Bhasya ad 1.1.44 (naveti vibhdad). This rule defines vibhdag'optional' as the meaning of nava 'or not'." It is argued (vt. 4) that we must exclude the possibility of the homophone navd 'new' (fem.) being included in the scope of the rule. This is countered (vt. 5) by stating that nava when used presupposes a positive statement, as in normal usage, so that we understand it to mean 'not'. For example, if one says grdmobhavatdgantavyonavd 'Are you going to the village or not?', one understands navd to mean 'not' (1.324 [1.102.18] neti gamyate). Similarly, the definition of vibhadais to be considered in terms of the operations prescribed in other rules where it occurs; in these, navd, its meaning, will then apply to what has been positively ruled in. To this is raised the objection (vt. 6) that if navd means 'not', one cannot obtain alternation; to which it is countered (vt. 7) that negation is preceded by tentative occurrence (prasajyapratisedhah):one first allows something to occur tentatively and then one cancels it, thus obtaining both its occurrence and absence: Bh. 1.326 [1.103.89] prasajya kimcinna vetyucyateI tenobhayambhavisyati'Having allowed something to obtain, one says navd; thereby there will be both (what was allowed to obtain and its absence)'; Pr. 1.326 pratisedhddvidhiranumasyate tato vikalpah setsyati 'from a negation will be inferred a positive operation, thence option will be established.'12 Again, in the discussion on 1.1.5 (kniti ca), Patanjali states (1.174 [I.54.9-10]) that a negation causes the annulment of a tentative, not a final, result: prasaktasydnabhinirvrttasyapratisedhena nivrttih sakyd kartum. Thus the rule, though it is meant to provide that guna and vrddhi conditioned by suffixes marked with k or n (kiit) should not occur, need not be amended to include a statement 10 refersto 6.3.1-2,whichare to be considered The allusionto the sixth adhydya together with 2.4.71. 1The meaning'or not' is ultimatelyarrivedat (Bh. 1.327[1I.103.18-23]) by interpret-
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'caused by them' (tannimittagrahana)in order to avoid the nonoccurrence of the since this a first a in hatah 'they two slay' and hatha 'ye slay' from the root han,"3 is not a tentative result but a permanent part of the root as listed in the dhdtupdtha. Tentative results are obtained by applying rules which provide operations to be cancelled in specific domains. Hence Patafijali invokes (1.175 [1.54.17]) the principles governing metarules (paribhdsd), and negative rules such as 1.1.5 are treated as metarules, since it is the essence of these that they operate only joined with other rules.141.1.5 has to be considered in conjunction with rules such as 7.3.86 (pugantalaghipadhasya ca).15In this way, given ci-(k)ta 'gathered', 7.3.86 takes effect tentatively; this would result in the replacement of i by guna (specifically, e), but 1.1.5 is brought in to cancel this operation. As in the case of utsargavdkyaand apavddavdkya,here vidhivdkya and pratisedhavdkya are considered together as one context. The prati~edha operates in a specific domain, the vidhi in a general domain: the former applies when suffixes marked with k or n are involved, the latter when sarvadhatukaand drdhadhdtuka suffixes are involved (see notes 13 and 15). Indeed, Kaiyata (I.174), in his commentary on the Bhasya passage discussed immediately above, draws the parallel and refers to utsargdpavcdayoh, which Annambhatta (1.96) directly glosses vidhipratisedhayoh. The accepted view on bringing together in one context sequentially separated rules which presuppose each other is summarized by the following verses of the Vakyapadiya (2.353-4, cited by Kaiyata, III.392): anekdkhyatayoge'pivdkyam nydyydpavddayohI ekamevesyatekaiscidbhinnarupamiva sthitam \1 niyamah prafl tisedhasca vidhisesastathd sati I dvitiye yo lugakhydtastacchesamalukamviduh 'Even when there is junction with more than one verb, it is desired by some that a nydyya (i.e. utsarga) and an apavada constitute one sentence which appears as though split; this being so, a limitation and a negation are supplements of a
13The endings tas and tha are among those listed in 3.4.78. The whole group of endings given there is abbreviated tii, and members of this group as well as suffixes marked with ? are called sdrvadhdtuka by 3.4.113 (tiinitsdrvadhdtukam). Hence, tas and tha, not being marked with p (pit), are considered marked with n (nit) by 1.2.4, on which see 2.2. 14 The two ways of connecting terms defined in the grammar (samjfid) and metarules (paribhdad) are summed up in pbh. 2 (yathoddesam samjndparibhdsam) and 3 (kdryakdilam samjndparibhdsam). According to the first, a metarule is considered meaningful at the point that it is set up in the sequence of rules, when one keeps in mind that it will be used; by the second, the metarule takes effect specifically at the time of an operation. Again, according to the first procedure, at the time the metarule is stated, one brings to mind all operational sutras (vidhisatra) to which it is possible to apply the metarule, and the two are combined; in the latter procedure, when an operation is given, a pertinent metarule is brought in and combined with it. The main difference between the two procedures is that in the former, a rule given in the tripadi (8.2-4), since it is considered nonexistent with reference to what precedes (8.2.1 parvatrdsiddham), is not susceptible of combining with a metarule considered at the place it is stated. In the second procedure, even in the tripddi, a metarule is brought in to combine with an operational rule. Cf. PIS 2: kdryakdlapakse tu tripadydrmapyupasthitiriti visesah 'The distinction is that, in the kdryakala alternative, there is occurrence even in the tripcdi.' 15This rule provides guna replacement (7.3.82) in a presuffixal stem (6.4.1, angasya) ending in puk (causative augment p) or having a short penult (laghupadha) when it occurs before sdrvadhdtuka or Crdhadhdtuka suffixes (7.3.84 sdrvadhdtukdrdhadhdtukayoh). The substitution is limited to i, u, r, I (ik) by 1.1.3, on which see note 16.
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they (the holders of this view) know aluk (cf. above on 4.1.89 and note 10) vidhi;16 to be a supplement of luk which is expounded in the second (adhydya, i.e. 2.4.64, 71).' 1.2. The above statement is also noteworthy in that it directly mentions the junction with more than one verb. Paninian rules are regularly verbless statements. The following are typical: (a) vrddhirddaic(1.1.1) (b) iko gunavrddhz(1.1.3) (c) iko yan aci (6.1.77) (d) asterbhuh(2.4.52) (a) and (b) are, respectively, a definition and a limitation rule which are to be considered with other rules when they apply (cf. notes 14 and 16). The first defines the term vrddhi as d and the sounds included in the abbreviation aic, enabling one to substitute these for the former whenever it occurs. (b) limits the application of guna and vrddhi when no other specification is made uniquely to the sounds in the group ik. (c) and (d) are substitution rules: the first provides for the replacement of sounds in the group ik by sounds in the group yan before sounds of the group ac; the second provides for replacement of the root as by the root bhuiin certain contexts. In all of them, the third person is used (prathamapurusa), and, according to the accepted view first stated in varttikas (2.3.1 vt. 11, 2.3.46 vt. 4), one must in such cases understand the verb 'be' (as, bhu). Thus (c) is expanded to iko yan bhavatyaciparatah 'For ik there is yan when ac follows.' This results in separate verbs being understood when two rules are combined into one context. For example: sdrvadhdtukdrdhadhdtukayoh (guno) (bhavati) 'Before sdrvadhdtukaand drdhadhdtukathere is guna replacement' (7.3.84) and its negation kniti ca (na) (bhavati) 'When a kit or nit suffix conditions it, there is no guna replacement' (cf. 1.1). As we have noted, the first statement allows a provisional operation which, in the specific domain given in the negative rule, is cancelled. The general rule prescribes provisional replacement by guna; in the cases provided for in the negative rule one obtains its absence. Thus the relation between prasaiga 'provisional occurrence' and pratisedha 'negation' corresponds to the statement kimcitprasajya pratisidhyate (1.1); the relation between vidhi and pratisedha is that between bhdva 'occurrence' and abhdva 'absence'.17
