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A GAME-THEORETIC APPROACH
1 Science as a game
Nevertheless, its competitive aspects have been much more frequently studied from a
theoretic analysis (or, in general, of micro-economic analysis), very few attempts have
been made until now of formally describing scientific research as a kind of ‘game’.
Taking all this into account, the aim of this paper is to sketch some guidelines of a
point of view which, in the end, will try to provide some analytical tools with which to
An underlying idea of this approach will be the notion that scientific research
can be described as a game which is played according to some rules. This idea can be
traced back to Karl Popper’s Logik der Forschung, where the notion of scientific
method is explicated as something more alike to ‘the logic of chess’ than to the rules of
formal logic.1 In this sense, methodological rules are conventions, as long as they can
conceivably be as different as they are (actually, many of them are not equal in different
scientific fields or schools, and also vary with time). Popper’s attempt was to justify his
own preferred rules by somehow deriving them from the goal of maximising the
justifications of why this epistemic value, criticizability, had to be taken as the most
important one in science. I will not attempt to determine here what the values of
scientific research ‘must’ or ‘should’ be: I rather think that most of the answer has better
suffering from them; but I shall nevertheless explore this idea of scientific norms as
conventions derived in some way from the goals ‘we’ want science to fulfil (the
question, of course, is who ‘we’ are?). From a game-theoretic perspective, two different
but interrelated sets of questions emerge once we interpret scientific norms as the rules
of a game: First, what will scientists’ behaviour be once certain norms have been
established? And second, what norms would they prefer to have if they were given the
choice? Obviously, a rational answer to the second question can only be given after
making some prediction about how people will react under some norms, i.e., after
having given some answer to the first question. The theory about how do people choose
the norms under which they have to interact is known as ‘constitutional political
economy’ (cf. BRENNAN AND BUCHANAN [1985]), and one particular goal of this paper
1
As will become clearer below, I suggest that the rules of science resemble even more the rules
of sports, like football or tennis, than of ‘logical’ games like chess.
JARVIE [2001] for a non-economic, but also ‘constitutional’ interpretation of Popper’s
The main elements in the description of a game are the options (or ‘strategies’)
of each player (or agent), the rules (i.e., an indication of which outcome obtains for
every feasible combination of strategies, one for each player), and the preferences of the
agents (i.e., an indication of how each player evaluates each possible outcome). Once
this description has been given, the analysis of a game typically proceeds by trying to
combination of individual choices such that no player can make a decision better for her
than the one she has made, given the decisions made by the other players (Nash
equilibrium). In general, the goal of a game theoretic analysis of a social fact is to show
how some relevant features of the situation can be explained as an equilibrium emerging
from the interaction of the agents. As readers familiar with the developments of game
theory will know, one typical problem is that many games have more than one possible
equilibrium, and in this case, either the outcome of the game remains indeterminate, or
some stronger conditions must be added to justify why some specific solution is
attained. It is also possible that no equilibrium exists, but it can be proved that, under a
wide set of circumstances, there always are some equilibria if agents have the option of
repeated or dynamic games (when players have to take a sequence of decisions, perhaps
information (when players do not know with certainty some possible states of nature, or
some of them know more than others). The application of these models will surely be
extremely interesting and even unavoidable for understanding many features of science,
but this paper will again offer only the most simple analysis.
I proceed now to a description of the basic elements in the game of scientific research,
extremely important to science can hardly be denied. Authors as different as the logical
positivist Rudolf Carnap and the post-modern anthropologist Bruno Latour would agree
at least on this point, though obviously for very different reasons. The perspective I am
going to take here is closer to Latour’s in the sense that I will assume that interaction
what each other says or writes, although I would guess that scientists can agree to
evaluate their colleagues’ ‘inscriptions’ (to use Latour’s word) by means of rules which
a Carnapian would not dislike too much. This does not mean, however, that other things
besides language are unimportant; scientists also perform non-verbal actions, they
experiment, observe, earn and spend money, draw diagrams, organise meetings, and so
on, though it is true as well that a big part of these things is made by speaking, and, on
the other hand, that what people say (and specially what they write) is usually more
public than what they do, and so it is easier for other people to scrutinise. So, it can be
2
This is traditionally called a ‘mixed strategy’, whereas a ‘mixed equilibrium’ is one that
obtains by a combination of mixed strategies; nevertheless, the analysis presented in this paper
instructive to describe the game scientists play as if their main decisions related to what
assertions to make (probably before or after performing some other actions), and as if
their rewards would essentially depend on what other people is asserting. This vision of
only consistent with a big part of the work on sociology of science of the last two or
three decades, but is also close in spirit to some recent proposals in the philosophy of
is the chain of inferences the speech community takes as appropriate to make regarding
that assertion, inferences which essentially relate to the normative status that each
participant in a conversation attributes to the others (i.e., the things participants are
allowed or committed to do by the rules of the language game). For example, my saying
share a set of normative inferential practices which allow them to attribute to me, under
which that sentence can be derived, as well as that of accepting the linguistic or
practical consequences which, together with other commitments I have made, follow
would amount to mastering its role ‘in the game of giving and asking for reasons’. It is
important to mention that Brandom’s concept of ‘inference’ does not only cover moves
from sentences to sentences, but also from ‘inputs’ of the language game (e.g.
