Meyers Culture Making

Culture-Making: Performing Aboriginality at the Asia Society Gallery Author(s): Fred R. Myers Source: American Ethnologist, Vol.
21, No. 4 (Nov., 1994), pp. 679-699 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/646835 . Accessed: 19/01/2014 22:07
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culture-making:performingAboriginalityat the Asia Society Gallery

FRED R. MYERS-New YorkUniversity
Lifeis translation andwe are all lost in it. -Clifford Geertz[1983:44] My article is a belated reflection on some events in New York City in late 1988, when two Aboriginal men from Papunya, a community 160 miles west of Alice Springs, spent two weekend afternoons constructing a "sandpainting"for an audience atthe Asia Society Galleries. This construction was related to an exhibition, "Dreamings: The Art of Aboriginal Australia," then on display at the Asia Society. I am interested in this event not only because I know the artists from previous fieldwork at Papunya, but because the sandpainting and the exhibition itself represent a recognizable type of intercultural transaction. The performance of Australian Aboriginal cultural practice in a multicultural location is similar to others-increasingly taking place in venues ranging from art galleries and museums to rock clubs, such as the Wetlands in New York-that are important contexts for the contemporary negotiation and circulation of indigenous peoples' identities (see also Myers 1991). For both indigenous performers and their audience-participants, this kind of "culture making"-in which neither the rules of production nor reception are established-is fraughtwith difficulties. Generally, such "spectacles" of cultural difference are scrutinized very critically by anthropologists and other cultural analysts' on questions both of authenticity and of inequalities in the representation of difference. This makes them, in my view, all the more worthy of sustained attention. The way in which the performance is "stitched-together" discursively and practically is illustrative of a significant set of contemporary quandaries that, once buried in the handbooks of anthropological method and epistemologies, now occupy center stage in cultural study and the politics of difference. These quandaries-about ethnocentric projections, about the position of the observer-participant, about advocacy-are no longer external to the phenomenon. Translation is the ethnographic object. In the examination of concrete events, such as those of making a painting, representation-anthropological and otherwise-becomes tangible as a
This article presents and analyzes the construction and performance of Australian Aboriginal cultural practice, a sandpainting, at a major art exhibition at the Asia Society in New York. Drawing on an ethnography for which anthropological knowledge is part of the event itself, I examine the multiple constructions of Aboriginal identity in the performance. Such interculturalperformances represent an important form of cultural production and constitute salient contexts for the contemporary negotiation and circulation of indigenous peoples' identities. The focus of the analysis is on the unsettled and pragmatic quality of the performance as a form of social action, emphasizing the goals and trajectories of the differing participants and the specificities of context and discourses involved. [Australian Aborigines, performance, intercultural, identity]
American Ethnologist 21(4):679-699. Copyright ? 1994, American Anthropological Association.
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I also want to suggest that the uncertainties, form of social action. Further, the unsettled are centralto comprehending the variableproduction of culturalidentityin understandings, differentcontexts-what I am calling (afterRichardFox [1985] and SherryOrtner[1989]) or, morespecifically, "culture-making" "becoming Aboriginal." The objects displayedin the exhibitionwere mainlyof four types and fromfour different areas"in Australia: "cultural barkpaintings ArnhemLand), (fromCapeYork), (from sculptures and what are known as toas or sticks (Central (fromthe Australia), acrylicpaintings message Lake Eyre region). Barkand acrylic paintingsare produced as commoditiesprimarily for commercialsale to outsiders(see Bardon1979; Kimber 1977; Megaw 1982; Morphy1983, draw largelyon designs and 1992; Myers1989; Williams1976), but both artistictraditions storiesembeddedin Aboriginal traditional life. Bark as a particular mode of religious paintings, datefromthe beginning visualproduction, of the 20th century,although the formsaredirectly with mortuary continuous andthe like.Acrylicpainting datesfrom decorations, body paintings, of ritual 1971 (see Bardon derivedfromindigenous traditions 1979), butthe imagesaresimilarly form. Thetwo-day"performance" fromPapunya TulaArtscooperaby the two Aboriginal painters tive (BillyStockmanand MichaelNelson) was conducted on the Asia Society stage on the of the "origin"-the weekendof November4-5. Thiseventwas meantbothto show something culturaloriginaland ritualcontext-from which acrylicpaintingshad developedand also to fill a culturalslot in the Asia Society'sparadigmof programming. The performance-fullof as one more in a set of representations of "Aboriginal ironiesand fabrications-functioned In this case, the culture"and as a signifierof an emerging constructof "Aboriginality." in the the presenceof the "Other" by genuineAboriginal people authenticated performance If was for the Asia for some the chance to see the actual Aboriginal painters Society. paintings of in the real as tokens the "the Other" the thing, asserting genuinepresence certainly paintings, forotherstheirpresenceraisedprominent questions. held during The exhibitionitselfwas one of a numberof Australian culturalpresentations an example view as Australia's bicentennial One this 1988 to mark therefore, event, might year. of indigenousartthat arrivefromthe old settlercolonies fromtime to of those presentations sortsof cultural time. Similar displayswere once a partof NativeAmericanlife, in WildWest I would also suggestthatthe shows (see Blackstone[1985])as well as in the displayof "art." in intercultural Australian cultural forms practiceshould emerging contemporary Aboriginal formsproducedin otherconditions: not be segregatedfromthe indigenous they may be new of spirituality and authenticity-that is, redefinitionsand rediscoveriesof demonstrations froman "other." workedout inthefaceof challenging Theyare,however, interrogations identity in to this no less sincereor genuineas cultural expression response history. do not addressthese Inthis light,it seems to me thatmostanalysesof culturalperformance events as formsof social action. Indeed,the currentdominantdiscourseaboutsuch performances emergingfromthe discussionby manyanalystsrevolvesarounda view thatindigenous themselves.Thisposition,once the oppositional critiqueof people (natives)shouldrepresent Those of to dismiss intercultural tends frames, productions identity. previousrepresentational to that have been done overwhelmed at the terrible and It Aboriginal things bygui justlyoutraged of them too often as merelyvictimsor passiverecipients people,2for example, still represent Euro-Australian artcriticsin Sydneyand New the actionsof others.Thus,the predominantly commodification Yorkhave frequently dismissedAboriginal acrylicpaintingas an inauthentic of their culture.3Forthe art world, this is a judgmentthat reduces Aboriginal paintingto our I from In would this erases Price the (see 1989). end, sightthe ways argue, insignificance that circumstances from the and value use to define in which Aboriginal painting gain people One mustbe cautiousabout romantically confrontthem:a double erasure. findingresistance of and culturalfreedomwhere none exists (see Abu-Lughod 1990); it may be thata structure
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such as thatestablished determine domination, conquest,will ultimately bythe whiteAustralian Itdoes not follow, however,thatone should accept such the outcomeof individualinitiatives. the actionsof the participants an outcomeas representing themselves.To do so, I believe, can be grievously misleading. Incontrast to the extremesof romanticresistance and devastating domination,otherrecent involvedin workin cultural studiesand anthropology has recognizedthe intersecting interests and receptionof such events. Inadditionto pursuing the production such an approachhere, I of suchevents inthe lifecoursesand projects wantto arguethatthe significance of participants An ethnographic goes well beyond the momentof their performance. perspectivecan draw attentionto the neglected temporaldimension of such culturalevents by consideringthe thatbringthe variousplayers historical trajectories together. positions I do not offermyselfas the hero of this story.Indeed,I emphasizethat I am in it, partof it. ButI thinkit does matter thatI am in it, not leastbecauseanthropological like representations my own (see, for example, Myers 1986) enter heavily into many discourses concerning Thisis strikingly so in the representation of "meanings" forAboriginal art.My own Aborigines. involvementin the event was minorand largelyinformal, as I shall detail below, instructive inthe 1980s. By1988, theovertlanguage of anthropology mainlyaboutthe changing"location" and action of politicsso prominentin the 1960s and 1970s had shiftedwith the worldwide communitiesmay be, swingto the right.Howeverphysicallyremotethe people in Aboriginal the relationship betweenthem and the dominant terms society is mediatedby Euro-Australian of "Aboriginal self-determination," citizenship,and welfaredependence in a liberalstate. In as elsewhere,indigenouspeople arestruggling to finda voice and to definethe terms Australia, of their situationin ways that will strengthen theirown sense of autonomy,their own local and histories.Manyrecognizethat,to some extent,they will have to workwith the traditions