16An example of a limitation is 1.1.3 (iko gunavrddhz);see 1.2(b). 17What is allowed to occur provisionally is an operation. Thus prasaiga is equivalent to vidhi (cf. Nagesa 1.326: prasajyata iti prasango vidhih). vidhi is considered to have two meanings: first, what is set up or ruled in (vidhiyata iti vidhih); second, the setting up or ruling in of something (vidhdna). For example, pirvavidhau in 1.1.57 (acah parasminpurvavidhau) can mean either 'with respect to the ruling of the preceding' or 'with respect to what is ruled in for the preceding'. In a case such as ayan 'they went' < i-an, we want to consider y, replacing i (6.1.87), to be like the latter, so that augment a (dt) may be brought in; this is provided for vowel-initial roots (6.4.72). But there is no operation on what precedes y; the operation is the attaching of augment a to y itself. Therefore the second alternative does not work. The first alternative does work, since a preceding element is ruled in; cf. Bh. 1.430 (I.144.15-7) purvasya vidhdnamprati purvasyabhdvamprati parvah sydditi sthdnivadbhavatityevamad4 bhavisyati '(One considers,) "(A substituens) is like the substituendum with reference to the ruling of the preceding, with reference to the occurrence of the preceding-(what is meant is,) 'let there be a preceding element' "-and thus will at occur.' Elsewhere the second meaning of vidhi must be invoked. For example, 2.1.1 (sa-
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The relation obtaining between vidhi and prati~edha is then parallel to the relation between utsarga and apavada. The essential difference between prati$edha and apavada is that while the latter counters an utsarga by providing another positive operation, e.g. suffixation of ka instead of an (1), a pratisedha counters a vidhi by providing its absence. 1.3. A sequence such as na brahmand ete can be considered complete as it stands, or as expandable to, e.g., na brahmanaete grhe. In the first case, one asserts that these (ete) and brdhmandhare different: 'These are not Brahmans'. In the second case, one asserts the absence of these Brahmans in a house. In the first case, the sequence is replaceable by abrahmandete 'These are non-Brahmans' and brdhmabhinndete 'These are different from Brahmans'. As noted (1.2), the verb 'be' is to be supplied in such sequences. This verb is then construed with the compound, which designates the agent (kartr) of the activity. In the first case, the verb is construed with the NEGATIVE, designating the absence (abhava) of Brahmans. Similarly, the sequence na kniti can be considered complete, or as expandable to, e.g., na kiiti piti. In the second case, one asserts difference between knit and pit; in the first, absence (cf. 1.2). If in na kniti one asserts difference, the sequence is replaceable by akiiti 'non-knit' and knidbhinne 'different from knit'. This can then be combined with, e.g., 7.3.84 to yield a single one-verb sentence: (1) knidbhinnasdrvadhatukdrdhadhdtukayoh (guno) (bhavati) '(There is guna replacement) conditioned by following non-knit sarvadhStuka and drdhadhdtukasuffixes.'8 If in na kfniti one asserts absence, however, it combines with 7.3.84 to form only a single context of separate sentences, each with its verb: (2) sdrvadhdtukardhadhdtukayoh (guno) (bhavati); kniti na (bhavati). The results in there is no question of a tentative occurrence of guna follows: differ as (1) a kit conditioned or nit suffix, since 7.3.84 here operates only for by replacement suffixes other than these, which remain out of the question; in (2) there is tentative occurrence of guna replacement followed by its cancellation. To be sure, as Panini has formulated his rules, 1.1.5 is clearly to be understood as combining with 7.3.84 according to (2). But the duality of interpretation illustrated in this case by Nagesa (note 18) arises in rules where negative compounds are used. A negative compound such as abrdhmanameans 'non-Brahman', that is, a member of another caste-ksatriya, vaisya, sudra. The meaning of the negative is difference (bheda).1 But this is not the case in a compound such as
marthahpadavidhih) provides that a padavidhi take effect between elements that are bound (cf. n. 21). What is required here is a limitation concerning compounds etc., so that padas may be compounded only if they are bound with each other. If vidhi here meant vidhdna, the rule would refer only to the setting up of padas themselves; cf. PM, N ad 2.1.1. Strictly speaking, then, an actual statement which provides a vidhi should be referred to as vidhivakya or vidhisutra (cf. 1 and n. 14). But the simple vidhi is also thus used; cf. Vatsyayana ad NS 2.1.64: yadvakyamvidhayakamcodakamsa vidhih 'A statement which makes a ruling, which impels, is a vidhi' (see Jhalalikar 1928:755). 18 Cf. Uddyota ad 1.1.5 (I.174). 19Difference (bheda)is what is understood in such compounds (but see n. 2). It is also a feature of usage that compounds such as abrahmania mean something similar to but different from the meaning of what follows that negative. This is formalized as pbh. 74: naiiva-
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asuryampasydni (mukhdni) 'sun-not-seeing (faces)'. Here the negative means In absence, in this case absence of the activity of seeing (darsanakriydbhdva).20 abrdhmana the negative is concomitant or construed (anvayz) with brdhmana, while in asuryampasya it is concomitant with the verb drs (--pasya). Since both
negative compound types exist,21 there is ambiguity in a rule such as sudana-
pumnsakasya(1.1.43),22 where anapumsakasya can be interpreted to mean: (3) 'different from neuter' (Bh. 1.321 [I.101.8] yadanyannapumsakdt) or (4) 'not for neuter' (Bh. 1.321 [I.101.7] napu.msakasyana). In the case of (3), the rule is interpreted as derived from sutsarvandmasthdnasamjiobhavati; na napumsakasya bhavati 'sut bears the name sarvandmasthdna;(it bears this name when) in connection with non-neuter'; these combine to form a single sentence sudanapumbhavati'sut connected with non-neuter bears the sakasya sarvandmasthanasamjno name sarvandmasthdna.'In the case of (4), the two sentences combine to form a if it is connected with neuter single context: 'sut bears the name sarvandmasthdna; it does not.' If the negative is connected with the noun with which it appears compounded (anapumsakasya < na napumsakasya), one need supply only one verb for the sequence sudanapumsakasya; if the negative is connected with a verb, however, this must be supplied in addition to the verb supplied for the positive operation. The verb is 'be' (1.2), and its combination with nan designates absence, i.e. the absence of the operation. Between (3) and (4) there is a difference parallel to that between (1) and (2). For (3), there is no question of tentative results in case of connection with neuter, while for (4) there is such a result and its consequent cancellation. Interpreting (4) yields, as noted, prasajyapratigedha:(3) yields paryuddsapratifedha.The distatha hyarthagatih 'What is joined with nai and iva operates yuktamanyasadr9ddhikara.ne in a locus which is distinct from but similar to it; for thus is the understanding of the meaning.' 20That the 'absence' meaning of the negative is construed with activity, the meaning of the verb root, is a view peculiar to the grammarians; the ritualists (mimd.msaka) and logicians (naiydyika) hold different views. 21 It is noteworthy that the compound type asuryampaSyais not directly provided for by Paninian rules. Rule 2.2.6 (nan) states that the negative is compounded, but this is subject to the limitation of 2.1.1 (n. 17). In this type, nai is construed with the verb, not with the nominal which appears following it; this is called an asamarthasamasa'compound of unbound elements'. To allow for this type in general (and not only asuryampaSya),certain formulations are considered indicators (jidpaka) of Panini's authorization. KaE. ad 3.3.19 (akartari ca karake samjfnydm), followed by Pradipa ad 6.1.45 (IV.365), takes the use of kdrakein this rule to be such an indicator. The rule provides for suffixation of ghai (a) to a root when a non-agent effectuator (kdraka)is expressed and the resultant form is the name of something. Now the effectuators or instruments whereby an activity is carried out are agent (kartr), object (karman), etc. Since the rule can be interpreted with either paryuddsaor prasajyapratisedha,kdrakeis redundant. For, in paryuddsa,by pbh. 74 (n. 19), 'non-agent' means what is distinct from agent but similar to it, that is, another kdraka. The use of kdrakeis meaningful if it indicates that there are asamarthasamdsas.In rules such as 6.1.45 (2.1), then, prasajyapratisedhais to be interpreted. Nage6a, PLM 66, takes 3.2.6 (asarya ... dr?i), by which is directly provided the compounding of asurya and drY, to be an indicator of the existence of asamarthasamdsasin general. For Patafijali on the relation of 2.1.1 to 1.1.42, see 2. a2 For a discussion of this rule, see 2.
