Joan Evans - Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany Author(s): Joan Evans Source: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol.
56, No. 3 (Fall 2003), pp. 525-594 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the American Musicological Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/jams.2003.56.3.525 . Accessed: 06/12/2013 03:59
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
University of California Press and American Musicological Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Musicological Society.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 78.104.70.246 on Fri, 6 Dec 2013 03:59:06 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

JOAN EVANS
cent years,it is still widely assumedthat the vibrantnew-music scene that characterized the latteryearsof the WeimarRepublic came to a sudden halt afterJanuary1933, to be replacedfor twelve long years by little more than Brahms and Wagner imitations. Indeed, given the flight of such majorfiguresas Arnold Schoenbergand KurtWeill, not to mention the hundreds of less well known (and mostly Jewish)musicianswho had contributed so much to Germany'sartisticlife, it is easyto assumethat afterthe Nazi takeover Germanybecame a musical backwaterin which "almost all progressive artisticwork was banned" and composerswere content to cultivatea "boorin such an ishly nationalistidiom."' To perform the music of Igor Stravinsky environmentwas "allbut a capitalcrime."2 This view is seriouslymisleading.Not only does it misrepresent the position of modem music in Nazi Germany,it overestimatesthe popularityof modern music during the previous era, ignoring the lack of interest among much of the generalWeimarpublic as well as the widespreadopposition on the part of the country's culturalconservatives. Thus it obscuresthe degree of continuity that can be discernedin Germany'smusicallife from the 1920s through the 1940s, this in spite of the drasticpolitical, social, and culturalchanges that took place duringthis period.3
in relifein Nazi Germany research into musical espiteconsiderable
I would like to thank PamelaPotter for her helpfulcomments on an earlierversionof this article. For their generosity in providing researchfunding, I am grateful to the Paul Sacher Stiftung (Basel) and to Pro Helvetia (Arts Council of Switzerland).Portions of this essayfirstappearedin in Hitlerdeutschland"). Archivfiir Musikwissenschaft ("Die Rezeption der MusikIgor Strawinskys 1. Guy Rickards, Hindemith,Hartmann and Henze (London: Phaidon, 1995), 11. 2. Sam H. Shirakawa, TheDevil'sMusicMaster:TheControversial Life and Careerof Wilhelm Furtwangler(New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1992), 451. 3. For more on the dangers of accepting a rigid Weimarculture/Nazi culture polarity,see PamelaM. Potter, "The Nazi 'Seizure'of the BerlinPhilharmonic,or the Decline of a Bourgeois Musical Institution,"in National SocialistCultural Policy,ed. Glenn R. Cuomo (New York:St. Martin'sPress, 1995), 39-41.
[JournaloftheAmerican 2003, vol. 56, no. 3] Musicological Society ? 2003 by the American Allrightsreserved. Musicological Society. 0003-0139/03/5603-0001$2.00
This content downloaded from 78.104.70.246 on Fri, 6 Dec 2013 03:59:06 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions University of California Press
526
Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety
An investigationinto the circumstances surroundingthe reception in Nazi offers important inGermany of the music (and person) of Igor Stravinsky sightsin this regard.The Nazi regime was not opposed in principleto modem music, though the lack of a consistent music policy, coupled with conflicting attitudes on the part of the various culturalauthorities,led to much anxiety for those musicianswho supported modern music. The situation was especiallycomplicatedwith regardto the music of foreign composers,particularly during the aggressivelyxenophobic earlyNazi years,when very little foreign music was performed.This was to change as the economic and politicalsituation grew more stable, and as Germanyonce again began to look toward its neighbors. Many foreign composers, including the antifascistBart6k, were eager to the most prominent modprofit from Germanperformances.But Stravinsky, His Germansupporters-whose ernistof the period, was the chief beneficiary. activitiesrevealvaryingdegrees of politicalcommitment-were of crucialimcame to music gradually portance.Thanksto their determination,Stravinsky's articulated music to modern Critics success. considerable sympathetic enjoy the ideological underpinnings of this success: Stravinskywas a raciallyand politicallyacceptablecomposer, whose tonally based music displayedsuitably "national" characteristics.Though he was never officially promoted, and though opposition continued to surface occasionally (most publicly in the music achieved a rela"DegenerateMusic" exhibition of 1938), Stravinsky's Third of the life in the cultural secure Reich, a position it maintively position tained up to the outbreakof WorldWarII.
The Late WeimarPeriod

Stravinskyplayed a vital role in the vibrant musical culture of late-Weimar Germany,where his music was widely performed and hotly debated. "One and means modem music," commented a criticin 1932, "or says 'Stravinsky' one speaks of cacophony, soullessnessand anarchyand means Stravinsky."4 The composer was also in considerabledemand as pianist and conductor in grim performancesof his own works, despitehis high fees and the increasingly economic and politicalsituationduring the finalyearsof the WeimarRepublic (see Table 1).5
im KonigsbergerSinfoniekonzert,"Ostpreufjische 4. Sn., "Strawinsky Zeitung, 5 November not otherwise identifiedare those of the presentauthor. 1932. All translations Germanpublisher,WillyStreckerofB. Schott's S6hne, Mainz, was largelysuc5. Stravinsky's cessful in obtaining the fees Stravinsky wanted, though, as he noted in his letter of 13 February 1931 to the composer, "the requestedfees are for these times extremelyhigh" ("die geforderten Paul Honorare sind fir die heutige Zeit auferordentlich hoch") (Sammlung Igor Strawinsky, demands might cause resentment, SacherStiftung, Basel;hereafterPSS). Aware that Stravinsky's
Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's
527
A significantnumber of the composer'sGermanengagementsinvolvedthe From its beginnings in the mid 1920s, radio stations of Berlinand Frankfurt. German Radio had assumed a leading role in the promotion of new music. Modern composers were frequent visitors.They gave interviewsor lectures, played or conducted their music, or attended performancesof their works by the stations' symphony orchestras.(See Table 2 for a list of Stravinsky's radio the recordings.) In his 1935 autobiographyStravinsky praised "enlightened activity"of the Berlin and Frankfirt stations, noting in particular"the sustained efforts of the latter'sadmirableconductor, Rosbaud, who, by his energy, his taste, his experience, and devotion, succeeded very quickly in bringingthat organizationto a very high artisticpitch."6 The Austrian-bornHans Rosbaud, who took over the music department and the newly establishedFrankfurtRadio Symphony Orchestrain October 1929, was fast acquiringa reputationthroughout Europe as a champion of modern music. At FrankfurtRadio during the early 1930s he regularlyconducted works by Schoenberg, Weber, Berg, Hindemith, Bart6k, Stravinsky, GermanpubDebussy, and Ravel.7In April 1932 Willy Strecker,Stravinsky's sent the of two details studio concerts that Rosbaud was lisher, composer for in honor of fiftieth The first of the June planning Stravinsky's birthday.8 two broadcasts,a chamber-musicconcert, took place on 19 June. Following an introductorylecture by Rosbaud,the Octet, Piano-Rag Music,Pribaoutki, Three Pieces for String Quartet, and Ragtime were performed. Frankfurt Radio's birthday celebrations concluded with a concert performance of Mavra on 23 June. The composer, accompaniedby VeraSudeikina,drove to Frankfurt for the occasion;9 the performance was broadcast throughout Germany. The FrankfurtRadio concerts were not the only birthday celebrations planned for the Frankfurtarea.A festivalscheduled for 8-10 June at nearby
Streckersuggested on 30 September of that year that the composer lower his fees for the approachingBerlinRadio engagement, "so that it can't be said that foreignersare receivingunusuallyhigh fees while Germanartistscan't find work" ("damitman nicht sagen kann, die Auslander erhaltenungewohnlich hohe Honorare, wihrend die deutschen Kiinstlerkeine Arbeit finden") (PSS). Ever the diplomat, Streckernoted that the good will thus obtained would be well worth the financialsacrifice. 6. Igor Stravinsky, de ma vie (Paris:Denoel et Steele, 1935). The translationis Chroniques from Igor Stravinsky, An Autobiography W. W. Norton, 1962), 138. (1936; New York: 7. Further,see Joan Evans,Hans Rosbaud: A Bio-Bibliography (New York:Greenwood Press, firstvisit to FrankfurtRadio in 1930 markedhis introduction to 1992), esp. 9-25. Stravinsky's Rosbaud, for whom he maintained a lifelong admirationgranted to few "interpreters" of his music. 8. Streckerto Stravinsky, 26 April 1932; Stravinsky had requestedthis informationin his letter of 22 Aprilto Strecker(PSS). See Robert Craft,ed., Stravinsky: Selected (hereafter Correspondence AlfredA. Knopf, 1984, 1985), 3:232-33. SSC),vols. 2-3 (New York: 9. SSC 2:191 n. 14. Strecker had informed Stravinskyon 13 May that Rosbaud (i.e., Frankfurt Radio) was preparedto cover the composer'stravelcosts (PSS).
528
Journal of the American Musicological Society
Table 1 Stravinsky's PerformingEngagementsin Germany,1929/30 to 1932/33 Date Place 1929/30 23 Jan. 1930 26 Jan. 1930 30 Jan. 1930 6 Feb. 1930 Berlin (Otto Klemperer) Berlin Radio Leipzig (Klemperer) Diisseldorf Work(s) Season Capriccio Conducted Le baiserde la fee, Apollon musagete Capriccio Conducted Apollonmusagete, Suites 1 and 2 for small orchestra, FirebirdSuite Petrushka, Season
1930/31 25 Oct. 1930 31 Oct. 1930 4 Nov. 1930 6 Nov. 1930 7 Nov. 1930 13 Nov. 1930 24 Nov. 1930 4 Dec. 1930 9 Dec. 1930 15 Jan. 1931 Mainz
Conducted Apollon musagete,Fireworks, Suites 1 and 2, FirebirdSuite Conducted Baiser,Suites 1 and 2, Wiesbaden FirebirdSuite Bremen (Ernst Wendel) Capriccio Piano Sonata Berlin Radio Berlin (Ernest Ansermet) Capriccio Conducted Octet, Suites 1 and 2, Munich Rag-Time, Pulcinella Suite Radio (Hans Rosbaud) Capriccio Frankfiurt Nuremberg (Bertil Wetzelsberger) Capriccio Conducted Baiser,Suites 1 and 2, Mannheim FirebirdSuite Conducted Pulcinella Suite, Suites Berlin 1 and 2, FirebirdSuite 1931/32 Season Conducted Apollon musagete, Violin Concerto (Samuel Dushkin, world premiere), Petrushka Capriccio Violin Concerto Conducted Petrushka, (Dushkin) Suites 1 and 2, Conducted Petrushka, Scherzo fantastique, FirebirdSuite Capriccio,Violin Concerto (Dushkin, cond. Stravinsky) Violin Concerto Conducted Petrushka, fantastique, Firebird (Dushkin), Scherzo Suite Season Recitalwith Dushkin: Pergolesi Suite, Duo concertant(world premiere).Also conducted Violin Concerto (Dushkin) Capriccio Capriccio Recitalwith Dushkin: Pergolesi Suite, Violin Concerto (violin and piano), Duo from Le rossigconcertant,transcriptions nol, Firebird,Petrushka (program also performed in Danzig on 2 Nov. 1932)
23 Oct. 1931
Berlin
29 Oct. 1931 9 Nov. 1931 23 Nov. 1931 1 Dec. 1931 14 Dec. 1931
Halle (Georg Gohler) Frankfurt Darmstadt Cologne (Hermann Abendroth) Hanover
1932/33 28 Oct. 1932 4 Nov. 1932 23 Jan. 1933 2 Feb. 1933 Berlin Radio
Konigsberg (Bruno Vondenhoff) Hamburg (Eugen Pabst) Munich
Basel. PaulSacher Source:Sammlung Stiftung, IgorStrawinsky,
Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany Table 2 Date 26 Jan. 1930 6 Nov. 1930 23 Oct. 1931 6 Nov. 1931 9 Nov. 1931 28 Oct. 1932
529
Performances Made by GermanRadio Before 1933 Live Recordingsof Stravinsky's Place Berlin Berlin Berlin Frankfurt Frankfurt Berlin Work(s) Apollon musageteand Le baiserde la fee (excerpts).RRG 229/30 and 231/34 (SchallaufnahmendesDeutschenRundfunks, no. 2677) Piano Sonata. Bin 238/40 (SDR, no. 2838) Violin Concerto (Samuel Dushkin, world premiere). Bin 1241/46 (SDR, no. 2592) Petrushka (rehearsalexcerpts). Ffin 262/263 (SDR, no. 4459) Violin Concerto (second and fourth movements). Ffin 248/50 (SDR, no. 2593) Duo concertant(with Samuel Dushkin, world premiere). Bin 210.2801/04 (SDR, no. 2730)
Source:Schallaufnahmen desDeutschen 2 vols.(Berlin: 1936 and Reichsrundfunk-Gesellschaft, Rundfunks, 1939) (SDR). Note: Thesediscshaveapparently not survived, recordings (butnumbered thoughcopiesof the Baiser Radioto the composer 20 January to Stravinsky, 1932 [PSS]). 83/86) weresentby Berlin (Funk-Stunde
Bad Homburg was to have presentedas its crowning event a performanceof Renard under Rosbaud'sdirection. Financialdifficulties,however, forced the festival'scancellation.10 A further disappointmentwas in store for the comhad expected Rosbaud'sJune concerts to include a perposer, for Stravinsky formanceof Oedipus Rex." On 31 May Rosbaudinformedhim that, since no Frankfurtchoir had studied the work (which had not yet been performed in that city), it could not be preparedin time. Rosbaud assuredthe composer that he would program Oedipusthe following autumn, during Stravinsky's next visit. Political events intervened, however; Stravinsky's birthdayvisit to Frankfurt Radio proved to be his last. The wave of nationalismand antisemitismthat swept Germanyduring the summer of 1932 brought the National Socialist German Workers'Party 37 percent in the Julyelections.With 230 out of 608 seats,the NSDAP was now the largestpartyin the Reichstagand its leader,Adolf Hitler, a serious candidate for the chancellorship. Widespreadxenophobia, combined with the bleak economic situation,had a chilling effect on Germany'smusicallife, especially
10. Streckerto Stravinsky, 26 April and 13 May 1932 (PSS). For furtherdetails on the pro26 October 1931 and 23 April 1932; posed Bad Homburg festival,see Streckerto Stravinsky, Rosbaud to Stravinsky, 23 November 1931; and Stravinsky to Strecker,22 and 25 April 1932 (PSS). 11. Stravinsky had written to Streckeron 16 May 1932, "I will be in Frankfirt on 23 June. Everythinghas been settled with Rosbaud, who will do Mavra and OedipusRex" (PSS; translation from SSC 3:233). Stravinsky had also suggested that the conductor KarlMariaZwiBlerattend Rosbaud's performance in preparationfor his own proposed production of Oedipusat Darmstadt(Stravinsky to Zwifler, 1 June 1932 [PSS]).
530
with regardto the employment of foreign artists.12 obtained only Stravinsky four German engagements for the 1932/33 season (see Table 1). His plans had originallyincluded a recital with Samuel Dushkin at FrankfurtRadio. the world premiereof the Indeed, Rosbaudhad hoped to securefor Frankfurt Duo concertant.13By mid-September Stravinskyhad heard nothing from Rosbaud or his agent, Detmar Walther,concerning this recital,"on which we were firmlycounting," and asked Streckerto "give them a prod."4 His publisher'sreplywas a sober one. "These are very unfortunatetimes: because of the politicalsituation,conductors and concert agents approachforeign artists he wrote. very hesitantly," maindifficulties is having of hisAustrian because Rosbaud himself, nationality, if were to he told me that the his at He Radio. engageyou and taining position immediat thistime,he wouldbe dismissed or [Beveridge] Webster Dushkin wheretheyhaveoutlined to Berlin, he hasbeensummoned Twicealready ately. to keephisjob. underwhichhe willbe allowed forhimthe conditions Streckerfelt that, while conditionswould improvewhen the politicalsituation stabilized, Rosbaud's case reflected "the nervous tension that prevailsin the whole of our artisticlife."l5 receiveda similarletter from Walther,stating Shortly thereafter,Stravinsky had refused to give FrankfurtRadio perthat the Reichsrundfunkkommissar mission to engage the composer.To proceed without this permission,Walther noted, would be to risk losing one's position. Cancellationsof German engagements were widespreadat this time. Dushkin had written to Stravinsky have had the previousmonth, "In the last two weeks Milsteinand Piatigorsky fifteen concerts canceled in Germany, and, for the same reason (Hitler), Horowitz does not playat all."16 Toward the end of October Rosbaud himself wrote to the composer. He revealedthat following the June performancesin Frankfurta "virulentcampaign" had been launched "not only againstthe performanceof your music,
12. Typicalof the times was a motion brought forwardby National Socialistsin the Prussian parliament.Pointing out that foreign artistswere working in state theaterswhile "largesections of the German artisticcommunity are without bread," the motion called for the cancellationof contracts with non-German artists "at the first availableopportunity." See "Buntes allerlei," ZeitschriftfiirMusik99(1932): 711. Frankfurt 25 October 1932 (PSS). Detmar Walther,Stravinsky's 13. Rosbaud to Stravinsky, in both the radio stations with of his 19 on the informed had negotiations July composer agent, on 11 September,when it appearedthat BerlinRadio might not be able to Berlinand Frankfurt; meet Stravinsky's fees, the composer himself suggested to Waltherthat Frankfurtgive the premiere (PSS). from SSC3:234). to Strecker,14 September1932 (PSS;translation 14. Stravinsky afterSSC3:235 n. 28, where 19 September1932 (PSS;translation 15. Streckerto Stravinsky, "Dushkin"should read "you and Dushkin").The AmericanpianistBeveridgeWebsterwas at that time living in Europe. 22 August 1932 30 September1932 (PSS);Dushkin to Stravinsky, 16. Waltherto Stravinsky, from SSC translation 2:298). (PSS;
531
but also againstme, as the conductor and organizer." As the nationalistic wave had reached its peak, the radio administrationin Frankfurtand Berlin had warned him that "any further performanceof non-German music, without exception," would cost him his position. It was thus impossible for him to schedule a performanceof Oedipus, as he had promised, or to offer Stravinsky an engagement. "I can only hope that you will realize, dear Mr. Stravinsky, that in this case the circumstances are strongerthan all my efforts."He was, he continued, looking forwardto the upcoming elections, in which "one hopes that this chauvinistic movement will receivea setback."17 The National Socialists did in fact suffer reverses in the elections of 6 November, losing 34 of their 230 seats. By the end of the year Rosbaudfelt to FrankfurtRadio for a May engageoptimistic enough to invite Stravinsky ment.18The next month, while en route with Dushkin to his Munich recital, Stravinsky stopped off in Wiesbaden,where he and Rosbaud discussed their for the plans spring concert. The date was 30 January1933, the very day when Adolf Hitler was named chancellor.Three weeks later Rosbaud was forced once more to rescindhis invitation."The day on which I last saw you in Wiesbadenbrought us a new government,"he wrote. In the meantime the situation has clarified itselfto the extentthat I musttell thatfor the present it is totally to you, withmy most bitterregrets, impossible invite a to concert at Frankfurt Radio. None of us knows how muchlonger you
17. Rosbaud to Stravinsky, 25 October 1932 (PSS): "Ich habe Ihnen nicht erzahlt,daS nach der Aufiihrung IhrerKammermusik und der Mavra in Frankfiurt eine mailose Hetze eingesetzt hat, die sich nicht nur gegen die Auffiihung IhrerWerke,sondem gegen mich als den Dirigenten und Veranstalter gerichtet hat. Als dann die sogennante 'nationale'Welle im Juli und August ihren Hohepunkt erreichthatte, wurde mir von der Direktion und von Berlin gesagt, daB jede weitereAufflihrungnichtdeutscherMusik, ohneUnterschiedund ohneAusnahme,meine Stellung kosten wiirde. Eine Vorbereitungdes 'Oedipus' oder Ihre personlicheVerpflichtungwaren unIch kann nur hoffen, daf Sie, lieber Herr Strawinsky, erkennen werden, daf in moglich.... diesem Fall die Verhaltnisse starkersind als all mein Wille. Nun hoffen wir alle auf die Wahlenim November. Man hofft, daI3diese chauvinistischeBewegung einen Riickschlagerhalten wird." an explanatoryletter during a visit that summer (Rosbaud noted that he had written Stravinsky with Anton Weber in Bad Fusch [not Bad-Fischau,as given in SSC 3:234 n. 27]; the earlier letter seems to have gone astray.) Bertil Wetzelsberger's fiftieth-birthday tribute to the composer in Nuremberg had also arousedopposition. On 16 June 1933 the conductor sent Stravinsky a copy of a programhe had conducted on 17 March of the previousyear. It included two commemorativeworks: Haydn's Symphony No. 95 ("Zur Feier der 200. Wiederkehrvon Haydns Geburtstag")and Stravinsky's Petrushka("Zum Geburtstagdes Komponisten: 17. Juni 1882"). Wetzelsbergerwrote that his audience was scandalizedthat he should consider Haydn and Stravinsky as equally good composers (PSS). 18. Rosbaud to Stravinsky, telegramof 31 December 1932 (PSS). In a follow-up letter written that evening, he noted, "In the meantimethe generalsituationhas also changed somewhatfor the better, such that even at the radio station one slowly dares to breathe a little more freely" ("Inzwischenhaben sich auch die allgemeinenVerhiltnisseetwas zum Besserengeandert, so daf man auch im Rundfunkallmahlich ein wenig aufzuatmenwagt") (PSS).
532
he will still be able to keep his position; things will get even worse if after the elections Dr. Goebbels, as is likely, becomes head of radio. I cannot tell you how unhappy I am, dear Mr. Stravinsky, that you cannot play here at present. But you will see that all my best efforts here accomplishednothing...... Let us hope for better times.19
The Nazi Years