termsof the dominantsociety if they are to gain any culturalor economic advantage.Others find it simplyinexplicablethatthe white societyfailsor is unableto recognizetheirterms. The commentsand participation of Aboriginal in the exhibitionshow preciselythe extent painters to which the people I know are willingor able to recognizesuch terms.One mustunderstand thatthe termsof discourseareneitherinvariant nordo they issue froma singlearena.Theyare, as numerous theorists of identity haveargued,multiple andshifting (Bhabha 1986; Butler 1990; and Hall it is 1990; Spivak1987). Thus, that, in recentyears, Ginsburg Tsing1991; interesting are indexedby their"artistic" Aboriginal people increasingly production,productsthat stand fortheiridentity. Thisshouldhardlybe a surprise. Inmanyrespects,it is the artworldthathas constructed the new scene, the arena in which the "Other"-the non-Western,non-white, non-male-is bothbeingconstructed and its use contested.Notably,even when the "Other" is invitedto representhimself/herself/themselves in the 1980s, most frequentlyit is the "artist" who is invitedto speak-be itTrinh T. Minh-Ha, DavidHwang,or MichaelNelsonTjakamarra. Aroundthem, and sometimesthroughthem, deep debatesover the adequacyand legitimacy of representations of culturehave been takingplace. identity Two issuesseem to be centralto the performances andcirculation of collective identitiesby Australian I as have the is Aboriginal people. One, alreadysuggested, significanceof cultural in Western not for the of communication performances settings, just aspects of a collective but as a central context of its and transformation. identity, Aboriginal perhaps very production
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of an Aboriginal as opposed to The other issue is the veryexistence and production identity, the less categoricaland moretemporary local identitiesthatAboriginal people had typically produced(orobjectified[see Myers1988])forthemselvesin social actionin the past.To put it untilthe Europeans came. Therewere, instead,"peoplefrom boldly,therewere no Aborigines of or "Warlpiri or clan." Walawala," people," "people Madarrpa life this sortof The us/themoppositionis obviouslya criticalquestion,since in traditional if "the Other" self-other essential is (a contrast)is a alterity impossible-even permanent, of own There can be no doubt that the category condition one's definition.4 necessary in the first settlers of descent used is, instance,externallyimposed-as "Aboriginal" European to of continent who no the category denotethe originalinhabitants the had framework (orneed) to graspthemselvesas an identity(a difference)in oppositionto some othersortof people.5 Theywere quite able to do so, of course-as they typicallyextendedthe indigenouscategory for Pintupi;yapa, of "humanperson"(for example, wati, "man,"or yarnangu,"person," in Northeast for Warlpiri; ArnhemLand)that had differentiated yolngu, "person," "person," to contrast with "whitefellas" "realpeople"fromothersortsof persons(orsubjects) (see Keeffe reeksof its colonialist 1992; Myers1993). To some, the verycategory"Aboriginal," therefore, by the originsas the formof the indigenouspeople's dominationand exclusion. Embraced descendantsof the firstinhabitants, however,it has the potentialof layingclaimto a temporal Nations" has in thathas moralpowerin claimingrights to land(asthe conceptof "First priority of was little the a of collective there action NorthAmerica). existence identity, Despite category or realization. was moretypically,forwantof a betterword, basisfor its performance Identity of identity oriented or relative,local.Mostperformances Aborigiby traditionally "segmentary" at one level but linking them are "totemic" nal people (see Myers1993), differentiating people at another. numerous contextsin whichcollectiveidentities Incontemporary life,thereareundoubtedly should some consideration thata central arecriticaldimensionsof social action,but it require and critical discussion-that is, the objectification-of cultural arena for the performance 1990). 1992; Lippard identityhas been in "thearts,"so to speak (see Kirshenblatt-Gimblett theiractivities and beliefs,and then in which firstobjectsrepresenting a long history Following films,were circulatedin museumsand exhibitions, Aboriginal people have been participating of their culture and identityin such endeavors, increasinglyas embodied representatives theirculturein externalcontextsin the formof "performance." (Theseare,too, male displaying were embodied bodies.One mightwell askwhatdifferenceitwould makeifthe performances the have have been. Would as could women, "readings" emphasized an they easily by withthe earth?) "female" identification essentialist existsoutsideof representation" Hall'smuch-quoted Stuart (Hall1990), statement, "nothing are always mediated,alwaysenter into a ground is entirelyto the point.These performances "shocksof the avant-garde by existinggenres-genres of pedagogical"instruction," prepared if the and so on. for the loss of Moreover, wholeness," new," "nostalgia performers, spiritual festivalsand performances, visitors to a rangeof cultural somewhatcosmopolitan bringa sense sometimes the audienceparticipants of audienceand intention, bringat leasttwo preexisting, of culturaldifference.One, more overlapping,culturalframesfor this sort of performance of ethnicity,where culturaldifference frame is the performance political and instructional, indexes collective and (potential)political identity.This frame probablyderives from the discursive folkloristic interestsin nationalminorities,but it is now a significant 19th-century Worldpeople (see Graburn of Thirdand Fourth for the presentation framework 1976, Paine at a settingsuch as the AsiaSociety(wherea typical 1981). The otherframe,well-established artand performance) is the frameof orJapanese would concern Chinese, Tibetan, presentation of an "aura" to is that assumed cultural form in with a contact something possess coming
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(Benjamin 1968), of sacred tradition or aesthetic originality, as expressed in the following piece of publicity circulated by the Asia Society: the extraordinary art. It is the oldest continuousarttradition in the world,and is vitalityof Aboriginal with new energyandcreativity in contemporary media.Theworksin the exhibitionrepresent flourishing the spiritual of Aboriginal the "Dreamings," foundation life. The origin of the exhibition and the sandpainting event lies in the collaboration of the South AustralianMuseum and the Asia Society. In addition to the exhibition itself, the Gallery offered video displays, films, a two-day symposium with anthropologists and Aboriginal artists, and the sandpainting (under the auspices of the "Performance"segment of the Asia Society staff).6These events were not only intended to help place the art objects on display in a sociocultural and historical context.7 As "events," performances also provided the sort of action that brings additional publicity and attention to an exhibition. This certainly proved to be the case with the sandpainting: basing herself on interviews with the two painters, producer Joanne Simon did a segment on the exhibition for the nationally syndicated "MacNeil-LehrerNews Hour" (1989). The responsibility for arrangingthe sandpainting allegedly lay with the curators from South Australia (anthropologists Peter Sutton and Chris Anderson, also contributors to the catalog), who negotiated for over a year with men from the Papunya Tula Artistscooperative (currently about 90 men and a few women, mainly from the communities of Papunya, Kintore,Kiwirrkura, comprise this collective). However, it was the Asia Society people who insistedon this inclusion to help show something of the roots of the acrylic paintings in ritual life. The sandpainting event, billed as "TraditionalSandpainting by Aboriginal Artists,"cost $10 to attend and attracted a more-than-respectable 700 visitors on its two weekend afternoons. The rubricfor the construction of a sandpainting was that such ground designs constitute one of the traditional bases for the contemporary production of acrylic designs on canvas. The embeddedness of designs in traditional religious life constitutes, for Aborigines and perhaps for whites, a major part of their value (Myers 1989). While the South Australian curatorsagreed to negotiate for a performance, the secret/sacred (that is, esoteric) nature of men's ritual and the conventions for its display (well-known to anthropologists) were a problem, because performance in a fully public context would be a violation of the ordinary, prevailing rules for the production of such symbolic forms.
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Perhaps Ishould explain my own participation in the events.8 I was consulted late in the plans for the exhibition itself, for advice on training docents. Because I was already going to Central Australia for more fieldwork with Pintupi people, I ended up helping to make a videotape representingthe point of view of the artistsfrom the community of Yuendumu (the cooperative known as WarlukurlanguArtists)that was shown for the exhibit (this is another story, however). I also agreed to take part as a speaker in the firstsymposium, drawing on my previous research with men who had done several of the paintings in the show. When the Papunya artistsarrived, men I had known for several years, I visited with them and offered to make videotapes documenting the event and trip for them to take back to show in Papunya. So, I spent most of the days of their visit to New York either shooting video and talking with them or informally as a participant,providing anthropological knowledge to the audience. My ability to take on these roles was enhanced by Chris Anderson's interest; as the anthropologist who organized the sandpaintingevent from the South AustralianMuseum, Anderson was as interested as I in having a document of this unusual interculturalevent.