42
tinction is summarized in the following verses: aprddhdnyamvidheryatra prati?edhe pradhdnatd I prasajyaprati~edho'yam kriyayd saha yatra nan \1prddhdnyam tu vidheryatrapratisedhe'pradhdnataI paryuddsah sa vijieyo yatrottarapadenanan I| 'Where the vidhi is subordinate and the pratisedha principal, (that is,) where (the meaning of) the negative (is concomitant) with activity, there is prasajyapratigedha;but where the vidhi is principal and the prati~edhasubordinate, (that is,) where the negative (is concomitant) with the second member of a compound, there is paryudcsa.'2 2. Rules 1.1.42-3 are: si sarvandmasthdnam;sudanapumsakasya. The first provides that the suffix si bears the name sarvanamasthdna.This suffix is the replacement i of jas and sas, nominative and accusative plural endings, when they occur after neuter predesinential stems (6.4.1, 7.1.20).24By labelling si thus, forms containing it are made eligible for the operation provided by 7.1.72 (napumsakasya jhalacah [num, 7.1.58]), viz., addition of n (num) after the last vowel of the stem.25 The resultant form is then eligible for the application of 6.4.8 (sarvanamasthanecasambuddhau[nopadhayah, 7; dirghah, 6.3.111]), which provides for the replacement by a long vowel of the penult of a stem ending in n followed by a sarvandmasthdnawhich is not vocative singular. Thus: vana-sas 'forests' -+ vana-si (7.1.20) -> vanan-i (7.1.72) -+ vandni (6.4.8). In 1.1.43 sut is an abbreviation for the first five endings given in 4.1.2, that is, su, au, jas, am, aut, nominative singular, dual, and plural, and accusative singular and dual. Thus, rajan- 'king', followed by these, gives raja, rdjanau, rajanas, rajanam, rajanau (cf. Cardona 1965b:306-7). It is not desired, however, that 's, which by 7.1.19 (napumsakdcca) replaces the nominative and accusative dual endings after neuter stems, be sarvandmasthdna.This would result in obtaining *sdaman ( < sdman-st) instead of the desired sdman{ 'chants'. The negation in 1.1.43 should serve to avoid this. In the discussion of these sutras in the Bhasya (1.320-2 [I.101], cf. Ojihara and Renou 1960:117-24), two objections are raised: (a) the negation applies to ~i; (b) the compound is of the type called asamarthasamdsa(cf. note 21).26These
23The verse is cited by Vitthala ad PK 1.147 (see also Edgerton 1929:167,n. 219). replacement of the whole suffix (j)as, (s)as by gi is provided by applying 1.1.55 (anekdlgitsarvasya).According to this, a multiphonic replacement or one marked with s takes the place of the entire substituendum instead of (by 1.1.52, alo'ntasya) the last sound thereof. 25 n is placed after the last vowel of the stem by applying 1.1.47 (midaco'ntyatparah), according to which an item marked with m occurs after the last vowel of that for which it is ruled in. 26Pradipa 1.320 takes this objection to imply that the formulation of the rule should be sutstripumsayoh 'sut (is sarvandmasthana)when connected with masculine and feminine.' Later (I.321-2), Kaiyata, commenting on the way objection (b) is met, notes that if one interprets prasajyapratisedha,the use of anapumsakasya instead of strzpumsayohindicates the existence of asamarthasamdsas(cf. n. 21). Note that the compound anapumsaka itself poses some problems. Napumsaka 'neuter' is the negative of puman 'male', hence the negation of napumsaka should mean 'masculine'. The problem is resolved (cf. Kai. 6.3.75) by taking napumsaka to mean na strz na puman 'neither female nor male', i.e., by taking pumsaka to mean both masculine and feminine. The compound napumsaka itself has been called 'eine ritselhafte Bildung' (Wackernagel 1905:77).
24 The
NEGATIONSIN PANINIAN RULES
43
objections are made after interpreting prasajyapratisedha so that 1.1.42-3 must be understood as three statements: (1) si sarvanamasthdnam(bhavati); (2) sut (sarvanamasthcnambhavati); (3) na bhavati napumsakasya (Bh. 1.321 [1.101.6]). But (3) is a pratisedha which applies to (1), so that it negates the now tentative labelling of si replacing jas, leaving si replacing sas, which is not a member of sut, as the domain of (1); cf. N 1.86: tasydstu [sa.mjnayaih] sasah sirddeso'vakasah'The scope of application of it (the name sarvanamasthdna)is (then) si substituted for sas'; and Uddyota 1.321: sasi sdvakdSatvdt 'since (the name sarvanamasthdna) has a scope of application, sas'. Consequently, vana-jas will not result in the required vandni. Objection (a) can be avoided by invoking pbh. 46 (anantarasya vidirvdbhavati pratisedho va), according to which an operation or cancellation applies to its immediate neighbor. Therefore (3) applies only to (2), leaving (1) with the domain of si replacing both jas and sas. Objection (b) is countered by stating that we need to admit such compounds as asuryampasya; cf. 1.3. Alternatively, 1.1.43 may be interpreted as containing a paryuddsa, thus obtaining what was described in 1.3(3): 1.1.43 does not apply in the case of neuter (Bh. 1.321 [I.101.9] napumsake'vyaparah), leaving this domain to 1.1.42. Since si replaces only jas and sas after neuters, and 1.1.43 excludes neuters from its domain of operation, one obtains the desired forms vandni (nom., acc.), samanT. For 1.1.43, then, both paryuddsa and prasajyapratisedhacan yield an application leading to the desired results. However, commentators agree in preferring the former. The reason given is that this results in ldghava 'brevity', while interpreting prasajyapratisedha results in gaurava 'prolixity'. This gaurava, however, cannot be of the type most commonly discussed, namely padagaurava 'word prolixity', which consists in having more words in a rule than are necessary.27 For, whatever interpretation of 1.1.43 is adopted, the number of words in the rule remains the same. The prolixity involved is similar to that which results from splitting a rule (yogavibhdga).Given a single rule with several words, it is common in the Bhasya to avoid some difficulties by suggesting that a rule be split. But once such a split is made, two separate sentences are obtained with separate meanings for each, whereas the same number of words taken as one sentence has only one sentential meaning. Hence yogavibhdgainvolves prolixity. This is formalized in pbh. 121: padagauravddyogavibhdgo gariydn 'Rule splitting is more prolix than word prolixity', on which Nagesa comments: prativdkyam bhinnavdkydrthabodhakalpanena gauravam spastameva 'It is clear that there is prolixity by virtue of assuming separate sentential meanings for each sentence.'28
It is worth noting that the oft-quoted pbh. 122 ardhaznatrdlaghavena putrotsavam 'Grammariansequate the saving of half a mora with the birth of a manyante vaiydkara.nah son' is nothing more than hyperbole. The least one considers for discussions of economy is a word (pada), as Nagesa (PIe 199) clearly states. Indian grammariansdid not split hairs to the degree that one might think. 28Sometimes what came down traditionally to Patafijali as one rule had to be split; e.g. 1.4.58-9 prddaya upasargdh kriydyoge'pra etc. (are termed) upasarga in junction with an activity' could not be considered one rule, since this would not allow pra etc. to be called nipdta by 1.4.56 (2.4). What is wanted is prddayah (nipatah, 56); upasargdh kirydyoge'pra etc. (are termed nipata); in junction with an activity (pra etc. are termed) upasarga.'
27
44
LANGUAGE,
VOLUME 43, NUMBER
1 (1967)
Similarly, in the present case of 1.1.43, though the number of words remains the
same, if one interprets prasajyapratisedha, one must UNDERSTAND separate sen-