Introduction The drasticallyaltered political and artistic climate that followed the Nazi interestin performancesof his mutakeoverdid nothing to lessen Stravinsky's were of primaryconcern, sic in Germany.Financialand artisticconsiderations but the composer'seasytoleranceof the Nazi regime was also the resultof his
reactionary political views during this period, coupled with a prejudice against Jews.20
The changesin the composer'spoliticaloutlook throughout his careerhave Politics:Left, been describedby Robert Craftunder the apt title "Stravinsky's liberal held man As a sympathies,but his poStravinsky young Right, Left."2' Russian the altered were views litical Revolution,which "separated by radically his entireformativeworld."22 as from as well friends ... and him from relatives
19 February1933 (PSS): "Der Tag, an dem ich Sie zum letzten 19. Rosbaud to Stravinsky, Mal in Wiesbaden sah, hat uns eine neue Regierung gebracht. Inzwischen hat sich die Lage so weit geklart, daf ich Ihnen zu meinem schmerzlichstenBedauem sagen muf, daf es vorliufig ganz unmoglich ist, Sie zu einem Konzert im FrankfirterRadio einzuladen. Es weiigkeinervon uns, wie lange er seine Stellung uberhauptnoch behalten kann; das alles wird noch schlimmer werden werden, wenn nach den Wahlen wahrscheinlichDr. Gobbels [sic] Rundfunkkommissar wird. Ich kann Ihnen nicht sagen, wie unglucklich ich bin, datI Sie, hochverehrter Herr augenblicklichhier nicht spielen konnen. Doch Sie werden sehen, dai hier all mein Strawinsky, guter Wille nichts vermag.... Hoffen wir auf bessere Zeiten!" (The translationgiven in SSC 3:235 n. 28 is faulty:"I cannot tell you how unhappyI am ... that soonwe will not bepermittedto play your musichere"[emphasisadded].) With regardto the boycott of foreign musicians,Craft received a personal invitation to attend an comments: "Nevertheless,in April 1933 Stravinsky 'internationalcongress' in Bayreuthin August" (ibid.). The congress in question was the "II. InternationalerKongreigdes Welt-, Musik- und Sangesbundes," held in Bayreuth on 17-20 August 1933. The communication of 19 April is not, however, a "personalinvitation," but a mimeographedletter sent-from Vienna-to all honorarymembersof the society (PSS). in 20. As Craft has noted, "politicaland financialwisdom were synonymous for Stravinsky 1933" (Vera Stravinskyand Robert Craft, Stravinskyin Picturesand Documents [New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978], 553 [hereafter SPD]). The most extensive investigation of Stravinsky's antisemitism to date is provided by Richard Taruskin, Defining Russia Musically: Historicaland HermeneuticalEssays (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1997), 454-60. 21. SPD, 545-58. Craft claims that Stravinsky's"obsessive, almost pathological need for order" predisposed him toward fascism (SPD, 551). See also Richard Taruskin'sreview-essay Music16 (1992-93): 286-302. "Backto Whom? Neoclassicismas Ideology," 19th-Century 22. SPD, 550.
533
The composer's attractionto Italianfascismand his personal admirationfor Benito Mussolini are well known.23In 1930 Stravinsky was quoted as saying, just before his firstmeeting with II Duce, "I don't believe that anyone venerates Mussolinimore than I. To me, he is the one man whocountsnowadaysin the whole world.... He is the saviourof Italyand-let us hope-of Europe." After meeting Mussolini, Stravinsky commented, "This pilgrimageto Rome will remain one of the happiest events of my life."24 In October 1933 Mussolini acknowledged Stravinsky'sbirthday greetings and the following In the spring Februarythankedthe composer for a score of Duo concertant.25 of 1935 Stravinsky was received by both Mussolini and his foreign minister, Count Galeazzo Ciano. According to an interviewpublished in II Piccoloon 27 May of that year, Stravinsky and Mussolini discussedmusic, art, and politics. "I told him," Stravinsky is quoted as saying, "that I felt like a fascistmyself."26Stravinskylater presented Mussolini with an inscribed copy of his in "profoundadmiration for him and for his work."27 Until the autobiography outbreakof war he regularlyconducted and performedin Italy,and in at least one instance accepted "with joy" a request to begin a concert with "Giovinezza,"the Fascisthymn.28 Stravinsky'sadmiration for the Fascists did not extend to their brownshirted counterparts.29 With an eye to his Germanroyalties,however, he was
23. On the particular attractionof Italianfascismfor Russianexiles, see Taruskin,Defining Russia Musically,450-51. See also Stephen Walsh, Stravinsky: A CreativeSpring. Russia and France,1882-1934 (New York:AlfredA. Knopf, 1999), 520-22. Up to the mid 1930s Stravinsky's sentimentswere sharedby a great many artistsand intellectuals.Modem-minded Germans were impressedby Fascistsupportfor the avant-garde, especiallyafterthe Nazi takeover.Heinrich Strobel,for example,commented wistfullyon the Italiansituationin his reviewof the firstMaggio Musicalein Florence in May 1933: "One came to the conviction that the Fasciststate follows all artisticmovements with the strongest interest, and one observed with admirationthat it even shows a deep understandingfor the ideas of the avant-garde.Special credit certainly goes to Mussolini,who knew from the very beginning how to win the support of Italy'smodem artists" (Melos12 [1933]: 207). 24. Alberto Gasco, Da Cimarosa a Stravinsky(Rome: De Santis, 1939), 452; quoted in W. W. Norton, 1987), 168. HarveySachs,Musicin Fascist Italy (New York: 25. SPD, 662 n. 8. 26. SPD, 324 and 551. 27. Stravinsky to YurySchleiffer,14 July 1936; quoted in SPD, 552. 28. SPD, 552. 29. Stravinsky himself came face to face with Nazi violence during his visit to Munich with Dushkin in early February 1933. The composer, Vera Sudeikina, and Erik Schaal (a young Munich businessmanand photographerand a fervent Stravinsky supporter)were harassedby a attackedSchaal.Stravinsky laterregroup of Nazis, who shouted antisemiticthreatsand physically counted the incident, though mistakenlygiving the date as 1932. See Igor Stravinsky and Robert Craft, Dialogues(Berkeleyand Los Angeles: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1982), 51. The comand Schaal that night came to nothing, for a general amnesty was plaint lodged by Stravinsky declaredshortly afterthe incident (Schaalto Stravinsky, 15 April 1933; see also Schaal'slettersof 14 June and 15 August 1933 [PSS]). The ringleader of the group, an "old fighter" ("alter Kimpfer") named Wernervon Alvensleben,was later arrestedin Vienna and sentenced to three
534
anxious not to antagonize the Nazi authorities.Thus in August 1933, when Otto Klemperer, Bruno Walter,and the writerStefanZweig askedhim to lend his support to a small touring opera company employing refugee artiststhat was to be establishedin Vienna, Stravinsky turned for advice to his Russian publisher, Gavril Gavrilovich Paichadze. "Is it politically wise vis-a-vis Germanyto identifymyselfwith Jews like Klempererand Walter,who are beenThe composer did decide to support Klemperer's ing exiled?"he asked.30 He deavor,becoming an advisorto the company in November of that year.31 musicianswho requested his help, was less obliging to other German-Jewish received a letter from however. Shortly before the Nazi takeover,Stravinsky the principalflutist at FrankfurtRadio. On Rosbaud's advice, Justus Gelfius assistancein finding a position outside Germanyfor his askedfor Stravinsky's Jewishwife, an experiencedharpistwho was no longer able to find employseems to have ignored the letter. In the ment in that country.32Stravinsky who had been fired from his conducting of Rosenstock, 1933, Joseph spring for in asked Mannheim, help in finding guest engagements.33 position a was staunch Rosenstock supporter and Stravinskyhad guestAlthough conducted his orchestrain December 1930, the composer seems not to have musiciansis consisHis indifferenceto the plight of German-Jewish replied.34 tent with a prejudiceagainstJews revealedin his correspondenceof this period. In a letter of June 1933 to Fyodor VladimirovichWeber, director of Berlin'sRussischerMusikverlag,Stravinsky expressedsurprisethat he had received no proposalsfrom Germanyfor the coming season, "sincemy negative
yearsfor attemptingto kill a prominent government officialin the Tyrol. On 9 December 1933 a full account of this affair, Schaaltook advantageof a businesstrip to Prague to send Stravinsky including a newspaperclipping (PSS). Schaallateremigratedto New York,where two of his phoin the firstAmericanedition of Igor Stravinsky, tographsof the composerwere used as illustrations An Autobiography (New York:Simon and Schuster,1936). to Paichadze, 7 September 1933 (PSS; translationfrom Taruskin,Defining 30. Stravinsky Russia Musically, 458). "Here one hangs one's head in shame for the composer's selfishnessand callousindifferenceto the fate of friends,"Craftwrote ("Jewsand Geniuses,"in Small CraftAdCriticalArticles1984-1988: Art, Ballet,Music,Literature,Film [New York:Thames and visories. Hudson, 1989], 276; firstpublished-despite the volume's subtitle-on 16 February1989 in the Reviewof Books). New York 31. SPD, 662 n. 9. Originallyknown as the Independent InternationalOpera, the organization developed into the SalzburgInternationalOpera Guild, which toured with Sir Rudolf Bing as administrator. 27 December 1932 (PSS). 32. JustusGelfiusto Stravinsky, 2 April 1933 (PSS). The Austrian-bor Rosenstock 33. Joseph Rosenstock to Stravinsky, (1895-1985) directedthe opera of the JudischerKulturbundin Berlinbetween 1933 and 1936, afterwhich he moved to Japan,where he conducted the Nippon PhilharmonicOrchestrauntil 1941. At the end of the war he emigratedto the United States. 34. Rosenstock'srequest for help from RichardStraussin a letter of 12 April 1933 was similarly unsuccessful.See Michael H. Kater, The TwistedMuse:Musiciansand TheirMusic in the ThirdReich(New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1997), 95.
535
attitudetoward communism and Judaism-not to put it in strongerterms-is a matterof common knowledge."35 desire to continue his connection with GermanyafterJanuary Stravinsky's 1933 was not at first reciprocated.As a prominent modernist he had long evoked for vilkischopponents the spectre of "music bolshevism,"a phraseto which the Russian-borncomposer was understandably sensitive.36 Added to this was his foreignness,his close associationwith Germany'straditionalenemy France,and the persistentrumor that he was Jewish-one that had circulated long before the Nazis made racial"purity"a prerequisitefor securing German engagements.37 Thus Stravinsky was a naturaltarget for the favorite (and largely synonymous) epithets of the ultraconservatives: "atonal," "boland "Jewish." shevist,""international," But severalfactorswere to work in Stravinsky's favor.Though rumors to the contrarycontinued to appearsporadically after 1933, he was raciallyacceptable. Nor were his openly stated political views likely to give offense. During his visit to Munich in February1933, just daysafterthe Nazi takeover, a Germannewspaperquoted the composer as saying, "Unfortunately,I must either in my gencontinuallyemphasizethat I am in no sense a revolutionary, eralviews or in my art, and I was never a Communist, materialist, atheist, or Bolshevik,as is frequentlysaidof me."38 Certainworks, such as the "barbaric" Sacredu printempsand the "Brechtian" Histoire du soldat, had long evoked strong opposition in the vilkisch camp. With its jazz (or, more accurately, ragtime) rhythms,Histoirehad been
35. Taruskin,Defining Russia Musically,458. Examplesof Stravinsky's "negative attitude" are peppered throughout his letters of this period. See, for example, the excerpts published in A CreativeSpring,192, 300, 333,372, and 515. Walshnotes that "Stravinsky's Walsh,Stravinsky: most shamelessoutburstsof anti-Semitism were usuallyprovoked by questions of money" (ibid., 621 n. 21). 36. For an investigationof the term and the role it playedin Germanmusicalpolitics between the wars, see Eckhard John, Musikbolschewismus: Die Politisierung der Musik in Deutschland, 1918-1938 (Stuttgart:VerlagJ. B. Metzler, 1994). In 1931, when Heinrich Strobel was interested in preparinga Germantranslationof BorisAsaf'yev's Kniga o Stravinskom (A Book About Stravinsky) (Leningrad,1929), Streckerassuredthe composer that it would not contain any "bolshevist tendencies" (Streckerto Stravinsky, 27 March 1931 [PSS]). Ironically,while Stravinsky was being labeled a Bolshevikin Germany,in the Soviet Union his music was attackedas fascist. See Lev Lebedinsky,8 let bor'by za proletarskuju muzyku(Eight Yearsof Struggle for Proletarian Music) (Moscow, 1931), 41-42; quoted in MarinaLobanova, "NikolajRoslavetz:Ein Schicksal unter der Diktatur,"in Verfemte Musik:Komponisten in den Diktaturen unseres Jahrhunderts. DokumentationdesKolloquiums vom 9-12. Januar 1993 in Dresden,ed. JoachimBraun,Vladimir and Heidi TamarHoffmann (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1995), 164. Karbusicky, 37. Stravinsky took pains to deny these rumors.On 21 December 1931 he had writtento the Revue de Paris concerning a report in a recent issue, "I am not Jewish, and there is no Jewish ancestry in my family" (SSC 2:84-85 n. 3). See also his letter of 2 February 1916 to Serge Diaghilev(SSC 2:22). 38. "Ich bin kein Revolutionar.Ein Gesprachmit Igor Strawinsky," MiinchnerTelegrammZeitung und Sport-Telegraf,2 February 1933; quoted in Robert Craft, ed., Igor and Vera A Photograph Stravinsky: Album, 1921 to 1971 (New York:Thames and Hudson, 1982), 22.
536
the focus of conservativeattackever since its Germanpremierein 1923.39But most of Stravinsky's music had gained wide acceptancein Germanyby 1933. His reputationwas furtheredby recordingsof his works, especiallythose that That Stravinsky was featuredthe composer himself as conductor or pianist.40 an important influence on the generation of German composers to come of age during the late Weimarperiod was a fact frequentlyacknowledged(or deplored) by critics during the Nazi years,4lwhile the more accessiblestyle of his 1930s music did much to soften all but the most entrenchedopposition, as we shallsee.42 German supportersproved to be a powerful asset. Foremost Stravinsky's was them among Willy Streckerof Schott's, the composer's chief publisher he was aided by other Stravinsky the 1930s; supporters-whether conduring ductors, performers,composers, or critics-as well as by the composer himGerman self. There fell to Streckerthe delicate task of furtheringStravinsky's He found it necessaryto interestswithout antagonizing the ultranationalists. move with specialcare, since during the Weimarperiod Schott's (in addition to publishing the works of Jewish composers such as Ernst Toch, Bernhard Sekles, and Matyas Seiber) was responsiblefor Melos,the progressivemusic journal that anti-modernistsmost loved to hate.43But Schott's was also the publisherof RichardWagner,the composerwhom Adolf Hitler reveredabove all others, and the head of the firm, Ludwig Strecker,Sr., was one of the few people still alivewho had been Wagner'spersonalfriend.44
Histoiredu soldatin Weimarand 39. See Joan Evans, " 'Diabolus triumphans':Stravinsky's ed. John Daverio and in The Varieties Nazi Germany," Essays for MurrayLefkowitz, of Musicology: John Ogasapian(WarrenPark,Mich.: Harmonie ParkPress, 2000), 179-89. Histoirewas regularly attackedfor its theatricalconception, which was typically-if anachronistically-vilifiedas "Brechtian." Columbiarecordingswere not widely circulatedin Germany,however, a fact 40. Stravinsky's lamented by the composer on 20 November 1930 in a talk delivered at FrankfurtRadio (his he repeatedhis complaint notes, misdated21 November, arepreservedat PSS). Shortlythereafter to an unnamed Nuremberg reporter ("Plauderei mit Strawinsky,"8 Uhr-Blatt, 3 December 22 August 1934 (copy at PSS). 1930). See also Electrolato Strecker, in "Berliner 41. See, for example, Fritz Stege's review of Boris Blacher'sOrchester-Capriccio 1246. 102 (1935): Musik,"ZeitscbriftfiirMusik 1930s style and his earlierworks was drawn, for ex42. The distinctionbetween Stravinsky's reviewsfor Die Musik.Whereasthe Octet (1923) record in 1938 his Herbert Gerigk ample, by still came close to the spiritof "Jewishmusicaldegradation,"Jeu de cartes(1936) had "more in common with our background." Quoted in Erik Levi, Music in the Third Reich (New York: St. Martin'sPress, 1994), 100. 43. In 1938 the by then defunct Melos,along with its editor, Heinrich Strobel,was specifically targetedat the "DegenerateMusic"exhibitionthat took placein Diisseldorf. 44. "Personal-Nachrichten," Musikzeitung69 (1942): 66. The occasion for this AUlgemeine of "GeheimratDr. Ludwig Strecker"and his wife, notice was the diamond wedding anniversary who received handwritten congratulationsfrom the Fiihrer. On Schott's preeminent position during the Nazi period, see Levi, Musicin the ThirdReich, 159-63.
537
Unofficial boycott At the end of March 1933 Streckerinformed Stravinsky that his name had been placed on a list of Jewish composers compiled by a "Kultur Kampfbund," an organization"whose aim is to advanceGermanart above all other art and to suppresseverythingJewishand Bolshevik."45 This watchdog orgathe fur deutsche Kultur nization, (Combat League for German Kampfbund had in been founded 1929 Alfred Culture), by Rosenberg, the chief ideoof the Nazi the logue Party.46 During stormyperiod that directlyfollowed the Nazi takeover,the KfdKwaged an activeand extremelyeffective(if unofficial) Streckerwas not unduly concerned campaignof terrorismand intimidation.47 that Stravinsky had been classifiedas Jewish, since he was certain that the list had been hurriedly drawn up by "inexperiencedpatriots" ("unerfahrenen Patrioten")and would be checked by higher authorities."Even Hindemith," he noted, "is included on the list, as a 50 percent music bolshevist(for his earlier works)."48Although Strecker expected only limited damage from this he askedStravinsky for a written statementthat could, if neces"propaganda," be sary, submitted to the authorities.Streckerhad spoken with Hindemith, who believed that "in mattersof art, reason will very soon regain the upper hand"-an optimisticview sharedby many Germansduring the earlymonths of 1933.49
45. Streckerto Stravinsky, 29 March 1933 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:236 n. 29, which containssubstantial excerptsfrom this letter,albeitin a ratherfree translation). 46. The formationof the Kampfbundwas announced in the ZeitschriftfiirMusik96 (1929): 95. Its aim, as stated in 1932 in its periodicalDeutsche was "to reject both the apKultur-Wacht, pointment of artistsof Jewishparentageand origin, as well as a typicallyJewishinterpretationof great German works" (quoted in Oliver Rathkolb, Fuhrertreuundgottbegnadet:Kiinstlereliten im Dritten Reich [Vienna:Osterreichischer Bundesverlag,1991], 101). Though its influencedeclined sharplytowardthe end of 1933, duringthe springand summerof that yearthe Kampfbund was instrumentalin the process of Gleichschaltung (coordination)of the arts, thus helping to set the culturalagenda for the Nazi period. See Alan E. Steinweis, Art, Ideology, and Economics in Nazi Germany:TheReich Chambers and the VisualArts (Chapel Hill: Univerof Music,Theater, sity of North CarolinaPress, 1993), 23-28. Alfred Rosenbergwas the author of Der Mythusdes 20. Jahrhundert: Eine Wertung derseelisch-geistigen unsererZeit(1930). Gestaltenkdmpfe 47. See Fred K. Prieberg, Musik im NS-Staat (Frankfurtam Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag,1982), 36-43. 48. Strecker to Stravinsky,29 March 1933 (PSS): "Auch Hindemith ist mit 50% als Musikbolschewist (fur seine fruiherenWerke) auf der Liste aufgefiihrt." Strecker informed Hindemith of these events on 5 April 1933 (GeoffreySkelton, Paul Hindemith:TheMan Behind theMusic[London: Gollancz, 1975], 106). 49. Streckerto Stravinsky, 29 March 1933: "Hindemithselbst... glaubt, daf die Verunft in Kunstsachensehr baldwieder die Oberhandgewinnt."A comment in Strecker's letter of 18 April 1933 to Stravinsky similarlyreflectsthe attitude of many "unengaged"Germansduring this period: "Thismovement has so much that is healthyand positivethat one can regardthe artisticand other consequencesquite calmly"(PSS;translation after SSC 3:218, which incorrectlygives "that no one can regard").
538
On 14 April Stravinsky sent Streckerthe requested genealogicalinformation.50He also included a stronglyworded statementconcerning his political views, a document that was to prove of crucialimportancein his future relationship with Nazi Germany.To counter the charge of "music bolshevism," Stravinsky pointed out that he had not returned to Russia ("What would I do there?") and elaborated on the comments he had made in Munich in Februaryof that year:"I loathe allcommunism, Marxism,the execrableSoviet monster, and also all liberalism,democratism,atheism, etc. I detest them to that any connection with the country of the such a degree and so unreservedly Sovietswould be senseless."51 Strecker suggested that the composer also send this information to RussischerMusikverlagin Berlin. He considered it "beneath [Stravinsky's] dignity" to publicize the statement "prior to an official attack," which he thought unlikely;Hindemith, he added, shared his view. Noting that Pierre work in a recent Berlin concert, he conMonteux had played a Stravinsky cluded that the attendanceof governmentofficialswas "a sign that the higherups have quite reasonable views."52Though "non-German art" would no doubt suffera "temporary setback,"Streckerfelt sure that "as always,what is will worthwhile againassumeits rightfulplace."53 truly At the end of the 1932/33 season, as the intense xenophobia of the regime's earlymonths slowly abated,Streckersaw even more reason for optimism. "Here in Germanythe situationis beginning to clear,"he reported to Though he had had "some ratherharshcorrespondence"concernStravinsky. ing "your'degenerateBolshevikart,' " he believedthe dangernow to be over. He was sure that the new guidelines being worked out would "prove to be music would resume its former position. quite rational"and that Stravinsky's "The people in the leading circleshave great insight," he assuredthe composer, "and understandthe need to present the good things that other countriesmay have to offer."54 Yet despite Strecker'srosy optimism, there were no concert plans to announce as the new season approached.In October, as the firstfull season of
to Strecker,14 April 1933 (PSS). The originalletter, along with a typed copy 50. Stravinsky Mainz (hereis preservedin the archivesofSchott Musik International, and a Germantranslation, afterSchott's). from SSC3:236. 51. Translation 52. Strecker to Stravinsky,18 April 1933 (PSS; translation from SSC 3:236-37 n. 29). in his BerlinPhilharmonicconcert of 5 April 1933. Monteux had conducted Petrushka 53. Strecker to Stravinsky,18 April 1933: "Ein voriibergehender Riickschlag auf nichtdeutsche Kunstwird zweifellos eintreten,aber das wirklicheWertvollewird nach wie vor die ihm gebiihrendeStellung einnehmen." from SSC3:237 n. 30). On 3 August 20 July1933 (PSS;translation to Stravinsky, 54. Strecker Streckerwrote to explainthe unusuallylow royalties,noting that Germantheaters"haveavoided all foreign works in the past six months" (PSS; translationfrom SSC presentationsof practically 3:237 n. 30). The postscript,conveying Hindemith's greetings, was added not by Strecker,as claimedin volume 3 of SSC,but by the composer himself.
539
the Nazi era was getting under way, Streckermet with Rosbaud, who once to Frankfurt Radio. In a again was hoping to be allowed to invite Stravinsky move clearlyintended to head off any opposition, Streckersent the conductor statement of 14 April.55 copies of Stravinsky's Earlyin the new year Strecker informed Stravinsky that the opera houses of Frankfurtand Mannheim had promised to stage Firebirdthe next season; otherwise there was little to report.56On 12 MarchStreckerattended Furtwangler's highly successfulworld premiereof Hindemith's Mathisder Maler symphonyin Berlin. Recognizing that this performancewas of "extraordinary significancefor the recognition of modern music," Streckerhoped, as he wrote to Stravinsky, "that this victory will also reopen the Germanstages and concert hallsfor your works next
season."57
At the beginning of the 1934/35 season, Streckerreported that the opera Mathis der Maler would be ready by the end of November and that he expected from "this great work the decisivevictory for modern music that we and Rosbaud,he reported,had plansto perbadlyneed."58Both Furtwangler form Stravinsky's music in the winter season. "I certainlyhope that they will then be followed by other conductors who don't dare to be the first."59 Streckeradded that Rosbaud, if he receivedpermission, "would even like to do an entire evening of your worksin Berlinwith you as soloist."Waryof provoking opposition, Streckerthought it might be wiser to wait a little longer. "Leavethis to me," he suggested. "It would be best if you did not undertake to anythingin Germanywithout letting me know."He also advisedStravinsky his for a German edition of his until he had postpone plans autobiography been "rediscovered" in that country.60
55. Streckerto Rosbaud, 12 October 1933 (Schott's). 56. Streckerto Stravinsky, 30 January1934 (PSS). 57. Streckerto Stravinsky, 14 March 1934 (PSS): "Die Auffiihrungwarfir die Anerkennung der modemen Musik von ganz auferordentlicherBedeutung ... Ich hoffe, dafi dieserSieg auch IhrenWerkenfur die nachsteSaisonwieder die deutschen Biihnen und Konzertsaleoffnet." 58. Streckerto Stravinsky, 2 September1934 (PSS): "Bis Ende November wird die Oper fertig sein und ich erhoffe mir von diesem groBenWerkden endgfiltigenSieg der modemen Musik den wir notwendig brauchen."As is well known, the world premiereof the opera took place in Zurichin May 1938; it was neverperformedin Nazi Germany. 59. Ibid.: "Furtwanglersowie Rosbaud haben mir versprochen, im kommenden Winter Werkevon Ihnen zu spielen,und ich hoffe bestimmt,daf andereDirigentendann folgen werden, die es nicht wagen, den Anfang zu machen." Streckerplaced considerablestore in Furtwangler, Germany'sleading conductor.In his letter of 14 March 1934 he had noted, "Forthe time being, [Furtwangler]is the only one whose position is sufficientlystrong to influence general opinion and trends"(PSS;translationfrom SSC3:266 n. 80). 60. Streckerto Stravinsky, 2 September 1934: "Wenn es Rosbaud erlaubtwird, mochte er sogar einen ganzen Abend IhrerWerkemit Ihnen als Solist in Berlin machen ... UberlassenSie dies mir und untemehmen Sie am besten nichts in Deutschlandohne mich es wissen zu lassen.... WartenSie mit einer deutschenAusgabe, bis Sie hier (wohl im nachstenJahr)'neu entdeckt'werden!" Streckerseems to have alluded to Rosbaud'splan in his letter of 30 January1934 to the composer: "I'm planning further propagandafor you with Rosbaud, concerning which I shall
540
Rosbaud was surelyencouraged in his intentions by a statement issued by GermanRadio authoritiesat the end of July 1934, which indicatedthat there This in no way signaled a was no racialor political objection to Stravinsky.61 music, however, for while it was left up to general acceptanceof Stravinsky's the individualradio stations to decide which works to program, the decision had to reflect a "cleardistinction"among the variousperiods of Stravinsky's to avoid works that might be deemed inapprocareer.Thus the responsibility priatewas on the programmersthemselves.Strecker,ever cautious, may have persuadedRosbaud to abandon his plans for a Berlin concert; at any rate, no such event took place. The conductor did have one small satisfaction,however. On 26 August he arrangedfor Leopold Stokowski's1930 recording of Sacreto be broadcastover Frankfurt Radio, though at the inconspicuoushour This seems to have been the only occasion on which a work by of midnight.62 was broadcastthat season by German Radio; otherwise his music Stravinsky was "completelyignored" ("vblligignoriert").63 The Sacrethat was heard in Berlinsome three months laterwas one of the music during the earlyNazi period. The proof Stravinsky's few performances Erich that Kleiberand the Berlin Philharmonicon greeted longed applause 14 November was widely interpretedas support for both composer and conductor. Champions of moder music were delighted. Heinrich Strobel declared that Kleiber had "broken the Stravinskyspell," while Hans Heinz StreckeroptimistiStuckenschmidtopenly celebratedStravinsky's "victory."64
write more when the plans are somewhat furtheralong. One must proceed slowly in order not to upset things" ("Mit Rosbaud plane ich eine weitere Propagandafir Sie, iiber die ich noch schreiben werde, wenn die Plane etwas vorgeschrittensind. Man muf langsam vorgehen, um nichts zu verderben. .") (PSS). Rosbaudwas a frequentguest conductor in the Germancapital, both at BerlinRadio and with the BerlinPhilharmonic. 61. ReichssendeleitungA 2 b, Berlin, statement of 27 July 1934 (BundesarchivKoblenz, April 1933 R78/691). The radio authoritieshad almost certainlybeen sent a copy of Stravinsky's statement, either by Streckeror possibly by Rosbaud, to whom (as we have seen) Streckerhad sent copies the previousautumn. 62. See the program listingsfor 26 August 1934 in the Siidwestdeutsche Rundfunk-Zeitung. This broadcastwas laterused as ammunitionby Stravinsky's (and Rosbaud's)enemies, as we shall see. Melos13 (1934): 196. 63. WalterSteinhauer,"Rundfunkund drohende Vermassung," December 1934, 3. (The Neues 64. Heinrich Strobel, "Musikin Berlin," Neues Musikblatt, Musikblatt,edited by Strobel until 1939, replacedMeloswhen the latter ceased publicationafter in der Kleiber-Konzert the summer of 1934.) Hans Heinz Stuckenschmidt,"Sieg Strawinskys. Philharmonie,"BerlinerZeitung am Mittag, 15 November 1934. Kleiberwas also praisedin the on 17 November. For further pages of the FrankfurterZeitung ("KleiberdirigiertStrawinskij") detailson Stravinsky's reception by the Germanpress,see Joan Evans,"Die Rezeption der Musik in Hitlerdeutschland," ArchiviirMusikwissenschaft55(1998): 95-97. Kleiber's Igor Strawinskys had been programmedin Berlinsince Furtwanglerconthat time first was the Sacre performance ducted the work in February1930. Ironically, during the earlierperformance,half of the audience in the Philharmoniehad walked out. See Hans Mersmann, Hans Schultze-Ritter,and Heinrich Strobel, "Die Situationin Deutschland,"Melos9 (1930): 348.
541
cally informed the composer of Furtw'ngler's intention to stage Firebirdat the BerlinStaatsoperduringthe coming winter.65 Shortly after Kleiber'sconcert, a public statement in support of Stravinsky was made by none other than RichardStrauss.According to the unnamed reKurier,the presidentof the Reichsmusikporter for Nuremberg'sFrinkischer kammer affirmed Stravinsky's "pure Aryan background"and declared "the " to be nothing more than a fiction. The 'culturalbolshevistIgor Stravinsky' and definitivelydeclaredthat report concludes, "RichardStraussemphatically the Russian Igor Stravinskyis known to be enthusiasticabout the ideas of Adolf Hitler."66 Streckersent Stravinsky the clipping,noting that it was being reprinted throughout the country. Though seemingly embarrassedby its tone, he felt that the article'seffect would be beneficial."This,"he declared, "is partlya result of the informationyou put at my disposala year ago"-that statementof 14 April1933, which Streckerhad apparently subis, Stravinsky's mitted to the Reichsmusikkammer.67 for this Support Stravinsky during period also appeared at a more grassroots level. In October the composer sent Streckera pamphletcontainingan articleentitled "Warummeine Musik nicht geschitzt wird." This appearedunder his name in the 12 July 1934 issue of Das Tha-Ga-Blatt,a weekly pamphlet published for its customers by Thams und Garfs-Geschafte of Hamburg ("KennerdrinkenTha-Ga-Kaffee!").68 Kleiber's success, Strauss's reassurances, and the optimism of Despite Strobel, Strecker,and others, the composer'ssupporterswere not yet successful in breaking the unofficial boycott. The Berlin Philharmonic'sSacre remained one of a handfiul of performances of Stravinsky's music that season and the sole German performanceof the work during the Nazi period. In July Streckercomplainedto Dushkin about "the unfortunatepresentsituation,"in