(e.g., actions).
proceeds by each speaker ‘keeping score’ of the commitments made by the others and
which define the language games which are possible within their speech community. It
is this idea of ‘scorekeeping’ that will be put into use here in order to analyse the game
‘book’ of commitments (her ‘book’, for short). There is no need that every such
commitment amounts to the bare acceptance of a certain proposition (say, A), for it is
likely that A’, ‘there is some evidence that A’, ‘A deserves some attention’, and so on.
The game theoretic nature of scientific research arises because each scientist’s payoff
depends on what is ‘written’ not only on her own book, but on the book of each other
internal score, an external score, and a resource allocation mechanism, all of which are
determined by several types of norms. In the first place, any scientific community will
have adopted a set of methodological norms with which to assess the scientific value of
any set of commitments; the coherence of a researcher’s book with these norms (or,
more precisely, the coherence her colleagues say it has) will determine the internal
score associated to that book. Second, and in contrast to the case of everyday language
games, in science many propositions are attached to the name of a particular scientist,
usually the first who advanced them; one fundamental reward a scientist may receive is
associated with the fate that the theses (laws, models, experimental results...) proposed
by her have in the books of her colleagues. This ‘fame’ is what I call here her external
score. The combination of the internal and the external score associated to a book is its
global score. Third, the community will work with a set of rules for the allocation of
resources which will determine how much money, what facilities, what work
conditions, what assistants, and so on, will be allotted to each scientist, depending on
methodological norms of a discipline tell each researcher what things can she do (or
must she do) in order to write a book with a high internal score; this will make her
count as a more or less ‘competent’ researcher. These norms indicate how to perform
and report experiments, what formal methods to employ and how, what types of
inductive inferences are appropriate, what styles of writing are acceptable, and so on.
By following these norms, she will end up committing herself to the acceptance of some
external score. She will also have to comment on the coherence of her colleagues’
lowering their internal score. On the other hand, in order to reach a high external score,
she has to take advantage of her colleagues’ struggle for attaining a high internal score:
she has to be able to devise experiments, hypotheses, or models which her colleagues,
given their previous commitments, and given the accepted methodological norms,
cannot refuse to accept without running the risk of high losses in their internal scores.