tences (2) and (3), each with its meaning and application; if one interprets paryuddsa, there is a single statement giving a single operation for a delimited domain. Moreover, interpreting prasajyapratisedhaalso requires the intervention of pbh. 46, not needed in paryudasa. This is preferred,therefore, because prasajyapratisedha involves prolixity in understanding the correct application of the rule (pratipattigaurava); cf. N I. 86 yadyapyanantarasya vidhirvd bhavati pratisedho vetyetatsamdsrayenaprasajyapratisedhe'pye$adosah sakyate parihartum tathdpi pratipattigauravamsydt I tathd hi vidhipratisedhayorvirodhddekena vdkyena tdvacsut na vidhdtumiti bhavati vdkyabhedahkartavyah chakyo sarvandmasthdnasamjno na bhavati ca tatascdsambaddham I napumsakasya prati$edhavacanamitiparvasydpi prapterayam pratisedhahsambhdvyeta'Though by resorting to pbh. 46 this fault is avoidable also for prasajyapratisedha (cf. above), there would, nevertheless, then be prolixity in understanding. For in that case, since a vidhi and a pratisedha contradict each other, the ruling cannot be made in a single sentence and separate sentences must be used ... As a result, since the negative sentence would then be independent, it would be possible for it to negate what was obtained by the previous' (rule, 1.1.42).29 To be sure, there might still be a reason for preferring prasajyapratisedha in 1.1.43. In his discussion of 2.1.1 (11.504 [I.361.19-21]), Patafijali again cites the examples of asamarthasamdsaused in his discussion of 1.1.43 and, in addition, he cites this sutra itself. The rule, thus interpreted as containing an asamarthasamasa, then could serve as an indicator (jidpaka) that such compounds are admissible (cf. notes 21 and 26) and as a limitation (niyama) showing that they are limited to negative compounds. But the purpose of the discussion of 2.1.1, where 1.1.43 is cited, is to show that the word samarthais not needed in the formulation of 2.1.1. Though a detailed discussion of the rich content of the Bhasya on 2.1.1 is out of place here, it must be agreed that it is not worthwhile to adopt the prolix interpretation of 1.1.43 and to modify 2.1.1, since other rules are available (cf. note 26) to show that an asamarthasamdsais formed. Rather, we must admit, with commentators, that the solution justifying prasajyapratisedhain 1.1.43 is, as commonly throughout the Bhasya, a tour de force following the finally acceptable conclusion (siddhanta) to show that an alternative also yields correct results.30 2.1. There are rules for which, in spite of the resultant prolixity, prasajyapratisedha is the preferred interpretation. A good example is 6.1.45 (adeca upadese'siti). This provides for the replacement of root final sounds of the group ec (e, o, ai, au) by a. If asiti in the rule is understood as paryudasa, the rule has the meaning given by the following or equivalent expansion: (1) dhdtvantasyaica dkdrddeso bhavati sidbhinnapratyaye paratah 'Root-final ec is replaced by d if
S 29 Similarly, PM, PK 1.147, SK 1.1.43, Bg 443, 86, Pradipa ad 6.1.45 (IV.365). 30 Cf. Pradipa 1.320: prasajyapratisedhadrayena parvapaksah paryuddsadrayeniasiddhantah 'The preliminary view depends on prasajyapratisedha, the final and accepted view on paryuddsa.'
45
followed by a non-sit suffix.'3 If prasajyapratifedha, the rule is interpreted as: bhavati; siti na bhavati 'Root-final ec is replaced by (2) dhatvantasyaicadkdrdde6e a; before a sit suffix it is not.' (1) results in the following faults: (a) Derivation of gldyanti 'they get fatigued' < glai: glai-sap-anti (3.1.68) -* glai-anti (6.1.87). By 6.1.85 (antadivacca), -a- < -a-a-(nti) obtained by 6.1.87 is considered the initial of -anti and the final of -(s)a(p), so that it is both sit and non-sit. The condition is thus met for -ai -- d by 6.1.45; this then results in glai-anti -g gla-anti -- gldnti (6.1.101) instead of the desired glai-anti -- gldy-anti (6.1.78). According to (2), since glai occurs before a sit suffix in glai-anti, the undesired replacement cannot take place. (b) Derivation of sugla- 'very weary' < glai-: 3.1.36 (atascopasarge) should be applied to a root form -gla- to get a sequence -gla-(k)a, whence, by 6.4.64 (note 6), -gla-. But the replacement of -ai by a is conditioned by a following suffix, so that -gla-, eligible for suffixation of ka, is not obtained in the first place. By (2), the replacement is unconditioned, thus allowing the suffixation. (c) Derivation of jagle 3sg. pf. < glai-es :32The desired derivation is gla-e -> gla-gla-e (6.1.8) -- ga-gla-e (7.4.60) + ga-gla-e (7.4.59) --> ja-gla-e (7.4.62) ja-gl-e (6.4.64). However, 1.1.59 (dvirvacane'ci)provides that the replacement of a vowel, when conditioned by a following vowel before which reduplication takes place, should be considered the same in form as the original. -d obtained by 6.1.45 is to be considered as having the form ai; instead of gld-gld, therefore, one gets glai-gla, whence ji-gl- (7.4.59). This is avoided in (2), since the replacement is unconditioned. (d) Derivation of gldanyam'to be wearied' < glai-anTyar(3.1.96): Here there is conflict (vipratisedha) between 6.1.45 and 6.1.78; by the latter one gets gladyanlyam. Applying 1.4.2 (viprati?edheparam kdryam), according to which that operation which is provided for later in the grammar takes place in such cases, 6.1.78 must be applied. Again, in (2) the fault is avoided since the replacement is unconditioned. (2) involves the following possible faults: (e) Derivation of Vedic raridhvam(RV 5.83.6) < rai: The assumed derivation
31 In order to concentrate on the interpretation of the negative, I leave out of consideration the word upadese, referring to the listing of roots in the dhdtupdtha. 32 Note that even in prasajyapratifedha, glai-es causes difficulty if sit is interpreted as a bahuvrihi, 'which has a marker S' (Bh. IV.355 [III.35.17] Sakdraidyasyasoyam git). This is because es is marked with 4, so that it is in the domain of the cancellation. Vt. 1 ad 6.1.45 proposes an addition to the rule (upasamkhydna)to allow for (attva esyupasa.mkhydnam) the replacement in this context. This alternative is avoided by interpreting Sit as a karmadhdraya, 'g which is a marker' (Bh. IV.355 [III.35.18] .akdra it git). Since the only ? marker which occurs after roots ending in ec must belong to suffixes (pratyaya), one can then use 1.1.72 vt. 29 (yasminvidhistaddddvalgraha'ne). According to this, when an operation is given which affects that which precedes something, stated in the locative (yasmin), the mention of a sound is to be taken to include what begins with that sound. As in the case of 1.1.72 (3), the sound is the qualifier of that which begins with it. In the present case, absence of the change from ec to d applies only before suffixes BEGINNING with 9, so that the change from ec to d does apply before eS.
46
LANGUAGE,
VOLUME 43, NUMBER
1 (1967)
is rai-sap-dhvam -> ra-slu-dhvam (2.4.76)33 -. rd-rd-dhvam (6.1.10) -> ra-rddhvam (7.4.59) -> ra-rz-dhvam(6.4.113). But 1.1.62 (pratyayalope pratyayalakpanam) provides that, when a suffix is deleted, the operation conditioned by it still takes place. Therefore, rai -- rd is cancelled, since the root occurs before 0 which is sit (slu < sap). This argument applies also to (f) and (g). (f) Derivation of trddhvam'do you protect' (RV 2.29.6) < trai: The presumed derivation is trai-sap-dhvam-- trai-0-dhvam(2.4.73). (g) Derivation of sisite 'sharpens' (RV 5.2.9) < so-slu-te. A solution common to (e), (f), and (g) is obtained by invoking 1.1.63 (na lumatdngasya), according to which a deletion effected by a marker containing lu does not have the effect provided for by 1.1.62. More specifically, for (e) the solution is that raridhvan is from the root rd 'grant' (thus also Sayana ad loc. and other commentators in general); (f) is countered by considering trhdhvam an aorist, so that the root does not occur followed by a sit suffix; for (g) another solution is the assumption that, though the meaning is 'sharpen', the root is s7, homophonous with s' 'lie'. For the last solution one resorts to the view that roots have many meanings: Bh. IV.356-7 (III.36.16), bahvarthdapi dhdtavobhavanti 'There are also polysemic roots.' Though (2) is thus found acceptable, Patafijali goes on to justify (1) as follows (cf. 2, end): (a') 1.1.57 (acah parasminpurvavidhau) provides that the substituens of a vowel whose replacement is conditioned by a succeeding element should be considered equivalent to the substituendum (sthdnivat, 56) when an operation on the preceding is to be effected. The single replacement (ekddesa) -a- < -a-a- is therefore considered to have the status of the original, so that the root is said to be separated from the non-sit suffix. (b') Panini's procedure shows that the suffixations that apply to -d roots also apply to -ec roots, since he sets up a rule (3.2.2 hvdvdmasca)providing for the suffix an after roots hve 'call', ve 'weave', md 'measure' under the same conditions as for 3.2.1 (1), e.g. tantuvdya-'weaver'. The operation given therein is an apavdda of the suffixation of ka to -a roots (3.2.3, 1); if the latter did not apply to -ec roots, 3.2.2 would be useless. (c') 1.1.59, which causes the difficulties, is elsewhere eliminated by counterinterpretation (pratydkhydyate). Alternatively, if 1.1.59 is kept, 6.1.37 (na samprasdrane samprasaranam) and 6.1.38 (liti vayo yah) are read together in samhita fashion (samprasaranamlliti, cf. Cardona 1965a: 229-30). This allows one to interpret liti in 6.1.38 as containing two l's. In this way, by anuvrtti of liti into in the perfect, not after 6.1.45, this rule is interpreted as providing for -ai - da the general perfect marker (lit) has been replaced by specific markers such as es, but at the 1 stage, i.e. when lit follows. Now, since in glai-lit -> gla-lit the replacement does not take place before a vowel (aci), 1.1.59 does not apply.34