65. Streckerto Stravinsky, postcardof 17 November 1934 (PSS). Furtwangler'sStaatsoper in which the conductor soon became emplans fell victim to the well-known "Hindemith affair," broiled as the result of his article in support of Hindemith in the 25 November issue of the DeutscheAlpemeine Zeitung ("Der Fall Hindemith"). See Michael H. Kater, Composers of the Nazi Era:EightPortraits(New York:Oxford UniversityPress,2000), 37-39. 66. "RichardStraufifir Strawinsij," Frankischer Kurier,28 November 1934. (The "Russian had obtained French citizenshipthe previousJune.) Stravinsky later referredto Igor Stravinsky" this "curious document," in which Strauss defended him "against the charge of cultural and Robert Craft, Themes Bolshevism,but entirelyfor the wrong reasons"(Igor Stravinsky and AlfredA. Knopf, 1967], 35-36). Episodes [New York: 67. Streckerto Stravinsky, 30 November 1934 (PSS;translation from SSC3:237 n. 30). 68. Both Stravinsky's letter of 17 October 1934 and Das Tha-Ga-Blattof 12 July 1934 are preservedat Schott's;a second copy of the publicationis found at PSS. The articleis an abridged translation of "Pourquoil'on n'aime pas ma musique. Une interviewd'Igor Stravinsky" (Journal de Geneve, 14 November 1928), which in turn apparently translates an English original ("CopyrightLondon GeneralPress").Under its Germantitle the interviewhad appearedduring the Weimarperiod in Musik und Gesellschaft: Arbeitsblatter und Musikfiir sozialeMusikpflege politik 1 (1930): 169-72.
542
which Germanywas "temporarily inaccessible"to Stravinsky.69 His letter was occasioned by Schott's interestin securingthe publishingrightsto Stravinsky's most recent work, the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos, a piece destined to play with Nazi Germany. a crucialrole in Stravinsky's subsequentrelationship Breaking the "Stravinsky spell": the Internationales Zeitgenossisches Musikfest, Baden-Baden and his music began to take place A thaw in the opposition toward Stravinsky to severalrelatedfactors. This can be attributed the season. 1935/36 during The turbulenceof the earlyNazi period was by now giving way to a more setthe coorditled (if more shackled)situation,as efforts toward Gleichschaltung, nation of all aspectsof Germanlife in accordancewith Nazi policy,bore fruit. Also important was the resolution in Goebbels's favor of his long-standing and acrimoniousbattle with partyideologue Rosenberg over the direction of the country's culturallife.70Though the Amt Rosenberg continued to act as ideological watchdog, the propagandaminister could now pursue his more pragmaticapproachto culturalissues.The economy was improving,which rethe earlyyears.71 sulted in a lesseningof the xenophobiathat had characterized as cultural leader. role cherished its to resume thus was ready Germany racial and to and music musicians, subject political considerations, Foreign now began to be heardagainin Germancities.72 Especiallysignificantwith regardto Germany'snew outward-lookingattitude were the circumstances surrounding Berlin's hosting of the 1936 Summer Olympics. Months of preparationwere dedicated to ensuring that
to Dushkin, 31 July 1935 (Schott's):"wirmiissen nun leider mit der augenblick69. Strecker lichen ungliicklichenLage rechnen, unter der vorlaufigsogar ganz Deutschland fiir Strawinsky music was excluded from Germany'smusical verschlossenist." The speed with which Stravinsky's life after the Nazi takeover is dramaticallyreflected in the pages of Die Musik. Whereas in warrantsforty-sixentriesin the index, the number for 1933/34 drops to fif1932/33 Stravinsky all of which pertaineitherto passing(usuallyderogatory)comments or to concert teen, practically reviewsfrom foreign correspondents. 70. On the rivalrybetween Rosenberg and Goebbels, see Reinhard Bollmus, Das Amt Studienzum MachtkampfimnationalsozialistiscenHerrschafssystem und seine Gegner: Rosenberg 1970). In 1934 Hitler had appointedRosenbergthe party's (Stuttgart:Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, des Fiihrersfir die Uberwachung der gesamten geistigen ideological supervisor("Beauftragter und weltanschaulichenSchulung und Erziehung der Partei und gleichgeschaltetenVerbande"). His departmentwas referredto as the "Amt Rosenberg." 71. Although fill employmentwas not reacheduntil 1938/39, in 1936 the high unemployment inheritedby the Nazi regime dropped for the firsttime below 1928/29 levels (Kater, The Twisted Muse,8). contactshad alreadybeen made on'6 June 1934, when 72. An effort to resume international Richard Strauss inaugurated the Standiger Rat fir die internationale Zusammenarbeit der Komponisten (Permanent Council for InternationalCooperation Among Composers). Clearly meant to replacethe International Society for ContemporaryMusic (ISCM), whose Germansection had been dissolved in 1933, the PermanentCouncil organized music festivalsin Germany and elsewherebetween 1935 and 1939.
543
foreign visitorswould be favorably impressedwith the achievements,particularly the culturalachievements,of the New Germany.Significant,too, were the activitiesof the numerous organizationsdevoted to new music that sprang Arbeitskreis fur Neue up throughout Germanyduringthis period. Frankfurt's Musik was especiallyactive on behalf of Stravinsky's music, as we shall see, while similar groups existed in Berlin, Munich, Essen, and Diisseldorf, at whose concerts one could hear music by composers from all over Europe.73 Thus Stravinsky's gradualacceptance,diligentlypreparedby his supporters,is largelyattributableto Germany'sdesire, after the isolation of the early Nazi years,to rejointhe Europeanculturalcommunity.And what betterway to signal this desire than by allowing Germanaudiencesto hear again the music of Europe'sbest-knownmodem composer? Michael Katerhas suggested a causal connection between the improving fortunes of Stravinsky's music and Hindemith's gradual eclipse after 1935, with many Germans,Nazi and non-Nazi alike,now "lookingto Stravinsky" to "welcome for Such a provide inspiration" Germany's young composers.74 direct link is unlikely,however,for while it is true that Germansof varyingdegrees of politicalinvolvementsupportedStravinsky's music, the more ideologcommitted could have him as a model. Surely they ically hardly accepted would have agreed with Herbert Gerigk, a leading Nazi musicologist, who saw no reason to exclude Stravinsky's music, yet warned againstusing him as an "ideal"for Germany. he Stravinsky, wrote, represented"a folk traditionforto ours" uns fernstehendenVolkstums");as a Russian and an eign ("eines Asian,he "mustnever be consideredone of our culturalcircle."75 Stravinskyhimself was to take an active part in what the German press would soon refer to as his "rehabilitation." In November 1935 he informed Strecker that he was considering his publisher's invitation to visit him in Wiesbaden,especiallysince it would provide an opportunityto make on-the"I would be so happyto resume my musicalrelaspot concert arrangements: tions with Germany."76
73. Prieberg,Musikim NS-Staat,297-98. 74. Kater,TheTwisted Muse,183. 75. Herbert Gerigk, "Musikpolitische Umschau," Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte10 (1939): 86. Gerigk'sposition as head of the music divisionin the Amt Rosenberggave him access to the vast cultural-political archive from which he was to draw in compiling (with Theophil Stengel) the now infamous LexikonderJuden in der Musik:Mit einem Titelverzeichnis jiidischer Werke (Berlin:BernhardHahnefeldVerlag,1940). 76. Stravinsky to Strecker,17 November 1935 (PSS): "Je seraissi content de reprendremes relationsmusicalesavec l'Allemagne."This sentence is curiouslyomitted in SSC 3:238 (end of firstparagraph). (The remainderof this letter as publishedby Craftbelongs in fact to Stravinsky's letter of 29 December 1931, other excerpts from which are published in SSC 3:229-30.) On 1 December 1935 Stravinsky sent Streckera follow-up postcard:"Did you receive my letter of 17 November?"("Avez vous recu ma lettre du 17 nov.?")(Schott's). desire to look Stravinsky's for Germanconcerts that seasonwas also prompted by his decision to cancel a plannedAmerican tour. The visit to Wiesbadendid not takeplace, however.
544
Just at this time, Baden-Baden's Generalmusikdirektor Herbert Albert was organizing,with the support of the Kurverwaltung (spa administration), an internationalfestival of contemporarymusic scheduled to take place on 3-5 April 1936.77 Invited to perform at the festival, Stravinsky sought Strecker'sopinion.78His publisheradvisedhim to accept, adding that if permission from Berlin could be obtained, Rosbaud would schedule an engagement for him at FrankfurtRadio as well. There was also the possibilityof a second concert in Frankfurt,given by "young modem musicianswho are all These musicianswere members of the enthusiasticsupportersof your art."79 formed Arbeitskreis fur Neue Musik, whose artisticdirectorwas the recently Frommel.80 Gerhard composer was keenlyinterestedin the proposed Germanengagements, esStravinsky the Baden-Baden concert, at which he and his son Sviatoslav pecially That were invited to performhis Concerto for Two Solo Pianos.81 (Soulima) he was willing to considercancelinghis South Americantour if Baden-Baden were to make up the 7,000 francshe would lose is evidence of the importance in Germanysince 1933.82 with which he invested his first public appearance
between the new Interationales ZeitgenossischesMusikfestand the annual 77. The parallels festivalsof contemporarymusic at Donaueschingen and Baden-Badenthat had been a highlight of the Germannew-music scene before 1933 were not lost on the festival'sorganizersor, subsequently,its reviewers. 78. Musikdirektion Baden-Baden to Stravinsky,5 December 1935; Stravinsky'snote to Strecker(writtenat the bottom of the letter) is dated 6 December (PSS). In his replyof 9 Decemaddress ber, Streckernoted that it was he who had provided the organizerswith Stravinsky's (PSS). A letter of 12 February 1936 from MusikdirektionBaden-Badento Strecker(Schott's) indicatesthat the publisheralso provided documentaryinformationthat Baden-Badenneeded in order to obtain permission for Stravinsky'sappearance.Presumablythis included Stravinsky's statementof 14 April 1933. 9 December 1935 (PSS): "mit jungen modemen Musikem, die 79. Streckerto Stravinsky, alle begeisterteAnhangerIhrerKunstsind." 80. On the Arbeitskreisfiir Neue Musik, active between 1935 and 1943, see Eva Hanau, in Frankfurtam Main, 1933 bis 1939 (Cologne: Studio, 1994), 123-28. A Musikinstitutionen formerstudent of Hans Pfitzner,GerhardFrommeltaught at Frankfirt'sHoch Conservatorybetween 1933 and 1944. 81. Negotiations concerning his planned South American tour prevented Stravinskyfrom giving the festival organizers a definitive answer at this time. He wrote to Strecker in midDecember: "Wouldyou be so kind as to inform them that my silence is due onlyto thesecircumstances"("Auriez-vousla grande obligeance de leur faire savoirque mon silence n'est dutqu' a to Strecker,postcardof 15 December 1935 [Schott's]; emphasis cettecirconstance") (Stravinsky behalffrom Parison 18 January1936 to Musikdirektion original).A letterwrittenon Stravinsky's Baden-Badencontains an apology for the delay (Stravinsky's copy of the letter is unsigned); the previousday Baden-Badenhad writtento confirmhis in-principleacceptance(PSS). The organizers no doubt followed Strecker'sadvice in suggesting the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos;in his had expressedan interestin performingthis recent letter of 17 November to Strecker,Stravinsky work (PSS). to Strecker,18 January1936 (PSS). The amount ("sept mille francs")is incor82. Stravinsky rectly given as "700 francs"in SSC 3:239. On 24 JanuaryStreckerwrote that he had forwarded Stravinsky's proposalto Baden-Baden(PSS).
545
The festivalorganizers,however, responded that 7,000 francs(the equivalent of 1,100 marks)was "an honorariumwe had not reckonedwith" and offered a combined fee of 700 marksfor Stravinsky and his son, plus traveland accommodations.83 Streckerstronglyadvisedthe composer to acceptthese terms. In additionto being "a splendidbeginning for your art in Germany," the festival, which would be attended by the country's most influential music critics, would also be advantageousto SoulimaStravinsky's budding career.84 On 20 JanuaryStreckerinformed Stravinsky that Rosbaud was expecting any day to receive permission from Berlin for the engagement at Frankfurt Radio. The Firebirdsuite had recently been played on tour by Furtwangler and the Berlin Philharmonic,he noted, and this, combined with Stravinsky's Baden-Badenand Frankfurt "shouldbreakthe spell and clearthe appearances, for of works in Germany."85 further Baden-Badenalso way performances your official of but Strecker was sure this would be required permission, course, and without His given "immediately difficulty."86 optimism-and BadenBaden'seventualsuccess-was undoubtedly due in part to the fact that a certain Herr Ludwig, who was in charge of the relevant department of the PropagandaMinistry,was an acquaintanceof Herbert Albert, the festival's
organizer.87
"I am very moved by the interest you have taken in my reappearance in "this that was so attentive to Germany,"Stravinsky replied, Germany always
83. MusikdirektionBaden-Badento Schott's, 24 January1936 (copy at PSS): "Das ist ein Honorar, mit dem wir nicht gerechnet hatten." In his letter of 20 Januaryto the composer of 18 January)Streckerhad preparedStravinsky for (which crossed in the mail with Stravinsky's the possibilityof a smallhonorarium:"Baden-Baden and Frankfurt would thus be a good and important beginning, even if for the presentnot much more than the travelcosts were to be gained waren somit ein guter, wichtigerAnfang, selbst wenn financially" ("Baden-Badenund Frankfurt finanziellzunichst nicht viel mehr als die Reisekostendabei herauskamen") (PSS). 84. Streckerto Stravinsky, 25 January1936 (PSS): "es [wird] ein glanzenderAnfang fur Ihre Kunst in Deutschland sein." Stravinsky's son had made his professionaldebut in Barcelonain November 1933. 85. Streckerto Stravinsky, 20 January1936 (PSS). Translation from SSC 3:238 n. 33, where the phrase"Baden-Baden is incorrect.By "Veranstaltungen" Streckerrefersto the performances" two concerts planned for Frankfirt plus the single Baden-Badenengagement. At no time was more than one Baden-Badenperformancediscussed.Rosbaud had recentlysent Streckera confidential communicationof 9 January1936 from the Reichssendeleitungindicatingthat their inhad not yet been completed; a typed copy of this document is preserved vestigationof Stravinsky with Strecker'sletter of 14 Januaryto Rosbaud (Schott's). Streckerwrites, "I am curious [to learn] what the inquiry about Igor will yield" ("Ich bin gespannt, was die Untersuchungen ... iiber Igor ergeben werden"). 86. Streckerto Stravinsky, 25 January1936 (PSS): "doch zweifle ich nicht daran, dafi sie ohne Schwierigkeiten sofort gegeben wird." Stravinsky repliedon 27 Januarythat 500 markswas the "absoluteminimum"he would accept for the radio engagement, and that he would be "very grateful"if the amount were somewhat higher ("Bien entendu la somme de RM 500 pour le Rundfunkseraitl'extreme minimum que je vous seraisbien reconnaissantd'agrandirtant qu'on peut") (PSS). 87. Musikdirektion Baden-Badento Strecker,12 February1936 (Schott's).
546
my music. For this reason I gladlyaccept the proposalfrom Baden-Baden."88 that the second Frankfurt At the end of JanuaryStreckerinformed Stravinsky engagement was to be an orchestra concert, conducted by Bertil Wetzelsberger,for which Streckerhad suggested Capriccio.He would try to obtain the highest possible fees from both Wetzelsbergerand Rosbaud,he promised, but the most important thing was to obtain official permission, for these concertswould have a "decisiveinfluence"("ausschlaggebenden Einflug")on futureperformances.89 Stravinskywas nervous about performing Capriccio,which he had not playedfor some time. "Wouldit be possible to let me conduct this concert instead ofWetzelsberger ... ," he asked, "and for my son to play my Capriccio Strecker or my firstConcerto under my direction?"90 proposed insteada solution that he felt would be agreeableto all participants."Perhapsyou could conduct one piece, in order to let Wetzelsberger. . ., for diplomaticreasons, The importantthing, he added, was that Stravinsky conduct a work as well."91 takepartin the concert. By mid-FebruaryStreckerhad good news to report. After taking up the in Berlin,Rosbaudhad finallyobtainedverbalpermissionfor matterpersonally the radio engagement; written confirmation was to follow shortly.92That Streckerwas well awareof the precariousnature of the entire venture is evident in his reaction to Stravinsky's request that his son Theodore design the tide page of the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos,which Schott's was preparing
refrom SSC3:239). Stravinsky 27 January1936 (PSS;translation to Strecker, 88. Stravinsky fees take his him to for authorization obtain Radio Frankfurt and Baden-Baden that both quested out of the country.Suspectingthat it might be difficultto comply with this request,Streckersugfees be sent directlyto the Hamburg-America gested in his letter of 1 Februarythat Stravinsky's Line to pay for the composer's travelexpenses on the S.S. Cap Arcona to Buenos Aires (PSS). Stravinsky repliedon 8 Februarythat his farewas being taken care of by Athos Palma,directorof the Teatro Col6n, and repeatedhis demand that he be allowed to take his fees out of the country that he had submitted the neces(see SSC 3:240). Three days later Streckerinformed Stravinsky saryapplication(PSS). 30 January1936 (PSS). The Austrianconductor Bertil Wetzels89. Streckerto Stravinsky, became director of the Hoch Conberger (1892-1967), a longtime supporter of Stravinsky, servatoryin 1933, replacing the Jewish composer BernhardSekles. Between 1926 and 1930, Wetzelsberger,despite local opposition, had presented the Nuremberg premieres of Firebird, Pulcinella,Le rossgnol,OedipusRex, Histoiredu soldat,and the Octet (Wetzelsberger Petrushka, 12 April 1930 [PSS]). to Stravinsky, to Strecker,1 February1936 (PSS): "Serait-il 90. Stravinsky possible de me laisserdirigerce concert a la place de Wetzelsberger. ., et mon fils jouerait mon Capriccioou mon premier Concerto sous ma direction?" 3 February1936 (PSS): "VielleichtdirigierenSie selbst ein Stiick, 91. Streckerto Stravinsky, um Wetzelsberger... ebenfallsein Werk aus diplomatischenGriinden zu uberlassen."In SSC is faulty:"Perhaps 3:240 n. 37 the translation you will agree to conduct a piece yourself,then, and haveWetzelberger[sic] presentyou, too." 14 February1936 (PSS). 92. Streckerto Stravinsky,
547
for publication.93 Streckerrepliedthat, though he would personallybe happy for Theodore to do the drawing,he was concerned that it would appeartoo modern, "since here in Germanyeverythingmodem-influenced by Picasso, for instance-is unacceptable.With such a drawingyou would perhaps give the criticsa welcome, if purelysuperficial, reasonfor rejection."94 Ever careful, he suggested a "neutral,inoffensivelittle vignette" ("eine neutrale,unangreifbare kleineVignette"). A week later Stravinsky sent Theodore's stylizedpenand-inkdrawingof four hands,which eventuallyappearedon the cover of the score. "I like this vignette very much . .. ," he commented, "and I would hope that this sketchwill not upset anyone."95 of Berlin'sin-principlepermissionfor Just days after informing Stravinsky the FrankfurtRadio engagement, Strecker received a letter from Gerhard Frommel, organizer of the orchestraconcert, informing him that the city's would not allow the event to take place.96He would have Musikbeauftragter taken a chance and gone aheadwithout permission,Frommel noted, but the involvement of the municipalorchestramade this impossible. He would like to try to arrangea chamber-music concert instead,in which case he would not for but apply permission, simply inform the authorities of his intentions. the could object, Frommel was certainhe would Though Musikbeauftragter because the official in question was FrankfurtOpera's Intennot-probably Hans a member ofFrommel's Arbeitskreis.97 himself dant, Meissner,
93. Stravinsky to Strecker,16 February1936; on the same day Stravinsky sent Streckera copy of the lecture on the concerto that he had preparedfor the premiereof the work in Paristhe previous November (PSS). The lecture is published in EricWalterWhite, Stravinsky: TheComposer and His Works, 2d ed. (London: Faber and Faber, 1979), 581-85. "Translate it into German," Stravinskysuggested, "and I could perhaps show it to the Rundfink" (translationfrom SSC 3:241). It was in fact used as programnotes for the Baden-Badenconcert. 94. Streckerto Stravinsky, 18 February1936 (PSS): "da man z.B. bei uns in Deutschland alles Modere, etwa von Picasso Beeinflusste,ablehnt. Sie wiirden mit einer solchen Zeichnung unter Umstanden den Kritiker einen willkommenen schon rein auferlichen Ablehnungsgrund geben." 95. Stravinsky to Strecker,25 February1936 (PSS): "J'aimebeaucoupcette vignette ... et je veux espererque ce dessin ne derangerapersonne."Streckerrepliedon 27 February,"I find your son's drawingvery originaland do not think that it can give offence to anyone"("Die Zeichnung von Ihrem Sohn finde ich sehr originell und glaube nicht, dai irgend jemand daran Anstog nehmen kann") (PSS). 96. Frommel to Strecker,16 February1936 (Schott's). Musikbeauftragter (politicallyreliable music representatives) were appointed by the Reichsmusikkammer to regulate and control concert life at the local level. 97. On Hans Meissner,see Hanau, Musikinstitutionen in Frankfurtam Main. Frommel also reportedto Streckerthat he had recentlygiven a lectureon Stravinsky, illustrated with music from Persiphone-a work that had not yet been performedin Germany.In the December 1936 issue of the NeuesMusikblatt, Frommel's student Hugo Puetter,who had also studied with Alban Berg, recalled the "strong impression"made by this lecture ("Der Frankfurter Arbeitskreisfiir Neue Musik,"2). Frommel'slecture, "Neue Klassikin der Musik,"was publishedunder the same title the following year by L. C. WittichVerlag,Darmstadt,and reviewedby Puetter in the November 1937 issue of the NeuesMusikblatt.
548
Troublewas also brewingat Frankfurt Radio.Aftermeeting with Rosbaud, Streckerreportedto Stravinsky the next day: told me that underground Rosbaud at the against your appearance intrigues radiostationhaveunfortunately even he has surfaced already again, though fromthe top radioadministration, aswellasfromthe Reichsmusikpermission kammer. For thisreasonhe will go to Berlintodayto clearup the matter. By I hopehe willbe ableto giveme a definitive word.98 Tuesday concert might elicit Concerned that Frommel'sunsanctionedchamber-music StreckeradvisedStravinsky to restricthis engagements to furthercontroversy, Frankfirt Radio and Baden-Baden.With luck, these would result in offers of orchestraconcerts for the following season. As for financialmatters,Rosbaud satisfaction."You cannot was still working to arrangethings to Stravinsky's are connected with all these difficulties "how Strecker sighed, many imagine," issuesat present."99 On 25 FebruaryStravinsky agreed to perform at both Baden-Badenand Two days later Rosbaud telephoned Streckerwith the FrankfurtRadio.100 good news that everything was now arranged, and the following week Streckersent the conductor the uncorrectedproofs of the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos for his comments.101 Everythingwas now approvedfor Badento take to he Baden, reported Rosbaud, including permissionfor Stravinsky But despite Rosbaud's assurhis fees out of the country in French francs.102 Radio was ances, Streckermust have suspectedthat the situationat Frankfurt stilluncertain,for he continued:
leiderwieder 22 February1936 (PSS): "Rosbauderzaihlte 98. Streckerto Stravinsky, mir, dabi unterirdische Intriguengegen Ihr Auftretenim Rundfunkeingetretensind, obwohl er bereitsdie hat. Er wird desGenehmigung der obersten Rundfunkleitung,sowie der Reichsmusikkammer halb heute nach Berlinfahren,um die Angelegenheit zu klarenund mir bis Dienstag hoffentlich endgiiltigen Bescheidgeben konnen." In the springand summerof 1936 these "undergroundintrigues"were to flareup into a personalattackagainstRosbaud,as we shallsee. alle diese Fragenau99. Ibid.: "Siekonnen sich nicht vorstellen,mit welchen Schwierigkeiten genblicklichverkniipftsind." to Strecker,25 February1936 (PSS; see SSC 3:242). ApparentlyStravinsky 100. Stravinsky since he indicatedthat for lackof time he had letter of 22 February, had not yet receivedStrecker's decided not to acceptthe orchestraengagement. 101. Streckerto Stravinsky, postcardof 27 February1936 (PSS); and Streckerto Rosbaud, 5 March 1936 (Schott's). Strecker asked Rosbaud to return, along with the proofs, the that is, the genealogicalinformationsent by the composer to Strecker "Strawinsky-Stammbaum," on 14 April 1933, used by Rosbaud in his attempts to obtain permission for the composer's appearance. 102. Craft's statement, "Permissionwas finally obtained by Streckeron March 25" (SSC that he had just heard 3:240 n. 39), is incorrect. On 27 FebruaryStreckerinformed Stravinsky from Baden-Baden that permission had been granted (PSS). On 10 March, in response to letter of 7 March (see SSC 3:242-43), Streckerreplied that he had asked BadenStravinsky's Baden to send the confirmationdirectlyto the composer; MusikdirektionBaden-Badendid so the following day (PSS).
549
I am convinced that Stravinsky is of the view that the agreementwith the radio station is settled and will not subsequentlybe altered.Without this second engagement, for which indeed all the leading authoritieshave given permission, he would not come to Germany.Therefore the fee is due in any case, especially since, as you well know, for reasons of friendshiphe is making extraordinary concessions to the radioin this respect.103
Strecker'ssuspicions proved to be justified. Two days later, when he teleRadio to ascertainthe exact time of Stravinsky's phoned Frankfurt concert, he learnedthat the engagement had been canceled.'04 The Baden-Badenconcert took place on Saturday The evening, 4 April.105 Concerto for Two Solo Pianoswas the finalwork on a programthat included Conrad Beck's Serenade for flute, clarinet, and strings, Wolfgang Former's HarpsichordConcerto, Paul Graener'sCello Concerto, and Jean Francaix's Piano Concertino.106 In the year of the Berlin Olympics,the organizerswere carefulto avoid emphasizingthe politicalaspectsof this internationalfestival. Customary greetings were cabled to the Fihrer,107but the printed program entirelylackedpartysymbolsor messagesfrom partyofficials.Stravinsky's performancewas widely reviewed in the German press. Though remarksabout the "soulless"qualityof the music or the "cold passion"of the performance
103. Strecker to Rosbaud, 5 March 1936 (Schott's): "Ichbiniiberzeugt, stehtauf Strawinsky dem Standpunkt, daf derAbschlug mit dem Rundfimk ist undnichtnochnachtraglich perfekt werden kann.OhnedieseszweiteEngagement, dasja von allenmaggebenden Stellen geandert so dag das Honorarunter alien genehmigtwar,wareer nicht nach Deutschland gefahren, Umstanden demRundfunk in dieser ausfreundfalligist,zumaler,wie Siejawissen, Beziehung schaftlichen Grindenauferordentlich kommt." entgegen 104. Strecker to Rosbaud, 7 March1936 (Schott's). In a letterof 4 September 1936 to Rosbaud thathe wasfamiliar commented withthe composer's recent butonly Stravinsky, works, fromstudying the scores-an indirect reference to hisunsuccessful efforts on Stravinsky's behalf. He added,"Herr Strecker willcertainly havetoldyou something of thisandI myself, whenI see willgivea fullaccount" Strecker wirdIhnen wohldariiber erzahlt haben youagain, ("Herr einiges und ich selbstwerde,wennich Sie wiedereinmal dariiber sehe,ausfiihrlich berichten") (PSS). andRosbaud didnot meetagain until1951. Stravinsky 105. An eyewitness of Stravinsky's is provided who in description performance by Frommel, an autobiographical sketch of 1976 recalled thatthe composer's wasthe sensation of appearance the festival. He described bothStravinsky's andhis famously mannered pianoplaying stagebow as "peculiar": "He poundedon the pianoat sucha volumethatone couldhardly discern the of the music.His deep bowsin frontof the audience, witharmscrossed transparency overthe chest . . ., broughtto minda circus director. It wasa clever littlepieceof mimicry [mimische of whichthe audience couldn't Kabinettstuckchen] get enough" Cahn, (Peter Osthoff, Wolfgang
Schneider, 1979],41). 106. Stravinsky the secondpianopart.On 12 December 1943 he asked presumably played RemiGassman, who wasorganizing a concert in Chicago, to "tellthe pianist who willplaywith me my DoubleConcerto, thatI willplaythe secondpianoas I always do for a good reason to better leadtheensemble" n. 7). (SSC2:467 107. Friedrich W. Herzog,"Musik derVolker in Baden-Baden," Die Musik 28 (1935/36): 781.
and Johann Peter Vogel, eds., GerhardFrommel: Der Komponistund sein Werk[Tutzing: Hans
550
were not lacking, criticalcomment was largelyfavorable,with one reviewer defending the concerto's "machine-like rhythm" as an important formdefining element.108The spell had been broken, exulted the normally caumusic to tious Strecker,and the way opened for the return of Stravinsky's Germany.109 Robert Craft has claimed that Stravinsky appeared in Baden-Baden "againsthis will and under pressurefrom his German publisher.""0But imwould have preferrednot to appearin Nazi Germany plying that Stravinsky the facts.From and statingthat he did so under duressseriouslymisrepresents the published correspondencealone it is obvious that Stravinsky activelysolicited German engagements;indeed, Crafthimself earliernoted Stravinsky's Of course Strecker was keen for "eagerness to perform in Germany."111 to return to Germany,but it was certainlynot necessaryto "presStravinsky was even willing, afterthe To his publisher'ssurprise,Stravinsky sure"him.112 FrankfirtRadio performancehad been canceled,to travelto Germanyfor the Baden-Badenconcert alone. This appearanceremained Stravinsky's "unique concert in the Third Reich" not because he was reluctant to perform in Germany,but because suitable engagements were simply not forthcoming, other supporters,and despite the combined efforts of Strecker,Stravinsky's the composer himself.l13 Crafthas also claimed that "by choosing to play the piano ratherthan to conduct [Stravinsky]managed to avoid all personal encounters."1l4 This is
108. Ibid., 783 ("soulless");St., BadischeLandeszeitung("cold passion");Alfred Burgartz, "Baden-Badener Musikfrihling. Die Ergebnissedes IntemationalenzeitgenossischenMusikfestes 18 April 1936, 6 ("machine-likerhythm").The second (vom 3. bis 5. April)," Die Musik-Woche, on review was one of eleven excerptedby Strecker(without title or date) and sent to Stravinsky 21 April 1936 (PSS); authors included such well-known names as Heinrich Strobel (Berliner Zeitung). Criticism of the neoclassical Tageblatt) and Robert Oboussier (DeutscheAUlgemeine style as "soulless"and "cold"was of course nothing new. Both terms are found, for example,in a piece of doggerel by A. E. W. Miller of Leipzig, publishedin the October 1930 issue of the venerable (and increasinglyright-wing) Zeitschrift fir Musik:"Atonalismusseelenlos / Und kalte Sachlichkeit, / Der Nigger Jazz, der GernegroS,/ Die stampfendurch die Zeit" (p. 821). 21 April 1936 (PSS). The Zeitschriftfir Musikdevoted a column 109. Streckerto Stravinsky, and a half to the concerto when it was publishedthe following year,with the enthusiasticreviewer it as one of the most imaginativeand forward-lookingworks of the time (Walter characterizing fir Klavier," ZeitschriftfirMusik 104 [1937]: 662-63). Hapke, "Musikalien: 110. Craft,"Jewsand Geniuses,"276. 111. SSC2:251 n. 51. 112. Far from pressuring the composer, in at least one instance (to be discussed below) to turn it down. Streckerdeemed an engagement unsuitableand advisedStravinsky 113. The quotation is from Craft: "[Stravinsky's] unique concert in the Third Reich took Baden-Badenconcert was place at the insistenceof B. Schott's Sohne" (SPD, 554). Stravinsky's though it was his not the only performancein Nazi Germanyin which the composerparticipated, he and Dushkin that the recital discounts if one gave in Munich only publicappearance-that is, recordedJeu de cartesin Berlin three days after the Nazi takeover.In February1938 Stravinsky with the BerlinPhilharmonic.Craftseems to miss the point when he comments that "recordings are not public performances" ("Jewsand Geniuses,"276). 114. Craft,"Jewsand Geniuses,"276.