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ritual are typicallyconstructed as partof ritual,includingsongs and reenactments Sandpaintings of ancestral are activities,in which all those presentareessentiallyparticipants. Sandpaintings entitiesnorare they performances neitherindependent foran audience of spectators. Indeed, are ritualconstructions to which, like most forms of religiousknowledge in sandpaintings access is restricted. Central men would ordinarily be permitted to see Australia, Only initiated at the Asia these paintings.In that simple sense, the activityof constructing a sandpainting Society was somethingnew. And how to managethe paintingin such a way as to adhere to the conventionson such knowledgewas an issue that had been discussedat sufficiently artists beforethey came to the UnitedStates. meetingsamongthe Aboriginal were faced with managing the paintingin such a way as to adheresufficiently to The artists the conventionsof such knowledge,that is, sufficiently enough to protectthemselvesfrom to designsand frompossiblespiritual criticismfromotherswith rights dangersfrommisperformance.Theywere certainly cognizantof the dangers theyfacedfromthe jealousyof othermen, Andwhen Michael although they haddiscussedtheirplansat lengthwithothermenat Papunya. for example, a greatsuccess for the was interviewedby JoanneSimonfromMacNeil-Lehrer, He told her, AsiaSociety,she askedhimaboutthe meaningof the dots in the acrylicpaintings. Suchknowledge thathe couldnottalkaboutthat:"Ican'ttell youthatname." politelybutfirmly, was restricted.9 inAboriginal forwhichhe hadrights as what is called "owner" Eachof the mendid a painting sake here (butsee thatcan be conceived of, for simplicity's or kirtain Warlpiri, English, rights Meggitt1962, Munn 1973, Maddock1981, Myers 1986), as rightsto designs and stories, Suchrights them,obtainedthrougha fatherwho was also kirta. includingthe rightto perform of the same from set to are differentiated another,complementary, objects,songs, and rights Bill or Stockman's to those who are which stories, painting belong "managers" kurtungurlu. while Michael Nelson's was, typically,more ambitious:it was of the Budgerigar Dreaming, Dream includedthreedifferent Ant).Such (Possum, Flying Kangaroo, ingsto which he hadrights All of men ritual conditions. undertaken several under would have been normal, by paintings to the audience,which, however,changedoverthe courseof the thiswas explainedrepeatedly would and seemed littleableto hearits local significance.Such issuesof production afternoon art concerns, but these entered little into the be of greattheoreticalinterestto postmodern frame. essentiallymodernist the painters and their purposes were chosen andagreedto do the TwoAboriginal men, MichaelNelsonand BillyStockman, in An their which was partlymade in conjunction criterion selection, sandpaintings. important and partlywith to TulaArtists) with the advice of DaphneWilliams(thenartadvisor Papunya both men speak was that of the artists of a groupmeeting the recommendation themselves, of intercultural activity previousexperiences Englishrelativelywell. Nelson and Stockman's meantthey would be comfortable or mediating theiridentities) (theywere used to representing with people there. The Warlpiri painterMichael travelingto New Yorkand communicating andcomplexperson.Theyoungestson of a ritually is an intense,thoughtful, NelsonTjakamarra Michael was long overlooked in favor of his rather fatherand grandfather, very important the he was brother. While older youngerof the two men on this trip,Michaelhas glamorous for his painting,especially for the design he did that was achieved considerablereputation House.10 reproducedin a huge mosaic in frontof Australia's recentlycompleted Parliament One of MichaelNelson'spaintings was in the exhibitionand is reproduced on the coverof the catalog. But Michael took up paintingonly recently, and the older man, Billy Stockman,
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as a painter fromthe earliestdays Michael'sclassificatory brother-in-law, enjoyed a reputation of Papunyapaintingin 1972. Billy,distinguished "elder" by his silverhair and full-bearded Congress,visitedthe United appearance,has servedas a memberof the NationalAboriginal States and Francewith earlierexhibitionsof Aboriginalwork, and traveled as one of the in Lagos, to the BlackArtsFestival Nigeria,in 1978. Othermen could representatives Aboriginal have come insteadof these two, butthey were likelychoices, giventhe circumstances. Why they wantedto come and what they wantedto communicateis morecomplex. First, of a tripto a distantcountryand,secondly,the considerable therewas the interest prestigethey who have traveled,I can say, to Papunya. Otherartists expectedto enjoy when they returned because of their themselvesback home as entitledto specialtreatment have triedto represent told me thatno one can argue experiencesand connectionsabroad.(One man has repeatedly in England becausehe has "toomanyrelations" with himor threaten Australia, him, in Central has of one's own identity from"far Sucha value on relations and America.) away"as a bulwark life (Myers1986). Infact, the trip itselfand the interestwhites roots in traditional Aboriginal showed in them would increasetheir importanceat home (as more firstamong equals than at lunchone day afterthe sandpainting, the two men beganto discussthe others).Interestingly, with me and expresseda sense thattheirown positionsand politicsof theirhome community control should be more significantthan they currently were. Partlyon these grounds,the to them:to show others.They complainedthat what videotapeI was makingwas important women danced in Sydney,is not yarnangu (Aboriginal people)do, such as when the Papunya shown on the smalltelevisionstationat Papunya(as it is at nearbyYuendumu). of the sandpainting Theexplicitpurposeof theircoming and theirconstruction was to show of their culture to the so would understand and culture. world, people respect Aboriginal people When two Howeverobviousthis mightseem, the communication was hardlystraightforward. at the artists' hotel roomto meetthem, of the MacNeil-Lehrer interview team arrived members to and to the interviewers create communication attempted rapport begin by askingthe men At that point, it seemed to me, BillyStockmanactually where they learnedto speak English. told them most of what they would have wanted to know about the relationshipbetween identity, Aboriginal painting,and the dominantsociety.Theydid not recognizethis as partof his performance, was to saythathe did not learn unfortunately. Billy'sresponseto theirquestion in school, but at stock camps. Beforeany of that, however,he had to learn to speak English ceremony,theirown Law,fromhis father'sLaw,in the bush:
Ididn't Law.Sortof Aboriginal school, ceremony.Learned go to school... wentto Aboriginal Aboriginal there. highschool,you know?Not whitepeople'sschool. Learned ceremony, painting,
Only later,he stressed,did he learnwhite people'sways. Of course,this was not capturedby saw how muchtheywere being informed anycamera.Nordid it seem thatthe two interviewers of "Aboriginal about the value or priority high school,"of learning"ourLaw."' Aftertheir Michael Nelson was of the way he was asked questions in the critical interview, highly them too This too interview, is, ironically, finding abrupt, sharp. quite a common formulation make of their from difference to the processesof whites,especiallyin regard Aboriginal people and of and recognizingpersons, communicating acquiringknowledge (see Keeffe 1992), that were in to the entire and respect fundamental, fact, processes projectof communication forcultural difference the exhibition. in Michael had an idea his of what he head envisagedby wantedto say andfelttrippedup by the questionswhich,he said,"madeit hard." Thequestions did not allow him to explain his subjectas he wished. Thus,he criticizedthe way these "big he said, notingtheirdifferencefrom city people ask too manyquestions"; "theydon't listen," those of us (FranCoise Chris Dussart,John Kean, Anderson,and I) who had considerable of communities. experience Aboriginal Thepainters were clearabouttheirintentions whenthey arrived in New York City(Fran~oise