33glu is a zero substitute for gap; according to the rule it occurs sporadically (bahulam). glu is zero by 1.1.60-1 (cf. Shefts 1961:12-3). 34This then avoids the problem and solutions mentioned in note 32. Another possible solution is noted in Tattv. ad SK2370 and already appears in PK (n. 36). This consists in taking agiti as a locative of domain (visayasaptami, n. 9) and interpreting sit as a karmadhdraya (n. 32). The rule then provides ec -- a when a root in final ec is to occur before
47
(d') If 6.1.78 were to cancel 6.1.45, it would do so in all contexts where the latter applies, that is, also when a vowel of a sit suffix follows the root. In this case, there would be no need for Panini to state asiti. That he did so shows that the replacements ay etc. do not take precedence over a obtained by 6.1.45. Let us now balance one interpretation against the other. Assuming (2) in 6.1.45 has the disadvantage of involving prolixity in that the rule must be understood and applied as a sequence of two operations: unconditioned replacement of -ec by a tentatively applies, but this is cancelled when a sit suffix follows. This prolixity is avoided in (1), but at a considerable cost. For (b) one must invoke 3.2.2 (b') as an indicator that -ec roots are subject to -a root suffixations. However, if ai -- a is unconditioned, 3.2.2 is not merely an indicator but a necessary rule; hence if (2) is interpreted, 3.2.2 need not be considered when 6.1.45 is applied.35For (c), if 1.1.59 is to be kept, one must (c') carry over lit into 6.1.45 and take it to contain a double 1.This is balanced against the interpretation of sit in asiti as a karmadhdraya,with consequent limitation of the meaning to 'suffix beginning with s' (cf. note 32). But whether asiti is interpreted as containing a bahuvrihi or a karmadhdraya,the compound must be interpreted, hence this involves no difficulty; and a metarule such as 1.1.72 vt. 9 (cf. note 32), if it is formulated, must regularly be considered along with other rules. For (d) one must assume (d') that the use of asiti in 6.1.45 not only defines a domain of operation but also serves to show that 6.1.78 does not take precedence. If (2) is interpreted, asiti does not have to serve as an indicator (jndpaka). It would seem, then, that interpreting 6.1.45 with paryuddsa would involve more adjustments to avoid faults (pratividheya), hence a greater prolixity in understanding the proper application of the rule (pratipattigaurava),than would compensate for the prolixity involved in prasajyapratisedha. Commentators generally agree in preferring to interpret the latter in 6.1.45, though they usually mention that paryuddsa also gives correct results; cf. KaY. 6.1.45 with N, Vitthala ad PK II.105,36 SK 2370 with Bal., Tattv.; BS 1723-4. Indeed, 6.1.45 is elsewhere referred to in the Bhasya itself, as containing prasajyapratisedha,in the discussion of 1.1.59 (I.466 [I.156.27]): anaimittikamdtvam?iti tu pratisedhah 'a-ness is unconditioned, but before (a) sit (suffix) negation (of it is provided).' 2.2. The fact that adopting prasajyapratisedhain a rule containing a negative compound involves understanding a separate negation of a positive operation
a non-Sit-initial suffix. However, Nage6a (Bg 1723) rejects this for the following reason. Sit is interpreted as a karmadhdraya so that ? can be taken as the qualifier of a suffix; this is possible in prasajyapratisedha because here the negative is taken separately, to be construed with a verb. But in paryuddsa, the negative and what immediately follows it are taken together as a compound; it is not licit that part of a compound (Sit in asit) should be used to qualify a suffix. 35Cf. BS 1724.Tattv. ad SK 2370 takes 3.2.2 as indicating that there is prasajyapratisedha in 6.1.45. 36Vitthala's commentary is noteworthy in that he seems to force the interpretation. He
states: asititi prasajyapratisedhoyam '(This statement) asiti
But Ramacandra's own explanation appears to set forth paryuddsa and visayasaptamr (cf.
n. 34): upadesa ejantasya dhdtoreca dt sydt ddisitonyasmin pratyaye vivaksite 'Let there be
is a prasajyapratisedha'.
a replacement d in a root taught with final ec when a suffix other than one with initial s marker is intended.'
48
VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967) LANGUAGE,
leads to an interesting development. The basis for the discussion is rule 1.2.4 (sdrvadhdtukamapit),stating when a sdrvadhdtukasuffix (cf. note 13) is to be considered marked with i (1.2.1 nit). The question is whether apit should be interpreted as a paryudasa or a prasajyaprati$edha.If the first choice is adopted, the rule is interpreted as providing that: (1) a sdrvadhatukasuffix other than one marked with p (pit) is considered marked with n (Bh. II.11 [I.193.23] suffix yadanyatpitah). If the second interpretation is adopted, (2) a sdrvadhatuka if it is it marked with not so to be marked with is considered. considered is n; p Under (1) a fault arises in the derivation of cyavante 'they stir about' < cyu, the desired derivation of which is cyu-sap-ante-- cyu-ante (6.1.87) -- cyo-ante -cyav-ante (6.1.78). -a- from -a-a-(nte) by 6.1.87 is to be considered both pit and non-pit by 6.1.85 (cf. 2.1[a]), so that 1.1.5 (1.1) applies and gu.na replacement (cyu -- cyo) cannot take place. Under (2) a fault arises in the derivation of -tuddni lsg. subj. < tud 'shove', which should be derived as follows: tud-sa-ni37 tud-a-ani (3.4.92, 1.1.46) -- tudani (6.1.101). But by 3.4.92 (dduttamasyapicca), the -a- appended to -ni is pit, so that -a- < -a-a- is also pit and therefore not nit. Hence, 1.1.5 will not operate here, and guna replacement (--todani) should result. Both faults are avoided by bringing in 1.1.57 (2.1[a']), so that in cyu-ante and tud-ani the root is considered separated from the non-pit and pit suffixes by sap and sa. Since both (1) and (2) are acceptable, the implication is clear that (1) is preferable (cf. 2). This is the interpretation given by the Kasika: sarvadhdtukam 'A sdrvadhatukathat is non-pit is nit-like'; cf. SK 2234, yadapittannidvadbhavati S 366. However, an interesting use of (2) is made in the Bhasya's discussion of 3.1.83 (halah snah sanajjhau). This rule provides for the replacement of sna (ninth-class present marker) occurring after consonant by sanac before -hi;38e.g. mu?ana < mu~ 'steal' (muinati). It is asked (III.157 [II.62.24]) why sdnac is given with a marker s. The answer is: so that 1.2.4 might apply, thus bringing in 1.1.5; for by marking -ana- with s, we include it in the sdrvadhdtukasuffixes the sub(note 13). This is rejected, since, by 1.1.56 (sthanivadadeso'nalvidhau), stituens -ana- is considered like the substituendum, hence is considered as marked with s. An alternative reason for marking -ana- with ? is then (III.158 [II.63.4-5]) that this serves as an indicator (jndpaka) that, in replacements of sdrvadhatuka suffixes, 1.1.56 does not apply with respect to markers such as s; otherwise, listing sanac with s would be useless. If this view is adopted, it is not necessary to mark -tat replacing imperative suffixes -tu and -hi (7.1.35 tuhyostatandasisyanyatarasyam) with n (tdtan). Though the substituenda are pit (tu < tip, hi < sip), the substituens is no longer so. Without having to mark -tat with n, we find that it is not pit, and hence can bring in 1.2.4 and 1.1.5 to get, e.g., bhavanbratat 'may you say'. If one adopts this view, however, a fault results: the desired guna replacement in, e.g., asunavam 'I pressed' < asuno-am by 7.3.84 (1.2), does not occur. Here, -am is a replacement of mip (3.4.101) but is not pit, so that 1.2.4 and 1.1.5 intervene to impede the application of 7.3.84. Therefore, the procedure supposed to be indicated by the use of s in 3.4.83 is rejected, and the marking with n for -tat and other similar markings are retained. A problem still remains: though
37
Sa replaces gap by 3.1.77 (tudddibhyahgah); ni replaces mip by 3.4.89 (mernih). 38hi, now occurring after a stem in -a, is zeroed by 6.4.105 (ato heh).
NEGATIONS IN P.NINIAN
RULES
49