551
would misleadingon two counts. There is no reasonto assumethat Stravinsky have been reluctantto conduct in Baden-Baden,had he been invitedto do so. He had specifically asked to conduct the ill-fatedFrankfurt orchestraconcert and on severallater occasions declaredhimselfwilling to conduct, as we shall see. Nor did the composer "avoid all personalencounters"in Baden-Baden. "Allthe young composersare excited about meeting you in person,"Strecker had written to Stravinskyshortly before the festival.115 Among these was GerhardFrommel, whose Suite for Small Orchestrawas performed,and who laterremindedthe composer that they had spoken for severalhours following concert."16 Stravinsky's "New possibilities" "People are now less fearful [of presenting your works]," Streckerwrote to in earlyJuly 1936, three months afterthe composer'sBaden-Baden Stravinsky appearance. "The boycott has been broken and new possibilities unearthed.""7But there were few new developments to report, and the situation was stillfarfrom stable. "The influentialpeople in the importantpositions change from one day to the next," Streckernoted, "and contactsthat one has establishedturn out a few weeks laterto be outdated."'18 The first of the "new possibilities"arose just three days after Stravinsky's Baden-Badenconcert, when Hans von Benda, artisticdirector of the Berlin Philharmonic, approached Stravinsky about appearing as soloist under A second "possibility"placed Strecker Furtwanglerthe following season.119 and Stravinsky in a distinct quandary.On 6 July 1936 Streckerreported that
115. Streckerto Stravinsky, 26 March 1936 (PSS): "Allejungen Komponistensind gespannt darauf,Sie personlichin Baden-Badenkennenzulernen." 116. Frommel to Stravinsky, May 1937 (PSS). Frommel vividlyrecalledtheir meeting in his sketch of 1976: "The gnomelike little man in a long coat, large spectaclesand a autobiographical bowler hat seemed like a figure from another world. The night hours passed in a relaxed and cheerful mood. Stravinsky was talkativeand responded with pleasure to my many carefullydirected questions.We connected immediatelythrough our admirationfor Bellini, [an admiration] sharedby only a few of our contemporaries. Brucknerhe knew only by name, Pfitznernot at all. Mussolinihe admired;the subjectof Hitler was not mentioned" (Cahn, Osthoff, and Vogel, eds., Gerhard Frommel, 41). 117. Streckerto Stravinsky, 6 July 1936 (PSS;translation from SSC3:243 n. 42). 118. Streckerto Stravinsky, 6 July 1936: "von Tag zu Tag ander sich die einfluflreichen Leute an den wichtigen Stellen, und Beziehungen, die man gerade angekniipfthat, erweisensich wenige Wochen spaterals uberholt."In SSC 3:243 n. 42, "Beziehungen"is incorrectlygiven as "contracts." 119. Hans von Benda to Stravinsky, 7 April 1936 (PSS). Benda was head of Berlin Radio's music departmentduringthe Weimaryears;his progressivemusic programminghad been responsible for Stravinsky's frequent visits. Benda requested that his query be considered confidential, since Furtwangler, who was out of the country,had not yet been consulted. Nothing was to come of this plan, though Stravinsky and Benda may have discussedit during the composer's visit to Berlin in February 1938 to record Jeu de cartes;Benda's business card is preserved among travelpapers(PSS). Stravinsky's
552
Berlin'sJuidischer Kulturbundhad requestedpermissionto mount a production of Histoiredu soldat.The JewishCulture League had been establishedin June 1933, after hundreds of Jewish theater artistsand musicianshad been dismissedas a result of the Civil ServiceLaw passed in Aprilof that year.This law was the first of many measuresthat resulted in the eventual exclusion of Germany'sJews from the country's culturallife. Performancesby Jews were restrictedto those sponsored by the JKB and given before exclusivelyJewish audiences.120 "I did not consider it wise to tell this organizationpointblankthat we do not want the work presented," Streckerreported, "so instead I demanded 100 marks per performance-a price I was certain they could not pay."121 address (the composer was still on Streckerhad given the JKB Stravinsky's tour in South America),but he stronglyadvisedhim not to make any concessions. After reminding him that performancesof Histoirehad occasioned attacks on his music in the past, Streckerwarned that a performance under was Jewish: Jewishauspiceswould also animatethe old rumor that Stravinsky "if you permit the Jewish Kulturbundto perform it, your enemies will gleefully term you, as well as your art, 'Jewish,'spoiling everythingwe have managed to nurture."122 Two weeks later, realizing that performancesunder the auspices of the would be unlikelyto attractattention outside the JewishcommuKulturbund softened his position. "I have fixed the condition that permission Strecker nity, must be obtained from the German Reichstheaterkammer," he wrote. which "Shouldauthorizationbe granted,we could agree to the performances, for that in the would take place audience, and, I Jewish quarter,exclusively At in mentioned not be would made sure, any newspapers."123 the end of July the official he reported that permission had arrived,and he requested that But the "asan exception," allow "a smallreduction"of the fees.124 Stravinsky,
120. On the JKB, see Prieberg, Musik im NS-Staat, 78-106 ("Musik unter dem DavidsDer Vorstellung: Muse,97-103; and Akademieder Kiinste, Geschlossene stern");Kater, TheTwisted Kulturbundin Deutschland1933-1941 (Berlin:Edition Hentrich, 1992), a catalogof the Jiidische Akademie's eponymous exhibition, 27 Januaryto 26 April 1992. The JKB was disbanded in September1941, when most of its remainingmemberswere arrestedand deported. from SSC3:243 n. 42). A compari6 July 1936 (PSS;translation 121. Streckerto Stravinsky, Germanroyaltiesduring this period confirmsthat a hundred marksper perforson of Stravinsky's mance was indeed higher than the usualfee. 122. Ibid. Streckerseems not to have known that, although the JKB'sguidelinesencouraged performancesof music by Jews, works by non-Jewishcomposers were also regularlyperformed. Up to February1938, for example, only half of the orchestralworks and oratoriosperformedby the JKB in Berlinwere written by Jews (19 of 39); in Frankfirt and Breslauthe proportion was Theaterin Nazieven lower (15 of 45, and 10 of 31, respectively).Herbert Freeden, Jiidisches deutschland (Tiibingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1964), 126. Though restrictionson Germanmusic were applied,music by foreign composers,including non-Jews,could be performeduntil progressively the JKB'sdissolutionin 1941. from SSC3:243 n. 42). 21 July 1936 (PSS;translation 123. Streckerto Stravinsky, werden wir 28 July 1936 (PSS):"Mit dem JiidischenKulturbund to Stravinsky, 124. Strecker der Brief Wenn der konnen. Theaterkammer die offizielle da einigen vorliegt, Genehmigung uns,
553
composer, fearfulof "losing all of the ground that we have gained," was "in no hurry" to agree. He reminded Streckerof his earlieradvice (i.e., not to make any concessions), adding, "I am unawareof any subsequent developments that may have changedyour attitude."125 Strecker's for the change of mind was prompted by politicalconsiderations, fact that the Kulturbundhad been grantedofficialpermissioncast the affairin a differentlight: If we refusednow, our refusal would be interpreted as an explicitact of unfriendliness toward this could have unfavorable for Jews. Abroad, repercussions for example, it wouldsurelybe knownthatyou refused the you. In America, German evenafter the German authorities Jewsa performance agreed.126 Not surprisingly, found his publisher'sargument persuasive;perStravinsky mission was granted and the production went ahead. Directed by Wolfgang Fraenkel, Histoire was performed in Berlin on 4 November 1936 and 23 Breslauon 17 January. it was to be January1937, with a Gastspielin Ironically, the only Germanproductionof the work duringthe Nazi years.127 Streckerlearnedin the summer of 1936 that the Berlin Staatsoperwas interested in mounting a production of Le baiserde la fee, a work that had not He greeted this welcome news as yet been staged in the German capital.128 music. "Thissucproof that the regime harboredno objection to Stravinsky's confirmed cess," he added, "we clearlyowe to Baden-Baden."'29 Stravinsky
eintrifft, teilen Sie mir mit, dai Sie 'ausnahmsweiseunter diesen Verhaltnissen'eine 'kleine Reduktionder vertraglichen Rm. 100.- uns wunschgemai erlauben.'" 125. Stravinsky to Strecker,1 August 1936 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:243-44). Craft's had not yet receivedStrecker'sletter of July28" (SSC 3:244 n. statement, "EvidentlyStravinsky was respondingto Strecker's 44), is puzzling, for it seems clearthat Stravinsky requestfor a reduction in fees containedin this letter. 126. Streckerto Stravinsky, 3 August 1936 (PSS;translation from SSC3:244 n. 44). 127. Schott's royaltystatements, 31 December 1936 and 1 April 1937 (PSS). For more on this production, as well as on additionalperformancesof Stravinsky's music by Berlin'sKulturof Stravinsky's bund, see Evans," 'Diabolus triumphans,'" 182-84. Performances music outside of Berlin can also be documented. On 24 October 1935, for example, Hamburg's Kulturbund audienceheard RichardGoldschmiedperformthe Serenadein A, while on 20 November of that year, also in Hamburg, BernhardAbramowitschplayed the piano transcriptionof the "Danse infemale"from Firebird(programsarepreservedat the Leo BaeckInstitute,New York). 128. The German premiereof Le baiserhad taken place (under Klemperer)on 23 January 1930 at a Krolloperconcert; the firststaged performancewas given by Magdeburg'sStadtheater (under Walter Beck) during the early months of the 1932/33 season. See RussischerMusikverlag'sroyaltystatementsfor 1932 and 1933 (PSS);and L. E. Reindl, "Igor Strawinskij: Kufg der Fee (Magdeburg,Stadttheater)," Die Musik25 (1932/33): 284. 129. Streckerto Stravinsky, 21 July 1936 (PSS): "Diesen Erfolg haben wir bestimmt BadenBaden zu verdanken."Hindemith regardedthe Staatsoper's plans as a favorablesign in terms of his own hoped-for "rehabilitation." See Claudia Maurer Zenck, "Zwischen Boykott und Anpassung an den Charakterder Zeit: Uber die Schwierigkeiteneines deutschen Komponisten mit dem Dritten Reich," Hindemith-Jahrbuch 9 (1980): 101. Hindemith's optimism was shortof his music. lived, for in October a ban was issued on performances
554
that RussischerMusikverlag was indeed drawingup a contractfor the "happy event" ("faitrejouissant"). He also reported that he had been invited to conduct one or two performances in Berlin of Firebird and Petrushkawith Colonel de Basil'sBallet Russe in October of that year.130 Strecker,however, expressedseriousdoubts about the suitabilityof this engagement. "The Scala worthwhile is a varietytheaterin which, it is true, balletsand other artistically performances are given," he wrote, "but very many acrobats and other first appearHe felt that Stravinsky's variety-showattractionsalso appear."'31 ance in Berlinshould be under the auspicesof the Staatsoper,the BerlinPhilharmonic, Berlin Radio, or some other organizationcommensuratewith his artistic position, not in the "second-class environment" ("zweitklassigen Rahmen")of the Scala,and certainlynot for the low fees that the BalletRusse would pay him. Streckerassuredthe composer that a much more appropriate and worthwhile engagement would be found; the Baden-Badenappearance, folAs usual, Stravinsky he added, "was extremelyvaluablein this regard."'32 lowed his publisher's advice: "unless the conditions change," he wrote, "I shallcertainlynot presentmyselfunder those circumstances."133 The most immediateresultof the breakingof the unofficialboycott was an increasein performancesof the two popular early ballets, especiallyFirebird. works performed This perennialfavoritehad been among the few Stravinsky more and more danced Firebird Russian Now the the earlier period.l34 during of at least on German eighteen productions the ballet took stages; frequently music renewed interest in Stravinsky's The and 1935 1940.135 between place
to Strecker,1 August 1936 (PSS). 130. Stravinsky in dem 20 August 1936 (PSS): "Die Scalaist ein Variete-Theater, 131. Streckerto Stravinsky, allerdingsauch Ballette und andere kiinstlerischwertvolle Auffihrungen gegeben werden, aber doch auch sehrviel Akrobatenund sonstige VarieteAttraktionenauftreten." wertvoll." 132. Ibid.: "SelbstBaden-Badenwarvon diesem Standpunktaus auflerordentlich to Strecker,22 August 1936 (PSS): "a moins que les conditions changent je 133. Stravinsky la." (This letter is incorrectlyidentifiedas a n'iraisuirement pas me produiredansces circonstances Russe performances of Firebirdand the to Ballet in SSC Craft, 3:244.) According telegram were conducted by Antal Dorati (SSC 3:243 n. 43). Petrushka There is no evidence that the Berlin critics, who praised the Ballet Russe's 1936 season, looked askanceat the Scala. See, for example, the otherwise unidentifiednewspaperreviews by Edwin von der Nill ("Triumphdes Temperaments.Ovationen fur das RussischeBallett in der Scala") and Walter Steinhauer("Die Tanzwelt steht Kopf. Zweites Programm des Russischen Ballettsin der Scala")preservedat PSS. Rather,it appearsthat Streckerconsideredthat conditions in the Germancapital.Indeed, when a simwere not yet right for Stravinsky's personalappearance Germanposition had become ilaroffer was made the following June, by which time Stravinsky's more secure, Strecker himself abandoned his opposition to the Scala (Streckerto Stravinsky, 21 June 1937 [PSS]). Nothing came of this invitation,however. to be broadcastover Germanradio 134. The Firebirdsuite was the only work of Stravinsky's Neues Musikblatt,May "Vom See Walter 1936. of winter the Rundfink," Steinhauer, during 1936, 4. On 3 August 1936 Streckerreported that he was alreadynegotiating with two or three for the coming winter (PSS). of Firebird theatersconcerningperformances 135. Prieberg,Musikim NS-Staat, 54. Towardthe end of 1936, in an attempt to make Stravinsky'smusic more accessibleto amateurperformersand hence to increasehis popularitywith of "Berceuse"and the general public, Schott's had preparedfor piano solo a "Volksausgabe"
555
extended to his more recent works as well. On 5 June 1937, the Germanpremiere of Persephone (in German translation)was presented at the LandestheaterBraunschweig during a festivalof contemporarywritersand composers (Festwoche zeitgen6ssischer Dichter und Komponisten). One of very few stagings of the melodramaduring the 1930s, the production was under the musical direction of Ewald Lindemann;three performanceswere given that season. Following opening night, Intendant Alexander Schum reported to on the profound effect of the work. His sentimentswere echoed by Stravinsky Hindemith, who along with many German musiciansand criticstraveledto was favorablyreviewed Persephone Braunschweigto attend the premiere.136 throughout the country. Lindemann outdid himself, exclaimed the BraunNeuesteNachrichten; the performancewas simply the highlight of schweiger the festival.Regardlessof how one felt about Stravinsky's music, commented Die Musik-Woche's Alfred Burgartz(hedging his bets), this score, "considered purely objectively," was a masterpiece. Strobel, writing for the Berliner Tageblatt, praisedthe theaterfor tacklinga difficultnew work: "Such courage and idealismare the pride of the Germanart theater."'37 Streckerwas underthe work's German standablypleased by reception. Comparedto most of the French and English critics,he wrote, "here one actuallyseems to have properlyrecognized the statureand significanceof the work."138 The breakingof the unofficialStravinsky boycott was a welcome development for Frankfirt'sGerhardFrommel and his Arbeitskreis ftir Neue Musik. The second programof their 1936/37 season was devoted exclusivelyto the work whose Baden-Badenperformancehad paved the way for this success: the Concerto for Two Solo Pianos.139 Friendsof new music pronounced the
"Rondes des princesses" from Firebird."As of yet there is ... nothing for the generalpublic that they can play,"Streckerwrote, "and this is the reason for the exclusivityof your works. In the arrangementsall difficultiesare intentionallyavoided, and I believe that the attempt at such a 'people's edition' is worthwhile" ("Es gibt bisher .. . fir das grof3ePublikum nichts, was man spielen kann und hierin liegt der Grund der ExclusivitatIhrerWerke.Bei den Bearbeitungenist mit Absichtjede Schwierigkeit vermieden& ich glaube, der Versucheiner solchen 'Volksausgabe' lohnt sich") (Streckerto Stravinsky, 14 December 1936 [PSS]). 136. Alexander Schum to Stravinsky,telegram of 6 June 1937. In his reply Stravinsky thankedall who contributedto the performance's success (undated telegramdraft).Hindemith's written afterthe premiereon 5 June but postmarkedBerlin,28 June, also postcardto Stravinsky, includes comments from Lindemann, Josef Witt (who sang the role of Eumolpos), Gertrud Hindemith, and others. These materials,along with a program of the premiere, are preserved at PSS. 137. The quotations are from a pamphlet containing excerpts from seventeen German reviews, publishedby Russischer Musikverlag (PSS). 138. Streckerto Stravinsky, 21 June 1937 (PSS): "Man scheint hier wirklichdie GroSe und had conducted the world premiere Bedeutung des Werkesrichtig erkanntzu haben." Stravinsky at the ParisOperaon 30 April 1934. 139. Hugo Puetter, "Der FrankfurterArbeitskreisfir Neue Musik," Neues Musikblatt, December 1936, 2. Frommel gave a lecture on Stravinsky, which was followed by an analysisof the concerto by pianistGeorg Kuhlmann.The work was then performedtwice Frommel and by Kuhlmann.According to Hanau (Musikinstitutionen in Frankfurtam Main, 126 n. 328), the
556
Toward the end of the season Frommel sent evening a complete success.140 a warmly inscribedcopy of his recentlypublished Neue Klassikin Stravinsky der Musik,in which he praisedthe older composer as the filfillment of classicism in music. The essay,Frommel wrote, was proof of the indebtedness of Nor was Frommel the only Germany'syoung composers to Stravinsky.141 after 1936, now that his music was German composer to contact Stravinsky being heard again. Rudolf Buske, a twenty-two-year-old Berlin composer, wrote to expresshis admirationand to elicit Stravinsky's opinion on a toccata he had written,which was scheduledto be broadcastthe next month. The following October,just daysafterthe high-profilepremiereofJeu de cartesat the was contacted by John Philippson,a German Dresden Staatsoper,Stravinsky writer who wanted the composer to provide music for his pantomime fairy There is no evidence that Stravinsky tale, Hanka, oder die Wunderblume.142 either to request. responded "Artistic rehabilitation": the European premiere of Jeu de cartes in Dresden late in the season, had takenplace relatively Stravinsky's April 1936 appearance on their prodecided had after many concert and theater organizers already of of the effects lifting the boycott grams for the coming year. Thus the full music were noticeable only in 1937/38. More performancesof Stravinsky's Nazi the time took placeduring this season than at any other period.143 during
two artistshad worked on the concerto for six months before the performance-that is, ever since Frommel had heard Stravinskyand his son perform the work in Baden-Baden. Other works Octet. scheduledfor performancethat seasonincluded Stravinsky's of Arbeitskreis 140. Puetter, "Der Frankfurter fiir Neue Musik."The FrankfurterVolksblatt 21 November did not share Puetter's enthusiasm. Though it commended the performersfor theirefforts,it consideredtheir talentssquanderedon this work ("Wheredoes culturalbolshevism begin? Where does oversophisticatedintellectualismcease?We know the answer") (quoted in in Frankfurtam Main, 126). Hanau, Musikinstitutionen that severalpianistshad expressedinterestin On 6 July 1936 Streckerhad informedStravinsky the concerto (PSS). At least one furtherperformancecan be documented. On 3 and 4 February 1938 Hertha Kluge-Kahnand Pal Kiss presented the first two movements in a Braunschweig two reviews of the occasion, noting Hauskonzert.On 11 FebruaryKluge-Kahnsent Stravinsky that she and Kissplanned to performthe complete concerto in Hanover the following month, as well as in Berlinthe following winter (PSS). 141. Frommel to Stravinsky, May 1937 (PSS). 17 October 8 May 1937; and John Philippsonto Stravinsky, 142. Rudolf Busketo Stravinsky, of his "Aryan"background (transcriptionof letter 1937 (PSS). Philippson assured Stravinsky kindlyprovidedby IngridWeston). circles.A typicalex143. Opposition still remained,of course, especiallyin ultraconservative as the most promiample, an antisemitictiradedirectedin part againstSchoenbergand Stravinsky nent composers of "degenerate"music, appearedin Der SA-Mann on 18 September 1937, a in George Mosse, Nazi Culture:Intellectual,Cultural and SocialLife of which appears translation in the ThirdReich(New York:SchockenBooks, 1981), 47-53 (see esp. 51-53).
557
At the end of September 1937, Strecker informed Stravinskythat he had been included in a FrankfUrtexhibition of modern music by foreign composers that was now about to be shown abroad.144The exhibition, "SchopferesMusikleben des Auslands,"took place in conjunction with the annual (and, as it turned out, final) festival of the venerable Allgemeiner Deutscher Musikvereinin Frankfurt and Darmstadtin June 1937. Organized by Albert RichardMohr, cofounderwith Frommel of Frankfirt'sArbeitskreis fir Neue Musik, it featured composers from seventeen European countries. Under the title "Das zeitgenossische Musikleben Europas," it traveled in October to The Hague.l45 "Happily, there exists here in Germany much interest in your works," Streckerreported in the first week of October, "and if nothing unexpected happens you can be very satisfiedwith your acceptancehere."'46The Berlin had been a fine success,despite premiereof Le baiserde lafee at the Staatsoper a "renewedminor attack"("emeute kleineAttacke")in the pressjust priorto the performance.This attack,Streckerbelieved, was less worrisome than the "overzealousness" of the composer'sfriends;cautiousas ever,Streckerconsidered "anysensationjust now to be undesirable."147 On 13 October 1937, shortly after Le baiser opened at the Berlin Staatsoperand less than six months afterits world premierein New York,the first European performance of Jeu de cartes took place at the Dresden There is reasonto believe that this work was composed as much Staatsoper.148 for Germany as for Balanchine's newly formed American Ballet, which commissionedit. Stravinsky had begun work on Jeu at the end of 1935, a period when, as we have seen, he was impatient to resume his contact with
144. Streckerto Stravinsky, 27 September 1937 (PSS). Stravinsky was represented in the exhibition by the manuscriptof the piano score of his Violin Concerto, which he had earlier given to his publisher.(In SSC 3:253 n. 56 the date of this letter is incorrect,as are detailsof the translation.) 145. Hanau, Musikinstitutionenin Frankfurt am Main, 141-42. In preparationfor the showing in The Hague, the organizers asked for an additional Stravinskymanuscript from Strecker,who forwardedthe request to the composer in his letter of 27 September;there is no evidence that Stravinsky complied. 146. Strecker to Stravinsky,6 October 1937 (PSS): "Hier in Deutschland besteht erfreulicherweise viel Interesse fir Ihre Werke und wenn nichts Unerwartetes geschieht, k6nnen Sie mit der Anerkennungbei uns sehr zufriedensein." 147. Ibid.: "Es ist der UbereiferIhrerFreunde,vor dem ich Angst habe. Jede Sensationhalte ich augenblicklichfir unerwiinscht."The translationof the firstsentence as given in SSC 3:253 n. 55 is incorrect ("What I fear most is the anxiety that [such articles] may produce in your friends"),as is the date of the letter: for "one week later"read "one month later."The production, which opened on 2 October 1937, was choreographedby Lizzie Maudrickand conducted by Herbert Trantow.The evening also included the world premiereof RudolfWagner-Regeny's Der zerbrochene Krug. For a reviewof both works, see KarlH. Ruppel, " 'Der zerbrocheneKrug' als Ballett,"NeuesMusikblatt, October 1937, 5. 148. The first concert performance of Jeu de cartes had recently been conducted by in Venice on 12 September(not 14 September,as given in SSC2:321). Stravinsky
558
The composer'scomments on the originsofJeu de cartes,as pubGermany.149 areintriguingin this lished in their firstformulationin his Themes and Episodes, regard.After attributinghis interestin the ballet'ssubjectto childhood memories of the casinos typical of German spa towns (an atmosphere vividly evoked in the master of ceremonies' "'trombone' voice" that opens each of writes:"It will have to be admittedalso thatJeu de the three Deals), Stravinsky cartesis in many ways the most 'German'of my works. Its period and setting, if I had chosen to identify them, would have been a Baden-Baden of the RomanticAge." The numerous borrowings,for examplefrom JohannStrauss and (famously)Rossini, are "partof that picture,"snippetsoverheardfrom a Band."After allowingthat the work's marchrhythms "concertby the Kursaal and its "now somewhat painful"humor might also be considered German, continues, "I cannot say to what extent I may have been awareof Stravinsky in any case)the musicmay have this at the time, or to what degree(unconscious, beendesignedforGermantastesand Germanaudiences."'50 Curiously,most of these comments were replacedin the revised edition by the single, brusque It is sentence, "The score was not designed for any particularaudience."'15 matmore to relate external "German" that the ballet's true aspects certainly ters than to the music itself,for despite the Viennese allusions(and the ubiquitous master of ceremonies), the sound world of Jeu de cartesis more Latin than Teutonic, owing little more to the Germantraditionthan what Stephen Walshhas referredto as the "slightlysouped-up Beethoven sound."'52All the in the earlieredition, asmore striking,then, is the extent to which Stravinsky, sociatedthe originsof this work with Germany. If Jeu de carteswas "designed for German ... audiences"(consciouslyor otherwise), it is possible that other workswrittenduring this period were simieagernessto reestablishhis position in Germany. larlyaffected by Stravinsky's In discussingthe composer'sless adventurousstyle of the 1930s, Walshpoints out that during this period Stravinskybegan to receive commissions from conservative" "conventionalinstitutions,"especiallythose in the "artistically United States, in response to which the ever practicalcomposer showed little
149. Accordingto his laterrecollections,Stravinsky beganJeu de carteson 2 December 1935, that is, shortlyafterhe had writtento Strecker(on 17 November) requestingengagementsfor the coming season, and just days before he received the invitation from Baden-Baden. See Igor (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress, Stravinsky,Themesand Conclusions and Episodes. and Craft, Themes 1972), 44; this volume includes a revised edition of Stravinsky The balletwas stillvery much in progressduring the next autumn (it was completed on 6 Decemwith furwas eager to follow up his Baden-Badenappearance ber 1936), a time when Stravinsky claimed that the passagefrom numbers 189 to ther German successes. (Interestingly,Stravinsky 192 was composed while he was en route to South Americain Aprilof that year-that is, just days after leaving Baden-Baden [Themesand Conclusions, 44].) Correspondencewith Streckerconof Jeu began in September1936; see SSC2:317. cerning Germanperformances and Episodes, and Craft,Themes 150. Stravinsky 34-35; emphasisadded. 43. and Conclusions, Themes 151. Stravinsky, 152. StephenWalsh,TheMusicof Stravinsky (London: Routledge, 1988), 184.
559
of the radical spirit long associated with his music.'53 Could it be that was also influencedby his desireto resume his relationship with the Stravinsky conservative" (now) "artistically country that once had providedhim with the largestshareof his royalties? At the end of November 1936 Strecker requested from Stravinskythe "choreography" (i.e., the scenario),which had to be submittedto the Reichstheaterkammer in order to obtain permission to have Jeu de cartes performed.154 with By earlyJuly 1937 he had secureda number of performances, Dresden to give the first staging of the ballet. "None of our German ballet companies can comparewith foreign ones," he admitted, but a Dresden performance would be "better than the averagelevel" found in other German theaters.155There was an additional reason for entrusting the ballet to Dresden. The new balletmistress,ValeriaKratina, enjoyed "completesupport from all the officials-which is very important these days," Streckerwrote. "Thus your work will be presentedunder politicallyas well as artistically proConducted by KarlB6hm, the Europeanpremiere pitious circumstances."'56 ofJeu de cartestook place during the Gaukulturwoche,the regionalartsfestival organized and supportedby the Nazi Party.'57 The balletwas a "reallybig Strecker "All the modern-minded criticswrite success," reported. important, and the work and its success as artistic rehabilitation enthusiastically greet your in Germany."158
153. Ibid., 161-62. 154. Streckerto Stravinsky, 26/27 November 1936 (PSS). Stravinsky complied on 2 December, sending "the synopsisof the action in French and the scenarioin French and English, to be translatedinto German, in case you need them for the piano score and orchestrascore" (PSS; translationfrom SSC2:318). Though his work was not credited, the piano score of eu de cartes was prepared for Schott's in Paris by the (Jewish) pianist and composer Erich Itor Kahn at Frankfurt Radio. (1905-56), who until April 1933 had been Rosbaud'sassistant 155. Streckerto Stravinsky, 6 July 1937 (PSS): "Alle unsere deutschen Ballette k6nnen sich mit den auslandischen nicht vergleichen;aber Dresden ist eine groSe Biihne und die Auffihrung wird besser sein wie das Durchschnittsniveau an anderen deutschen Theatern, an das man gewohnt ist." Streckerpreferredthat Jeu be introduced in the provinces before reaching Berlin 26 September 1936 [PSS]). In fact, although concert performances (Streckerto Stravinsky, were subsequentlygiven in Berlin and elsewhere, Dresden's production was to be the only German staging of the work during the Nazi period. 156. Streckerto Stravinsky, 19 July 1937 (PSS;translation from SSC3:252 n. 53, where "Ihr Werk"is mistranslated as "her work" and the date is incorrectlygiven as 19 June). On 22 July Stravinsky replied, "Delighted to have the Germanpremierein Dresden" (PSS; translationfrom SSC3:252). 157. Jeu de carteswasgiven a total of seven performances in Dresden that season:on 13, 19, and 25 October; 4 and 11 November; 1 December; and 17 January(Schott's royaltystatements of 31 December 1937 and 31 March 1938 [PSS]). The programalso included ballets Richard by der Courache) Mohaupt (Die Gaunerstreiche and JuliusWeismann(Landsknechte), both of which were conducted by ErnstRichter. 158. Streckerto Stravinsky, 21 October 1937 (PSS): "Die Dresdener Auffihrung war ein ganz groier Erfolg ... Alle wichtigen, modern eingestellten Kritikerschreiben begeistert und
560