research processes, I shall take H. M. Collins’ classic narration of the dispute about
gravity waves which followed the experiments of the physicist Joseph Weber (COLLINS
[1985]). According to Collins, Weber’s results strongly conflicted with accepted
too big for our nearby universe to be stable), and nearly all attempts of replication failed
to show the same results (although no one of them was indisputably negative taken in
isolation). Under these circumstances, the other members of the scientific community
chose to reject Weber’s results, and decided that presumed ‘gravity wave detectors’
detected nothing at all because there was no signal strong enough to be detectable; this
means that the community did not assign a high score to Weber, neither an external
score (for his presumed results were not accepted), nor an internal one (because
deficiencies in his methods were pointed out). In spite of this, Weber went on defending
his experiments and trying to improve them. From a game theoretical point of view, the
first relevant question is whether all those decisions (both Weber’s and those of his
critics) were rational and mutually consistent, i.e., whether they constituted a Nash
equilibrium. For example, could Weber have made a better decision at some point of the
process? It is very likely that he could have forecasted the negative reaction of the
community; furthermore, he might have acknowledged that he was wrong when non-
confirmatory results begun to appear in the experiments of some colleagues. That he did
not take this decision seems to indicate that he severely misrepresented the chances of
his ‘discovery’ being recognised; then, though his decisions might have been ‘optimal’
given his own (over-) estimation of success, this estimation had to be very wrong, and
so in a sense he was acting ‘irrationally’, at least from the cognitive point of view. If we
did not want to accuse Weber of irrationality, we would have to look more deeply into
experiments were inconclusive, that the acceptance of Weber’s results might have
the decision of waiting till a ‘significant’ number of colleagues had made a decision
seems logical for a majority of researchers. Nevertheless, for those who had more to
loose or to win if Weber was right (for example, because their prestige strongly
depended on the theories which negated the existence of detectable gravity waves, or
because they expected to contribute with new discoveries in the line of Weber’s if he
many did. In conclusion, the resolution of the debate looks like a Nash equilibrium,
since everybody chose her best option, given what the other people were doing,
although perhaps Weber himself suffered from a strong confirmatory bias (i.e., his
decision was rational according to the beliefs he actually had about the probability of
The situation, however, is not so simple once we consider more deeply the
strategies available to each researcher. For example, imagine you are one of those who
are waiting for more information from your colleagues before deciding what to do with
Weber’s assertions. Your options are not just ‘accept’ and ‘reject’, but rather ‘accept if
at least ten percent of the community accept; reject otherwise’, ‘accept if at least fifty
percent accept; reject otherwise’, and so on, or even something more complicated,
because you will surely take also into account your own degree of belief in the validity
with respect to the decisions about when there are ‘enough’ reasons in favour of a
proposition for it to become acceptable.3 On the other hand, what about people trying to
replicate Weber’s experiments? If it is true that the ‘community leaders’ have so much
prestige that their own conclusions would ‘trigger’ a consensus around them, they had
well as a choice between describing the results in the most neutral way or in a way
which is favourable to their preferred theories. As long as they suspect that their
declarations will virtually close the debate, they will be strongly tempted to choose the
second option in both cases, especially when there is only one leader (according to
Collins, in the dispute about gravity waves this role was played by Richard Garwin). A
full analysis of the episode in game-theoretical terms should indicate, hence, what the
reasons of the leaders were for behaving ‘honestly’ (if they did it), and also what
reasons the remaining scientists had for accepting the leaders’ assertions, especially if it
was not clear which strategy the leaders were to use. The mathematical model I present
in section 5 allows to explain why scientists may choose to behave ‘honestly’ very
The next question iswhether other possible equilibria could have existed. Collins
himself strongly sympathises with this possibility, for he repeatedly asserts that every
scientific controversy might have been ‘closed’ in a different way. For example, in the
case of Weber, the community might have accepted the existence of gravity waves,
since (according to Collins) the experiments did not point too much clearly in the
opposite direction. In that case, Weber would have been recognised as an important
contributor to the advancement of knowledge. But what about the other members of the
3
See also ZAMORA BONILLA [2002] for an analysis of a possible agreement among researchers
about how much ‘corroborated’ a hypothesis must be for making its acceptance compulsory.
scientific community? Would all of them necessarily have found it profitable to accept
gravity waves given that the others had accepted them? Probably not, because, lacking a
powerful theory to explain why these waves are as they were accepted to be (under
these counterfactual circumstances), some researchers could still have opted for
defending the old theory and rejecting Weber’s results. This simply means that, if other
equilibria exist, some of them can in principle correspond not to a full consensus around
the new result, but to a division of the community into two or more rival ‘schools’.