tdtatais nit by overt marking, it is also pit by virtue of 1.1.56 (cf. above). Therefore, given bri-tip -> bri-tu -. bri-tdt, it would be possible to have the nit-ness of the suffix determine the absence of guna replacement and its pit-ness determine its receiving a grave accent (3.1.4 anudattau suppitau). But pit-ness also determines the addition of augment -z- (7.3.93 bruvaZt)as in the 3sg. pres. ind. bravZti. To exclude such a possibility, there should be a statement that a pit suffix is not iit and a iit suffix is not pit. This is obtained (Bh. III.160 [II.64.9-11]) by interpreting prasajyapratisedhain 1.2.4. Since the negative is then construed with the verb bhavati to form a separate sentence na bhavati, this sentence can have a subject pit in 1.2.4 (pinninna bhavati) and then be carried into the next rule (1.2.5), but now with a subject nit (nicca pinna bhavati, Bh. III.160 [II.64.10]). hi This is succinctly put by Haradatta (PM 1.268): tatra [prasajyaprati?edhe] bhavatipinninna bhavatiiicca pinna prthakkrtasyanano yathe.tamabhisambandho bhavati 'In that case [prasajyapratisedha],nai, which is taken separately, is construed ad libitum ...' 2.3. In some ambiguous cases, the choice of negative interpretation is determined not by the relative prolixity and complications which result from applying a rule, but by the fact that only one interpretation can actually be applied to yield the results desired. For example, 6.1.132 (etattadohsulopo 'koranansamdse hali) provides for the deletion of su (nom. sg. suffix) occurring with etat 'this' and tat 'that' when a consonant follows, thus esa daddti 'he gives'. One of the conditions limiting the application of this rule is anansamdse. If this is interpreted as a paryuddsa ('non-negative compound'), proper results are not obtained; for pbh. 74 (note 19) intervenes and the deletion applies only in compounds. Hence, only prasajyapratiqedha('not in a negative compound') gives the needed application to yield both aneso daddti and efa daddti. This rule is of special interest because of the interpretation found in the Kasika: etattadau ydvakakdraunansamdse na vartete tayor yah susabdah ... tasya samhitdydm visaye hali parato lopo bhavati 'su pertaining to etat and tat which do not
contain k, and WHICH DO
NOT OCCUR IN A NEGATIVE COMPOUND, is
deleted ...'
The important words here are yau ... nafsamdse na vartete, the translation of which is emphasized. For, though the Kasika interprets prasajyapratifedha by connecting the negative with a verb, it does so differently from the way described in 1.1-1.2. The Kasika's statement is equivalent to (1) yadyetattadaunansamdse na vartetetadd sulopo bhavati'If etat and tat do not occur in a negative compound, then there is deletion of su.' Prasajyaprati$edha as described above would be stated as (2) etattadohsulopo bhavati I nansamdse tu na bhavati 'There is deletion of su pertaining to etat and tat, but not in a negative compound.' The paryuddsa vartetetadd sulopo bhavati interpretation would be (3) yadyetattaddvanansamdse 'If etat and tat occur in non-negative compounds, then there is deletion of su.' For reasons given above, (3) is not acceptable, and both (1) and (2) give a correct application of the rule. But (1) and (3) are similar in that they both state a single conditioned operation, while (2), which represents the formulation of prasajyapratisedha described in 1.1-1.2, sets up an unconditioned deletion and its cancellation in a specific domain (negative compounds). The question is whether one must accept formulations of type (1) also as representing prasajyapratisedha.
50
In considering this question, we must note that 6.1.132 stands free from the immediately surrounding rules in the sense that, though the next rule (6.1.133 syachandasi bahulam) also provides for the deletion of su, it does so for a different item (sya), and the question of whether 6.1.132 is interpreted with paryuddsa or prasjyapratisedha does not have any effect on the application of 6.1.133. The situation here is similar to that of 6.1.45 (cf. 2.1). The preceding rule (6.1.44 vibhdsd pareh [vyasca, 43]) provides for the optional absence of samprasdrana replacement of the root vye 'cover' preceded by pari and followed by the absolutive suffix ya (parivydya, parivTya).The following rule (6.1.46 na vyo liti) provides for not replacing the -e of vye by d in the perfect (liti)." This situation is quite different from that of 1.1.42-3, discussed in 2. For ease of the present discussion, let us repeat that the paryudasa interpretation of 1.1.43 is (4) napumsakabhinnasya sut sarvanamasthdnasamjno bhavati'sut connected with non-neuter is termed sarvanamasthdna';and that the prasajya pratisedha interpretation is (5) sut sarvandmasthdnasamjio bhavati napumsakasya tu na bhavati 'sut is termed and if it is connected with neuter it is not so termed.' Now let us sarvandmasthdna, introduce another prasajyapratisedha interpretation parallel to (1), namely (6) yadi sut napumsakasya na bhavati tadd sarvanamasthanasamjnobhavati 'If sut is not connected with neuter it is termed sarvandmasthdna': this would be a general rule introducing the technical term everywhere save after neuter stems. On the contrary, 1.1.42 would be a specific rule introducing this term only for si, which is limited to neuters. Therefore, as discussed above (1), 1.1.42 would enter into consideration first, operate within its domain, and leave the remaining domains for 1.1.43 as interpreted in (6). Patafnjali's argument given in 2, however, is cogent only if interpretation (5) is adopted. The same reasoning applies to his argument for 1.4.14 (suptinantam padam) and 1.4.17 (svddipvasarvanamasthdne) and for 1.2.43-4; cf. Bh. II.363 (I.319.12-13) and II.67 (I.215.24-216.1). In these cases, we are dealing with pairs of close-knit rules where the interpretation of the negative compound in one rule affects the application of the other. In the case of 6.1.132, the preceding rule is not specifically related to it with respect to the operation provided; the following rule is so related, but, as noted above, the interpretation of the negative compound does not affect 6.1.133. 6.1.46 is similarly related to 6.1.45 in that ddecah is carried over from the former into the latter, while the interpretation of the negative compound in 6.1.45 has no effect on 6.1.46; and the operation of 6.1.44 is unrelated to that of 6.1.45. In such cases, which we might term neutral with respect to the interpretation of the negative compound, a formulation such as (1) is possible and yields the same results as (2). Thus for 6.1.45 we might consider both the prasajyapratisedha interpretation already noted, namely (7) dhdtvantasyaicadkdrddeso bhavati siti tu na bhavati; and another one, (8) yadi siti na vartataejantasya dhdtorddddeso bhavati'If it does not occur before sit an -ec root has a replacement.' But this is a conditioned rule, and hence it is clear that Patafij ali did not operate with a formulation such as (8); he clearly notes that the replacement is unconditioned (2.1). It is understandable why Patafijali operated with type (7) instead of (8). The 39 E.g. vivydya(3sg.), with samprasara.nareplacementin the reduplication by 6.1.17, vrddhi of e by 7.2.115,and dy by 6.1.78. replacement
51
former type is necessary where there is closest interrelation of rules; not only are the rules related with respect to their content, but the way one is applied affects the way the other is applied. The procedure applicable in such cases is then taken to apply elsewhere, including rules such as 6.1.45 and 6.1.132. Since these two rules are similar, the interpretation applied to the former should hold for the latter. Since Patafijali applied (7) to 6.1.45, it is impossible to accept the Kasika's formulation (1) as it stands. It must then be considered a loose formulation in a context where the difference between types (1), (8) and (2), (7) is not crucial. 2.4. The point made in the last paragraph of 2.3 is confirmed when we consider 1.4.57 (cddayo'sattve).This rule provides that ca etc. be termed particles (nipata, 1.4.56). The question is whether asattveis to be interpreted as paryuddsa or prasajyapratisedha. If the former is adopted the rule means (1) yadi sattvabhinne vartante cddayo nipdtasamjnii bhavanti 'If they mean a non-thing, ca etc. are called particles'; cf. Bh. II.443 (I.341.5). If the second alternative is adopted, one interprets (2) cddayo nipdtasamjni bhavanti I yadi tu sattve vartante tadd nipatasamjid na bhavanti 'ca etc. are called particles, but if they mean a thing they are not.' The most straightforward example showing that (1) cannot be adopted is pasu, which means both 'animal' and 'certainly, exactly' (samyak). Now, pasu 'animal', which should not be a particle, means 'thing qualified by generic quality' (jdtivisistadravya),hence also means non-thing; if (1) is adopted, it will then be a particle. By (2) the fault does not result. The Kasika interprets 1.4.57 as (3) cddayo nipdtasamjnidbhavantina cetsattve vartante 'ca etc. are called particles if they do not mean a thing.' It also specifies 'This is a prasajyapratisedha.'But Haradatta (PM 1.589) prasajyapratigedho'yam modifies this formulation: sattve ced vartatetadd sa.mjnad na bhavatTtyarthastaddha prasajyapratisedho'yamiti 'The meaning is "If it [ca etc.] denotes a thing then there is not the term [nipdta applied to it]", thence the statement, "this is prasajyapratigedha".' 1.4.57 interpreted as in the Kaiika-cf. (3)-would give the same results as (2), but Haradatta has corrected the loose statement (3) to make it conform to the general formulation of prasajyapratisedha;what is negated is not the denotation of thing but the ruling in of the term nipata. 3. It is unfortunate that 1.4.57 (2.4) is usually cited as the prime example to illustrate and discuss the contrast between paryudasa and prasajyapratisedha.40