Streckeralso commented on the Germantranslation of Stravinsky's autobiography,which had recentlybeen published-fully two yearsafterthe original French edition.159 The delaywas no accident.As we have seen, in September 1934 (that is, before Chroniques de ma vie had appeared),Streckerhad advised Stravinsky to postpone a Germanedition, which could only have aggravated the animosity toward the composer evident during the early Nazi period. But by 1937 the climatehad changed. Now the composer'sautobiography,albeit with a number of politicallymotivated cuts, could safely appear in Germany.160 The book "has met with much interest," Streckerreported, "and should help to dispel rumors."161 And indeed, criticsdrew attention to admiration for German music, his Russian background, andStravinsky's Thus the favorablerecrucially-his unequivocallyanticommunistviews.162 in no small way to his contributed of Stravinsky's Erinnerungen ception German"rehabilitation." Concert performancesof Jeu de cartesfollowed the Dresden premiere.'63 of a "fine success"in At the end of November, Streckerinformed Stravinsky the Munich reasons" for "unknown performance,which Hamburg, though
begriiien das Werkund den Erfolg als Ihre kiinstlerischeRehabilitierungin Deutschland."Stravinskyreplied to Strecker'sletter of 21 October 1937 the following day, requesting a program; Streckeragreed on 26 October to bring both programand reviewswith him on a plannedtrip to Paris(PSS). In fact, Schott's published a brochureof reviewsofJeu, so that, as Streckershrewdly wissen, was sie put it, "in futurethe criticsknow what they can write about it" ("damitdie Kritiker 19 November 1937 [PSS]). in Zukunftdariiberschreibenkbnnen") (Streckerto Stravinsky, later noted that "the greatest success of the music was in Germany"and referred Stravinsky to the ballet's"greatstage successin Dresden" (though he mistakenlygave the year as specifically and Episodes, and Craft, Themes 35). The referenceto Dresden does not appear 1938) (Stravinsky Themes and Conclusions, in the revisededition (Stravinsky, 44). 159. Igor Stravinsky,Erinnerungen, trans. Richard Tungel (Zurich and Berlin: AtlantisVerlag,1937). On 23 April 1937 L. SchwannDruckereiund Verlagof Dusseldorfhad written to and the composer hoping to arrangea meeting in Parisbetween their representative Stravinsky, (PSS). It is tempting to speculatethat the Germanfirm may also have been interestedin publishing the work. caustic 160. The German edition contained two substantialcuts. One involved Stravinsky's remarkson the BayreuthFestival,the other his (largelyfavorable)comments on Jewishviolinists. See Joan Evans, "Some Remarks on the Publication and Reception of Stravinsky's Erinnerungen,"Mitteilungender Paul SacherStiftung9 (1996): 17-23. Oddly, although the passage comments concerning Jewishviolindealing with Bayreuthwas restored after 1945, Stravinsky's to date. ists were not. They arelackingin all Germaneditions of his autobiography from SSC2:502). 21 October 1937 (PSS;translation 161. Streckerto Stravinsky, 162. See, for example,Edwinvon der Nfill's comments in his reviewof the Berlinpremiereof Der grofe Ballettabend Le baiserde la fee ("Durchschlagender Erfolg des Staatsopem-Auftrags. im Hause Unter den Linden," BerlinerZeitung am Mittag, 4 October 1937). See also Evans, 20. "Publicationand Reception of Stravinsky's Erinnerungen," 163. One week before the work opened in Dresden, Streckerconfirmed that Hamburg, Berlin,Munich, Munster,Stuttgart,and Wiesbadenhad alreadyscheduledconcert performances 6 October 1937 [PSS]). (Streckerto Stravinsky,
561
Clemens Krauss was to have conducted on the fifteenth,did not take place.l64 The work was performedin Wiesbadenon 14 January1938, while the Berlin Philharmonic's performance(under Eugen Jochum) ten days earlierhad garnered "unanimously favorable" reviews.165 The performanceof Jeu de cartesin Munster on 20 May 1938 was conducted by Hans Rosbaud, who at end of the previous season had left FrankfurtRadio to become Mtinster'sGeneralmusikdirektor. Rosbaud's dewas directlyrelatedto his involvementin the plans to parturefrom Frankfiurt backto Germanyin 1936. On 26 Februaryof that year-just bring Stravinsky four days after Streckerhad reported to the composer concerning "underground intrigues" at FrankfurtRadio-the Gestapo questioned Josef Felix Hess, the station's second Kapellmeister,concerning Rosbaud. An ardent partymember (and storm trooper)who had long despisedhis superior'smodernist sympathies, Hess denounced Rosbaud. Describing him as having a "Jewishmanner"("jiidischeArt"), Hess pointed out that Rosbaud "had rein order to engage him and his son for a cently negotiated with Stravinsky recital."166 He also piano brought to the Gestapo's attention the fact that a had been Stravinsky recording played at Frankfirt Radio, an apparentreference to the broadcastof Stokowski'sSacrein August 1934. The radioauthorities came to Rosbaud's defense and relieved the second Kapellmeister of his duties. Hess then took the radio station to court, where in the summer of 1936 he publicly repeated his accusationsagainst Rosbaud. Hess's dismissal was finallyupheld, but the widely publicized affaircontributed to Rosbaud's decision to abandonthe politicallysensitiveatmosphereof Frankfurt Radio for the relativeseclusionof provincialMiinster.167
164. Streckerto Stravinsky, 27 November 1937 (PSS): "Kartenspiel im Konzert hatte auch in Hamburg einen schonen Erfolg. Die Miinchner Auffuhrung fand aus mir unbekannten Griinden nicht statt." The Hamburg performance (under Eugen Jochum) took place on 22 November. Strecker had sent Stravinskydetails of the planned Munich performance on 26 October (PSS;see SSC2:321). 165. Streckerto Stravinsky, 14 January1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:257 n. 60). Carl Fischerconducted in Wiesbaden.Jochum's Berlin performancewas to have been conducted by Streckerfelt that Jochum "treatedthe work too romantically" and looked forward Furtwangler. to Stravinsky'srecorded interpretationof the work, which, "in Germany at least," would be from SSC3:257 n. 60). acceptedas "the authenticone" (translation 166. "Rossbaud [sic] [ist] noch in jiingster Zeit mit Strawinsky in Verhandlungengetreten, um ihn und seinen Sohn zu einem Klavierkonzert zu verpflichten"(Arbeitsgericht Frankfurt am Frankfurt Main, "In Sachen Hess [vs.] Reichssender a.M.," 3 July 1936,2). A carboncopy of the twelve-page document is preserved in the Hans Rosbaud Collection, Hans Moldenhauer Archivesat WashingtonState University,Pullman,Wash. Other relevantdocuments are found at the Bundesarchiv Berlin(Reichsmusikkammer files, "Hess, Josef"). 167. An account of the affairappearedin the Frankfurter Zeitung on 13 June 1936 ("Eine Frankfurt vor dem Arbeitsgericht"). Kiindigungam Reichssender Accordingto this article,which was reprinted the following day in several other German papers, Hess described Rosbaud as "the embodiment of the typicalJew" and claimedthat he understood music "in a Jewishsense." The account that appearedin the Berliner Tageblatton 14 June is reprinted in Joseph Wulf,
562
"Too great a sensation" The acceptanceof Stravinsky's music after 1936 did not extend to Stravinsky the performer.Conductors and concert organizerswere well awarethat the was likelyto arouseop"prize-fightelement"implicitin a personalappearance a number of leads developed in the wake of Although promising position.168 his Baden-Badenvisit, and although his supportersdid their utmost to help, 1936 engagement remained his only public appearancein Nazi Stravinsky's Germany. in Braunschweig In August 1937, encouragedby the successof Persephone and by the extensive plans for the 1937/38 season, Stravinskyagain attempted to secure German engagements. Having alreadyagreed to conduct ofJeu de cartesin Venice, London, Amsterdam,Naples, concert performances he now and Paris, thought to add Germanyto his itinerary."What are the possibilities of my conducting a certain number of concerts this winter in Germany,including Jeu de cartes,with Frankfurtas the base?"he wrote to His request was unfortunatelya little late, Streckerreplied, since Strecker.169 most of the season's programs had already been decided upon. But he who promised to contact GustavFinemanofWestdeutsche Konzertdirektion, an might be able to arrangesomething. Two days laterhe relayed encouraging message:engagementsin Berlin,Munich, Minster, and Wiesbadenmight still be possible.l70Stravinsky immediatelyinformed Fineman that he would be "quitehappyto conduct in Germanythis season."As for his fees, he wrote, "My wish is expressed with the words 'as much as possible'-'je mehr je Westdeutsche besser'-, and in any case not less than a thousand marks."171 Konzertdirektion responded that the Berlin Philharmonic, the Leipzig Gewandhaus, the Frankfurt Museums-Gesellschaft, and the Hamburg
Musik im Dritten Reich: Eine Dokumentation (Giitersloh: Sigbert Mohn Verlag, 1963), 375 am Main"). ("Ein Fallin Frankfurt Rosbaud regarded Muinsteras an interim move, since he hoped to find a position in the United States. In this he was unsuccessful,despite the support of a number of influentialfigures. who at These included Arturo Toscanini,Arthur Judson (of Columbia Artists), and Stravinsky, Rosbaud'srequest provided him in September 1936 with a letter of recommendation(see SSC 3:239 n. 35). Rosbaudremainedin Miinsteruntil 1941, when he accepteda position in Germanoccupied Strasbourg.He spent the final months of the war at Munich Radio's Bayreuthstudios. See Joan Evans, "Hans Rosbaud and New Music: From 1933 to the EarlyPostwar Period," in DeutscheLeitkultur Musik, ed. Albrecht Riethmiiller and Michael H. Kater (Stuttgart: Frank Steiner Verlag, forthcoming), and (in the same volume) Boris v. Haken, "The Case of Mister im Nachkriegsdeutschland." Rosbaud:Die Fortsetzung einer Karriere A CreativeSpring,479. 168. The quote is from Walsh,Stravinsky: from SSC3:252). to Strecker,2 August 1937 (PSS;translation 169. Stravinsky 4 and 6 August 1937 (PSS). 170. Streckerto Stravinsky, to GustavFineman, 8 August 1937 (PSS): "je seraisassez content de diriger 171. Stravinsky en Alemagne cette saison. ... Mon desir s'exprimepar les mots 'le plus possible'-'je mehr je besser'-, et en tout cas pas moins de mille RM."
563
Philharmonicwere all interested, but would prefer that Stravinsky postpone his engagements to the following season, since programs for the 1937/38 seasonwere alreadyset. Stravinsky agreed. "If I stayin Europe next year ... ," he wrote, "I am readyto accepta Germantour as conductor In the of myworks. event that I go to America, it would still be possible for me to come to Germanyand give this seriesof concertsin the autumn of 1938."172 In mid-November Stravinskyreceived from the same agency an offer to conduct a concert on 10 July 1938 in Bad Nauheim for a fee of 1,300 marks.173 Streckeradvised him to accept the engagement. There were still "strongantagonismsand animosities"to contend with, he wrote. "Not many people dare to engage you, since they expect to produce too great a sensation and therebyopposition."But, Streckerfelt, a beginning had to be made, and a concert at an international spa would be a good start. Even without the additional concerts that the organizershoped to obtain for him, it would "pave the way" for a more extensiveengagement the following season. "Conditions here areunusual,"he added, "andmany currentsexistwhose meaning and influence aredifficultto assess."'74 But once again trouble loomed on the Stravinskyaccepted the offer.175 horizon. As in Frankfurttwo years earlier,plans for the composer's personal participationran up against local opposition, and permissionfor his appearance was denied. Streckersent Stravinsky the news at the end of April. In an to discover what behind the attempt refusal,he had queried the Reichslay its advice was "not to force the issue." The officialin charge musikkammer; to be "an avowed of happened enemy your music, as well as an influentialperStrecker "If son," explained. we were to request that this refusalbe lifted, the case would be made into a precedent for an overall injunction againstyour works."176 he added, "thereare so many differentdirections "Unfortunately,"
172. Westdeutsche Konzertdirektionto Stravinsky, 28 August 1937 (PSS). Stravinskyto Westdeutsche Konzertdirektion, 5 September 1937 (PSS): "si je reste en Europe l'annee de mesoeuprochaine..., je suispret a accepterune tournee en Allemagne commechefd'orchestre vres.Dans le cas que je m'en ailleen Ameriqueil me seraittoujourspossiblede veniren Alemagne et de donner cette seriede concertsen automne 1938" (emphasisoriginal).(The date of the letter is incorrectlygiven as 7 Septemberin SPD, 553.) 173. Finemanto Stravinsky, 15 November 1937 (PSS). 174. Streckerto Stravinsky, 27 November 1937 (PSS;translation from SSC3:254-55 n. 57). 175. In his letter of 7 December 1937, Stravinsky askedStreckerto convey his acceptanceto Westdeutsche Konzertdirektion(PSS). On 16 Februarythe agency confirmed to Schott's the composer'sfee of 1,300 marks(Schott's). On the adviceof Henri Jourdan,culturalattacheof the French Institutein Berlin,Stravinsky requestedthat Bad Nauheim arrangeto have his fee paid directly to him in France,thus circumventingthe restrictionson taking currencyout of Germany to Strecker,27 February1938 [PSS]). Stravinsky had met with Jourdanthe previous (Stravinsky week, when the composer was in Berlinto recordJeu de cartes.Also present at the meeting was Telefimken'sartisticdirector,Herbert Grenzebach(not "Grenzbach," as given in SSC3:259). 176. Streckerto Stravinsky, 29 April 1938 (PSS). Streckermistakenlywrites 29 May. The translation is from SSC3:262 n. 72, where the date is incorrectlygiven as 20 April.
564
and currentsin Germanyat present that it is wise not to push through anything by force." The Nauheim organizerswere "very unhappy" about the decision, but, he concluded, "there is reallynothing that can be done about
it.j"177
visit to Berlin No protest seems to have been raisedconcerning Stravinsky's in February1938 to recordJeu de carteswiththe BerlinPhilharmonic; signifiFollowing the successfulpremiereof cantly,this was not a public appearance. the work in Dresden the previousautumn, Telefinken had offered Stravinsky As usual, the composer sought his publisher'sadvice. a recording contract.178 "Is this a serious,qualityfirm,"he asked,"and,if so, what termsshould I set?" Streckerencouraged him to accept the offer, pointing out that a recording with Telefimken,the largestand most powerful record company in Germany, might also sparkpublic interestin his other recordings,which, since they were unavailable" neither made nor advertisedin Germany,remained "practically On the morning of 8 December 1937, dur("so gut wie nicht erhaltlich").179 ing a stopover in Berlin while en route to concerts in Tallinn and Riga, He remet with Telefunkenofficialsand worked out a contract.180 Stravinsky turned on 18 February to make what was the premiere recording of the After hearing the sample discs, which were sent to Parisvia diplowork.181 He was less matic pouch, Stravinsky pronounced the recording excellent.182
29 April 1938: "Es herrschenleider augenblicklichsoviele ver177. Streckerto Stravinsky, schiedene Richtungen und Stromungen in Deutschland, daf man klug tut, nichts mit Gewalt durchzusetzen.Man ist in Nauheim sehr ungliicklichiiber diese Entscheidung,gegen die sich leiseems to have doubted that the engagement would der wirklichnichts machen laft." Stravinsky take place;on 30 April he replied, "I was certainthat the Bad Nauheim affairwould end in a refrom SSC3:262). fusal"(PSS;translation 29 November 1937 (PSS). 178. Telefunkenplatte, Aufiahme-Abteilung, to Stravinsky, from SSC 3:255); and Streckerto to Strecker,1 December 1937 (translation 179. Stravinsky 3 December 1937 (PSS). Stravinsky, to Strecker,18 December 1937 (PSS; see SSC 3:255). An eight-point state180. Stravinsky ment giving details of the recording project is contained in Grenzebach'sletter of 15 February 1938 to the composer; the final contract was sent by Grenzebach on 7 March (i.e., after the recordinghad been completed) (PSS). had written to to Strecker,17 February1938 (PSS). On 3 January 181. Stravinsky Stravinsky his publisher,"I am waiting impatientlyfor the letter from these gentlemen giving me at least an idea of the dates (in February.. .) when the Berlin Philharmonicwill be free to record Jeu de cartes"("Avec impatiencej'attendsla lettre de ces messieursme donnant au moins une idee des dates [en f6vrier . .] ou la Philharmoniede Berlinsera libre d'enregistrer Jeu de cartes")(PSS). The work was recorded on 19 and 21 February(TelefunkenSK2460-2). "Everythingwent very well in Berlinat the Singakademie," Stravinsky reported to Streckeron 27 February."I was very SSC happy to record my Jeu de carteswith that magnificent orchestra"(PSS; translationfrom 3:258). The BerlinPhilharmonicknew the work well, since (as noted above) they had performed it under Jochum'sdirectionthe previousmonth. 182. Stravinsky's verdict was communicated to Grenzebach in a postcard of 4 April 7 April 1938 [PSS]). On 24 March 1938 Henri Jourdanhad in(Grenzebach to Stravinsky, that the discs had arrivedat the Frenchembassyin Berlinand could be picked formed Stravinsky should not up in Parisat the Ministere des AffairesEtrangeres,Quai d'Orsay (PSS). Stravinsky hesitateto callon him, Jourdanwrote, if he could be of furtherhelp-an offer that the composer was shortlyto take up.
565
pleasedwith the time it took-nearly five months-to obtain his fees. "Difficultiesconcerningengagementsby foreign artistshave once againarisen... ," Streckerreported in earlyApril. "At presentwe must be constantlyprepared for all kinds of surprises."'83 Stravinsky's portraitwas given pride of place in Telefunken'sApril catalog. Hans Reimann assuredcustomers that this music could be enjoyed even by "untrainedears" ("ungeschulten Ohren").184 His comment that "whoever loves Tchaikovsky must love Jeu de cartes"("werTschaikowsky liebt, mufi das . . echoes a theme. Edwin von der . 'Kartenspiel' liebgewinnen") persistent Nill, for example, who characterizedLe baiserde la fee as "back to Russian describedJeu as a "complete retreatto Romanticism,back to Tchaikovsky," old Russia."'85 It is deeply ironic that despite the composer's efforts to distance himselffrom his Russianroots duringthis period, Germancritics,listening to his music through a filter of "blood and soil" ("Blut und Boden") qualities. ideology, praisedits perceivedRussian,hence suitably"national," of de cartes was with keen interest in Jeu Stravinsky's recording greeted and with the German of contributed, along Germany publication his autoto the that his music achieved biography, high profile during the 1937/38 season.186 the end of over a thousand well June, By copies had been sold in the Germany187-thisdespite negativepublicitygeneratedthe previousmonth the inclusion in the "DegenerateMusic" exhibitionin Diisselby composer's dorf (discussedbelow). Not surprisingly, the recordingalso attractedinternational attention, with at least one reviewermaking pointed referenceto the circumstancesunder which it was made. Given Germany's attitude toward modem music as shown by its treatmentof Hindemith, wrote a French critic, the coupling of Stravinsky's name with that of the Berlin Philharmonicwas not without a certain irony. It was also ironic, he noted, that Jeu, with its Viennese allusions,paid tributeto a country that since the recentAnschlussno
183. Streckerto Stravinsky, 8 April 1938 (PSS): "Es sind inzwischen schon wieder neue Kiinstlerentstanden ... Wir mussen augenSchwierigkeiten wegen Engagements auslandischer blicklichauf mancherleiUberraschungenstandig gefait sein." Grenzebachhad hoped (unsucas it turned out) to be able to send the money through diplomaticchannels(Grenzebach cessfully, to Stravinsky, 14 January1938 [PSS]). On 28 March Stravinsky wrote Grenzebachconcerning his advance(PSS). Having heard nothing by 6 April, he asked Streckerto investigate(Schott's). (Since the date is missing on Stravinsky's copy of this letter, it appearsin SSC 3:259 as "[Early that permissionto transfer April 1938].") Only on 5 Julycould Telefunkeninform Stravinsky the funds had finallybeen obtained; one week later a check for 13,629 francs(1,040 marks),drawn on a Frenchbank,was sent by the DresdnerBankto the composer (PSS). 184. A copy of the catalog is preserved at PSS. The recording was released on 1 April 7 April 1938 [PSS]). (Grenzebachto Stravinsky, 185. Edwin von der Nill, "Zwei Deutsche und Strawinsky. Ein Hohepunkt der Sachsischen Gaukulturwoche:Deutsche Urauffiihrungvom 'Kartenspiel' im Rahmen des Ballettabendsder DresdenerOper," BerlinerZeitungam Mittag, 14 October 1937. 186. For reviews of Stravinsky's recording of Jeu, see RichardPetzoldt, AllgemeineMusikzeitung65 (1938): 381; and Herbert Gerigk,Die Musik30 (1937/38): 782. 187. Telefimkento Stravinsky, 26 July 1938 (PSS).
566
music was reflected longer existed.l88The growing acceptanceof Stravinsky's in an increasedinterestin other recordingsof his music as well. This is already evident from a reviewthat appearedin March 1938, just before the releaseof with a sympatheticmatter-ofJeu de cartes,in which Helmut Schmidt-Garre, factness, discussed a wide varietyof Stravinsky's recordings. These included performancesof two controversialearlierworks, both of which had become rhythmicprecision")and Histoire strangersto Germany:Sacre("unbelievable du soldat ("an outstandingly successfulrecording"). Apparentlyunaware of Samuel Dushkin's "non-Aryan"status, the reviewer singled out for special excellent"recordingof the Violin Concerto.'89 attention the "technically Streckerhad hoped (in vain, as it turned out) that on his way back to Paris from his recording engagement in Berlin, Stravinsky might stop off in If he could atMainz to see the "excellent"new production of Firebird.190 tend, Streckerwrote, it might be possible to schedule an extraperformance. His appearance"would be noticed in all of southern Germany"and would provide encouragement for his loyal Mainz supporters. Strecker assured that his presence would be unlikely to provoke a demonstration, Stravinsky since "it would alreadybe the fifth performance"(i.e., not opening night).19' Among Stravinsky's supporters, Strecker singled out the city's GeneralKarlMariaZwiffler,"an unusuallygood conductor ..., who musikdirektor, has now done the Petrushka suite, the Symphony of Psalms,and Firebird,one German No other other. after the city up to now has dared such a right Streckercould have mentioned a fact that surely contributed to the feat."192
188. PierreKaldor,"Jeux[sic] de cartes,d'Igor Strawinsky," Marianne, 18 May 1938. 189. Helmut Schmidt-Garre, "Zeitgenossische Musik auf Schallplatten," Allgemeine recordingsdiscussedin this review are Firebird, Musikzeitung65 (1938): 157. Other Stravinsky of Psalms,the Octet, and the Serenadein A. Additional reviews Petrushka,Capriccio,Symphony from this period include those by Herbert Gerigkin Die Musik30 (1937/38): 688 (Serenadein as well and 265 (Lesnoces); A) and 833 (Octet), and in Die Musik31 (1938/39): 212 (Petrushka) as those by RichardPetzoldt in AMZ65 (1938): 588 (Capriccio)and 758 (Petrushka),and in AMZ66 (1939): 212-13 (Lesnoces)and 428-29 (Fireworks). 28 January1938; the productionopened on 26 January 190. Streckerto Stravinsky, (Schott's review,this was the first royaltystatementof 31 March 1938) (PSS). Accordingto Ernst Krause's staging of Firebirdin Mainz ("Moderer Ballettabendin Mainz," Neues Musikblatt,February 1938, 4). In his letter of 3 Februaryto the composer, Streckerpraisedthe production, which for Mainz was "astonishingly good" (PSS). from SSC3:258 n. 61. ErnstKrause 28 January1938; translation 191. Streckerto Stravinsky, that must have heardrumorsof the invitation,for in the reviewcited above he noted, incorrectly, "is to conduct one of the coming performances." Stravinsky 28 January1938: "Zwifilerist ein ungew6hnlich guter Dirigent 192. Streckerto Stravinsky, und den Feuervogel machte. Psalmensinfonie ..., der jetzt hintereinanderdie Petruschka-Suite, Eine Tat, die in diesem Umfange bishernoch keine anderedeutscheStadtwagte." On 21 Decemthat "the performanceof your Symphony of Psalms, ber 1937 Streckerhad reported to Stravinsky which I had recommended to our good conductor GeneralmusikdirektorZwifler for the here in Mainz, had a very fine successand made a strong impressionin all the musical 'Liedertafel' circles" ("dai die Auffiihrung Ihrer Psalmensinfonie,die ich hier unserem guten Dirigenten GMD Zwifilerfir die 'Liedertafel'in Mainz empfohlen hatte, einen sehr schonen Erfolg hatte
567
success: Zwifler, a party member, was also Mainz's Generalmusikdirektor's Musikbeauftragter.193 On 24 April 1938, just at the time when permissionfor Stravinsky's Bad Nauheim engagement was denied, the third Internationales Zeitgen6ssisches Musikfestin Baden-Badenstaged a performanceof Persephone, whose successful German premiere had taken place in Braunschweigthe previous season. Streckerhad informedStravinsky at the end of 1937 that Gotthold E. Lessing, Baden-Baden'snew Generalmusikdirektor, was enthusiasticabout the work, which would be danced by the balletof the Munich Staatstheater under Sonja the of Korty.Streckerhad askedRussischer Musikverlag, publisher Persephone, to be as accommodatingas possiblein its financialdemands,since "such a performance,especiallyin Baden-Baden,is the best propagandafor the work that one could wish for."'94 Stravinsky regretted that he could not be directlyinvolved in the performance. "I would certainlybe even more pleasedif I could conduct it myself," he replied, "but after what you told me, I realize that financialdifficulties
und in alien musikalischenKreisengrofen Eindruckmachte") (PSS). The work was performed twice on this occasion (Zwiiler to Stravinsky, 6 November 1938 [PSS]). The formerconductor of the HessischesLandestheater in Darmstadthad long been an admirerof Stravinsky's music. After concert there on 23 November 1931, Zwifilerhad written to him, warmlydeclaring Stravinsky's his support (the letter is undated); on 29 May 1932 he informed the composer that he had scheduled Sacrefor the 1932/33 season and would also like to perform Oedipus,Lesnoces, or Le fell victim to the deteriorating (PSS). These plans apparently rossignol politicalsituation. 193. Fritz Bouquet, "Aus dem MainzerMusikleben,"NeuesMusikblatt, July/August 1938, 9. Stravinsky replied on 1 Februarythat he was unable to attend the extraperformanceplanned for 24 February,since he was scheduled to conduct a rehearsal the next day in Paris:"I am truly disappointed,for I would very much have liked to attend and to be with you on that day" (PSS; translation from SSC3:257). (He added indignantlythat the Parisrehearsal was to take place "at 9 a.m.! the pigs" ["a 9 h. du matin! les cochons"; emphasis original].) Just over a week later, cabled Streckerin London: "My concert postponed to 4 March. Can attend Firebird Stravinsky performance24 February"("Mon concert remis au 4 mars puis assisterrepresentationOiseau Mayence 24 fevrier") (draft of 10 February 1938 [PSS]). Thus on 13 February he asked Grenzebachto arrangea stopover in Wiesbadenon his return ticket to Parisfrom Berlin (PSS). Upon receivingStravinsky's telegramStreckerimmediatelycontacted Mainz, but it was now too late to alter the theater'sschedule (WillyStreckerto Stravinsky, 10 February1938; and Ludwig Streckerto Stravinsky, 12 February1938 [PSS]). Plans for yet another 1938 appearancealso came to naught. This involved an invitation to conduct Petrushka with Colonel de Basil'sBalletRussein Berlinon 22 and 26 April(Stravinsky to Strecker,5 February1938 [PSS]): "they'repaying me very decent money," Stravinsky reported ("man zahlt mir ein ganz anstandigesGeld");the mention of money typicallyprompted a switch from French to German. The invitationfell through when de Basil was unable to comply with to Grenzebach,28 March Stravinsky's requestthat he engage the BerlinPhilharmonic(Stravinsky 1938 [PSS]). 194. Strecker to Stravinsky, 21 December 1937 (PSS): "Sie wissen, daft eine solche Auffuhrung, gerade in Baden-Baden,die beste Propagandafur das Werkist, die man sich wiinschen kann." Streckeradded, "You see, I'm even becoming the 'representative' of Russischer des Russischer Musikverlag!" ("Sie sehen, ich werde noch der 'Vertreter' Musikverlages!").
568
would surelyprevent such a possibility."195 He was less happy to find himself identified as "Igor Strawinsky(Ruiland)" in the program that he received several weeks before the performance. In the margin he exclaimed (in Not since 1934. Russianmusic?Also not. In what sense German), "Russian? 'Russian'?"196 Streckerpromised to forwardStravinsky's complaint to BadenEver Baden, assuringthe composer that the mistakewould be corrected.197 mindfil of public relations,he suggested that it would be "diplomatic"of the composer to send to Baden-Badena thank-youletter stressingboth the "idealisticstrivings"of those involved and the "international significance"of the festival'sachievements.Such a letterwould be published,he added, and "thus would be helpfulto us in the future."'98 He judged Streckertraveledto Baden-Badento attend the performance.'99 the production "infinitelysuperior"to the world premiere in Paris,though done with very simple means. The earlypressreportswere "entirelypositive," and, most importantly,the performance had so far elicited no opposition. "Even so," he consoled the composer, "it is better that you were not present, becausedemonstrationsmight, in that case, have ensued, and these would be ammunitionfor your enemies."200
is fromSSC3:256). Prieberg 1938 (PSS;translation 3 January to Strecker, 195. Stravinsky im NS-Staat, theperformance thatStravinsky in claiming attended mistaken 54). (Musik is prefromSSC3:258 n. 63. The program 196. Translation comments) (withStravinsky's served at PSS. 1938 (PSS). 4 March to Stravinsky, 197. Strecker fromSSC3:261n. 70). Strecker's translation 20 April1938 (PSS; to Stravinsky, 198. Strecker had thatStravinsky to a request letterrefers of a thank-you of thepublication mention obliquely the as a new-music of Baden-Baden's former received. center, importance Fullyaware recently of set greatstoreon the "international likethe festival's German significance" organizers, press, to a special anarticle to contribute Presse asked the Badische Thuson 12 April theevent. Stravinsky On 18 AprilStravinsky a photograph. issueof the newspaper; testilyasked theyalsorequested ... [one] of to them... thatone canfindin Germany on hisbehalf: to decline Strecker "explain en trouver leur ... me" without ... Allemagne peut qu'on ("expliquez bothering my photos Strecker's at Schott's). apparent (bothletters preserved [une]de mesphotossansme deranger") fromthe composer themwithusefulcomments the localpressby providing to mollify attempt not to havefollowed cameto nothing,for in this caseStravinsky-uncharacteristically-seems advice. Strecker's a postcard: sent Stravinsky on 24 AprilStrecker 199. Directlyafter the performance withoutyou!" and a reallygreatsuccess, a wonderful unfortunately "Persephone performance leider undein ganzgroferErfolg, ohneSie!")(PSS). einewunderbare Auffihrung ("Persephone Swisspatron), Reinhart E. Lessing, The cardwasalsosignedby Gotthold (Stravinsky's Werner AlmaMoodie,andanunidentified theviolinist (inRussian). person fromSSC3:262n. 70). In hislettranslation 1938 (PSS; 26 April to Stravinsky, 200. Strecker hateineganz reviews!" hasreally Strecker terof 30 April ("Persephone wrote,"Persephone superb withSonja Korty mayhavecolored relationship personal vorziigliche Presse!") (PSS).Strecker's werefarfromunancritics seemsto havebeenwellaccepted, itself forthoughthework hisreport, who criticized was amongseveral The editorof Die Musik the production. imousin praising in her as as well "dilettantisch" unsatisfactory performance the titlerole choreography, Korty's 30 [1937/ Die Musik in Baden-Baden," "Musikfest derAuffihrungserfolge Gerigk, (Herbert 38]: 556).
569
"The Stravinsky'problem' : the Entartete Musik exhibition