equilibrium, it is very likely that it would be judged by most scientists as worse than an
almost unanimous rejection. This is again because of the absence of a theory which can
accommodate those results: with the help of the old theory they expect to be able of
solving still many problems, whereas the prospects for scientific merit under the other
scenario are much more uncertain. In a nutshell, had all of Weber’s colleagues accepted
his results, they would surely have got, on average, a payoff below the payoff from
Although nearly all the choices individual scientists have to make refer to decisions
whose outcome will depend on their coherence with the norms prevailing within their
scientific community, the norms themselves must also be selected, for they are, after all,
social conventions. As I said in the first section, the perspective advocated in this paper
scientists’ interactions are to be chosen by those scientists themselves, and I will ask
what properties the norms can be expected to have according to that assumption. After
all, though it is true that a single scientist can do little or nothing to substantially change
the norms of her community, these can be easily changed by means of a collective
derive from its adoption by only a part of the community, for, if enough colleagues
accept it (both in their practice and in their public assessment of the others’ internal
scores), probably many others will find it profitable to do the same. On the other hand,
since most norms are better understood as regular practices than as explicit, well-
defined precepts, these practices can also change smoothly by small individual
WOOLGAR [1979], LATOUR [1987]), that they can be ‘imposed’ on the whole
community by a small group of researchers, save, perhaps, when these have a monopoly
over the material resources which are necessary for the rest. For example, a norm
Other relevant aspect of norms is that they tend to be in force for a long time
(usually, more than the mean life of most theoretical models, for example).This has two
important consequences regarding the epistemic properties of the norms. First, it is hard
for researchers to guess what models they will be proposing in the future, when the
norms which they are choosing today will still be in force; so, under a more or less thick
‘veil of ignorance’, and assuming that no monopoly over material resources exists,
scientific discipline, prevailing norms will probably have evolved in order to help the
community members in their striving to find acceptable results. This entails that
methods, models, laws, and even styles of research, which had been accepted after
being evaluated with impartial norms, may become a norm themselves (for example,
your paper can be rejected in a physics journal if it contains a model which contradicts
obstacle for the adoption of new ideas; scientists will only take seriously the possibility
of abandoning the old norms when the prospects of finding out new results which are
acceptable according to those norms begin to decrease, as compared to the new norms.
Although the last two points seem mutually contradictory, it is possible to accommodate
them in the following way: after all, the arguments employed to defend the new norms
must be based on some methodological criteria of a higher level; this means that these
criteria are thought to be in force during a longer period, and in a wider field; so, these
‘metanorms’ will very probably be impartial and epistemically sound, or at least, more
so than the ‘lower level’ norms which are assessed with their help.
With respect to the norms which serve to determine the value of internal scores,
we can distinguish three different kinds. In the first place, there must be some norms
about the disclosure of information, i.e., rules indicating which of your commitments
have to be inscribed in your book; they can also determine who is entitled to access
each part of another’s book, for not all its parts need be equally public. Obviously, the
of others can depend on the existing technical and institutional possibilities for getting
resources or other benefits by using that information in a non public way.4 Second,
4
DASGUPTA AND DAVID [1994] is the main reference on this topic.
some norms (which I shall call inferential norms) must establish what kinds of
discretionary, or forbidden; these are the norms whose fulfilment within a book is easier
to check, for usually they only demand to analyse the ‘inscriptions’ contained in the
book (ZAMORA BONILLA [2002]). Third, further norms must refer to the coherence of a
book’s ‘inscriptions’ with something external; these norms serve to introduce in the
books ‘inputs’ which are not just inferred from other commitments already contained in
them. Usually, norms of this type establish the conditions under which a researcher or
group of researchers are entitled to introduce a new inscription in such a way that their
colleagues are committed to accept it by default, i.e., unless they manage to present a
laboratory protocols and demanding replicability are of this kind. The most important
point about these norms of observation is that they do not need to refer to an
‘indubitable empirical basis’, or something like that, for it is enough that scientists find
it advantageous to play the game defined by these norms (amongst others). However, as
scientists’ payoffs may depend, it is sensible to assume that a discipline whose rules of
cease to get the resources it needs. So, the members of a scientific discipline will have
an interest, if only for this reason, in collectively adopting a system of rules which is
The status of norms is one of the most fiercely debated points in the sociology and the
philosophy of science. Without assuming that the game theoretic approach can offer a
definitive solution to all the problems related with scientific norms, it can be useful, at