Dussart, telephone conversation, November 1 1). As Michael Nelson said when we had a lunch
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"I'mrepresenting culturehere,"and he and Billy breakduringthe sandpainting, Aboriginal has some of the Stockmanwanted this to go well. I believe that this act of representing of ceremonieshas inthe localcontexts. forthe menthatthe successful performance significance who insisted on comingearlyto the AsiaSociety was an artistic Itcertainly challengeto Michael, this inwaysthatworkedwiththe news media to check outthe stageandconditions.Performing between Michael'semergingcosmopolitanidentityas an was distressing, given the disparity "artist" and theirtake on him as an exotic. Michaelwas a bit distressedaboutthe day spent when they took the men to the CarnegieDelicatessen with the MacNeil-Lehrer interviewers, New York" and to the CentralParkZoo, a nearbyvenue wherethey could filmthem "visiting from sortof performer and "beingAboriginal" Michael,a different (Billytalkedto the animals). November12).Michael (ohn Kean, conversation, expressed Billy,wantedto talkaboutthe "art" a particular concern aboutcontrolof an expectationof being paid for appearingin a "film," people.Atthe sametime, he hadexpectedto see himself imageslongan issuewith Aboriginal on television in New Yorkand was initiallysomewhatdisappointed by the apparentlack of fortheirwork, discussionwithsome of us, he decidedthatthe publicity interest. However,after would help sell paintings. that it would be seen "allover America,rightaround,"
event of ChrisAnderson(curator Precededby a short lectureon the firstday by anthropologist of performand commentsby BeatiGordon(director SouthAustralian Museum) anthropology, ances at the Asia Society),the "event" began on each day at about 1:00 p.m. and consisted at his own painting, of the two men sittingon a raisedstage,each working applying principally (wamulu)made fromwild daisies to a sand surface.Wearinglong acrylicpaintand a "fluff" butwiththeirtorsosand facescoveredwith redochre,the two menwere mostlyalone trousers on and off artadvisorto Papunya(JohnKean) on stage, althoughthe former broughtmaterials On the firstday, the men decoratedthemselvesonly in red ochre and headbands, for them.12 but on the second day, they painteddesigns on themselvesbeforecoming on stage. Drawn associated a snake(knownasjaripiri) of the Tjartiwanpa fromthe repertoire ceremonyinvolving on with those the to do the bodydesignshad nothing with a place called Winparrku, ground,13 but they "stood for" a bigger idea, of context-the relationof song, dance, and myth to the seatedaudienceof the largeslopingauditorium, sandpainting-thatis,forceremony.Facing forthe acrylicpaintthey were using small tins and containers were surrounded the painters by The stage had from CentralAustralia. had from "fluff" made of and bags brought plantsthey A Island. in from reddish sand tons of with covered 3 been singlebreak brought Long special for a rest. went men which the was held duringeach afternoon, backstage during thisevent, fromthose at the Asia Society, focusedon the Much of the emphasisin framing of the dimensionof the men "painting dramatic "disempowerment" up"and on the (eventual) modification a a the men two At of the event. the climax as dance, "performed" points, paintings fromthose involvedwiththe paintings thatmenenact incontextsquitedifferent of performances they were doing but which were chosen because they revealed no knowledge subjectto andsang MichaelNelsonturnedhis backon the audience14 Forthese performances, restriction. and the words of a song from the Tjartiwanpa providedpercussionby clapping ceremony danced the conventionalmovementsacross while BillyStockman togethertwo boomerangs, On the firstsuch occasion, Billydid only a singledance, but in the stage behindthe paintings. dance sequences. The second day this of sort,he did fourdifferent subsequentappearances of the sacred imagesof the as the "disempowerment" was builttowardwhat was advertised the image on and disrupting man sand each was which throwing by performed sandpaintings, of the other.
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The disempowerment was a new twist, owing considerably (I believe) to the Asia Society's previous performances of Asian religious art. Nonetheless, the frameworkof such performances has become conventional in recent years for Central Australian people. Culturalimprovisation is not new, even for the "bushiest"and least experienced of Aboriginal people. For example, ground paintings were similarly produced to accompany an exhibition in Sydney in the early 1980s, and painters from Papunya accompanied an arts group sponsored by Aboriginal Artists Australia that performed throughout the United States in 1981. Aboriginal women, likewise, have been performingtheir dances in artsfestivals around Australiawith considerable regularity and enthusiasm. These experiences, reported back by participantsto their compatriots at home, provide the basis for a genre of "culturalperformance" that is still partially unfixed. Another dimension of the "event," as experienced, was the alternation of long periods of silence (with the audience simply watching the painters) with the presentation of background information by "specialists," especially by Chris Anderson and Francoise Dussart (but on occasion by me), and questions from the audience. Such questions were addressed, by request of the painters, to those "white people who know about Aboriginal traditions."Unintentionally, this created a rather bizarre concatenation of meditative, observational silences and pedagogical overlays on a distanced and (apparently) unattainable pair of performers. It led one visiting Australian artist(ChristopherHodge) to complain, in writing as well as in the lobby of the Asia Society, that the event was "like a diorama."'5 Alluding to the lifelike scenes of figures behind glass in natural history museums, commonly held to embody a view of non-Western peoples as static and passive and as belonging to the natural environment as opposed to being human agents, Hodge's complaint suggests that the presence of Aboriginals in the sandpainting performance, ironically, violated the contemporary convention that the "Others"should speak for themselves. (This was, in fact, a convention rigorously observed in the symposium that had preceded this event by two weeks.) An artist himself, Hodge had recently visited Central Australia and had combined his sense of Aboriginal painters' co-presence (Fabian 1983) with the more general critical stance toward such representational practices. Throughout the afternoon, as well, the audience changed to some degree, as people came and went. They were also free to walk up to the stage to see more closely. In these respects, it is unlikely that everybody saw the same event, if ever one could say that.
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The event described, however problematic from the point of view of Aboriginal practices, made perfectly good sense in its slot within the Asia Society, which has had all sortsof performers from different cultural traditions, ranging from Kathakalidancers to Chinese singers. whats going on? Beati Gordon, the Asia Society's director of performances, introduced the event to the lecture audience by emphasizing "distance," "uniqueness," "difference," and "sacred ritual."Note how her own concern with authenticity is undermined by her unwittingly ironic emphasis on the newness of this event: a veryinteresting of sandpainting demonstration who We haveputtogether by two Australian Aboriginals have come here expresslyjustto do thatforus. Thishas not been done ever in the UnitedStates.As a of fact,ithasonlybeendonetwice in theworld,once in Sydney andonce in Paris, forlayaudiences matter like ourselves.Because, as Dr. Andersonwill explain to you later,this is a sacred ritualwhich the do in secret,uh, placesandthe one you'regoingto be seeing is notgoingto be a completely Aborigines secretone becauseapparently thereare many layersof thoughtthatgo intothese dreamings. [AndMr. Anderson beingthe experton it, I will let himtell you exactlywhat it is. Ijustwantto let you knowhow we will proceed.]