That Stravinsky's enemies were still a force to be reckonedwith was shown by an event that took place exactlyone month afterthe Baden-Badenstaging of On 24 May 1938 the exhibition "DegenerateMusic" ("Entartete Persephone. in Diisseldorf. It was shown in conjuncMusik") opened at the Kunstpalast tion with (though not an official part of) the first Reichsmusiktage, the national music festivalthat replaced the Tonkiinstlerfestof volkisch-oriented the AllgemeinerDeutscher Musikverein,which had been dissolvedfollowing its annualmeeting the previousyear.201 The exhibitionof "degeneratemusic" was modeled on the "EntarteteKunst" ("Degenerate Art") exhibition that had opened in Munich in 1937.202The main organizerof the Diisseldorf exhibition was Weimar'sIntendant,Hans SeverusZiegler, an "old fighter"who while in chargeof Thuringia'sculturalaffairsbetween January1930 and April 1931 had banned from all state-supportedconcerts works of "music bolshevists"such as Hindemith and Stravinsky.203 The aim of the Diisseldorf exhibition, as reported by a young Wolfgang Steinecke,was to provide a "helpfulcontributionto the mental, spiritualand moralrenewalof the Germanpeople."204 were photos or caricatures On display
201. Concerningthe volkisch character of the festival,see Heinz Drewes'sstatement,"Zu den in Diisseldorf,"AllgemeineMusikzeitun,g 65 (1938): 325. Drewes, who was Reichsmusiktagen both head of the PropagandaMinistry's music department and vice president of the Reichscontraststhe new festivalwith the elitist gatheringsof the past ("the music is no musikkammer, longer the concern of a small special-interest group, but of the entire Volk")and stressesits allinclusivecharacter: art music and folk music, opera and operetta, symphonic music and military music, as well as music of the HitlerYouth, and so on. 202. Partialreconstructionsof these now infamousexhibitionshave been mounted in recent years. See Albrecht Diimling and Peter Girth, eds., EntarteteMusik:Dokumentationund Kommentarzur Diisseldorfer Ausstellungvon 1938, 3d ed. (Diisseldorf:Der KleineVerlag,1993); and Stephanie Barron, ed., 'DegenerateArt": The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany(Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1991). The present-day attention given the "EntarteteMusik"exhibition, especiallyin terms of concerts and recordings,should not lead one to overestimateits contemporarysignificance, which in no way approachedthat of its model. 203. Bollmus, Das Amt Rosenberg und seineGegner,34. Ziegler owed his officialposition to Wilhelm Frick,who in 1930, as a result of the Nazi Party'selectoralsuccessesin Thuringia,had been appointed ministerof the interiorin the state's coalition government. The actions of Frick, the first Nazi to hold an important governmentalposition, were to make Thuringia a rehearsal stage for Nazi culturalpolicies. 204. Wolfgang Steinecke, "'Entartete Musik.' Eroffnung der Diisseldorfer Ausstellung," DeutscheAlpgemeine this report by the founder in 1946 of Zeitung, 25 May 1938. Significantly, Darmstadt'sInternationaleFerienkurse fir Neue Musik is for the most part restrictedto quotations from the speech by Ziegler that opened the exhibition. Steinecke'sdetailed descriptionof the exhibition, "Wasdie Ausstellung 'EntarteteMusik' zeigt," appearedon 26 May in the same newspaper.This article (reproducedin Diimling and Girth, eds., EntarteteMusik, 194) was to form the main source for the 1988 reconstruction of the exhibition. See Albrecht Diimling, "'Entartete Musik': Zur Rezeption der Ausstellung in Diisseldorf, Weimar und Wien 1938Musikerim Exil, ed. Osterreichische 1939," in Beitriige'90: Osterreichische Gesellschaft fir Musik (Kassel:Barenreiter, [1990]), 87.
570
of "degenerate" composers, performers, critics, and other figures from Weimar Germany's musical scene, accompanied by "explanatory"placards. Displayedalso were copies of scoresand books, as well as sound recordings.In speciallyconstructed booths, patrons could hear samplesof music written by These included, among many others, Schoenberg, the composersinvolved.205 Hindemith, Weill-and Stravinsky.206 Under a reproduction of a well-known portrait of the composer by Jacques-EmileBlanche there appearedthe caption: "Who invented the story This was accompaniedby that Stravinsky comes from the Russiannobility?"207 and a copy of an articlewrita quote from the opening measuresof Petrushka ten by "the Jew Alfred Einstein."A placardnext to Stravinsky's portraitread: "We respect national art, but we reject the internationalin art. That is the Stravinsky 'problem.' "208 Included among the "degenerate" scores and autobibooks were Histoiredu soldatand the Germanedition of Stravinsky's Atonal Music: and "Tonal entitled an lecture In introductory ography.209 Their Historicaland RacialFoundations" ("Tonale und atonale Musik, ihre geschichtlichenund rassischenGrundlagen"),Otto zur Nedden of Jena attacked the "destructive tendencies" of Weill, Hindemith, and Stravinsky, whose music "consciouslyaims to demolish musicalform, and has stirredup his lecture with recordedexamples Nedden illustrated the basestinstincts."210
205. "The exhibition is arrangedin the mannerof a partitionedgramophone shop with the the obexceptionsthat sound proofing and interveningdoors have been omitted... Apparently ject is to cause nauseathrough one generous dose" (Ralph Barnes,"German'Degenerate Music' Show Seeks to Restore 'Nordic Melody'. Reich Symphony Orchestra, 100 p.c. Nazi, All in Paris,4 June 1938). Brown, ProvidesProperContrast,"New TorkHerald Tribune, 206. Composers such as Alban Berg, Ernst Toch, and Josef Hauer were exhibited as "lesser GerhardFrommel, representedby his bolshevist big shots" ("kleinere Bolschewistengrofien"). Neue Klassik in der Musik, was displayed with the "Theoretiker der Atonalitat" (Steinecke, "EntarteteMusik"). 207. "Wer erfand StrawinskysHerkunft aus einem alten russischen Bojarengeschlecht?" (Photographs of the exhibit sent by Henri Jourdan to the composer are preserved at PSS.) versionof the racialslur:" 'Judge from this memory retaineda more straightforward Stravinsky's and Conclusions, is a Jew' " (Themes whether or not Stravinsky 44). 208. "Wirachten die Kunstder Nationen aberwir vemeinen die Intemationalein der Kunst. the Das ist das 'Problem'Strawinsky." By using a contrastingcolor for the word "Internationale," a had This a connection. thus the communist implication suggesting organizershighlighted word, long history.See, for example,the February1924 issue of the ZeitschriftffrMusik,where an article written by Adolph Heuss appears under the title "Die musikalische Internationale. Zur fiir neue Musik.' " Griindungeiner OrtsgruppeLeipzig der 'IntemationalenGesellschaft 209. Steinecke,"Wasdie Ausstellung'EntarteteMusik'zeigt." A photographof a manuscript autobiographywas included as a plate in the Germanedition of Stravinsky's page from Histoire a curious choice, given the opposition that this work had long evoked from the ultraconservative work. supportersin Nazi Germanydrew the line at this "satanic" wing. Even many of Stravinsky's With the exception of the JiidischerKulturbund's1936/37 production, discussed above, no Germanstage daredto produce it. in Diisseldorf,"FrankfurterZeitung,28 May 1938. 210. KarlHoll, "Die Reichsmusiktage
571
from Firebird("InfernalDance") and Sacre,music that he comparedunfavorablyto Sibelius'sFinlandia.21 was dismayed to learn that he was included in the exhibition. Stravinsky "And this afterthe great successof eu de cartesand Persephone (repeatedthe day before yesterdayin Braunschweig),"he fumed, "while Firebirdis played
... all over Germany!"212With characteristic single-mindedness, and with a
degree of self-centerednessastonishing even for this supremelyself-oriented set out to obtain an apology from the German authorities. man, Stravinsky Following Strecker's advice, he first enlisted the help of Isidor Philipp. in Berlin, "Knowing that you are personallyacquaintedwith our ambassador Monsieur [Andre] Francois-Poncet,"Stravinsky wrote to the pianist, "I take the libertyof askingyou to bring to his attention the following."213 He noted that in Diisseldorf "my musicalactivityand even my person are presented to the public in an absolutelyinadmissible way,"and continued: Underanyothercircumstances I wouldnot havepaidanyattention to sucha But in the present caseI findit necessary to react,sinceI consider this display. the result of unfaircompetitionon the part of certainmusicalcirclesin who aretryingto createan effective me andthe exGermany weaponagainst of my musicin Germany, aswellasin countries wherethe voiceof the pansion German influence. pressmayhavea certain Since this incidentseemed to be partof an ongoing "organizedcampaign,"he would "intervenewith the Germanauthoritiesin hoped that the ambassador order to defend my interestsas a French citizen and musician,intereststhat are being severelydamaged."214
211. Given the interest in Nordic music in Nazi Germany,it is not surprisingthat Sibelius was among those awardedthe Goethe prize by Hitler in 1935 (Levi, Music in the ThirdReich, 35 n. 29). In a series of recordings offered for sale to its members by Rosenberg's NSbetween 1936 and 1937, contemporarymusic was representedby a single work, Kulturgemeinde Finlandia (ibid., 146). 212. Stravinsky to Strecker, 27 May 1938 (PSS; translation from SSC 3:265). The Braunschweig performanceactuallytook placeon 26 May. 213. Stravinsky to Isidor Philipp,30 May 1938 (PSS): "Sachantque vous connaissezpersonnellement notre Ambassadeur a Berlin,MonsieurFrancois-Poncet, je me permetsde vous demander de porter a sa connaissancece qui suit." On the same day, Stravinsky sent Streckera copy of his letter to Philipp, written "after a conversationwith him (and following your letter of the 28th)" (PSS; translationafter SSC 3:266, which mistakenlygives "our conversationwith him"). Strecker'sletter of 28 May to Stravinskyseems not to have survived. Stravinsky was well acquainted with the pianist, with whom both he and his son Soulima had studied (Charles M. InsideOut [New Haven:YaleUniversityPress,2001], 79). Joseph, Stravinsky 214. Stravinsky to Philipp, 30 May 1938: "J'ai eu la desagreablesurprised'apprendredes journauxallemandsparvenusici que mon activitemusicaleet ma personne meme y sont presentes au public d'une facon absolument inadmissible.En toute autre circonstanceje n'aurais pas prete attention a une pareillemanifestation.Mais dans le cas present j'eprouve la necessite de reagir puisqueje considerececi comme le resultatd'une concurrencedeloyalede certainsmilieux musicaux allemandsqui tachent de creer une arme efficacecontre moi et l'expansionde ma musique en Alemagne ainsi que dans les pays oui la voix de la presse allemandepeut avoir une certaine
572
the same day, Philippagreed to send a registeredletter to Fran0ois-Poncet letter.215 He also gave the composer a letter of enclosing a copy of Stravinsky's introduction to Jean Marx, an "importantfunctionary"("un gros fonctionnaire")in the Department of Politicaland CommercialAffairsat the Ministry of Foreign Affairsin Paris.216 met with Marx that very day.At the Stravinsky latter'srequest,he followed up their meeting with a "shortsketch of the affair that was the object of our conversation."217 After describing the exhibition and quoting from reviews that had appeared in the DeutscheAllgemeine repeatedthe chargeof Zeitungand the BerlinerZeitungam Mittag, Stravinsky "unfaircompetition":"instancesof such hostile acts againstme and my music recur repeatedlyin recent years,and seem to be part of a well-organizedand well-executedcampaign."As shown by the captionunder his portrait,he continued, his enemies even "triedto imply"that he was a Jew:"knowingthe unfortunate significanceof this question in Germany,I consider this an attempt to create an effectiveweapon againstme and my work to which I cannot reMarx arrangedfor a diplomaticnote to be sent by the main indifferent."218 French embassy in Berlin to the German Foreign AffairsOffice. It stressed the contradictionbetween Stravinsky's portrayalin Diisseldorf and the brilliant success of one of his stage works in the German capitalthat winter (i.e., the Staatsoper's production of Le baiserde lafee).219 next turned to Henri Jourdanof the French Institute in Berlin. Stravinsky "which organized this exhibiHe demanded from the Reichsmusikkammer,
influence.Etantdonne que ces actes d'hostilitene se presententpas pour la premierefois et paraistrousent a mes yeux comme une campagneorganiseeet suivie,j'espereque notre Ambassadeur vera opportun d'interveniraupresdes autoritesallemandespour d6fendremes interetsde citoyen et musicienfrancais qui sont serieusementleses." to Strecker,30 May 1938 (PSS). In his replyof 4 June 1938 Fran;ois-Poncet 215. Stravinsky could count on his support (PSS). assuredPhilippthat Stravinsky 216. Stravinskyto Strecker,30 May 1938. Philipp's letter of introduction (dated "lundi" [i.e., 30 May]) is preserved at PSS, along with an envelope addressed to Monsieur Marx, Ministeredu AffairesEtrangeres. to Marx, 31 May 1938 (PSS): "Comme suite a notre entretien d'hier et sui217. Stravinsky vant votre d6sir,je m'empresse de vous donner ci-apresun bref aperqude la question qui etait l'objet de notre entretien." 218. Ibid.: "Je suis venu a cette conclusion, vu que les cas de pareillesactions hostiles envers moi et ma musique se repetent regulierementces dernieresannees et presentent l'aspect d'une campagne bien organiseeet suivie. Comme le prouve l'inscriptionsous mon portrait,mes advera la verit. A maintesreprises,on a sairesne s'arretentmeme pas devant des insinuationscontraires un faire de me que cette question a mall'importance [S]achant essaye juif.. passer pour heureusement en Allemagne, je considere cela comme une tentative de creer une arme efficace contre moi et mon oeuvre, ce a quoi je ne puis resterindifferent." 14 June 1938 (PSS). The diplomaticnote from the Frenchembassy 219. Marx to Stravinsky, 15 was dated II June 1938; two days later a second memorandum (No. 381) was (Pol. 1742) sent. (This informationis contained in a letter of 22 July 1938 from the GermanForeign Office to the French embassy,to be discussedbelow.)
573
tion [sic],"a statement ("declaration efficace")acknowledgingits mistakenot only in placing him "in the category of 'EntarteteMusik,' " but also in sancAfter meeting tioning the "provocativedoubts" concerning his origins.220 with the French ambassador,Jourdanreplied, noting dryly that "in general the Reich does not volunteer public apologies," but assuringStravinsky that the ambassador and he would insist.221 "[Jourdan]thinksthat I may expect a letter of apology within the next two A month weeks," Stravinsky reported to Streckertoward the end of June.222 later,having heard nothing, he wrote again to Jourdan."This two-month silence," he complained to Strecker on the same day, "is already somewhat Jourdanreplied the following week, summarizing(in French) alarming."223 the officialreplysent by the GermanForeign AffairsOffice to the Frenchemwas also sent a fill translationof the official reply by the bassy.224 Stravinsky Quai d'Orsay,though he did not receive a copy of the Germanoriginaluntil Dated 22 July,it reads: September.225 On the occasionof the opening of the "Degenerate Music"exhibitionin Diisseldorf it was expressly was not directed pointedout that the exhibition individual but onlyagainst certain artistic directions. The choice artists, against of the materials for the exhibition, whichhas sinceended,was the resultof a The composer was represented purelyprofessional viewpoint. Igor Stravinsky of a certain musical onlyasone of the pioneers orientation, atonality. Theveryfactstatedin the French note ..., thatdurembassy's diplomatic was performed for ing the earlymonthsof 1938 a workof Igor Stravinsky's intendedto condemn quite some time in Berlin,provesthat the exhibition neither the person of IgorStravinsky norhisworkasa whole.226
220. Stravinsky to Jourdan,16 June 1938 (PSS): "qui avaitorganisecette exposition, reconnaissantson erreurde m'avoirmis dans la categoire de 1'ENTARTETEMUSIK et d'avoirsanctionne des doutes provocants sur mon origine formules en bas d'une reproduction de mon portraitparJ. E. Blanche." 221. Jourdanto Stravinsky, 23 June 1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:268 n. 87). Jourdan enclosed severalphotographsof the exhibition. 222. Stravinsky to Strecker,25 June 1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:268). Concerned about possible fallout, Streckerasked to be kept informed, adding that "a great deal depends 27 June 1938; translation upon the response that [Jourdan]promises" (Streckerto Stravinsky, from SSC 3:268 n. 87); clearlyuneasy,Streckerrepeatedhis requestin his lettersof 2, 6, 13, and 27 July(PSS). 223. Stravinskyto Strecker, 29 July 1938 (PSS; translation from SSC 3:269). Stravinsky seems not to have kept a copy of his letter to Jourdan.On 4 July the composer had had a visit from Jourdan,who hoped for "a positive reaction of some sort" by the middle of the month to Strecker, 4 July 1938 [PSS]; translation from SSC3:268). (Stravinsky 224. Jourdanto Stravinsky, 4 August 1938 (PSS). 225. The letter to Stravinskyfrom the French embassy containing a copy of the official Germanreplyis dated 21 September(PSS). 226. AuswartigesAmt to the French embassy (Berlin), 22 July 1938 (PSS): "Anl'iflichder Eroffiung der Ausstellung 'Entartete Musik' in Diisseldorf ist ausdriicklich daraufhingewiesen
574
This is clearlynot the apology that had been demanded. But although Jourdanregretted that the statementfailed to addressthe "painfulexhibition of your portrait" (i.e., the racialslur), he felt that it implied a "benevolent on the part of the authorities.227 neutrality" Stravinsky repliedthat though the response was "not all that we had hoped for, it is nonetheless a dissembled avowal of their gaffe."228 To Streckerhe wrote that it inspiredhope that he in the future. "This,"he commented, would not sufferfurther"humiliation" chose to forget It is astonishingthat in lateryearsStravinsky "issomething."229 entirelythe Germanstatement,in pursuitof which he had expended so much time and energy: "I lodged a protest with the French Ambassadorin Berlin, M. Fran9ois-Poncet [sic],"he noted, "but nothing came of it."230 Many German musicians,and not only those conductors and theater directors who had made possible his German "rehabilitation,"shared Stravinsky's dismay at his inclusion in the Diisseldorf exhibition.231In fact,
worden, dafi die Ausstellung sich nicht gegen einzelne Kunstlerrichte, sondern nur gegen bestimmte Kunstrichtungen.Die Auswahl des Materialsder inzwischen beendeten Ausstellung erwar nur als einer der Der KomponistIgor Strawinsky folgte nach rein fachlichenGesichtspunkten. Richtung, der Atonalitat,vertreten. Wegbereitereiner bestimmtenmusikalischen Botschaftin ihre Verbalnote.. .angefiihrte Tatsache,daf "Geradedie von der Franzosischen in Berlin langere noch wahrend der ersten Monate des Jahres 1938 ein Werk Igor Strawinskys Zeit hindurch zur Auffihrung gelangte, beweist, daf weder die Person noch das Schaffen Igor in seinerGesamtheitdurch die Ausstellungabgelehntwerden sollte." (In his letter of Strawinskys 4 August to Stravinsky,Jourdan noted that the statement had been received by the French embassyon 26 July[PSS].) letter of 4 August 1938. The quotations are from Stravinsky's 227. Jourdan to Stravinsky, in which he includeslengthy excerptsfrom Jourdan'sletter (PSS;translation 6 August to Strecker, from SSC 3:270). Stravinsky comments, "If we can count on a 'benevolent neutrality'.. .,we from SSC3:270). must now determinehow to make the most of this" (translation from SSC3:270 n. 90). to Jourdan,6 August 1938 (PSS;translation 228. Stravinsky to Strecker,6 August 1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:270). Streckerwas 229. Stravinsky less sanguine. On 9 August, having read only Stravinsky's excerpts of the French summary,he an officialletter" urged the composer to try to obtain the originaltext-or, "if this is not available, with Brief als einen offizielle dies wenn permissionto Unterlage"), along unmoglich ist, ("oder, of this sentence in SSC3:270 n. 90 is inacquote it, should the need arise(PSS). (The translation curate.) This letter, Streckercontinued, need only indicate that "neitheryour person nor your from SSC work has been denounced and you may count on a benevolent neutrality"(translation would obtain eitheris clearfrom his 3:270 n. 90). That Streckerwas not optimisticthat Stravinsky was attempting to obtain "a comletter of 31 August to Hans Rosbaud (Schott's). Stravinsky Streckerwrote, but he restlos statement" klare Stellungnahme"), ("eine pletely umambiguous doubted the composer would receiveanythingfurther. 36. (With minor wording changes, the stateand Episodes, and Craft, Themes 230. Stravinsky and Conclusions, Themes in the revisededition: Stravinsky, 44-45.) ment also appears 231. While Jourdan'scomment in his letter of 4 August that all Germanmusicianswere disis clearlyan exaggeration,many Germans, including tressed by the denunciation of Stravinsky some who supported the "educational"thrust of the Diisseldorf exhibition, deplored the striorganizerswent about achievingtheir aim. The dismayof dency with which its ultraconservative conductors and theater directors who-without arousing official objection-had recently presented Stravinsky'smusic to appreciativeaudiences is noted in Richard Ohlekopf, "Entartete Welt96 (1938): 374-75. Musik,"Signalefr die musikalische
575
although the composer seems never to have learned of it, in mid-June the PrussianAcademy of Arts came to the defense of its honorary member. The date, 19 June, suggests that members of the Academy had alreadylearnedof the French embassy'sprotest, which had been lodged in Berlinjust days beAt a meeting of the Senate and Music Department,Fritz Stein, the difore.232 rector of Berlin'sMusikhochschule,noting that internationalrelationswould sufferif an artistof Stravinsky's staturewere subjectedto public judgment of this sort, moved that the Academy lodge a protest with BernhardRust, the Prussian(and Reich) minister of education; the Senate voted to sustain the motion.233The Academy's action may have helped convince the Foreign Office to issue, if not the desiredapology,at least a halfhearted explanation. Stravinsky'shope that the Diisseldorf "gaffe" would not be repeated turned out to be in vain, for the "EntarteteMusik" exhibition was not confined to that city. Its predecessor,the "EntarteteKunst" exhibition, subsequently went on tour throughout the Reich, and during its appearancesin and Chemnitz in the springand summerof 1939 Weimar,Vienna, Frankfurt, it incorporatedmaterialfrom the "EntarteteMusik" exhibition.234 There is evidence that was included at least two in of these documentary Stravinsky venues. In his lengthy report on the exhibition as it appearedin Weimar,the critic Otto Reuter noted that it included Hermann Scherchen, who, he sneered, "treatedus to Stravinsky's Histoiredu soldat" during the Bauhausperiod.235 His racialattackon the composer he savedfor his finalsentences:"Foranyone who has eyes to see and ears to ear, the 'Stravinsky problem,' which caused a real sensation in Diisseldorf, is solved. Whoever saw these unadulterated
232. That the embassy'sprotest becamewidelyknown in Germanmusicalcirclesis clearfrom Strecker'sletter of 21 September 1938 to the composer: "Quite a few people are well informed ist man ziemlich tiberall by word of mouth about your negotiations"("Von IhrenVerhandlungen miindlich unterrichtet")(PSS). Stravinsky's election to the Akademie der Kiinste, Sektion fur Musik, had been announced on page 242 of the April 1928 issue of the Zeitschriftfiir Musik ("Persbnliches"). 233. Berlin, Akademie der Kiinste, Akte 1231, minutes of the meeting of the Senate and Music Department, 19 June 1938, item 3. The minutes are signed by [Georg] Schumann (chair)and [Kurtvon] Wolfurt.Also present at the meeting were Amersdorffer,[Emil Nikolaus] von Reznicek, [Max] Seiffert, von Keussler,[Eugen] Bieder, [Paul] Graener,[Heinz] Tiessen, and [Max] Trapp. (I am grateful to the Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin, for a photocopy of this document.) 234. The dates of the combined exhibitions are as follows: Weimar,23 March to 24 April; 30 June to 30 July;and Chemnitz, scheduledfor 11 August Vienna, 6 May to 18 June;Frankfurt, to 10 September, but cut short after the outbreak of war. See Christoph Zuschlag, "An 'Educational Exhibition': The Precursors of Entartete Kunst and Its Individual Venues," in "Degenerate Art," ed. Barron,90 and 95. Albrecht Dtimling states that the "EntarteteMusik" exhibition had also been planned for Munich (" 'EntarteteMusik,' " 90), but there seems to be no proof that it was actuallyshown there. 235. Otto Reuter, "Entartete Musik," Allgemeine Thiiringische Landeszeitung,24 March 1939. The Weimarperformanceof Histoireto which Reuterreferstook place on 19 August 1923 in the presenceof the composer.
576
pictures will no longer believe that he comes from 'an old noble Russian family.'" Following the Weimar appearancethe combined exhibition was shown in Vienna's Kiinstlerhaus, where patronscould hear, as illustrationsof "degenerate"music, recordingsof Histoire,Schoenberg's Serenade, Op. 24, was inSince Stravinsky and Hindemith's dance pantomime, Der Ddmon.236 cluded in Weimarand Vienna, it seems reasonableto assumethat he was also part of the exhibition in Frankfurtand Chemnitz. Indeed, in its final venue a reviewer,without actuallymentioning his inclusion, referredto "Strawisky" (sic)as a "degenerate"composer.237 Given the widespread dismay caused by Stravinsky'sinclusion in the Diisseldorfexhibition,one might have expected that he would have been quietly dropped from the subsequent showings. In the case of at least one composer, this did in fact happen. Hermann Reutter,who in 1936 had replaced Wetzelsbergeras director of Frankfurt'sHoch Conservatory,was originally included on a prominentlydisplayedlist of "degenerate"composers, but his Reutter later name was dropped when the exhibition traveledto Weimar.238 recalledthat music of his had also been planned for inclusion in Diisseldorf, and that it took the interventionof the mayor (in storm-trooperuniform) to have it removed from the displaycase.239 Similarly, paintingsby a number of Franz Marc, as well as and Macke heroes war the August artists, including were removed from and Edvard Piet Mondrian Munch, prominent foreigners a That Stravinsky, the "EntarteteKunst" exhibition afterit reached Berlin.240 renowned composer and an honorary member of the PrussianAcademy of Arts, remained part of the traveling "Entartete Musik" exhibition suggests
236. "Jiidischer Kunstdilettantismus. Entartete Malerei, Plastik, Lyrik und Musik im 6 May 1939. Thus it is very likelythat Histoirewas among the "deVolks-Zeitung, Kunstlerhaus," also samplein the other venues-including Diisseldorf. could works that patrons generate" 237. Chemnitzer Neueste Nachrichten, 10 August 1939. (I am indebted to Christoph Zuschlag for this information,as well as for photocopies of the newspaperarticlesreferredto in seems never to have learned of this further "humiliathe previous two notes above.) Stravinsky tion." Although reportsof the travelingexhibition seem to have been confined to the local press (Zuschlag, "An 'EducationalExhibition,' 90), Streckermust surelyhave been informed. If so, he took carenot to enlighten the composer. 7 (1959): 314. 238. Erwin Kroll, "Verbotene Musik," Vierteljahrshefe fiir Zeitgeschichte On 10 February1933, Reutter'smusic had long been the object of attackby ultraconservatives. in order claimedthat it contained "allof the characteristics Beobachter for example, the Volkischer and to be placed in the category [of] bolshevismin music" (quoted in Steinweis,Art, Ideology, Nazi in Economics Germany,140). 239. See Albrecht Riethmiiller,"Kompositionim Deutschen Reich um 1936," Archivfir 38 (1981): 271. The inclusion of music by Hugo Distler in the exhibitionwas Musikwissenschaft Dictionary thwarted.See KlausL. Neumann's entry on that composer in TheNew Grove similarly music of Music and Musicians,2d ed. (2001), 7:382-83, at 382. Reutter's recollection that his faulty,for contemporary was removed from the case before the exhibition opened is apparently observersnoted the inclusion of his choralwork, Der neue Hiob. See the articlesreproducedin Diimling and Girth, eds., EntarteteMusik,194-95. 240. Zuschlag, "An 'EducationalExhibition,'"92.
577
