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Press Statement
Defeat UPA and NDA!
Expose and Oppose CPI(M)-led Third Front!
Rally For Anti-Imperialist People’s Democratic Alternative!
THE ELECTIONS to the 15th Lok Sabha is taking place at a critical time. In continuation to the
barbarous imperialist globalization policies, the present unprecedented imperialist meltdown has
led the country to devastation and the vast masses of the people to unprecedented
unemployment, price rise and pauperization. The neocolonial domination of imperialist powers,
especially US imperialism is intensifying day by day. The religious fundamentalists, communal
fascists and casteist forces are unleashed by the ruling classes and the political parties serving
them to divert people’s attention from their burning issues. Even the forces of terrorism given
birth by the US imperialists have surfaced in a big way in our country. As a result of all these,
people are facing unprecedented economic, political, social and cultural crisis.
The Congress-led UPA rule for last five years have intensified this crisis. It has aided and
abetted communal fascism and casteism. It has surrendered the country to US Imperialist
domination in all fields. Following the global economic crisis, instead of helping the workers and
other toiling masses, it is bailing out the scoundrels responsible for the crisis, as the US and
other imperialists are doing. As far as the BJP-led NDA is concerned along with its commitment
to intensify imperialist globalization, it is intensifying communal fascism and helping terrorist
forces. Both UPA and NDA are two sides of the same coin which should be defeated.
Propping up the UPA government at centre for more than four years and implementing
imperialist globalization policies in the states where it is in power, the CPI(M)-led LF has
exposed its opportunism in all respects. Its Third Front is nothing but a gimmick to cheat the
people . It is once again going to support the UPA after the elections in the name of opposing
communal BJP or going to repeat another United Front exercise like 1996-98 experience.
In order to hide the fact that all these fronts — UPA, NDA and Third Front — have no basic
disagreement on any of the important economic and political issues, and that whichever front or
combination comes to power after the elections, the same policies will be continued more
speedily as the UPA which replaced NDA was doing during the last five years, people’s
attention is diverted in numerous ways from fundamental problems faced by them through all
sorts of diversionary tactics including communal, casteist, chauvinist propaganda, fielding
cinema stars, mega spending to purchase votes, etc.
In this situation the interests of the country and the people can be served only by the
revolutionary left, democratic , patriotic forces who are committed to throw out imperialist
globalization, kick out IMF-World Bank-MNCs and WTO, and standing for revolutionary agrarian
reforms based on land to the tiller slogan. Against the imperialist dictated development policy, a
national, self-reliant, people oriented development policy ensuring food, housing, education,
health-care and employment for all and social justice and security should be fought for.
It is with this perspective the CPI(ML) in its Election Manifesto has called on the masses to
rally for an anti-imperialist people’s democratic alternative against all ruling class alternatives. It
has fielded 33 candidates in 11 states for the Lok Sabha elections (the list is enclosed). It is also
supporting around 30 candidates of revolutionary left, dalit, adivasi organizations in 15 states.
We appeal to all left masses, the toiling classes, all secular, democratic, patriotic sections to
support the CPI(ML)’s call and extend all support and vote for the candidates fielded by the
party and its anti-imperialist peoples democratic allies.
26/03/2009 Central Committee
New Delhi CPI(ML)
Editorial
Intensify Political Campaign for Anti-Imperialist People’s
Democratic Alternative
EVEN WHEN the filing of nomination for the first phase of 15th Lok Sabha elections have started,
the squabbling among the political parties representing the comprador ruling system have
intensified creating aya rams gaya rams of parties and leaders. On seat sharing Congress has
quarrelled with and separated from RJD of Lalu and LJP of Paswan in Bihar, while doing the
same in UP with Mulayam’s SP. These former rivals have joined hands leaving aside Congress
to form a power group. Another party from UPA, the PMK in TN has gone over to the AIADMK
front. Though Congress has settled seat sharing with NCP in Maharashtra, their feuds have not
stopped. Meanwhile the statement of Gulab Nabi Azad, a Congress leader, that what is needed
at centre is a single party rule, has become another hot subject of debate. Thus it is becoming
clear that though Congress may gain in W. Bengal and Kerala, it is going to lose much more
everywhere else, with the erosion of the credibility of the UPA government.