such as Robert Merton, tend to argue as if indicating the virtues of a norm from a
‘collective’ point of view were enough for explaining why this norm is accepted and
obeyed by the individuals forming that collective. Obviously, those cases where the
interests of the individual and those of the ‘group’, whatever this means, are in conflict
pose a problem for this approach, for it leaves unexplained just why an individual
decides, in the first place, to approve the rule, and, in the second place, to act according
to it. Constructivists, in their turn, tend to talk about norms as if they were either mere
rhetorical devices, or mechanisms for benefiting some privileged group. In this case, the
problem is that, although this approach can explain why some people may have an
interest in proposing or using some norms, it does not explain why others (knowing that
the norms are just rhetorical strategies for defending the interests of some) actually
behave as if they also accepted these norms. In contrast, from a game theoretic point of
view, individuals ‘obey’ the norms just because it is in their own interest to do it
(though social influences on individual preferences are not discarded a priori). This
means that a system of norms will be stable if and only if it constitutes a Nash
equilibrium, i.e., if, under the assumption that the others obey the norms, anyone’s best
option is also to obey. For example, given that most people speak a certain language in
a country, it will be in my interest to do the same; given that firms and public
according to the prevailing civil and criminal laws, it will be in my interest to obey
these. As it is clearly shown in these examples, when ‘obeying certain norms’ includes
‘punishing those who do not obey’, general compliance with the rules is to be expected
(AXELROD [1984], ELSTER [1989]). In the case of science, this is reflected in the fact
evaluations are contained in their respective books, which are evaluated by other
scientists, and so on. For example, I will be punished if my model violates the law of
energy conservation, but also if I fail to criticise a colleague whose model makes this
mistake. So, the fact that a certain norm is followed by a high proportion of my
advantages, particularly if the chances of not being discovered are high. I can
disclose some information that the norms command to publish, and so on. The
sociological literature is full with case studies showing how scientists ‘misbehave’, at
least according to the rules they (scientists) preach, not to speak of the rules preached by
the philosophers. Even some institutional mechanisms (which are norms themselves)
may have the perverse effect of rewarding this type of misbehaviour (for example, the
science, where most fundamental things depend on the trust people put on other
in those cases where the fate of a discipline is at stake. Actually, science seems to attain
5
See WIBLE [1998] for a good rational choice approach to the study of scientific fraud.
this goal rather well even in the absence of something like a ‘police’ or ‘courts of
justice’. The question is, hence, whether the mechanism of mutual checks described in
the last sections is strong enough for deterring researchers from systematically
disobeying the prevailing rules. If the answer were ‘no’, then either the public trust in
scientific results should be much more fragile than what is usually presumed by the
would just be based on scientists’ exceptional honesty. I hope, however, that the
Let f be the frequency with which a researcher disobeys the norms, and suppose,
for simplicity, that all infringements are equally important (if this is not the case, then f
infringements). Let u(f) (> 0) be the utility received by a scientist if she is not
discovered and disobeys the norms with frequency f, and let −v(f) (< 0) her disutility if
she is discovered and hence punished. In this model, punishment basically consists in
reducing a researcher’s internal score, e.g., by not accepting her papers for prestigious
function of f. I will assume that the functions u, v and p are equal for all the community
members. Given these assumptions, an individual’s expected utility from disobeying the
norms with frequency f is EU(f) = (1 − p(f))u(f) − p(f)v(f) = u(f) − p(f)(u(f) + v(f)), and
the optimum infringement frequency for her corresponds to that value of f which
utility depends on the frequency with which the norms are disobeyed by other
researchers: the more frequently norms are infringed by your colleagues, the less utility
will you get from the same actions (for example, because by producing outputs of a
lower quality, the scientific community obtains less resources from society). Hence, a
situation where f were low for all, would also be better for everyone than a situation
where f were high for all. The essential question is, of course, whether in a situation of
equilibrium the f ’s will be ‘high’ or ‘low’. In order to answer this question, I will add
some more simplifications: first, suppose that p(f) is just equal to f (i.e., the probability
of being discovered is the same as the frequency of infringement); second, assume that
u(f) and v(f) are linear functions of f, in particular, u(f) = a + bf, and v(f) = cf (with a, b,
c > 0); this entails that u(0) is positive (you get a positive payoff by not disobeying the
norms) and v(0) = 0 (you are not punished if you obey the norms); lastly, your utility
will also depend on the average frequency of infringement within the rest of your
community, f, so that u(f,f) = (1− f)(a + bf) (i.e., even if your infringements are not
discovered, you get a null utility if norms are always disobeyed), whereas v(f) does not
Individual maximisation of (1) is reached when ∂EU/∂f = 0, which yields the optimal
frequency
b) f *(f) = 0 if a ≥ b
Thus, (3a) says that your optimal frequency of infringement is less than fifty percent.