that his enemies were still influential. Despite the protests of highly placed supporters, in the eyes of hardcore conservatives Stravinsky remained "degenerate." "Your standing is entirely restored" As the 1938/39 season was about to get under way, Strecker informed that Disseldorf had canceled the production of Firebirdoriginally Stravinsky scheduled for that autumn. "This may be a purely local move," he wrote, "sinceit would undoubtedly be a little strangefor a performanceto take place so soon afterwardsin the very city in which the exhibition was held."241 Indeed, few cities followed Diisseldorf's lead, such that toward the end of September Strecker could assure Stravinsky that the exhibition seemed to have been forgotten."242 While many conductors were still fearful "already of programminghis music, Streckernoted, Jeu de cartes-the highlight of the 1937/38 season-had just been performedat Leipzig Radio and was soon to be playedat Munich Radio and in Karlsruhe The Firebird (also in concert).243 suite was to be performedat BerlinRadio and in Wiesbaden;the Dumbarton Oaks Concerto, Stravinsky's newest work, was planned for Mainz and Miinster; and Furtwainglerintended to conduct Le baiser de la fee (i.e., Divertimento) in Berlin.244 The fact that Stravinsky's music was now occasionallybroadcastis significant, for since 1933 GermanRadio had pursueda cautiouscourse with regard to Stravinsky, neither supporting his music nor banning it outright. True, in July 1934 the radio authoritieshad declaredthat there was in principleno objection to his music, but the fact that they did not provideguidelinesconcerning which works were acceptabledid little to encourage performances.And music after 1936, radio perindeed, despite the attention paid to Stravinsky's formanceswere to remainrelatively rare.In 1936/37 the composer was even
241. Strecker to Stravinsky, 1 August 1938 (PSS): "Es kann dies eine rein ortliche Mafinahme sein, da es zweifellos etwas grotesk ist, dag gerade in dieser Stadt, in der die Ausstellungstattgefundenhat, so bald daraufeineAuffiihrungstattfindet." 242. Streckerto Stravinsky, 21 September 1938 (PSS; translationfrom SSC 3:270 n. 91, where the date of the letter is incorrectlygiven as 21 November). The final sentence of the published excerpt(concerningStravinsky's protest) is also misleading:"you have achievedthe desired was not all that it mighthave been"(SSC 3:271 n. 91; effect, even if the written German response emphasis added). The final phrase should read "even without the written document" ("auch schon ohne schriftlicheUnterlagen"). Stravinsky still had not received the official German reply, which (as noted above) was sent to him by the Frenchembassythat very day. 243. Not Karlsbad, as given in SSC3:271 n. 91. 244. Strecker'sambiguous wording, "Das 'Concerto' wird in Mainz und in Munster durch Rosbaud aufgefiihrt,"is responsiblefor the incorrectstatementin SSC 3:271 n. 91: "Rosbaudis conducting the Concerto in Mainz and Miinster."The Mainz performancewas conducted by Zwifiler.
578
included on a blacklistissued by ReichssenderBerlin.245 That the proscription in his case was not a blanketone, however,is indicatedby an annotation,"For furtherparticulars check with [Reichssendeleiter Otto] Frickhoeffer" ("Riickfrage zu halten bei Frickhoeffer")-yet another example of the lack of clear guidelinesthat frustrated Stravinsky's supporters. On 19 October 1938, in the opening concert of the 1938/39 season, the successfulGermanpremiereof the Dumbarton OaksConcerto was given under KarlMariaZwifler's direction in Mainz-a fitting location, since during the previousseason (as we have seen) this little city had successfully presented music than any other in Germany.246 Even the stridently more of Stravinsky's anti-modernistZeitschriftfiir Musikwas impressedwith the work, declaring Rosbaud the second movement in particular"ein kleines Meisterwerk."247 also included the Dumbarton Oaks Concerto in his plans for Munster that season. At the end of August Streckerhad informed Rosbaud of the "assurance" ("Zusicherung") that "Friend Igor" had received from the authorities.248Though the response was less than Strecker would have wished, music was, he reported, "not banned and may be performed. In Stravinsky's Rosbaudwas to let him know my opinion, furtherenquiriesare unnecessary." freRosbaud'sreplyrevealsthe frustration if he met with any "difficulties."249 music. modern who musicians German supported quently experienced by he wrote. "No one wants to take the affairis characteristic," "The Stravinsky responsibility-a straightansweris nowhere to be found." His method of late was to ask no more questions "and simply to ignore unofficialreports or attempts at exhibitionsof 'degenerateart.' " Perhapsrecallinghis lackof success
26-31. 245. The list is reproducedin Rathkolb,Fiihrertreu undgottbegnadet, a list of twenty-seven(!) questions about Zwigler sent Stravinsky 246. Priorto the rehearsals, the concerto, to which the composer dutifilly replied (lettersof 7 and 10 October 1938 [PSS]). On 6 November Zwifflerreported that the public had been enthusiasticand the press excellent (PSS). 247. An excerptfrom this reviewwas included in Schott's advertisementfor the recentlypubthe concerto met with conDecember 1938, 14. Ironically, lished score in the NeuesMusikblatt, siderable disparagement in certain quarters outside Germany. Rene Leibowitz, for example, for his "insolentborrowing"from Bach (Esprit,1 July 1938; quoted in White, attackedStravinsky 402). Stravinsky, 248. Streckerto Rosbaud, 31 August 1938 (Schott's). Rosbaud almost certainlylearned of Stravinsky's protest concerning the Diisseldorf exhibition from Streckerin Zurich, where both men attended the world premiereof Mathisder Maler on 28 May, and where Streckerreceived sent good wishes to both Hindemith lettersof 27 and 30 May.On 27 May Stravinsky Stravinsky's and Streckerfor the performance(PSS;see SSC3:266). Rosbaudwas the only Germanconductor to attend the premiere,which was pointedlyignored by the Germanpress. 249. Streckerto Rosbaud, 31 August 1938: "Die Tatsachegeniigt aufalle Falle, dafter nicht verboten ist und aufgefiihrtwerden darf.Man hat m.E. keine weiteren Riickfragen notig. Sollten Sie irgendwelche Schwierigkeitenhaben und die Auffiihrung seines neuen 'Concertos' beabsichtigen, so lassen Sie es mich bitte wissen." Streckeradded, "What a pity that Hindemith is ineligible, since he's writing one masterpieceafter the other" ("Schade,dafi Hindemith nicht in nach dem anderen"). Fragekommt, denn er schreibtein Meisterwerk
579
at FrankfurtRadio, he added, "It is better that way, especiallywhen one has freedom such as here in Mtinster."250 The following week Streckercomplied with Rosbaud's request for a copy of the score, commenting, "I think your approach-not to askfor too manyparticulars-is the only one possible."251 For unknown reasons, however, Dumbarton Oakswas not performed in Miinster.252But at least one performance of the concerto in addition to Zwigler's German premiere did take place: in March 1939 Hans SchmidtIsserstedtconducted the work in Hamburg.That sameyearSchmidt-Isserstedt and the Hamburg Chamber Orchestramade the premiere recording of the work for Telefunken.253 Further concert performancesof Jeu de carteswere in Bremen, given Braunschweig,and Leipzig (Gewandhaus), and at Berlin Firebirdwas staged in Leipzig, Dessau, Hamburg, and Duisburg, Radio.254 while Braunschweigoffered a new production of Petrushka.255 Furtwangler on 12 December 1938 performedDivertimentowith the BerlinPhilharmonic in Berlin during the Nazi (the only time he conducted music of Stravinsky and David Johann Nepomuk period), presented the Leipzig premiere of Psalms at the end of November-albeit to mixed reviews.256 Symphony of
250. Rosbaud to Strecker,1 September 1938 (Schott's): "Die Strawinsky-Angelegenheit ist bezeichnend:niemandwill eine Verantwortungibernehmen, klareStellungnahmeist nirgendszu erreichen.Ich habe mirjetzt angewohnt, niemandenmehr zu fragenund inoffizielleMitteilungen oder Ausstellungsversuchemit 'entarteter Kunst' einfach zu ignorieren. Man fahrt damit am besten, noch dazu wenn man solche Freiheitenhat wie hier in Munster." 251. Streckerto Rosbaud, 7 September 1938 (Schott's): "Ihre Einstellung, nicht zuviele Riickfragenzu halten, halte ich fir die einzig mogliche." A score of Dumbarton Oakshad been sent to Rosbaudthe previousday. 252. A review of the 10 February 1939 concert indicates that Rosbaud conducted the Pulcinellasuite instead (GerhardKaschner,"Hinreifende Orchesterleistungen im Musikverein," MunsterischeZeitung, 11 February 1939). According to H. Ensslin, who reported on the Munster season in the AllgemeineMusikzeitung 66 (1939): 503-4, the performancewas a local premiere. 253. The Hamburg performancewas announced in the Neues Musikblatt,February 1939, 10. Schott's royaltystatementfor the period 10 June 1938 to 1 June 1939 also lists an otherwise unidentifiedperformancein Liibeck (probablyby the same forces) (PSS). The recording was issued as Telefiuken E2994-5. Zwifler had informed Stravinsky in his letter of 6 November 1938 that he planned to record Dumbarton Oaksfor GermanRadio at the end of the month, but this recordingseems not to have been made (PSS). 254. Schott's royaltystatementfor the period 10 June 1938 to 1 June 1939. On 28 January 1939 Streckerreportedto the composer that "Jeude carteswas playedfrequently,and I believeit will turn out to be a realsuccesswhen the fearof the Kapellmeisters is overcome" ("Jeude cartes wurde ofter gespielt und ich glaube, es wird ein wirklicherErfolg werden, wenn die Angst der uberstanden Kapellmeister ist") (PSS). 255. Schott's royaltystatementsfor 31 December 1938, 31 March,and 22 June 1939 (PSS) (Firebird); and Ernst Brandt, "Festwoche Zeitgenossischer Dichter und Komponisten in Braunschweig," ZeitschriftfirMusik 106 (1939): 880-81 (Petrushka). 256. According to royalty sheets from RussischerMusikverlagfor 1938 (the final year for which an accounting was sent to the composer), Divertimento was also performed that year in Kiel, Hamburg, and Stettin (PSS). Horst Buttner'sreview of the Symphony ofPsalmswas entirely
580
Stravinsky's piano music was featured in at least two recitalsthat season. KarlrobertKreiten performed ThreeMovements from Petrushkain Berlin on 13 November 1938, while Kurt Dippner played the Sonata in his Heinrichshofen recital of 9 March 1939. The critic Friedrich Herzfeld praised Kreiten's"breathtaking" technique and noted approvinglythat he was "playing Stravinskyonce again."257Berlin audiences may also have heard the Concerto for Two Solo Pianoswith Hertha Kluge-Kahnand Pil Kiss.258 "I can happily inform you that your standing in Germany is apparently at the beginning of 1939. entirely restored,"Streckerreported to Stravinsky The fill effect would only and without any you again, objections." "Theyplay be noticeable at the beginning of the 1939/40 season, since most programs time" of the Diisseldorf for 1938/39 had been settled on during the "critical exhibition. "Evennow you are not officiallypromoted," Streckeradded, "but if no objections are raisedagainstyour works, then the more timid souls will slowly begin to performyou, too."259Severalcities were interestedin staging Streckerreportedten dayslater,"among them Diisseldorf!-though Firebird, at the Thus, as theatersand concert organibeginning of next season."260 only
laudatory,describingit as "an essentialpiece of contemporaryEuropeanmusic" and likening its characteristicdistancing to the "cool as crystal" language of the composer's autobiography Rosen was less impressed;the choir'sefforts, he (Zeitschriftfir Musik106 [1939]: 55). Waldemar sniffed, could have been put to better use ("Aus dem Leipziger Musikleben," Allgemeine 65 [1938]: 754-55). The Symphony of Psalmswasperformed,along with works of Musikzeitung in a concert of Russianmusic. Priebergstates (without documentaMusorgskyand Tchaikovsky, tion) that alreadyduring the planning stages one of Leipzig's culturalauthorities,citing "political" reasons,had objected to the performance(Musikim NS-Staat, 55). 257. Friedrich Herzfeld, "Aus dem Berliner Musikleben," Allgemeine Musikzeitung 65 (1938): 721. The recitalprogramsare preservedat PSS. 258. See note 140 above. Priebergclaims that the "Berlinpremiere"of the concerto took fir Neue Musik, but gives neitherdate nor perplace under the auspicesof that city'sArbeitskreis formers (Musik im NS-Staat, 298). The work was indeed scheduled by the Berlin new-music but it is group for March 1940 (with pianistsClaudioArrauand ElisabethDounias-Sindermann), in is A season took wartime this that Wolfgang prospectus reproduced place. performance unlikely Dokumentationder Faschismus. Burde, "Neue Musik im Dritten Reich," in Kunst. Hochschule. an die der im 50. Kunste der an Berlin der Hochschule Machtubertragung Jahr Vorlesungsreihe ed. WolfgangAbramowskiet al. (Berlin:Verlagfir Ausbildungund Studium Nationalsozialisten, in der Elefanten Press, 1984), 58-59. Karlrobert Kreiten was hanged for "defeatism" in Kiss September 1943 (see Kater, TheTwistedMuse,221-24). According to Kroll, the pianistPal suffereda similarfate ("VerboteneMusik,"316). 28 January1939 (PSS;translationfrom SSC3:272 n. 96). Many 259. Streckerto Stravinsky, im Umriss: Vom ultraconservatives remained adamant. In his 1939 book Musikgeschichte Urbeginn bis zur Gegenwart,FriedrichWelter served as their spokesman, characterizingStraconscious lack of feeling, atonality vinsky'smusic as "rigidmasks,smiling irony,strikingbrutality, a la Schoenberg, repulsivesounds, machine and jazz rhythms"(p. 237; quoted in Levi, Musicin the ThirdReich,100). demnichst 7 February1939 (PSS): "Als Ballettwird Feuervogel 260. Streckerto Stravinsky, in Hamburg herauskommen.Auch 2-3 andere Stadte wollen es bringen, u.a. Diisseldorf!, allerdings erstAnfang der nachstenSpielzeit."
581
zations looked ahead to the 1939/40 season, the prospects for Stravinsky's music appearedvery good. Zwiiler's planswere particularly ambitious.They included Apollon musagete,OedipusRex, and Sacre,works that for years had not been staged in Germany.261 The ever-popular Firebird suite was scheduled for Bielefeld (under Werner Goitling), a concert performanceof Petrushka for Munich (Oswald Kabasta), and Divertimentofor Essen (AlbertBittner).262 The Concerto for Two Solo Pianos was planned for Berlin, as we have seen, and Rosbaud was attempting to secure Soulima Stravinsky for a piano recital in Miinster.263 Telefunken, for its part, had remained keenly interested in recording music. In March 1939 Herbert Grenzebachreminded Stravinsky Stravinsky's of their discussionregardingFirebirdand Petrushka, which must have taken the visit to Berlin to record Jeu de place previous year during Stravinsky's cartes.264 Grenzebach was to add to the the much malist By June, hoping a work that had not been in heard since November Sacre, ligned Germany
1934.265
"Stricken from the concert programs" The string of performancesthat had taken place since 1936 ended when war broke out following Germany'sinvasionof Poland on 1 September 1939. On 18 September Peter Raabe, who had succeeded Straussas president of the issued a ban on the music of composers from enemy Reichsmusikkammer,
261. Zwiiller to Stravinsky, 6 November 1938 (PSS). Apollon musagetehad received two concert performances in the springof 1936, however,while a third took place the following year. On 7 April 1936 Hans von Benda reported to the composer that he had conducted the work with his chamber orchestraon 2 April (PSS). He enclosed an otherwise unidentifiedreview by "W.M." ("WiedereinmalStravinsky. Ein Abend bei Hans von Benda")on which Stravinsky, misinterpretingthe date given in Benda'sletter ("2. ds. M."), noted on the review:"Fev.1936." The second performancewas given by the ErlangerKammerorchester under Erich Limmert and reported in the May 1936 issue of the NeuesMusikblatt ("Musik und Musiker.Oper und Konzert," p. 10). According to Russischer Musikverlag's royaltysheets, a third concert performance(otherwise unidentified)took place in Berlinsometime in 1937 (PSS). OedipusRex had not been performed in Germanysince Kassel'sStaatstheater staged the work in November 1932. 262. Prieberg,Musikim NS-Staat, 54. 263. See Munstersche 23-29 July 1939,7. Wochenschau, 264. Grenzebachto Stravinsky, 14 March 1939 (PSS). When Stravinsky was invited to conduct Petrushka with de Basil'sBallet Russe during their 1938 Berlin season, he had hoped that Telefunkenwould takeadvantageof his presenceto recordthe work "withthe latesttechnological improvements." His Columbia recordings, he noted, were now ten years old (Stravinskyto 27 February1938 [PSS];translation from SSC3:258). Strecker, 265. Grenzebach to Strecker,5 June 1939 (PSS). At Grenzebach's request, Streckerforwardedthe letter to Stravinsky, noting: "Thusyou can certainlycount on recordingsin the spring of 1940, if time and your health allow it" ("Sie konnen also bestimmt mit Plattenaufnahmen im Friihjahr1940 rechnen, wenn es Ihre Gesundheit und Zeit erlaubt")(Streckerto Stravinsky,
9 June1939 [PSS]).
582
At a "kulturpolitischePressekonferenz"that took place two days lands.266 his name "must be stricken later, specific referencewas made to Stravinsky: from the concert programs.He is indeed Russian,but has been naturalizedin An exception was made for large-scaleworks alreadyin preparaFrance."267 case no one seems to have taken advantageof this tion, but in Stravinsky's provision. Recordings,however, remainedavailableas late as 1942, when the Reichsmusikkammer announced that, with a few exceptions such as Chopin and Carmen,"the sale of gramophonerecordsoriginatedby enemy countries, or containing works by authors or performersof enemy status has to cease within the territoryof the GermanReich." Even then, a six-month extension was granted in the case of "records containing pre-Bolshevik and French music."268 did not benefit from Germanrecordsalesduring this period. On Stravinsky 2 April 1941 Telefunkeninformed him that they owed him over a thousand marksin royaltiesfor 1939 and 1940 from his Jeu de cartesrecording. Now that restrictionson sending mail to Francehad been lifted, they requestedinstructionsas to where to send the funds. On learningfrom SoulimaStravinsky a list that his fatherwas not in France,Telefunkensent "Friulein Stravinsky" leave?Where is he now? Has he acquired of questions. When did Stravinsky The royaltieswere never citizenship of another country, and if so, which?269 Strecker in preparation," "[I] have a lovely new symphony of Stravinsky's wrote to Rosbaud shortly before Christmas1939, "but at present it is unfortunately out of the question for Germany, since Stravinskyis considered music seems to Confusion concerning the status of Stravinsky's French."271 the sudden fed have lingered, however, (if short-lived) popularity of by
266. The communique was publishedin the AmtlicheMitteilungender Reichsmusikkammer 6, no. 19 (1 October 1939): 57. The ban was directed againstliving composers, as well as those whose workswere still protected by copyright. Bd. 1, 20 September 1939 (Bundesarchiv 267. "Ausder kulturpolitischen Pressekonferenz," miife der Koblenz, SammlungSanger,ZSg. 102/62, fols. 1-2): "Von den Konzertprogrammen naturalisieren Name Strawinski gestrichenwerden. Er sei zwar Russe,habe sich aberin Frankreich lassen."The report added, "In such a case there would also be considerabledifficultieswith foreign exchange"("Auchgabe es in einem solchen FalleerheblicheDevisenschwierigkeiten"). 268. Amtliche Mitteilungen der Reichsmusikkammer 9, no. 2 (15 February 1942) (reprofrom Levi, Musicin theThirdReich, 145. duced in Prieberg,Musikim NS-Staat,400); translation 269. Telefunken to Igor Stravinsky,2 April 1941; Soulima Stravinsky to Telefunken, 28 November 1941 (PSS). (There is 3 November 1941; and Telefinken to Soulima Stravinsky, no recordof a replyto Telefunken'ssecond letter.)The composerhad left for the United Statesat the end of September1939. remindedthe firm (now Teldec) of the unpaidroyaltiesand re270. Afterthe war,Stravinsky quested a full accounting (letter of 13 March 1952), to which Teldec replied on 21 March that everythingin the war,includingtheir pre-1945 accounts (PSS). they had lost practically 271. Streckerto Rosbaud,21 December 1939 (Schott's): "[Ich] habe eine neue und schone in Vorbereitung,die aberleidervorlaufigfiir Deutschlandnicht in Frage Sinfonie von Strawinsky als Franzosegilt." The work in question was the Symphonyin C. kommt, da Strawinsky
paid.270
583
Russian (and even Soviet) music after the signing of the Hitler-StalinNonnaturalization Aggression Pact on 23 August 1939.272Although Stravinsky's of June 1934 was widely known in Germany,he was still considereda Russian composer; indeed, the perceived Russian (i.e., "national") characterof his music playeda crucialrole in his acceptance.For this reasonit is likelythat occasional performances did take place after September 1939.273 Questions about Stravinsky's statuswere apparently still circulatingfive months into the iswar, when on 1 February1940 the president of the Reichsmusikkammer sued a communique clarifyingthe situation: "Severalqueries prompt me to who is livingin France,is point out that the Russiancomposer Igor Stravinsky, a Frenchcitizen."Thus his music was not to be performedin Germanyfor the durationof the war.274 Performancesof Stravinsky's music do seem to have taken place after this date in occupied Paris. The composer himself later noted that "Charles Munch conducted a performance of Sacre at the Paris Conservatoire in This must have happenedaftermid-Aprilof that year,since priorto 1942."275 that date Stravinsky's racialstatushad once again become an issue.At this time there was an especiallypressingfinancialconcern, for Stravinsky had deposited of his in his Paris and stood a many bank, manuscripts they good chance of beconfiscated if he were considered Toward the end of 1941, and Jewish.276 ing in accordancewith the Statut des Juifs of 2 June of that year, Soulima Stravinskysent a statement to his father'sbank attesting to Stravinsky's "Aryan" status.The banksubmittedthe statementto the authorities,who pronounced
272. But Priebergis incorrectwhen he writesthat Stravinsky's music was "especially popular" afterthe pact was signed (Musikim NS-Staat, 54). His view is echoed by a number of other writwas mistakenlyidentified as a promiers, including Levi, who states that "for a time, Stravinsky nent representative of Bolshevikculture" (!) (Music in the ThirdReich, 100). Stravinsky himself may be partiallyresponsiblefor the misunderstanding: "my music was played in Germanyup to and even during the war" (Stravinsky and Craft, Themes and Episodes, 36; retainedin Stravinsky, and Conclusions, Themes 45). 273. This can be deduced from a letter of Heinz Drewes to the NSDAP Reichsleitung, HauptstelleMusik, 3 January1940: "Above all, performancesof works by protected composers from hostile foreign countries, for example Debussy, Ravel, Stravinsky, must cease" (quoted in Potter, "The Nazi 'Seizure' of the Berlin Philharmonic,"64 n. 93). Oswald Kabasta'sperformance of Petrushka with the Munich Philharmonic, scheduledfor February1940, may have gone aheadas planned.See EngelbertM. Exl, "OswaldKabasta-Zeittafel zur Biographie,"in '"... moDie Beitragezum OswaldKabasta-Symposion in Mistelbach vom 23. gen sie meinerstillgedenken'": bis 25. September 1994, ed. Engelbert M. Exl and Michael Nagy (Vienna:Vom Pasqualatihaus, 1995), 108. 274. The statementappearedunder the title "Strawinsky-Auffihrungen wahrenddes Krieges unzulassig"in the AmtlicheMitteilungenderReichsmusikkammer 7, no. 2 (15 February1940): 8. The communique was not (as is often stated) an officialban, which, given the earlierpronouncements, would have been redundant. 275. Stravinsky, Themes and Conclusions, 45. See also Prieberg,Musicim NS-Staat, 399. 276. A list of manuscriptsheld by the Credit Commercialde France,dated 3 April 1939, is preservedat PSS.
584
it invalid on the grounds that it did not originate with the composer himself.277 racialstatus finallyclarified-after Only in April 1942 was Stravinsky's the bank had submitted a copy of the statement Stravinsky had written for Strecker nine years earlier.The letter from the CommissariatGeneral aux bankreads: Questions Juivesto Stravinsky's M. Igor I havethe honorof informing to consider you thatthereis no reason a In from the terms of the letter that he addressed on Jew. fact, Stravinsky it fol14 April1933 to M. WillyStrecker (of whichyou sentme a photocopy) lows that his parentsbelonged to the Russiannobility and were of the hissurname norhisgivenname,specifically Orthodox neither Besides, religion. a of establishes him Russian, origin.278 against presumption Jewish Conclusion music had become an establishedpart of the By the late 1920s Stravinsky's German new-music scene, with the composer being accorded enormous respect by German audiences and criticsalike. But because of his high profile, became a lightning rod for anti-modernistopposition. This opposiStravinsky tion was to be decisive in the early Nazi period, when the Rosenberg camp took advantageof the general xenophobia to wage a successfulintimidation campaign against both the composer and his music. This situation gradually changed as domestic circumstancesbecame more settled. The agents of this change were Stravinsky'sGerman supporters, encouraged and prodded by both Streckerand the composer himself.But for championsof modern music, Nazi Germany'sculturallife was a minefield,and Stravinsky's personalappearremaineda potentiallyexplosiveissue. With the significant ance, in particular, exception of the first Baden-Baden festival,lingering opposition (or fear of arousing it) prevented performing engagements, and radio broadcasts of music, in stark contrast to the Weimar era, remained relatively Stravinsky's rare. Still, public performanceswere widespreadthroughout Germany after 1936. There were premieresof all of Stravinsky's majorworks of the 1930s, and the the of two rarelystaged Persephone including separateproductions
277. Soulima Stravinsky to Credit Commerciel de France, 8 December 1941; and Generalaux Questions Juivesto Credit Commercielde France,3 January1942 (a Commissariat on 7 January)(PSS). copy was sent by the bank to SoulimaStravinsky 278. A typed, undated copy of this letter from the CommissariatGeneral aux Questions by the bank on 14 April Juivesto Credit Commerciel de Francewas sent to Soulima Stravinsky 1942 (PSS): "j'ai l'honneur de vous informer qu'il n'y a pas lieu de considerer M. IGOR comme juif. II rsulte en effect, des termes de la lettre (dont vous m'envoyez la STRAWINSKY photocopie) qu'il a addresseele 14 avril 1933 a monsieurWILLYSTRECKER,que ses parents a la noblesse russe et etaient de religion orthodoxe. En outre, ni son nom ni son appartenaient prenom, specifiquementrusses,n'etablissentcontre lui une presomptiond'originejuive."
585
prestigious European stage premiereof Jeu de cartes,while Telefunkenprovided the earliestrecordingsof both Jeu de cartesand the Dumbarton Oaks Concerto. And although Stravinsky's music disappearedfrom German concert stages and opera houses during the war years,Schott's continued to publish his scores, which, like those of Hindemith, remainedin the firm'scatalog throughout the Nazi period. Thus in the early postwar period, when Hans Rosbaud and other like-minded conductors set out to reintroduce German audiences to the internationalworld of modern music, Stravinsky'srecent scores, unlike those of Schoenberg or Weill, for example,were close at hand. Thanksto the contactsthat had been maintainedthroughout the Nazi era, the music of Stravinsky was ready to assume a leading role in the musical life of postwarGermany. Unencumbered as he was by political scruples,it is hardlysurprisingthat afterthe Nazi takeoverStravinsky wished to continue enjoyingthe artisticand financialgains that German performanceshad brought him. But he was not the only prominent foreign composer to profit from performancesin Nazi Germany.An instructive example is provided by the case of Bela Bart6k. Given his reputation as "easilythe most outspoken antifascist" of the modernist composers,279 it comes as a surpriseto lear that Bart6k encouraged Germanperformances of his music after 1933-although, lackingStravinsky's useful Germancontacts),his music neverreachedthe level of (and high profile was also interested performanceenjoyed by Stravinsky. Bart6k,like Stravinsky, in obtaining German engagements. His absence from German concert halls after 1933 was not (as is often implied) for ideological reasons,but ratherwas due to a lack of engagements.280 Beginning in February1935, Bart6kwas for severalyearsinvolved in negotiations to perform his Second Piano Concerto with the Berlin Philharmonicin the German capital.281 In 1937, hoping to