The separation of BJD in Orissa was a major setback for BJP. Thus it is left with much
smaller number of allies compared to the time of NDA rule. Its Hindutva card is increasingly
isolating it from the still surviving allies also. Though UPA government has helped it from much
embarassment by slowing down the Malegaon blast probe which clearly showed Sangh
Parivar’s involvement in the spread of terrorism, the emergence of Ram Sene in Karnataka,
Varun Gandhi’s hate speech in UP, etc. have left it with nothing else but verbal fights with
Congress to keep itself afloat. BJP’s chances of even maintaining its present strength is dim.
As far as th e so-called ‘Third
Front’ is concerned, while the CPI(M)-led Left Front’s strength is sure to go down the regional
parties of various hues are bound to gain, increasing the number of non-Congress, non-BJP
MPs. This may even give rise to the emergence of a 1996-98 type UF government at centre
after the elections. But it shall not bring about any positive shifts in policies as all of these parties
have no firm stand against the imperialist dictated ruling class policies including imperialist
globalisation.
There is an argument that a weaker government of these parties at centre is better as it may
not go like Congress and BJP for outright comprador policies. But the experience of 1996-98 UF
rule with Congress support give no hope for such a possibility. Can a government even without
Congress support is possible? Will it go for atleast populist policies? Or, on the contrary, the die-
hard comprador bureaucracy will become stronger serving the imperialists, especially US
imperialists cause more faithfully? The present election debates in media and outside focussing
on petty issues do not give any indications about these post-election possibilities.
But whatever may be the character of the coming government, it can be compelled to
reverse present policies and go for more progressive policies only through massive people’s
movements. It is with this perspective the genuine left and democratic forces should approach
the election campaign. It is in this context the Anti-Imperialist People’s Democratic Alternative
call of CPI(ML) becomes more significant than ever. The election campaign should be
vigorously organised based on this call explained in the Election Manifesto.
Article
Observe 40th Anniversary of Party Formation
ON 22ND APRIL we are observing the fortieth anniversary of the CPI(ML) formation at an
important juncture in the history of our country. The correctness of the struggle against the
revisionist line of the CPI leadership, the neo-revisionist line of the CPI(M) leadership waged by
the communist Revolutionaries during the 1960s is proved absolutely correct today with both
degenerating irrevocably to the social democratic positions, engaging in opportunist alliances
with the ruling class parties in order to save the ruling system from the ever intensifying crisis it
is facing.
In 1960s the Dangeists leading the CPI had adopted the notorious National Democratic
Revolution line depicting the class character of the big bourgeoisie and the Congress
leadership as mainly national bourgeois and claiming that the democratic revolution can be
completed peacefully joining hands with it, in line with the Krushchovite revisionism. The
CPI(M) leadership in the party programme adopted in 1964 depicted the class character of the
Indian big bourgeoisie as of dual character, collaborating on the one hand and struggling on the
other hand with imperialism. But it left what is the principal aspect of this contradiction
unexplained. As a result, soon in practice, it reached the CPI position. In 1969 when Congress
splitted and a very favourable situation arose for a country wide communist offensive against the
anti-people rule of Congress and against the reactionary ruling system, it went to the assistance
of Indira Gandhi Government, which had lost majority support, along with the CPI. This
deviation has led the CPI(M) leadership to its present outright opportunist positions. Its
opportunism extends from implementing the imperialist dictated ruling class policies from
Panchayats to state governments wherever its is in power, to pimping for the ruling system at
Delhi.
Against this opportunist lines, the CPI(ML) had characterized the big bourgeoisie and the
bureaucracy as comprador, that is, in the main, collaborating with the imperialist forces and
implementing their policies. Their contention, if any, is transitory while collaboration is principal.
Though both the CPI and CPI(ML) had attacked this characterization venomously right from the
beginning, the experience of the last four decades has proved which is correct and which is
wrong. Today, under imperialist globalization the public sector is mostly sold-out, all welfare
policies are increasingly abandoned, whatever progressive character Indian foreign policy had
and whatever sovereignty the country had is destroyed. Whether one call them comprador,
collaborating, dependent, the corporate houses and the bureaucracy in India are serving the
neocolonisation of India which is intensifying day by day.
Question of agrarian revolution
From the days of the Colonial Theses put forward by Lenin, the Marxist-Leninists all over the
world had upheld that in the countries under colonization where the tasks of the bourgeois
democratic revolution are not completed and feudal relations are not thrown out, according to
concrete conditions the agrarian revolution should be carried forward based on the land to the
tiller programme, so that the revolutionary sections of the peasantry and the oppressed masses
can be mobilized for the democratic revolution, forging the worker-peasant alliance under
working class leadership. After the 1947 transfer of power, with the penetration of finance
capital in to all fields and initiation of green revolution like policies the land relations have
undergone vast changes. Old feudal landlords are replaced by agricultural bourgeoise, rich
peasants and new forms of landlordism, feudalism is replaced by the landlordism and feudal
remnants. But it has not reduced the land concentration which is almost 60-65% with the
landlord- feudal remnant classes who constitute less than 10% of the agrarian population.