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At this point, anthropologist Chris Anderson took up, attempting to explain the inexplicable: what would people be seeing (or not seeing). Notice how he gets caught up in contradiction with the prevailing frame of interpretation: Theperformance as such in thatit'snot a dramatic today,I'd liketo explain,is not reallya performance event.... It'snot a ceremonyin that this work is normally done with many moreAboriginal people involved.It'sverymucha social event. It'sa deeply religious event,and it'san important politicalevent. Inthatsense, thisis not a ceremonybecausetherearetoo few people.It'sa verystrange contextforthem and so what they'vedone.... Ittook a long time of talking,perhapsa yearor so of discussion.... It of negotiating wasn'tjusta matter with two individual people aboutthe whole thing.Therewas a much socialuniverse thathadto be consultedbefore.wecould reallyget agreement on how it could be larger done [inotherwords,the painters are not fullyindividuated agents].... I justthoughtI'dmentionthatit is special and thatthey have modifiedthe designsto some extentso men doing this is secretandonly open to initiated thatthey can do them. .... Normally men... too powerful, only showingyou the top part,the outsidepart.Otherlayersaretoo important, They're too dangerous forsettingslikethis.Infact,any setting outsidethe normal one in whichthe ceremonythat the eventis partof would be too dangerous.So theyhavemodifiedit. Anderson went on to tell the listeners that the painters had to make adjustments, which represented the flexibility, creativity, and ongoing continuity of an Aboriginal culture that was once conceived as static and doomed. Forthe men, he says, the performance is a denial of just this view. Their culture is alive; they are here. But how should one feel about this event? The conditions of performance do not interferewith their understandingsof the sacred. As Anderson explained, Becauseit'ssacreddoesn'tmeanwe haveto adoptthis reverential attitude towardsit. The men see this, and this is the reason they'redoing it, they want to present theircultureand their world view to to Americans. So theyarehappyif you havequestionsandwant non-Aboriginal people andparticularly to look." added] [emphasis performing The Aboriginal men regarded this performance very seriously, and they were very proud of how they comported selves. They wanted approval and recognition, which required sustaining an illusion: Billy Stockman was finished with his painting by the end of the firstday but had to keep painting over it during the second day; Michael Nelson was concerned that people not be so close as to see how the ground had cracked, but felt that he had been able to cover it sufficiently with paint to hide it. Backstage at the Asia Society in the dressing room, with its mirrorsand makeup lights, the chatter and conversation were markedly different from the silence on stage behind which the painters moved in their own space. Realizing how participantstalk about ritualperformance in ordinary contexts, I told them I was impressed that they were able to sing and dance alone, without "shame" or "embarrassment"(kunta). Michael said it was hard, with so many people. But "we [are] representing our country." But there was also an air of performance that was quite different from that of ritual, not just because sandwiches and soft drinkswere brought in as refreshment.As partof the Asia Society's publicity, a New YorkTimes photographer arrived, and it was arranged for him to take pictures of the two men, painted up for their performance, with some small children. As the men knelt beside their boomerangs, several mothers broughttheir ratheranxious four-year-olds up to meet the men (who are quite used to the presence of children generally and are comfortable with them). The children were anything but comfortable or pleased to encounter these smiling, ochre- and paint-covered faces, however much the boomerangs might have interested them. The photographs were taken, but the embarrassment was palpable. At this moment, pressured by the enticing potential for "publicity," the Aboriginal performers were only exotic sign vehicles, "commodities," of "something interesting"and "seen for the first time here."'6 This objectification of their identity as "Other" contrasted powerfully with the way the Aboriginal men considered the relationships involved in putting on this performance. Elatedby their success, the often-reserved Michael Nelson chose to address those of us whites who had
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us withthem,17 to been withthem in termsthatidentified referring emphasizing"connection," kin how hard all worked in terms. said we had affectionate John (Chris, Kean, Billy people and I),includingus in theirentourage. Francoise, in this context and theirconcentration of At times, the men's conceptionof "performance" the men had insistedthey did not wish to efforthad unforeseeneffects. Quite significantly, while theywere painting thiswou d interfere withtheirconcentration answerquestions onstage; not this kind of on theirwork.Moreover, did seem to want intrusion. they Theywere, theysaid, in our in that to what we said, they had with respect,although listening very happy "help" some elaborations of what know. The resultsof this would like to they people suggested were the of and interpretive practice,however, alternating periods questions anthropological talkabout what the audience could see on the stage(andthe object of attentionuncontacted by the audience)in the lightsbeyondtheirreachand the periodsof hushedsilence as people justwatched. Thesilence is veryuntypicalof Aboriginal ritual events,especiallyin the preparatory stages, when formsof sociabilitysuch as chattingand card playing,as well as ceremonialsinging, accompanythe groundpainting.Silence at the Asia Society added a sense of what is to us meditational concentration thatis not at all obvious, if present,in the originalritual reverential, contexts.Manyof the audience commentedon this qualityof the event, and ChrisAnderson this in the comments I describedbefore.Andersonmay still have been forcedto anticipated into this play by not owning up fullyto thisevent as a sortof commodity,althoughhe did say that men had leftout parts,thatthey decidedto show what was only a partof a larger event. to in these so the audience did not seem to "disclaimers," Despite speak, many grasphow the contextreallywas. Thetwo menoftendid seem behindglass,the "glass different wall"effect of prosceniumstaging,althoughthey were listening activelyand occasionallylaughing-thus was createdthe experienceof the watcherImentioned who complainedthatthe eventwas like a "diorama at the museumof natural with history," expertsout frontexplainingandthe men in the spotlighton the stage. Whatwas this, people wanted to know?Was it a ritualevent?A commodity? Therewere about whether was and so forth. What was going manyquestions "power" being broughtin, on? What was being performed? Muchof the emphasis in framingthe event and discussion from the audience, especially on the second day, centered on (1) the theme or dramaof of the paintingsat the end, a theme that came from the Asia Society's "disempowerment" forthe event and that Itaketo be fromthe comparative advertisement thatis religiontradition at the Asia on or the men's with themselves (2) Society, significant painting designs,although the body designswere not fromthe same Dreaming as the sandpaintings. Nobodysaid thisto the audience,although Anderson did statethatthisperformance was only "showing a glimpse." Forthe men, this fused genre was not a ritual,althoughit sharedmany featureswith that As if it were a ritual,beforecoming to New York,the men had made genre of performance. certainto obtainpermission forthe performance of thisknowledgeand designwith otherswho had rights to it backat Papunya. Andwhile it was not, therefore, the men saw exactly a ritual, it as a performance with as was of their their local identities as that, ritual, expressive identity: to land-based ceremonialforms,theiridentities as mature personsdefinedby theirrelationship men with ceremonialknowledge,and their identityas "Aboriginal" (initiated) to (in contrast of the politicallycomplexconnectionsbetweenthese linkedidentities Some andthe whites).18 actualpersonsand histories who embodiedthem,however,were exposed during the eventand priorto it. InAdelaide,during the planning stageof theAsiaSocietyexhibition,urban Aboriginal people were reportedly Museum, very angrywith PeterSutton,the curatorfromthe SouthAustralian becausetheirworkwas not in the show. MichaelNelson apparently defendedSutton then. He believesthatpeople are reallyinterested in hisworkandthe workof traditional people because
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it derivesfromThe Dreaming, the source of value fromwhich most urbanpeople have been want to see [art]fromthe Center,"he told me, in explaininghis [whites] separated."They
understanding of the situation. "Urban Aboriginal people ngurrpaya nyinanyi ('they are igno-
rant'[of Aboriginal Law])." Thus,he feels sorryforthem. Thereis a considerablepoliticalchargeto such views. These differenceshave historically presenteda significantobstacle to Aboriginal political mobilization,and the separationof "traditional" and "urban" is Aboriginalpeople viewed by many activistsnot only as the of a racist colonial history, butalso as the current formof racialmanipulacontinuingproduct tion. In fact, such differencesand gaps betweendifferent "sorts" of Aboriginal being may be and "traditional" denied by "urban" in alike in contexts favor of assertions of people varying and At one the for Lorraine Mafisimilarity identity. point during sandpainting, example, woman and filmmaker who attendedthe event, spoke up from Williams,an urbanAboriginal the audienceand disagreedwith the Frenchanthropologist Dussart's of Francoise description how Aboriginal cultureis learnedby children.This disagreement, a to essentially challenge Dussart's fromone who sees herselfas an Aboriginal notfrom ethnographic authority (although the communitybeing discussed),was viewed as a potentialdisruption of the performance by a differing politicalagenda.Michaelsaid he had been worriedwhen she got up to speak;he fearedthat she mightupsetthings.Thiscommentalmostcertainlyderivesfromthe criticism activists whose politicalpurposes (discussed above)thathe had receivedfromsome Aboriginal and culturalcircumstances differfromhis. Likemany othertraditionally orientedAboriginal their law, or had it destroyed(he does not people, he believes that urbanpeople have "lost" placethe blameon them).But,as he told me, "We're lucky.We stillhaveour Law,everything." So it is natural forpeople to be interested in themand theirart. Themenwere authentic,butconventionsof "authenticity" were problematic the throughout the AsiaSociety'shard-sought 3 tons event, as the men foundwhen they consideredforegoing sandtruckedinfromLongIsland. of Central Becausethe sanddid nottakewater Desert-looking and producea smoothsurfacethe way Central Australian soil does, the men saidthey preferred to paintthe designs on the masonite-board floor, which itself had a reddishtone. The Asia breathed deeply for a moment and said "Thisis supposed to be Society representative we advertised Facedwith this,the men graciously sandpainting; sandpainting." gave in.