40 Renou (1942:202) cites this as his first example. Following him, Scharfe (63-4) uses this example only. Renou adds two examples, neither of which is of the crucial type discussed in 2. The first is vt. 4 ad 6.1.17 (cited in KaE. ad 1.2.1): vyaceh kutdditvamanasyanniti samprasdrandrtham. The varttika proposes that vyac 'deceive' be a member of the group kutadi. By 1.2.1, after members of this group, suffixes not marked with n or n are considered marked with n. By 6.1.16, vyac followed by kit or nit suffixes has samprasara.na and not marked replacement. Thus vyac-kta-- vic-ita; vyac-?a-tip,in which ga is sdrvadhdtuka with p, hence considered as marked with n (cf. 2.2 and n. 13), yields vicati. The purpose of the varttika cited is to introduce superimposed n marking in cases such as vyac-trc, where the agent suffix trc is not marked with k or i. Since it is not marked with n oroi either, by 1.2.1 it is considered marked with f, yielding a form vicita. The problem of whether anasi is to be interpreted with paryuddsa or prasajyapratisedha comes up in the 2sg. perfect. Here, vyac-tha (< sip, 3.4.82) has an ending marked with p. It is therefore not subject to
52
There are several reasons for this. First, as we have noted, this rule is of the type for which a formulation such as 2.4(3) is possible. Secondly, the discussion in the Bh.sya is tortuous and recherch6. Thirdly, there is serious disagreement in one major later Paniniya. The discussion in the Bhasya (11.443-4 [1.341.5-9]) centers about the word vipra. This is normally underived and means 'Brahman', but it can also be derived from viprdti 'fills up', with suffix ka by 3.1.136, and then means 'one who fills up'. Now, pra in vipra is derived from a verb with agential suffix (3.4.67 kartari krt) and means both activity ('filling') and thing ('he who fills'). If asattve in 1.4.57 is interpreted as paryudasa, since it carries over into 1.4.58 (prddayah), it applies there as paryudasa. pra given in 1.4.58 is then termed a particle when it means a non-thing. Therefore, the pra of vipra < viprdti, which means a nonthing (activity) in addition to a thing, and the pra of 1.4.58 are not only identical in form but also share the feature of being called particles. The statement in the Bhasya is asti ca prddibhih sdminyamiti krtvd.. 'There is a common feature (between the pra of vipra and the pra listed among) pra etc. ...' From this is drawn the conclusion: tadantavidhindnipdtasamjnd prdpnoti 'By 1.1.72 (yenavidhistadantasya) nipdtasamjna obtains.' But this reasoning is not at all straightforward. Consider first 1.1.72: this is a metarule providing that when an operation is ruled in by using a qualifier (visesana), we are to apply the operation not only to the qualifier given but also to what ends in it (tadanta). For example, 3.3.56 (erac) states that the suffix a(c) is to follow roots in -i when there is denoted, among others, the base meaning of the verb (bhdva); e.g. jaya- 'conquering, winning' < ji. Here i, cited in the ablative, is a qualifier whose qualificand is supplied by the governing rule (adhikdra) 3.1.91 (dhatoh), so that the suffixation applies to ROOTS ENDING IN i. The situation in 1.4.57-8 is quite different; there is no qualificand immediately available, so that it seems impossible to use 1.1.72. This rule can be used, however, if in Patafijali's statement cited above, nipatasamjnii means not 'the term nipdta' but rather 'the term which applies to a nipdta'-that is, by 1.1.37 (svarddinipatamavyayam),the term avyaya 'indeclinable'. Since pra in vipra is then an avyaya by virtue of its being a nipata, 1.1.72 can be used. For vt. 8 on 1.1.72 (prayojam sarvanJdmvyayasamjnaydm) gives as one of the factors necessitating the formulation of this rule (prayojana) the need
1.2.5, whereby non-pit endings of the perfect occurring after roots which do not end in a cluster are considered kit. Consequently, samprasdranasubstitution by 6.1.16 does not occur if anasi is interpreted as paryuddsa. For, in this case, by pbh. 74 (n. 19) 'non-as' refers to what is similar to as, namely primary derivative suffixes (krt). If anasi is interpreted with prasajyaprati?edha, the varttika states that vyac is to be a member of kutddi but not when it occurs before as. In this case, tha qualifies for being considered nit by virtue of being neither nit nor nit and by occurring after a member of the kutddi group; 6.1.16 therefore takes effect, giving vivicitha. The discussion of whether one type of negation or the other is to be interpreted concerns a varttika and only one verb; it has no effect on closely related rules, as in the cases given in 2. Here prasajyapratisedhacould be interpreted as yielding a statement, 'If vyac does not occur before as . . . ', that is of the type given in the Kagika ad 6.1.132, 1.4.57, with no difference in the results. Renou's third example is akartari in 3.3.19 (see n. 21): here again the rule is of the type I have called neutral. The preceding rule (3.3.18 bhdve)gives a distinct domain for the use of ghan; interpreting prasajyapratisedha would have no effect on 3.3.18.
53
for its applying in the case of the term avyaya.4' Hence, when 1.1.37 brings in the term avyaya, giving among the definienda nipata, we are to understand that what ends in a nipdta is also called avyaya. On the strength of the varttika statement just quoted, we are then to understand that the qualificand of nipdta is the word itself (Uddyota II.444: sabdarupam viesfyamdddya tadantavidhih). Therefore, vipra is subject to operations affecting indeclinables: by 2.4.82 (avyaydddpsupah) nominal case suffixes (sup) are deleted after it, so that the desired viprah, vipram, etc. are not obtained; application of 6.2.2 (tatpurue ... avyaya ... [prakrtydpirvapadam, 6.2.1]) gives an acute on the i of viprakambala 'filler's blanket',42instead of the desired acute on the last vowel of the compound (by 6.1.223). These faults do not result from vipra being a particle, let us reiterate, but from its being an indeclinable as a consequence of pra in it being a particle. This is lucidly summarized by Haradatta (PM 1.590): atra prasabdahkriydvisiste satyadravye vartate I tatra kriyddravyasamuddyasya dravyddanyatvdnnipdtatve sydt vyayasamjnadydm tadantavidherabhyupagamddviprasabdasydvyayasarmjnd 'Here (in vipra) pra means a thing qualified by activity; since the combination of activity and thing is distinct from thing, it is a nipata; given this, since for the term avyaya 1.1.72 is accepted to operate, vipra would then be an avyaya.' This argument is of course quite tortuous: the discussion on 1.4.57 does not really concern the rule directly, nor does it directly concern the term nipata except as contributing to a form's being called avyaya. The discussion could more easily and fruitfully have centered about the word pasu, mentioned above, and in fact most commentators do use this as the prime example (e.g. KAY.,N., PM, SK 20). Indeed, Nagesa (II.444) informs us that the discussion summarized above is said to be considered as taking place between two ekadesin, that is, two discussants who do not know the whole truth about the question: ekadesinoruktiritydhuh. Moreover, one of the giants of later Paniniyas, Bhattoji, in one of his works, does interpret 1.4.57 as containing paryuddsa. In SK 20 he interprets the rule as syuh 'Let ca etc. meaning non-thing be called adravydrthascddayo nipdtasamjnadh kim I particles'; and in his autocommentary (Praudh. 95) he says: adravydrthdh pasuh 'Why meaning non-thing? (Because of the faults which would otherwise result in the word) pasuh.'4 In his commentary on SK 20, Nagega (? 20) gives the expected reason for the choice of paryuddsa over prasajyapratigedha:it results in brevity (ldghavdt). To avoid the possible faults which could arise from this interpretation, he takes asattve as indicating exclusion of those items whose
41 sd cdvyayasanmjnd/tasydar Pradipa II.443: ayamarthah/nipdtasya sa.mjgdnipdtasa.mjnd casti tadantavidhih prayojanarnsarvandmdvyayasa.mjndydmiti. Scharfe's translation (63-4) of Bh. asti ca prddibhih sdmdnyam... as 'Und in der Uberlegung: "es ist eine Gemein-
and vipra derived from viprdti. brdhma.na