Besides the MNCs and corporate houses have entered in this sector in a big way. In spite of all
these the growth of the agrarian sector is stunted and exploitation has intensified on the
agricultural worker and the landless-poor peasants who constitute the vast majority in this
sector. So a Marxist-Leninist party should develop the agrarian revolutionary programme based
on present conditions mobilizing these vast masses. But CPI(M) – led Left Front forces along
with the degenerates form the CR camp have abandoned it. So while observing the 40th
anniversary of the formation of the CPI(ML) it is the task of all the Party committees to re-affirm
their determination to mobilize all oppressed and revolutionary sections of the peasantry and to
carry forward the agrarian revolution according to present conditions.
Struggle against both deviations
As explained in the Common Points of Agreement arrived at in the 2007 All India Plenum of
the CPI(ML): “1. After Telangana, the Naxalbari uprising and Srikakulam movement provided
an excellent opportunity to break free from the chains of revisionism and neo-revisionism which
dominated the communist movement at that time and to take steps to build a genuine party of
the proletariat guided by Marxism-Leninism-Mao’s Thought.
2. The formation of AICCCR was a correct step in the direction of bringing the CR forces
inside the communist movement on a common platform.”
The task before the Communist Revolutionaries (CRs) was to organize a revolutionary party
to continue the struggle against all alien tendencies and to carry forward the New Democratic
Revolution. But when this question was taken up actively many petti-bourgeois trends who had
joined the AICCCR opposed party formation. As remnants of some of them even after four
decades still continue to oppose party formation, their petti-bourgeois opportunist line can be
easily understood. So the Marxist-Leninist forces led by com Charu Majumder had to wage a
strenuous struggle to rally vast majority of the CR forces and to declare the formation of the
CPI(ML). It declared the stage of revolution as the New Democratic Revolution led by the
working class and based on the worker-peasant alliances, with agrarian revolution as its axis.
This created great enthusiasm among the struggling people throughout the country. Revolting
against the neo-revisionist line of the CPI(M) leadership which became explicitly clear with the
decisions of the 1968 Burdwan Plenum and extending support to Indira Gandhi Government in
1969 large number of comrades from the rank and file of CPI(M) joined to party. In many states,
especially in Bengal, Bihar and AP, tens of thousands of youth and students, and adivasi-dalit
sections rallied under the party leadership. It provided a great opportunity for the revolutionary
advance.
But once again the Party leadership failed to analyse the concrete situation in the country
and develop insight in to the neocolonisation taking place under the penetration of various
imperialist forces. It mechanically followed the path of the Chinese revolution as that of Indian
revolution. It was influenced by the Lin Biaoist line which dominated the 9th Congress of the
CPC (1969) which underestimated the strength of the imperialist forces and over estimated the
subjective forces. As a result, it soon came under ‘left’ sectarian, adventurous tendencies
symbolized by the “line of annihilation”. The mass revolutionary movement was abandoned and
squad actions replaced it in the name of the line of protracted people’s war alien to Indian
conditions. It provided opportunity for the CPI(M) leadership to attack the Party in the name of
adventurism, and for the reactionary Indian state and ruling class to let loose state terror
suppressing the movement. Within a short time the party disintegrated to many groups.
During the last three decades the degeneration of China to capitalist path, the disintegration
social imperialist Soviet Union providing the US imperialists hegemony at global level to a great
extent, and the neo-colonial plunder intensifying day by day have made further changes at the
international and national level. The failure to recognize these changes and develop the
strategy and tactics of revolution accordingly have intensified the degeneration of the various
trends. For example the revisionist CPI, and neo-revisionist CPI(M) have degenerated to social
democratic positions, becoming part of the ruling system. The CPI(ML) liberation like forces
have abandoned the revolutionary path and joined the camp of CPI-CPI(M). As far as all those
neo-Trotskyist forces who interpreted the ‘de-colonisation’ launched by the US led imperialists
as completion of the bourgeois democratic revolution in the colonial, semi-colonial and
dependent countries, and the stage of revolution in these countries as socialist are concerned,
they have reduced themselves to appendages of ruling class parties or social democratic parties
or have surrendered to NGO-isation.