279. Taruskin,Defining RussiaMusically, 453. 280. See, for example,VeraLampert,"Bart6k,Bela,"sec. 5, "LastYears," in TheNew Grove Dictionaryof Musicand Musicians(1980), 2:203-5. Lampertwrites:"The threat of fascismhad concerned Bart6kfrom the first,and he felt obliged to protest againstit.... After the firstperformance of the Second Piano Concerto under Rosbaud in Frankfirt (23 January1933) he never again played in Germany"(p. 203). Lampert'ssubsequent statement that in 1937 Bart6k "forbade broadcastsof his music in Germanyand Italy"(ibid.) is also misleading.Bart6k refused to allow transmission of his piano performances over Germanor Italianradio becauseneitherorganization had offered him performingengagements. 281. Janos Breuer,"Bart6kim Dritten Reich," Studia musicologica 36 (1995) (Proceedings of the InternationalBart6k Colloquium, Szombathely, July 3-5, 1995, part 1): 266-70. An abridged English-language version of this article (without notes or appendices) appears as "Bart6kand the Third Reich" in the Hungarian Quarterly36, no. 140 (winter 1995): 134-40. Curiously,it is the latterversion that is given in the bibliographyfor the entry on Bart6k in the second edition of TheNew Grove. The author touches but lightly on the composer's relationship with Nazi Germany:"Since 1933 Germanradio stationshad not offered him engagements;after two yearsof negotiations to arrangean orchestralperformancein Berlin,he finallyin mid-1937
586
combine the proposed Berlin Philharmonicperformancewith a visit to the Baden-Badenfestival,Bart6kacceptedan invitationto attend the Germanprescheduled for 21 March miere of his Musicfor Strings,Percussion and Celesta, in the spa town. Only when the on-again, off-again Berlin engagement was Alonce again postponed did he cancel his plans to attend the festival.282 though Bart6k categorically(and famously) refused to supply his publishers with proof of his "Aryan"status, he did not allow his convictions to stand in the way of his Germanprospects.Not until the Anschlussbrought the fascist menace close to home did Bartok realize that "there could be no modus vivendiwith the Nazis."283 A familiaranecdote recounts Bart6k'sreaction to the "EntarteteMusik" exhibition, in which, as a citizen of a friendlynation, the Hungariancomposer did not appear.When Bart6klearnedof the event, the story goes, he lodged a protest, demanding to be included with his "degenerate" colleagues. Although this "protest" has become a standard item of Bart6kiana,there seems to be no evidence that it ever took place. The earliestaccount is apparently that found in JosephWulf's Musikim Dritten Reich,where, significantly, it appearswithout documentation; subsequent writershave been content to accept it on face value.284Bart6k's papers contain no evidence of such a one that might well have resultedin a Germanban on provocativegesture,285 And performances there certainly were. The his music. of performances for example,was and Celesta, Germanpremiereof MusicforStrings,Percussion followed by well over a dozen performancesof the work-more than in any other country during the composer's lifetime. Interestingly,at least three of
decided no longer to seek engagements in Germany"(Malcolm Gillies, "Bart6k, Bela," sec. 6, 2d ed. [2001], 2:802). "1934-40," in TheNew GroveDictionaryof Musicand Musicians, The initial invitation (4 February1935) was issued on behalf of the Berlin Philharmonicby to whom Bartok directed his reply.Comparisonof the draft with the the Reichsmusikkammer, final letter reveals that he took care not to give offense. After suggesting the Second Piano to Switzerland,Bartokasked for a guarantee Concerto and requestingthat his fees be transferred that he would be paid even if, "as the result of a protest by certain circles against contemporary music or as the resultof an officialban," the engagement were to be canceled (emphasisadded). The italicizedphraseswere omitted in the finalletter,while referencesto Bruno Walterand Erich Kleiber were already stricken from the draft (Breuer, "Bart6k im Dritten Reich," 267-68). Concerningother proposed Germanengagements,see ibid., 265-66. 282. Breuer, "Bart6kim Dritten Reich," 273. Bart6k learned of Furtwangler'sBerlin preand Celesta(31 January1938) just days before the concert. miere of Musicfor Strings,Percussion Had he known in time, the composer wrote to Universal Edition from Luxembourg on he might have been able to returnhome via Berlinin orderto attend the performance 29 January, (ibid., 274). The Baden-Badenperformancewas but the second performanceof the work, whose world premierehad takenplacein Baselexactlytwo months earlier. 283. Ibid., 279. As Breuer reminds us elsewhere, the composer's well-known statements denouncing fascismwere made afterthe Anschluss("Bart6kand the Third Reich," 134). 284. Wulf, Musikim Dritten Reich,372 n. 1. 285. Personalcommunicationwith JanosBreuer,Budapest,19 October 1995.
587
these performances took place during the war years: Frankfurt (1940), Dresden (1941), and Berlin(1943).286It is deeply ironic that while the music of the reactionaryStravinsky was banned in wartime Germany,music by the antifascistHungarianwas performed-even after the United States, Bart6k's new homeland, entered the conflict. and Bartok's desire for German performanceswas shared by Stravinsky's many of their non-German colleagues. Indeed, after the xenophobic early yearsof the Nazi regime, Germanybecame something of a magnet for foreign musicianswith the necessaryracialand politicalprerequisites. That Germany wanted to resume its contact with international artisticcircleswas clearlyarticulated by the country's leading music critics at the time of the first BadenBaden festival. "The German Volkhad to cleanse itself of the intolerable infiltrationof foreign elements," explained FriedrichBaser, but it was now to readyto resume "on a healthy basis"its mission as "artisticintermediary" its neighbors.287 And how better to signal a readinessto resume culturalrelations with one's neighbors than by welcoming foreign composers back to The extent to which the music of these composers contributedto Germany? the culturallife of Nazi Germanyremainslargelyunexamined.A telling example, however, is provided by the annualfestivalsin Baden-Baden.From 1936 until the outbreakof war, a total of thirty-oneforeign composersfrom seventeen countrieswere represented.To mention only the best known, these inand Bart6k:Henry Barraud,Jean Francaix, cluded, in addition to Stravinsky Jean Rivier,and Florent Schmitt (France);Alfredo Casella, G. F. Malipiero, and Ermanno Wolf-Ferrari (Italy); Conrad Beck and Othmar Schoeck (Switzerland); Arnold Bax and Arthur Bliss (England); Lars-ErikLarsson (Sweden); Marcel Poot (Belgium); Knudage Riisager (Denmark); Miklos R6zsa (Hungary); Josip Slavenski (Yugoslavia); and Bohuslav Martinu (Czechoslovakia).288 What was it about the recent music of Stravinsky, Bart6k,and other foreign composers that made it suitable for performance in the New Germany? Contraryto still-prevalent assumptions,there was no single, overarchingpolicy toward new music sharedby all Nazi culturalauthorities.As was typicalin other administrative areasof the Third Reich, music policy was the concern of
286. Breuer, "Bart6kim Dritten Reich," 283-84 ("Anhang B") provides a list of German of MusicforStrings,Percussion and Celesta; performances took placein eight furtherperformances occupied lands (ibid., 271). 287. FriedrichBaser, "Musikder Volker in Baden-Baden.Zum intemationalenzeitgenossischen Musikfest,3.-5. April 1936," Die Musik28 (1935/36): 511. 288. See Joan Evans, "'International with National Emphasis':The InternationalesZeitin Baden-Baden, 1936-1939," in Music and Nazism:Art Under Tyranny, genossisches Musikfest 1933-1945, ed. Michael H. Kater and Albrecht Riethmiiller (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag,2003), 102-13. Many,if not most, of the foreign composersinvolved attended the festivals. At the 1936 festival,for example, fifteen of the nineteen (German and foreign) composers representedwere present.
588
functionariesoperating within an often bewilderingarrayof competing fiefdoms. The unsurprising resultwas a situation"riddledwith ambiguities,comFor example, although a tonal orientation promises and inconsistencies."289 was called for and the influence of that Nazi bugaboo "Negro jazz" was grounds for rejection, exceptions did occur. As Kater has shown, a "small, comparativelymodernizing trend" benefited the "atonal" composers (and former Schoenberg students) WinfriedZillig and Paul von Klenau.Similarly, works by Boris Blacherthat made use of jazz-likeinflectionswere widely perWhat was certainly agreed formed, though seldom without controversy.290 was the primaryimportance upon in the "strugglefor modernityin music"291 of the composer'sracialbackgroundand politicalviews. Hard-coreideologues were content that new music be written in a late nineteenth-century,neoBrahmsianstyle, but less hidebound Nazi leadersagreedwith the demand of "cultureczar" Goebbels that composers write music that was "modern but not un-German."292 Though Goebbels was no more able to articulatespecific modern" music than were other leading authorities, directivesfor "acceptably it is clear that the German composer was expected to develop a modernoriented yet tonally based musical language, one whose roots were firmly anchoredin the country'sglorious musicaltradition. Given the importance of tonal orientation and "national"character,it is not surprisingthat Bart6k'smusic occasioned relativelylittle protest in Nazi Germany,for the works of his that were most often performedwere precisely those in which a relationshipto folk roots is most explicit. This is clear from the (preliminary)list of German performancesof Bart6k's music compiled by Janos Breuer, in which the composer's orchestral arrangementsof the and the Hungarian Peasant Songsare ubiquitous.293 Romanian Folkdances Bart6k's music was featured at two of the internationalfestivalsin Badenand Celesta(1937) garnered Music Baden. Significantly, for Strings,Percussion while the Five Hungarian national "most for its character," convincing praise were the praisedas "model examplesof following year, performed Folksongs, national art."294 embellished and Indeed, a marked "naartisticallyrefined
289. Levi, Musicin theThirdReich,xiv. 290. Kater,TheTwistedMuse,184 and 231-32. 291. Ibid., 177. 292. Quoted in Glenn R. Cuomo, "The Diaries of Joseph Goebbels as a Source for the Understandingof National SocialistCulturalPolitics,"in National SocialistCultural Policy,ed. Cuomo, 210. "The National Socialistweltanschauungis the most modem thing in the world today, and the National Socialist state is the most modern state," said Goebbels in July 1936. "Thereare thousandsof motifs for a modem art in the spiritof this weltanschauung."Quoted in Muse,177. Kater,TheTwisted 293. Breuer,"Bart6kim Dritten Reich,"279-83 ("AnhangA"). 294. Walter Abendroth, "Internationales zeitgenossisches Musikfest in Baden-Baden," AllgemeineMusikzeitung64 (1937): 217; and idem, "Das dritte intemationale zeitgenossische Musikfest in Baden-Baden," Allgemeine Musikzeitung65 (1938): 299. Abendroth, however,
589
tional" character,as revealedin the use of folk-relatedelements, can be discerned in many of the foreign works performed at Baden-Baden (a point noted with obvious satisfactionby German critics). This is hardlysurprising, for much of the music written in the 1930s, both within and outside Germany,employed a tonally oriented, lightly dissonantstyle, often indebted to folk music. Whether,or to what extent, foreign composers allowed the attractionof Germanperformancesto temper their more modernist tendencies is thus difficultto determine.What is certainis that a more accessiblestylepermitted many foreign composersto find an audiencefor their music in Hitler's Germany.It also made feasible,afterthe earlyNazi years,Germany'sattempts to reconnectwith the international musicalworld. As for Stravinsky, we have alreadynoted that criticsstressedthe "national" orientationof his music. Indeed, "national"argumentson his behalfappeared in both the conservativeand the officialNazi press.The strongest of these was written by Richard Ohlekopf, editor of the conservative Signale fur die musikalische Welt.In a lead article,Ohlekopf, attackinghead-on the charge of "internationalism" that had resurfacedat the "DegenerateMusic" exhibition, that argued instrumentation, Stravinsky's themes, and rhythmsall revealedthe "national"origins of his music. Stravinskyhad indeed been influenced by Russian"("UrParis,Ohlekopf admitted, but at heart he was "fundamentally That German audiences understood Russe"). this, he claimed, instinctively was evident from the wide popularityof Stravinsky's music. Das Volk had thus the and it had done so "out of a instinct for the pronounced verdict, healthy nationalcharacter of this music."295 Ohlekopf's defense was followed by similarsupport from Herbert Gerigk, writing in the NationalsozialistischeMonatshefte.Like Ohlekopf, Gerigk music. Given that his comments arguedfor a "national" origin for Stravinsky's in an official appeared party periodical,it is not surprisingthat he prefaced the "national"argumentwith referencesto Stravinsky's "Aryan"background and acceptable political stance. Significantly,his wording-"Stravinsky has always clearly declared himself politically against both communism and liberalism"-echoed the composer's statement of 14 April 1933, which
and Celesta.For his part, pointed out the "atonal"environmentof Musicfor Strings,Percussion Friedrich Herzog accused Bart6k of setting out to destroy all bridges to the past. Bartok's "intellectualconstructions," Herzog sneered, are as empty as those of "the Jew Schoenberg" (FriedrichW. Herzog, "EuropaischeMusik in Baden. Das II. Internationale zeitgenossische Musikfestin Baden-Baden,"Die Musik29 [1936/37]: 497). The performanceof the FiveHungarian Folksongs took place despite Bart6k'srecent (and fuof his folksong-basedworks, a move occasioned by Germany's tile) ban on Germanperformances decision to reduce royalties for folksong arrangements.See Laszlo Somfai, "Eine Erklarung Bart6ksaus dem Jahre1938," Documentabartokiana4(1970): 148-64. 295. RichardOhlekopf, "Gedankeniiber ein FragezeichenhinterStrawinskij," Signalefiir die musikalische Welt96 (1938): 642.
590
document was on file at the Amt suggests that a copy of this by now familiar Rosenberg.296 music in Nazi An examination of the position occupied by Stravinsky's Germanyprovides a useful case study in the ongoing attempt to illuminate what is still a murky corner of twentieth-centurymusic history. Recent researcheshave contributedmuch to our understandingof the place of music in Nazi Germany.But little attention has so far been given to the role played by the music of foreign composers in the country's culturallife. Chief among those composers was Igor Stravinsky. Though pockets of opposition continued to exist throughout the Nazi period, afterthe earlyyearshis music graduallyassumeda significantrole. This was due in largepart to his many German supporters,whose efforts were encouraged by the composer himself. Stravinof his 1930s works, sky's acceptancewas also aided by the greateraccessibility most of which were performed-and well received-in Germany.Stravinsky was certainlynot the only foreign composer to benefit from Germanperformances during the Nazi period. But as the most prominent and influential musical modernist, against whom no racial or political objection could be of Germany's maintained,he was-until war intervened-the chief beneficiary desire to rebuild bridgeswith its neighbors, and thus to regain its traditional position as a leading musicalpower.
Works Cited Archival Sources files. Josef Hess. Berlin.Reichsmusikkammer Bundesarchiv
Koblenz. Bundesarchiv SingerandR78/691. Sammlung Wash.Hans StateUniversity, at Washington Archives Hans Moldenhauer Pullman, Collection. Rosbaud files. New York. Leo Baeck Institute, Program Basel. PaulSacher Sammlung IgorStrawinsky. Stiftung, files. Mainz.Correspondence SchottMusik International, Akte1231. derKiinste, Berlin. derAkademie Archiv Stiftung
Contemporary Periodicals 8 Uhr-Blatt(Nuremberg), 1930. 1937-42. AllgemeineMusikzeitung, (Weimar),1939. Landeszeitung AllgemeineThiiringische 1939-42. AmtlicheMitteilungender Reichsmusikkammer, BerlinerZeitungam Mittag, 1934-37. Deutsche AllgemeineZeitung,1934-38.
296. Gerigk, "Musikpolitische Umschau," 86. Neither Ohlekopf nor Gerigk argued for the music in toto.Like manyof his colleagues,Gerigkdrew the line at Sacre, acceptanceof Stravinsky's while the much-malignedHistoireremainedunacceptableto both.
Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's Die Musik,1932-39. 1936. Die Musik-Woche, Zeitung, 1934-38. Frankfurter Kurier(Nuremberg), 1934. Frdnkischer Marianne (Paris),1938. Melos,1930-34. Munsterische Zeitung, 1939. 1939. Munstersche Wochenschau, 1939. Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, 1934-39. NeuesMusikblatt, New orkHerald Tribune,1938. Zeitung(Konigsberg),1932. Ostpreuflische Welt,1938. Signalefir die musikalische am Main), 1934. Siidwestdeutsche Rundfunk-Zeitung(Frankfurt Volks-Zeitung (Vienna), 1939. 1924-39. ZeitschriftfuirMusik,
591
Secondary Sources Akademie der Kunste. Geschlossene Der JiidischeKulturbund in DeutschVorstellung: land 1933-1941. Berlin:Edition Hentrich, 1992. Barron, Stephanie, ed. "DegenerateArt": The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1991. Germany. und seineGegner: Studienzum Machtkampfim Bollmus, Reinhard.DasAmt Rosenberg nationalsozialistischen 1970. Herrschaftssystem. Stuttgart:Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Breuer,Janos."Bart6kand the Third Reich." Hungarian Quarterly36, no. 140 (winter 1995): 134-40. . "Bart6kim Dritten Reich." Studia musicologica 36 (1995) (Proceedings of the International Bartok Colloquium, Szombathely, July 3-5, 1995, part 1): 263-84. Faschismus. Burde, Wolfgang. "Neue Musik im Dritten Reich." In Kunst. Hochschule. Dokumentationder Vorlesungsreihe an derHochschule derKinste Berlin im 50. Jahr der Machtubertragung an die Nationalsozialisten, edited by WolfgangAbramowski et al., 49-59. Berlin:Verlagfir Ausbildung und Studium in der Elefanten Press, 1984. Der Cahn, Peter,Wolfgang Osthoff, and Johann Peter Vogel, eds. GerhardFrommel: und sein Werk. Komponist Tutzing: Hans Schneider,1979. Craft, Robert. "Jews and Geniuses." In Small Craft Advisories. Critical Articles 1984-1988: Art, Ballet, Music, Literature,Film, by Robert Craft, 274-81. New York:Thames and Hudson, 1989. A Photograph , ed. Igor and VeraStravinsky: Album, 1921 to 1971. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1982. . Stravinsky: Selected Vols. 2 and 3. New York:AlfredA. Knopf, Correspondence. 1984 and 1985. Cuomo, Glenn R. "The Diariesof JosephGoebbels as a Source for the Understanding of National SocialistCulturalPolitics."In National SocialistCultural Policy,edited by Glenn R. Cuomo, 197-245. New York:St. Martin'sPress, 1995. Dumling, Albrecht." 'EntarteteMusik':Zur Rezeption der Ausstellungin Dusseldorf, Weimarund Wien 1938-1939." In Beitrage '90: Osterreichische Musikerim Exil,
592
edited by Osterreichische Gesellschaft fir Musik, 85-93. Kassel: B'arenreiter, [1990]. Diimling, Albrecht, and Peter Girth, eds. Entartete Musik: Dokumentation und Kommentarzur Dusseldorfer Ausstellungvon 1938. 3d ed. Diisseldorf:Der Kleine Verlag,1993. Histoire du soldat in Weimarand Evans, Joan. "'Diabolus triumphans':Stravinsky's edited Nazi Germany."In The Varieties for MurrayLefkowitz, Essays of Musicology: by John Daverio and John Ogasapian, 179-89. Warren Park, Mich.: Harmonie ParkPress,2000. in Hitlerdeutschland." . "Die Rezeption der Musik Igor Strawinskys Archivfiir 55 91-109. Musikwissenschaft (1998): . "Hans Rosbaudand New Music:From 1933 to the EarlyPostwarPeriod."In and Michael H. Kater. DeutscheLeitkulturMusik,edited by Albrecht Riethmiuller Stuttgart:FrankSteinerVerlag,forthcoming. New York:Greenwood Press, 1992. A Bio-Bibliography. Hans Rosbaud: " 'International with National Emphasis':The Internationales Zeitgendssisches Musikfest in Baden-Baden, 1936-1939." In Music and Nazism: Art Under Tyranny, 1933-1945, edited by Michael H. Kater and Albrecht Riethmuller, 2003. 102-13. Laaber:Laaber-Verlag, . "Some Remarks on the Publication and Reception of Stravinsky'sErinnerungen."MitteilungenderPaul SacherStiftung9 (1996): 17-23. Exl, Engelbert M. "Oswald Kabasta-Zeittafel zur Biographie." In m'.. mogen sie in Mistelbach meinerstillgedenken":Die Beitrige zum OswaldKabasta-Symposion and M. Michael Exl edited vom 23. bis 25. September Nagy, 1994, by Engelbert 1995. 103-10. Vienna:Vom Pasqualatihaus, Freeden, Herbert. JiidischesTheaterin Nazideutschland.Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1964. Rome: De Santis, 1939. Quoted in Harvey Gasco, Alberto. Da Cimarosaa Stravinsky. York: W. W. Norton, 1987), 168. Fascist Music in Sachs, Italy (New Gillies, Malcolm. "Bart6k, Bela." In The New GroveDictionary of Music and Musicians,2d ed., 2:787-818. London: Macmillan,2001. Haken, Boris v. "The Case of Mister Rosbaud: Die Fortsetzung einer Karriereim In DeutscheLeitkulturMusik,edited by Albrecht RiethNachkriegsdeutschland." miillerand MichaelH. Kater.Stuttgart:FrankSteinerVerlag,forthcoming. Hanau, Eva. Musikinstitutionen in Frankfurt am Main, 1933 bis 1939. Cologne: Studio, 1994. Die Politisierung der Musik in Deutschland, John, Eckhard. Musikbolschewismus: 1918-1938. Stuttgart:VerlagJ. B. Metzler, 1994. InsideOut. New Haven:YaleUniversityPress,2001. Joseph, CharlesM. Stravinsky of the Nazi Era: Eight Portraits.New York:Oxford UniKater,Michael H. Composers 2000. versityPress, .The TwistedMuse:Musiciansand TheirMusic in the ThirdReich. New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 1997. 7 (1959): 310fir Zeitgeschichte Kroll, Erwin. "VerboteneMusik." Vierteljahrshefte 17. Lampert,Vera, and Laszl6 Somfai. "Bart6k,Bela." In The New GroveDictionary of Musicand Musicians,2:197-225. London: Macmillan,1980.
593
Lebedinsky, Lev. 8 let bor'byza proletarskujumuzyku (Eight Years of Struggle for Proletarian Music). Moscow, 1931. Quoted in Marina Lobanova, "Nikolaj Roslavetz: Ein Schicksalunter der Diktatur,"in Verfemte Musik:Komponisten in den Diktaturen unseres Dokumentationdes Kolloquiumsvom 9.-12. Jahrhunderts. Januar 1993 in Dresden, ed. Joachim Braun, Vladimir Karbusicky,and Heidi TamarHoffmann (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1995), 164. Erik. Music in the Third New York:St. Martin'sPress, 1994. Reich. Levi, Mosse, George. Nazi Culture:Intellectual,Cultural and SocialLife in the ThirdReich. New York:Schocken Books, 1981. Neumann, Klaus L. "Distler, Hugo." In The New GroveDictionary of Music and Musicians,2d ed., 7:382-83. London: Macmillan,2001. Potter, PamelaM. "The Nazi 'Seizure'of the Berlin Philharmonic,or the Decline of a Bourgeois Musical Institution." In National SocialistCultural Policy,edited by Glenn R. Cuomo, 39-65. New York:St. Martin'sPress, 1995. Prieberg, Fred K. Musik im NS-Staat. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag,1982. Rathkolb, Oliver. Fuhrertreu und gottbegnadet: Kiinstlereliten im Dritten Reich. Vienna:Osterreichischer Bundesverlag,1991. Rickards, Guy. Hindemith,Hartmann and Henze. London: Phaidon, 1995. Riethmiller, Albrecht. "Komposition im Deutschen Reich um 1936." Archivfur (1981): 241-78. Musikwissenschaft38 Schallaufnahmen des Deutschen Rundfunks. 2 vols. Berlin: ReichsrundfunkGesellschaft,1936 and 1939. Shirakawa,Sam H. The Devil's Music Master:The Controversial Life and Career of Wilhelm New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1992. Furtwsangler. Skelton, Geoffrey. Paul Hindemith: The Man Behind the Music. London: Gollancz, 1975. Somfai, Laszlo. "Eine ErklarungBart6ksaus dem Jahre 1938." Documenta bartokiana 4(1970): 148-64. and Economics Steinweis,Alan E. Art, Ideology, in Nazi Germany: TheReich Chambers and the VisualArts. Chapel Hill: Universityof North Carolina of Music, Theater, Press, 1993. 1936. New York: W. W. Norton, 1962. Stravinsky, Igor. An Autobiography. . Chroniquesde ma vie. Paris:Denoel et Steele, 1935. . Erinnerungen.Translatedby Richard Tungel. Zurich and Berlin: AtlantisVerlag,1937. . Themesand Conclusions. Berkeleyand Los Angeles: Universityof California Press, 1972. Stravinsky, Igor, and Robert Craft.Dialogues.Berkeleyand Los Angeles: Universityof California Press, 1982. . Themes and Episodes. New York: AlfredA. Knopf, 1967. in Picturesand Documents.New York: Vera, and Robert Craft. Stravinsky Stravinsky, Simon and Schuster,1978. Taruskin,Richard."Backto Whom? Neoclassicismas Ideology." 19th-CenturyMusic 16 (1992-93): 286-302. . Defining Russia Musically:Historical and HermeneuticalEssays. Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress, 1997.
594
London: Routledge, 1988. Walsh,Stephen. TheMusicof Stravinsky. A Creative Spring. Russia and France, 1882-1934. New York: Stravinsky: AlfredA. Knopf, 1999. im Umriss: Vom Urbeginn bis zur Gegenwart. Welter, Friedrich. Musikgeschichte Leipzig, 1939. Quoted in Erik Levi, Music in the Third Reich (New York: St. Martin'sPress, 1994), 100. 2d ed. London: Faberand and His Works. TheComposer White, EricWalter.Stravinsky: Faber,1979. Wulf, Joseph. Musikim Dritten Reich:Eine Dokumentation.Gutersloh:Sigbert Mohn Verlag,1963. Zenck, Claudia Maurer. "Zwischen Boykott und Anpassung an den Charakterder Zeit: Uber die Schwierigkeiteneines deutschen Komponisten mit dem Dritten 9 (1980): 65-129. Reich." Hindemith-Jahrbuch Zuschlag, Christoph. "An 'Educational Exhibition': The Precursors of Entartete Art": The Fate of the AvantKunst and Its IndividualVenues." In "Degenerate Garde in Nazi Germany,edited by Stephanie Barron, 83-103. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1991.
Abstract This investigationof the receptionin Nazi Germanyof the work (and person) of Igor Stravinskyoffers new insights into the issue of modern music in Hitler's Germany.As the most prominent modernistcomposer of the period, was the chief beneficiaryof Germany'sdesire,afterthe xenophobic Stravinsky early Nazi years, to rejoin the European culturalcommunity.Thanks to the determinationof his supporters,and aided by the greateraccessibilityof his music achieveda significantposition in the musical 1930s works, Stravinsky's life of the New Germany, which it maintained until the outbreak of war. Modern-minded critics articulatedthe ideological basis for his "rehabilitation": although rooted in a foreign musical tradition, Stravinskywas an "Aryan"composer with acceptablepoliticalviews, whose tonally based music revealedsuitably"national"qualities. Many foreign composers, including the antifascist Bela Bart6k, shared desire for German performances.Whether they allowed this to Stravinsky's modernist tendencies is difficultto determine.What is certainis their temper and politicallyacceptable) that their tonallybased music allowed many (racially It also made feasible in Nazi audience an find to Germany. composers foreign Germany'sdesireto reconnectwith the largermusicalworld.

Joan Evans - Stravinsky&#39;s Music in Hitler&#39;s Germany

Enviado por

Dados do documento

Direitos autorais

Formatos disponíveis

Compartilhar este documento

Compartilhar ou incorporar documento

Opções de compartilhamento

Você considera este documento útil?

Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Joan Evans - Stravinsky&#39;s Music in Hitler&#39;s Germany

Enviado por

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany Author(s): Joan Evans Source: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol.

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

in relifein Nazi Germany research into musical espiteconsiderable

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

The Late WeimarPeriod

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Halle (Georg Gohler) Frankfurt Darmstadt Cologne (Hermann Abendroth) Hanover

Konigsberg (Bruno Vondenhoff) Hamburg (Eugen Pabst) Munich

Basel. PaulSacher Source:Sammlung Stiftung, IgorStrawinsky,

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

The Nazi Years

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

"The Stravinsky'problem' : the Entartete Musik exhibition

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Music in Hitler's Germany Stravinsky's

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Joan Evans - Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany

Joan Evans - Stravinsky's Music in Hitler's Germany