audience was complexand variedamongthe audienceandthe Theresponseto the sandconstruction Cross-cultural communicationis, in any case, complex and difficult.We cannot performers. ourselvesin accountingforthiseventby simplerecourse to the Aboriginal satisfy pointof view. We may know their intentionsand goals, but in this sort of "improvisation," to use a word for such performances, no one quite knowswhat the categoriesare. Neitherthe appropriate artists northe audiencehad a fixed and acceptedframework withinwhich to place thisevent. as well, with the departure fromconventionand seemed uncomfortable, The anthropologists fromthe "authentic" thatthe audience mighttake the new forthe or, at least,uncomfortable "authentic" context. Theaudiencebrought to thisevent a number of frames,including(1)thatit was a ritual (was this going to bring power to New York?), and (2) that religious activity was intrinsically One womanasked,forexample,"How (thesilence was wonderful). meditative, contemplative should we think about the makingof this constructionhere now? Does it include us? Is it something... is it just for Aboriginalpeople or is it for the good of everybody?And is it done for us?"19 AnotheraskedChrisAnderson, particularly
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I guess, that knowing that they are sharing something of their culture that is sacred, you did say they were not going below a certain point.... I understand that. But yet they are still sharing something that is sacred. Is it necessary for us in some way to give something back?
of aestheticproduction: "Are the imagespassed Othersseemed moreconcernedwiththe nature on fromgenerationto generationin a staticway or is there some sortof individualcreation involvedin each stage?" stressedthe unusualuniquenessof this Forthe Asia Society,the directorof performances event it was but event (neverseen in UnitedStates).Some viewerssaw it as the contradictory A some were but most it number of were artists, spectators anthropologists, enjoyed anyway. kindsof educational events in New middleclass who attendsimilar were partof the "cultured" art.The Asia Not many of the people we encounteredknew much aboutAboriginal York.20 for are more than Kathakali dancers, events, example, performance clearly Society'stypical this. What audience memberstook from their participation was varied, undoubtedly,but thatbelongcomfortably withinthe categories of Westernculture suggesteda set of frameworks of theirknowledge. butwhich recognizethe limitations two moreexamples: Letme give as illustrations
Audience: What I like about it also, is that you are dealing, I don't know if this is characteristic when it's really done in Australia, but there is this mixture of a casualness and a precise attention at the same time, so that you can come in and out. They seem to have a sort of relaxed attitude about it, so there is that sort of aspect to it. They are both very precise and concentrated but also sort of relaxed, get up, go around, and get things to drink. [interview by Elaine Charnov, November 5, 1988]
And finally:
Audience: I'd never seen it, of course none of us has ever seen anything like this, since this'is the firsttime it's been done in the United States. I think the show is a major show, in this country. I don't know that
I find it verypleasing.I also likethe idea of art,culture,art muchaboutthe artmyself,but aesthetically the whole society.ToomanyWesterners tendto separate it intoseparate beingpartof the whole culture, We forgetthat,even forourselves,artgrewout of our religion, our history. Itwas partof our categories. to see thesethingsandto learnaboutthem.To whole life, notone separate category.Butit'swonderful November Charnov, 5, 1988] by Elaine get thisone-worldglobalpicture.[interview
of "Aboriginal in the UnitedStates,and Thiswas certainlynot the lastperformance culture" the genre and its conventions are only now emerging. Subsequentevents, such as the in 1991, which involvedtwo otherPapunya Tour" "Walkabout withtwo Euro-Austrapainters to evoke other, perhapsmore avant-garde, lian poets, have attempted between relationships New Age contexts represent cultural traditions. anotherarenafor elaboration. Thisemerging the phasesof "encoding" genre,then, seems a good exampleof the necessityof differentiating and "decoding" (Hall1993) in the processof cultural production. Much mightbe said about such events, but one should remember that, howevertroubled and imperfect theireffectsoutlastthe moment.I they may be as incidentsof representation, thinkno one reallyknowswhat "happened" on the stage,whetherspiritual energyand danger were invokedor negotiated,or whetherAboriginal to place were securelysignified. relations I think, that a 7-year-oldboy whose motherbroughthim to see the It is not insignificant, was so thathe is now, fouryearslater,planning to do a school project captivated sandpainting to a on in on an imaginary Australia. trip foreigncountry Aborigines
conclusion
concern in this articlehas been to sustainthe sense of the Aboriginal My principal performance at the Asia Society as an event, a social engagementamong participants with varied and purposes.First and politicalbackgrounds, and foremost,I argue,it is cultural trajectories, if one is to to sustain this real valueto the position(s) perspective grantany particularly important in The the their view of these events simply improvisations. adoptedby Aboriginal performers
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as momentsin a longerhistoryor structure of dominationor subjugation, howeveraccurate of the event as a formof they mightultimately proveto be, ignoresthe play and possibilities social actionthatis not necessarily reducibleto a pastor futuresocial state.21 Notonly is there muchfor us to learnaboutthe experienceof such intercultural transactions by such attention; there also seems to be little alternative.A "postcolonial" one that does not ethnography, articulateitselfwithinthe alreadyexistingrelationsof knowledgeand power, mustattendto these actors'considerations over our own criticaljudgments. the of such unsettledevents is important as an exampleof the then, Secondly, ethnography common in situation which cultural "translation" is no increasingly longerconfinedeitherto or to the As and debates aboutculturalhomogeanthropology academy. ongoing passionate or about cultural pluralism,and the recognitionof multiculturalism, neity heterogeneity, "difference" constitutes a majordimensionof social life itself.Itgoes suggest,such translation on regularly, The statusof culturalproductionis inflectedwith a commonly, if imperfectly. furtherconsciousness:for Aboriginesto make a paintingnow, in the new context, is also sometimes"representing one's culture." They do so, of course, not always in the times and places of theirown makingor choosing;instead,they-and I, as ethnographer-operatein a of localsettings andmediatepragmatically and intellectually betweencultural traditions. variety do indeed their in identities relation to discourses Aboriginal people produce partly emanating fromthe West, but these discoursesare not monolithic,not invariant, and the social contexts in which practicesof representation operatehave varyingeffectsand significance. Both Michael Nelson Tjakamarra and Billy StockmanTjapaltjarri hold complex views the domination of Australians the white settler concerning Aboriginal by larger society. Indeed, since the 1970s, Billyhas frequently with whites deployedthe imageof an Aboriginal struggle for controlover resourcesin local- and national-level Nor is Michael Nelson naive disputes. in which aboutthesocialandcultural obvious inequalities hisdailylifetakesplace.Theseareas to both men as have been the negativeevaluationsof Aboriginallife and culture,of their and "ignorance." "nakedness" Yet in their performance at the Asia Society,they constructed themselvesand enactedthis culturalpolitics in a nonconfrontational fashion,drawingon an tradition of practicewhose importance ongoingindigenous they continueto upholdin its own right,and not just as a counter to externaljudgments.In this subjectivity, demonstrating somethingthey hold as self-evident, they resembleotherAboriginal people who have found Australian colonialismto be morallyunintelligible (see Rose1984; Rowse1994). ForMichael, at least until recently,there still seems to remainthe possibilitythat white Australians will to demonstration of of the land embodied Aboriginal ownership self-evidently respondmorally in ritualand painting(see Myers1991:51-52), thatthey mightrecognizeAboriginal "Law." of at the Asia Thisformof Aboriginality a the represents part identityperformed Society.In a versionof an indigenousritualpractice,one could say thatthe theiragreementto perform but in doingso, theyset the terms: men acceptedthe positionassignedto themas "primitives," and as partof an Aboriginal (1) they madethe decisionto come, both individually collective; (2) they chose not to talk duringthe performance.Additionally,in the constructionand of whatcountedas a "performance," evaluation of performers and (3)they assumedthe identity and artists therebyaddeda degreeof discursiveconsciousnessand intercultural awarenessto the availableconceptionof what indigenouspersonsare like. The event itself is a fused genre; it is "demonstration" and "workdisplay"fused with the aestheticsof "performance art."22 Itscommentary, and documentary didacticism, aspectsliken it to demonstration and workdisplay,but, as with performance art,we are invitedto watch "realpeople"(not actors)in process in realtime, unscripted, engaged in activitiesfromtheir are everydaylivesandconductedin open view. To the degreethatthese processperformances framedas an aestheticevent and enjoyed in themselves(rather than as a vehicle forcommu-