Those who have not denounced the ‘Line of annihilation’ still and mechanically repeat the
protracted people’s war pursued by the CPC in the then Chinese conditions, have vulgarized the
revolutionary contributions of Mao as Maoism, and continue as an anarchist trend doing great
damage to the development of the proletarian revolutionary movement in Indian conditions. Yet
some others who claim to uphold the mass line still cling to the line of protracted people’s war
based on an erroneous analysis of Indian conditions, but in words only, devoid of any practice.
The Marxist- Leninists should not be alarmed by this situation. Almost a similar situation is
created in the communist movement in most of the countries following the severe set back
suffered by the ICM giving birth to and strengthening various alien tendencies. By giving birth to
numerous counter revolutionary tendencies with their roots in the post-modernist concepts like
identity politics etc. and by launching the NGO-isation in a massive way , the imperialist forces
also are encouraging these alien trends. Only by fighting uncompromisingly against them the
CPI(ML) forces can be united, all genuine left forces can be won over, the new forces can be
rallied in their millions and the party can be rebuilt on Bolshevik lines to fulfill the revolutionary
demands of the day.
On this 40th anniversary of the Party formation, the Central Committee of the CPI(ML) calls
on all the Party committees, the working class and all other revolutionary classes and the left
masses as a whole to get mobilized and join the mass revolutionary movement to fulfill the tasks
of New Democratic or People’s Democratic Revolution and to advance towards socialist
transformation. Come forward to observe the 40th anniversary of the Party formation with this
revolutionary message, remembering all the martyrs who have sacrificed their lives for this
cause and all those millions who fought valiantly for this cause from the 1920s when the first
seeds of Communist Party was sown in this great country of ours, carrying forward the
revolutionary heritage of all those who fought against imperialism and feudalism form the time
the imperialist vultures started setting foot here.
Besides these Lok Sabha seats, the CPI(ML) is fielding 6 Assembly candidates in
Bhubaneshwar and Bhadrak LS segments in Orissa.
National Scene
WB: Urgent Need for Ideological- Political Polarisation
Among Left
Karthik
THERE ARE MANY SIMILARITIES, at the same time sharp differences in what happened in Soviet
Union and what is happening in West Bengal now. Soviet Union was a country where the
proletariat led by the Bolshevik Party had captured political power through October Revolution,
and carried forward the socialist transformation under a proletarian state for more than three
decades till the capitalist roaders usurped power following the 20th Congress of the CPSU in
1956 and started replacing the socialist state with a social imperialist state resulting in the
disintegration of Soviet Union in to big or small capitalist states with open bourgeois rule. But
West Bengal is one of the staste under the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord ruling
system of India where CPI(M), which has degenerated to revisionist and social democratic
positions, and the Left Front led by it is in power for last 32 years. From utilising the
parliamentary struggle including presence in the elected bodies and the power achieved in
various institutions including in states like W. Bengal, Kerala and Tripura for trying to initiate
implementation of an anti-imperialist people’s democratic programme challenging the ruling
class policies, it has degenerated to implementing the very same comprador ruling class policies
including imperialist globalisation wherever it is in power while mouthing progressive slogans
elsewhere. What should be the approach of the revolutionary left or Communist Revolutionary
or Marxist-Leninist forces towards CPI(M) and its LF in a state like W. Bengal is a cardinal
question often becoming a point of debate among the revolutionary forces.
In Soviet Union, in spite of great achievements in socialist construction, in defeating the
fascist forces during World War II, in supporting the national liberation movements at global
level, etc. under the leadership Stalin, as Mao later pointed out, the importance of continuing the
class struggle under the proletarian state machinery against the domination of pre-capitalist,
capitalist, reactionary ideas in the superstructure, in revolutionising and politicising the
proletariat and other revolutionary classes and sections, were not appropriately recognised. As
a result, along with the transformation taking place in the economic base the struggle for
transforming the superstructure, the realm of philosophy, values, art, literature, etc. generally
termed as culture was not seriously taken up. As a result, when the revisionists usurped power
and started degenerating Soviet Union to capitalist path, the rank and file in the Party and the
revolutionary classes could not recognise it and initiate a serious struggle against it. Though the
suppression of all dissenting ideas and forces resorted to by the capitalist roaders turning the
Soviet state in to a bureaucratic one is primarily responsible for the opposition not coming up,
the weakness in developing the class struggle against alien thoughts and forces during the
socialist years also should be given due importance for it. In such a situation the capitalist
degeneration went on unchallenged finally leading to the disintegration of Soviet Union to a
number of open bourgeois states. Because of this weakness, even though there are good
opportunities for a polarisation of the ML forces in the post-Soviet nations, no significant
development in this respect has taken place so far.