43
samkeitmit pra usw." wird nach Pan. 1.1.72der Terminus"Partikel"sich fialschlich erHis translation,'Wennes ein paryuddsa geben' is uninformative. ware, wiirdesich [die Bezeichnung"Partikel"]falschlich auch fiir das Nomen vipra ergeben... ', is disconI have cited, whichin this case it seemsreasonable sonantwith the commentary to follow. 42 This is an obviousimitationof brdhmanakambala used by Patafijalias an examplein his discussionof 6.1.91(IV.429[III.72.16]), and plays on the homophony of viprameaning In SK 1.4.56,however,Bhattoji followsthe generalopinionby interpreting prasajya-
prati~edha.
54
PRINCIPAL MEANING is that which is distinct from thing: visesatayd dravyabhinndrthditi. Therefore pasu 'animal' does not qualify for being a particle; it means thing qualified by universal quality (jdtivisistadravya),so that its principal meaning is thing and its qualifying meaning (visehana) is universal quality (jati). its prinSimilarly vipra means a thing qualified by activity (kriydvisis.tadravya); cipal meaning is thing, hence it is not a particle. As might be expected, any discussion of the difference between paryudasa and prasajyaprati~edhawhich concentrates exclusively on 1.4.57 is itself apt to be confused and misleading. Thus Scharfe, although he defines the two negations aptly enough (64), is quite unclear about the Bhasya's discussion of 1.4.57 (cf. note 41). He goes on to discuss logical aspects of the distinction, and here too he is not very clear, as has been pointed out by Staal (1963:255). But Staal himself is unclear about the basic distinction. He states, 'If the negation is prasajyapratisedha it has to be combined with the verb and the sitra means: "if ca, etc., do not denote a thing, they are particles." ' This is, as we have noted (2.4), the interpretation given in the Kasika44and does not reflect the essential aspect of prasajyaprati~edha.45
4. SUMMARY. Panini formulates general and specific rules. He also gives negative rules. These are both rules operating on items (e.g. 6.1.46, 2.3) and metarules (e.g. 1.1.5, 1.1, 1.3). A specific rule counters a general rule by providing a positive operation in a specific domain, thus limiting the domain of the general rule. A negative rule counters a positive rule by cancelling its operation. In rules with ambiguous negative compounds, the negative can be construed with the nominal with which it appears compounded, or with a verb. In the former case, the result is a positive rule operating in a domain specified by the negative compound. In the latter case, the result is a negative rule which cancels the operation supplied by the rest of the statement in which the negative compound occurs. The former is preferable wherever possible for reasons of brevity, but this brevity has nothing to do with the number of words in a rule. The essential point here is that the same rule, under different interpretations, may be applied in one or two steps. Finally, it is of interest that PSnini found it necessary in the first place to give negative rules in addition to general and specific rules. REFERENCES
ABHYANKAR, KASHINATHV.
CARDONA,GEORGE. 1965a. On Panini's morphophonemic principles. Lg. 41.225-38.
tal series, 134.) Baroda,OrientalInstitute.
1961. A dictionary of Sanskrit grammar. (Gaekwad's Orien-
. 1965b. On translatingand formalizingPaninean rules. Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, 14.306-14.
44 Renou's rendition (1948:47), 'excepte pour designer une substance', is acceptable as one based on the Kaiika; elsewhere (1942:202)he renders 'la regle ne vaut pas quand il y a expression d'une substance.' 46 By also formalizing 3.3.19 when interpreted with prasajyaprati$edha as F (a,c) A -F (a,n), meaning '(The suffix ghan is) not (applied) to the nominative (but is applied)
to case relationships' (in this case basing himself on Renou 1940:114), Staal (1962:59-60) accepts, perhaps inadvertently, two types of prasajyapratisedha interpretations.
NEGATIONS IN PANIINIAN RULES
55
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NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)

NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)

NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)

NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)

NEGATIONSIN PANINIAN RULES

VOLUME 43, NUMBER

NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

VOLUME 43, NUMBER

NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967) LANGUAGE,

contain k, and WHICH DO

NOT OCCUR IN A NEGATIVE COMPOUND, is

LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)

NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)

NEGATIONS IN PANINIAN RULES

and vipra derived from viprdti. brdhma.na

LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)

CARDONA,GEORGE. 1965a. On Panini's morphophonemic principles. Lg. 41.225-38.

tal series, 134.) Baroda,OrientalInstitute.

1961. A dictionary of Sanskrit grammar. (Gaekwad's Orien-

NEGATIONS IN PANIINIAN RULES

LANGUAGE, VOLUME 43, NUMBER 1 (1967)

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