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art.Thisaccountsin partforthe responses, nicatingsomethingelse), they are likeperformance to "aesthetic which rangedfrom"learning" satisfied) experience"(transport). (curiosity Whatrelevance,then,do these events,takingplaceon another continent,haveforAboriginal The people living in remote desert communitiessuch as Kintore,Papunya,or Yuendumu? The mostconcretematerial relevancesare several,directand indirect, economic and cultural. of course,were felt in the market, whereconvincingappearances effectsof theirperformance, economic possibilities establishvalue forAboriginal art,one of the few availablenondegrading make the exhibitionnewsworthy,and fromthat they have. Eventssuch as this performance people'sexposureto Aboriginal paintingsand culture point of view increasenon-Aboriginal in this case, the abilityof the performers to enact more generally.Perhapsmore significantly the ritualfoundationof contemporary acrylicpaintingprovidesan anchorof commercially for this more hybridwork as a productof the indigenousimagination valuable"authenticity" of these material effectsdoes notend there,because (see Price1989). However,the significance art producers clearly feel thatsuch recognitionenhances theirculturalpower.As Aboriginal with indigenouspeople elsewhere, Aboriginal people see themselvesoften to be takenmore of Aboriginal culturethattake place seriouslyoverseasthan at home. Thus,the constructions in foreignvenues have significantconsequencesfor processesof Aboriginal self-production. to sustainthe realmof local meaningsand values-and a manyAboriginal Ironically, attempts focus on the immediate and local, in contrast to obligations to some superarching socialentity, is a longstanding concern of Aboriginal culturallife-may be occurringnow in these newly developingformsof social practicethatare in otherways transnational. Of course,these social relations arenotthoseinwhichstill-dominant indigenous conceptions of Aboriginal and practices were previously And what personhood reproduced. thisis precisely arousesthe suspicionsof criticaltheorythatcondensearounddebatednotionsof "authenticity," or"hybridity." Tobe useful,criticalreadings of emerging forms "commodification," "spectacle," of cultural mustovercomenotonlythe continuing fora cultural wholeness, production nostalgia but also the concomitantreification of the conceptof "culture" as moreof a structured given23 than an imperfectfiction that is ambiguouslymediatedby multipleand shiftingdiscursive moments. Thequestionsthatoughtto be askedaboutthe politicsof current formsof Aboriginal cultural arewhetherandto whatextentlocal (community-based) social ordersare defining production themselves-their meanings, values, and possible identities-autonomously in relationto external whetherandhowtheyaretransformed in relation to new powers powersandprocesses; and discourses;and how or whetherwhat had been local meaningsare now being defined with respectto discoursesavailablefromthe larger world.That dialectically(oroppositionally) shouldbe a closer examination is, our interestin such events as the AsiaSocietyperformance of culturalmediationas a form of social action in uncertaindiscursivespaces, of unsettled in short, of "culture-making." The concept of "culture-making," as Ortner understandings, betweencollectivesocialexperience (1989)shows, allows a moredirectfocuson relationships and the performanceof individualidentity.This perspectivecan go beyond the common views on intercultural that limitsthe interpretation of such eventsto postmodern performances theirironicaspectsand deniesthe distinctive of the culture-makers as well. Sucha view agency thatoccurswhen once-standard notions of "culture" and suggeststhe difficulty anthropological of the passive"culture-bearer" are imported intothe processesof intercultural transaction.24 In askingwhat such performances of "Aboriginality" accomplish,one faces the problemof a of intercultural transaction that has raised suspicion on two fronts. conceptualizing type have been disdainful of the naivete and ethnocentrism of audiences, Anthropologists apparent while avant-gardecritical culturaltheoristshave concentratedon the representation (and of cultural as an "others" function within the dominant (Western) display) ideological system (forexample, Clifford1985; Foster1985; Manning1985; Torgovnick1990; Trinh1989).25
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such insights have notcaptured the moreshifting and Despitetheirpowerto discerninequality, subtleconstructions anddisjunctions of actualcommunicative (orperformative) Thus, practice. is an attemptto my recourseto the notion of such events as occasions of "culture-making" the ethnographic and myown engaged recuperate experienceof thisintercultural performance of its participants. To ask where (or how) cultureis being made exposureto the perspectives it givesto the bringsus closerto the Aboriginal pointof view and practiceand the significance interestsof Westernaudiences.26 The emphasison how dominantcultures"produce" their othershas, itseemsto me,gone as faras itcanwithconfidentsermon izingon colonialprocesses; what is needed is a more ethnographicattentionto the meaning of such transactions to to whatthese "others" makeof us, howeverunequalthe powerrelations participants,27 through which such mediationtakesplace. Ifculture-making is takingplace, then one musttake seriouslythe audienceand its role, as theAboriginal did.Incontrast to stancesthatmightrenderthe performers Aboriginal participants too simplyas passivevictimsof the subjectivity, or "gaze," of others,one needsa morecomplex to articulating the powersandprocessesthrough whichdiscursive formations approach operate andarerealizedinpeople'slives.Far frombeingthe conditionof theirsubjection, theaudience's as an authentication of theirexperience.To ignore performers gaze is crucialto the Aboriginal this exchange analyticallyis to exclude arbitrarily muchof what is an Aboriginal self-defined as one who shouldbe respectedand heard,theirown powersand understandings; humanity, this would be a double erasure. of this performance Indeed,the circumstances suggestthat manyviewerssimplyindulged their curiositywithoutneedingto forma coherentidea of what the Aboriginal men were or shouldhave been doing. Itwould not have been too difficult to turnthis historyof Aboriginal and gropings identities into"farce," so fullof ironiesandfabrications is it. Inplaceof suchtreatments towardtranslation Isuggestone consider of exhibitions as textsoutsidethe realactivityof participants, events like in which participants "to this as formsof communicative action,performance, attempt encomis to in what alien one's (Rowse 1991:2), performances which neitherthe pass imagination" norreception forcritical rulesof production areestablished.Itmaybe difficult theorygrounded in Westernthoughtto graspsuch "performance" and itstheatricality withoutsuspicionsabout as Dening (1993) recentlyargued.To foreground the disjunctions, humorous its authenticity, as they undoubtedlyare, fails to recognize the sincerity and purpose of the Aboriginal themto make somethingof themselvesand theirculturesknown,to "objectify" participants attention and respect. selves as not only as a typeof people, butalso as worthyof international
It fails, as well, to capture what is the important quality of performance itself: to connect (V.
traditions arethe andcontextually of cultural Turner 1982). Suchpragmatic specificmediations of postcolonial stuffof culturalproductionfromwhich we should draw our understanding realities. notes
Acknowledgments. A shorter version of this article was prepared for participation in the symposium "Public Discourse and Collective Selves," at the American Anthropological Association Annual Meetings in San Francisco, December 2-6, 1992. 1would like to thank Michael Nelson, Billy Stockman, Peter Sutton, Chris Anderson, Francoise Dussart,John Kean, and Andrew Pekarik,not just for their help and openness in allowing me to participate in the events at the Asia Society, but also for sharing their knowledge and experience. I thank ElaineCharnov for her assistance in interviewing audience members, and I am especially indebted to Francoise Dussart for the many discussions we have had about this event and similar scenes of Aboriginal performance. I have benefited enormously from comments from James Clifford, Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett,Don Brenneis, and anonymous reviewers. Finally, I want to acknowledge Faye Ginsburg's many contributions to the conceptualization and the form of this article. The flaws are certainly my own. 1. See, for example, Fryand Willis's (1989) discussion of the "spectacular primitive" in reference to the Asia Society show and the exhibition in Paris, "LesMagiciens de la Terre."