Experience of West Bengal
The CPI(M)-led LF could come power in W. Bengal in 1977 with good majority as, in spite of
its degeneration to revisionist path, it had become the only able alternative before the people
representing the fight against the fascistic rule of the Congress government including its
barbarous butchering of the CPI(ML) forces. The ML forces had disintegrated in to numerous
groups due to the sectarian policies they pursued and had gone out of reckoning as an
alternative. The most unfortunate fact is that during the last three decades though the ML forces
got numerous opportunities to ideologically struggle against and expose the CPI(M) an the LF,
to politically fight the ruling class policies pursued by the LF government and to organisationally
build up the party and class/mass organisations in the course of these exposures and struggles
and in spite of the existence of large section of revolutionary left forces, still compared to other
states, no major breakthrough could happen. The ML forces should ponder deeply in to the
reasons for this.
In an almost a similar situation in Kerala, the CPI(ML) after rejecting the sectarian line which
haunted it for a decade, could wage an uncompromising struggle against the social democratic
line of CPI(M) and the way the Left Democratic Front (LDF) led by it was implementing the very
same policies of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), whenever it was in power.
While doing so the CPI(ML) continued the struggle against the sectarian line, making it almost
impossible for the ‘Maoist’ anarchists to gain influence in the state. Waging such an
uncompromising struggle against both these deviations, and the alien trends surfacing in the
movement continuously, the Party has succeeded to develop in to a significant political stream
in the state, though organisationally its strength is still comparatively small. Even while waging
uncompromising struggle against UDF, BJP and LDF, it has differentiated the ruling class
political forces UDF and BJP from the social democratic CPI(M)-led LDF. As a result of this
policy as a good number of grass root level comrades of CPI(M) came out of it during last two
years and now formed a co-ordination committee, CPI(ML) could establish close relation with
them. Joint campaigns and programmes are also organised with them. In the present Lok
Sabha election CPI(ML) has fielded 10 candidates and the co-ordination committee five
candidates, both supporting each other. It could happen because while waging uncompromising
ideological-political struggle against the CPI(M) leadership, CPI(ML) differentiated the struggle
against it from the struggle against the ruling classes and their political parties, and always tried
to win over the left masses under the influence of the CPI(M).
In West Bengal, it is not difficult to understand the impatience of the Communist
Revolutionary forces to throw out the 32 year old anti-people rule of the CPI(M)-led Left Front
government. Especially when it led to Singur and Nandigram, the urge to throw out the
government became more insistent. While this urge was totally correct, it is a fact that most of
the CR forces are not ready to make a self-critical analysis of what they were doing during the
last three decades when the CPI(M)-led LF was consolidating its position in the state.
The CPI(M)-led LF came to power in 1977 at the crest of people’s mounting resentment
against the fascistic rule of the Congress government which came to power through a totally
rigged election after throwing out the CPI(M)-led United Front rule. But soon CPI(M) abandoned
any action against the police officers and bureaucracy which perpetuated the fascistic rule,
inhumanly torturing, incarcerating and massacring thousands of CR forces and even common
people. The CR forces failed to develop a consistent movement to force the CPI(M)-led
government to take action against those criminals and for providing a qualitatively high level of
democratic rights. Similarly, when the LF rule abandoned the land to the tiller slogan and
pursued the reformist Operation Barga, the reforms from above, the CR forces could not
mobilise the landless-poor peasants and agricultural workers to struggle for revolutionary land
reforms in any significant manner.
After the imposition of imperialist globalisation by the Congress government in 1991, initially
the LF government talked of opposing liberalisation-privatisation raj and about building up an
alternative development policy. But soon all these pretensions were abandoned. It started
implementing the ruling class policies of neo-liberalism. Again the CR forces could not expose
and oppose the degeneration of CPI(M) to social democratic positions implementing the
comprador ruling class policies. One section of them including numerous petti-bourgeois
elements impervious of what is taking place around them and what has happened to the
international communist movement including China in spite of Mao’s contributions, pursued the
sectarian, anarchist line with or without owning up Lin Biao. Their activities, as elsewhere, only
contributed to isolate the CR forces from the left masses. On the other hand, the right deviation
among the CR forces also gained strength, first Ashim Chatterjee like forces joining CPI(M)
band wagon, a large number of petti- bourgeois intellectuals, supporters of CR forces switching
over to social democratic forces, PCC-CPI(ML) like forces embracing post-modernist and NGO
ideology, and CPI(ML) Liberation embracing the peaceful transformation line in its 2007
December Congress. These deviations went on depleting the strength of the CR forces and
helped the CPI(M)-led LF to remain for long as an unchallengeable force. Instead of self-
critically analysing the reasons for this, the CR forces became impatient to throw out the LF g
overnment somehow or other as they analysed it as the only stumbling block before them.