Furthermore, the bigger the reward afrom always obeying the norms, and the stronger
the punishing reaction c to your infringements, the smaller will this optimum frequency
be. For example, if punishment is at least as strong as the benefits you get from
disobeying (i.e., if c ≥ b), then f * will be smaller than 1/4. Note also that, if a ≥ b, then f
*
will be 0 according to (3b), for in that case EU is decreasing within the interval [0,1].
On the other hand, (3c) says that your optimum frequency of infringement decreases as
the average frequency of your colleagues rises. This results essentially derives from the
assumption that you are not less punished for your transgressions when your colleagues
commit more infringements in the aggregate. Regarding other types of social norms,
this need not be true; for example, when the police works less efficiently, it is more
probable that you will not be punished because of your crimes (although you can be
‘punished’ even if you do not commit any crime), and this provides a reason to commit
more crimes. However, in the case of science, researchers want essentially to have a
global score higher than their colleagues’, and this entails that they will hardly miss the
opportunity of denouncing your infringements, even when they commit many. So, our
assumption that f affects u but not v simply means that, the higher is f, the less willing
will your colleagues be to recognise your merits, though they will always be prone to
punish you. Lastly, (3d) will be useful in proving the next theorem; it can be derived
from (3c) by taking into account that f is according to (3a) necessarily less than 1/2 if
Proof: In figure 1a, this equilibrium corresponds to the point where the function f *(f)
crosses the line of 45 degrees (the identity line); let d be the frequency associated to that
point. In the first place, it is easy to see that all scientists disobeying the norms just with
frequency d is a sufficient condition for a Nash equilibrium, because in that case the
best option for every researcher is choosing exactly f = d. To see that it is also a
necessary condition, suppose first that all researchers chose another frequency, as d1 in
figure 1a; this can not be an equilibrium, because the optimum response would not be
d1, but e, and hence, researchers would not be acting rationally. Suppose next that there
were an equilibrium in which not all researchers chose the same frequency. In this case,
the average frequency could be equal to d, higher (e.g., d2), or lower (e.g., d3). Suppose
first that it were d (figure 1b), and take one of the scientists which disobey the norms
with the highest frequency, h; if h is the frequency chosen by her, this means that the
average of the rest of the community (i.e., of every member save i) must be g, if her
decision is rational; hence, the average of the full community is at most (h + g)/2, which
is necessarily less than d, because |df */df| < 1, and so the community average can not
be d. In the second place, suppose that the community average were d2 > d (figure 1c);
in this case, again, a scientist selecting the highest of the chosen frequencies (h) will be
responding, if rational, to an average of the rest of the community equal to g, but then
the community average is at most (h + g)/2, which is again less that d2 because of the
same reason. In the third place, suppose that the average is d3 < d (figure 1d); in this
case, a rational scientist which chooses the lowest of the selected frequencies (k) will be
responding to an average of the rest of her community equal to g’, and the average of
the full community will be higher than (k + g’)/2, which is higher than d3. Hence, the
assumption that in equilibrium not all researchers choose frequency d leads necessarily
to contradictions. □
f* f*
1
1
f*= f
f*= f
d1
h
d
*
f (f) d f *(f)
e (h+g)/2
g
f
f
d d1 1
g d 1
Figure 1a Figure 1b
f* f*
1 1
f =f
*
f*= f
h
d2
f *(f)
(h+g)/2 d3 f *(f)
g k
f f
g d2 1 k (g’+k)/2 g’ 1
Figure 1c Figure 1d
community exert over themselves, we can expect that an equilibrium arises in which the
norms are followed with a ‘high’ frequency. Perhaps this situation is not ideal for
scientists, nor for citizens, all of which could get a higher utility if the norms where
always obeyed; but surely other situations are possible that would be much worse. In
fact, the picture which derives from our model seems to be more realistic than that
according to them methodological norms are not designed to be ‘obeyed’ at all, but just
researchers seem to follow methodological norms in a very systematic way, though not
perfectly, and this is what makes their infringements so salient when they are
discovered (either by their colleagues, or by the social students of science). The model
presented in this section makes this type of behaviour understandable in the case of
people who, as most social studies show, are not exclusively motivated by an altruistic
References
BRENNAN, G., AND J. BUCHANAN [1985], The Reason of Rules. Constitutional Political
LATOUR, B. [1986], Science in Action. How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through
LATOUR, B., AND S. WOOLGAR [1979], Laboratory Life. The Social Construction of