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2. See T. Turner(1992) for a similar argument. 3. Arguments of this sort may be found in Fryand Willis (1989) and Taylor (1989), but there are many other examples. 4. My conception of identity (see Myers 1993)-as a construction of similarityand difference produced in sets of contrasts-draws most immediately on L6vi-Strauss(1962, 1966) but also owes much to the tradition of social theory in the creation of a self in relationship to an "other"(Mead 1934; Sartre 1948; Taussig 1993). 5. The Aboriginal political activist Paul Coe articulated a form of this in an on-camera interview in the documentary for AustralianTV produced by Frances Peters (1992), Tent Embassy: I was a young child growing up on a small Aboriginal reserve, a mission. Ifelt contented, I felt safe because whilst I was on the reserve-mission, I was just another person. It was only when I went into the white community that I became an Aboriginal. Whilst I was at my community, I was just treated as another human being. 6. Funding for the exhibition was provided by several institutions: National Endowment for the Humanities, Friends of the Asia Society Galleries, the Andrew Mellon Foundation, the StarrFoundation, Westpac Banking Corporation. However, the final form of the exhibition inevitably was constrained by material limits and the enormous costs of insuring and transportingvaluable objects. 7. These intentions are recorded in the application materials describing the plans for the exhibition sent to NEH and also in the catalog edited by Peter Sutton (1988). 8. I intend to undertake a more intensive discussion of the reflexive dimensions of my involvement in producing this knowledge and the event in the longer monograph of which this article is a part. I address some of the questions, however, in another article on the Asia Society show (Myers 1991). 9. This discussion did not appear in the final version of the interview that was aired. I videotaped the discussions myself, however, as an ethnographic record. 10. This was itself a significant political event. For this "collaboration" with white Australia, Michael Nelson not only received criticism from some urban Aboriginal activists, but also believed that he had been cursed by one. The basis of this controversy, which was widely reported in the Australianpress, formulated current political differences in terms drawn from indigenous Aboriginal cultural practice. Essentially,Kevin Gilbert, a well-known urban Aboriginal activist, opposed legitimizing the Australian government by allowing them to deploy Aboriginal icons as partof their own nationhood. Initially,he was reported to have said that Michael Nelson's design was a curse against the government, and when Michael vehemently denied this, Gilbert complained that Michael had violated Aboriginal Law by placing his design, one from a distant "country,"in what was the traditional country of people from the Canberraarea. More recently, the artistthreatened to remove a piece of his painting from its place at Parliament House, protesting the Australiangovernment's alleged weakness in upholding Aboriginalrights in response to white backlash against the Supreme Court's Mabo decision. 11. How much this was on their minds is clear. Before the performance of the second day, when I spoke alone to Billy, I reportedto him how people had been very happy. He explained to me that they were doing the sandpainting to show they have Law, that it is still there: "Aboriginal Law, like a river [runs forever]. Keeps going." They want to teach it to the next generation and so on. 12. Here, working as a technical aide, Kean has also written about Papunya painting, illustratingquite aptly what kind of relations are embedded in this art world. 13. I am not entirely sure why the Tjartiwanpa designs were selected. However, they are considered viewable by women and noninitiates, and rightsto them are shared by Michael Nelson and Billy Stockman. Therefore, they make an appropriateform for their joint display. 14. I do not think this positioning had any particular significance, other than reflecting the painter's shyness and need to make visual contact with Billy Stockman. 15. An interview conducted with another viewer of the performance presents this concern more elaborately. In answer to the question, "How did you like the event?" he replied: Well, I just had a funny feeling that I sometimes get going to the museum of natural history where you see aboriginal peoples from other parts of the world in glass cases. And I had the feeling of "Here we are sitting and talking about these people and asking questions, and they're there and we're talking over their heads in such a funny way, as though they were part of an exhibit of some sort, and they weren't real human beings there." And it made me a bit uncomfortable, feeling that they weren't, you know, also participating and we knew that they understood. Interviewer:"Do you think it might have been different were they not on stage?" Yes, possibly it could be if they were on the floor and everyone were seated around them. I don't think people would have this notion of treating them as though they weren't there. They were almost as though they were behind a glass and separated from the audience. So that, if we were all seated on the floor around them, perhaps that wouldn't have happened. And maybe they would have said something once in a while, too. That made me uncomfortable. 16. When the painters saw this scene on the videotape I made for them, they laughed. Michael thought the girl brought to meet him "wasn't frightened," but he joked at the point when they tried to show the children their boomerangs, "it won't bite you." 17. Inmy case, this expression requireda knowledge of the use of mythology to formulate shared identity. Michael expressed connection with me by talking of his country connections with Pintupi, who are my
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closest associates in the Papunya area, through the Possum Dreaming and through his mother's mother's brother. 18. To some extent, too, the performance bore traces of indigenous ceremonial organization, with Michael and Billy, who are classificatory "brothers-in-law," defining themselves in the complementary roles of "owner" (kirta)and "manager" (kurtungurlu)to each other (see Maddock 1981, Meggitt 1962, Munn 1973, or Myers 1986 for more detailed discussion of these statuses). 19. As chance would have it, since I was present and filming, I ended up providing an answer to this question, which, to some extent, explains my current project. According to a transcriptionof the tape, what I said was this: And I, in a way, I don't presume, I can't presume to know why. I think that in general when Aboriginal people do ceremonies that I have attended, they regardthem as for the good of everybody. They don't regard them distinctively for that, they play a part in the world as a whole. I think that one meaning of what's happening here that we haven't really discussed but was discussed much more in the symposium [on October 22, 1988]: you have to remember that Aboriginal people in Australia have been facing dispossession from the land and real oppression for quite a long period of time. And they find it very surprisingthat European settlers don't recognize their relationship to the landscape, which in their own society is almost taken forgranted. It'sunderstood. And partof what we are seeing here is their relationship to these places. For them, they are inalienable relationships to the places where these stories took place and The Dreaming there. And so the claim of their role in that partof the world has important political significance now in the context in which land rightsin Australiais threatened again. Inthis partof Australia, people have been very fortunate in that the federal government found it possible to grant land rights, but in many partsof Australiathat is not true. So, there is, this is partlyan expression of some real intercultural conflicts. 20. The Asia Society's own survey of visitors to the "Dreamings"indicate that the audience was relatively young, with half under 40 years of age and only 12 percent over 60. They were highly educated and literate: half had postgraduatedegrees. Fortypercent of the visitors had learned of the exhibition through the media, principally the New YorkTimes Magazine, Time Magazine, and New YorkMagazine. 21. I am thinking of the example of Fryand Willis's (1989) criticism of spectacles of the "primitive"as forms of "ethnocide." However, this genre of judgment and criticism is fairly common in the aftermathof critical theory emanating from Foucault's work on classification, knowledge, and power (1971, 1980) and Said's related critique of Western knowledge of the "Other"as a technology of subordination (1978). It seems possible as well that the current focus on "history"in anthropology, while generally laudable and important, might similarly have the consequence of reducing the meaning of events to their historical consequence (see Asad 1987; Taussig 1987). for this formulation. 22. I am grateful to BarbaraKirshenblatt-Gimblett 23. Fora discussion of contemporary reifications of culture in the discussions of multiculturalism, see T. Turner1993. 24. I am indebted to James Clifford's (1985, 1988a, 1988b) lucid discussions of these processes throughout his analyses of art and culture. However, the perspective offered here emphasizes the events of cultural production and the adequacy of different models for their conceptualization. 25. A good deal of this critical orientation about what is known as "cultural othering" derives from Foucault's (1971) The Order of Things,with its emphasis on the human sciences as a form of classification, and from Said's (1978) Orientalism, with its concern for representationof difference as a technique of power. One might argue that the monolithic approach to discourse of Foucault's "archaeology of knowledge" (1971) is itself replaced in his later work by a more wily sense of power and knowledge, of multiple discursive formations(Foucault 1980) that may be more suitable to understandingthe processes of a cultural production that is, if you will, intercultural. 26. Indeed, as David Halle (1993) recently argued in a study of "primitive"art in New York households, avant-garde cultural criticism has largely ignored "the role of the audience, which appears to be a more or less passive recipient in their view," either following the aesthetic judgments of artists and other experts or being "dominated by the ideologically motivated manipulations of museums and their directors" (1993:398). There are few studies that inquire how exotic objects acquire meanings in the complex processes of the everyday lives of the audience. 27. See, for example, the work of James Cliffordthat followed on the (1985) criticism of the Museum of Modern Art's "Primitivism"exhibition. The paper on Northwest Coast museums (Clifford 1991) and his attempt at an ethnography of the production of cultural identity in the Mashpee case (Clifford1988c) both attemptto interruptthe reificationsof culture that rely on an impermeable boundary between the "authentic" and its audience.
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Culture-Making: Performing Aboriginality at the Asia Society Gallery Author(s): Fred R. Myers Source: American Ethnologist, Vol.

culture-making:performingAboriginalityat the Asia Society Gallery

submitted July 27, 1993 accepted September 10, 1993

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