When the Budhadeb government decided to launch SEZs and intensify the so-called
industrialisation drive by displacing thousands of peasant and agricultural worker families giving
rise to spontaneous resistance at Singur and Nandigram, a very favourable situation was
created for the CR forces to mobilise the masses, to assert their revolutionary mass line and
provide leadership to them. It called for a Bolshevik initiative asserting left leadership in the
movement. But nothing of that sort materialised. On the contrary, while a section of the CR
forces continued to remain impotent, except for unending theoretical discussions, in the field of
struggle frustration, wrong theorisation and organisational weaknesses led a good number of
CR groups along with SUCI to join hand with Trinmul Congress to fight the LF government.
Some of them theorised that CPI(M) and LF government have become the main enemy, and so
enemy’s enemy, the Trinmul Congress (TMC) has become our friend. Opposing it as a
deviation, though the CC of CPI(ML) had called for vigorous efforts for independent left
assertion to establish leadership in these people’s movements, the state committee under com.
Kanu Sanyal’s guidance could not do anything practically. The CRs lost another opportunity.
The TMC hijacked the movement to strengthen itself, to form alliance with the Congress in this
Lok Sabha election, and to dominate the state politics.
In spite of these developments many of the CR groups are still groping in the dark. Many
including the anarchist ‘Maoists’ analysing CPI(M) as the main danger are preparing to overtly
or covertly support the TMC-Congress alliance. Some of the ex-CR cadres have joined the
TMC. In this confused state of mind, one group has made a U-turn, from depicting CPI(M) as
the main enemy to supporting CPI(M)-led LF in the election! Why all these vacillations and
deviations? They are due to the lack of a proletarian class outlook or in the weaknesses in
making a proletarian class analysis of any emerging situation. Without overcoming it the CR
forces cannot emerge as a major political force uniting their ranks.
It is in this situation, in continuation to the line of the CC, CPI(ML) which had called for taking
the line of left assertion trying consistently to establish the revolutionary leadership in the mass
upsurges of Singur and Nandigram, the West Bengal State Organising Committee of the
CPI(ML) has called for differentiating the TMC-Congress alliance and BJP and the CPI(M)-led
LF even while exposing and opposing the latter. The Marxist-Leninists should make a class
analysis of all the political parties as explained in the Election Manifesto of the CPI(ML). The
Congress and the BJP are the main political representatives of the comprador ruling forces. So
the Marxist-Leninists should call for the defeat of the Congress-led UPA and BJP-led NDA,
along with the defeat of all other ruling class parties. Coming to power of any of these alliances
will lead to further intensification of the present anti-national, anti-people policies. As the
experience of the two United Front governments in 1996-98 period has shown, in the present
situation when neither the LF nor any of its present or prospective allies in ‘Third Front’ has
taken stand against the imperialist globalisation policies or stand for a people oriented self-
reliant development policy against the IMF-World Band-WTO dictated policies, the CPI(M)-led
LF or ‘Third Front’ should also be exposed and opposed. Such a differentiation is needed to win
over the left masses to the revolutionary ranks isolating the social democratic CPI(M)
leadership. So CPI(ML)’s call in this Lok Sabha election is: Defeat UPA and NDA, Expose and
Oppose CPI(M)-led Third Front; Rally for Anti-Imperialist People’s Democratic Alternative.
Consistently following this line the CPI(ML) shall extend support to the candidates of CR
organisations who reject imperialist globalisation, stand for revolutionary agrarian relations
based on land to the tiller slogan, and for a people oriented self-reliant development policy.
There are immense possibilities in West Bengal to strengthen the Party organisation uniting
the genuine CR forces struggling against both right opportunism and anarchist tendencies,
winning over left cadres from the CPI(M) like forces and by recruiting new cadres, to develop the
class and mass organisations, and to launch people’s struggles, building a left alternative
fighting against the TMC-Congress and BJP, and the CPI(M)-led LF government’s anti-people
policies. The genuine Marxist-Leninist forces should utilise the election campaign with such a
perspective.