Territory and Identity in the pre-Columbian Andes of Northern Peru

by Alexander Charles Herrera Wassilowsky

A dissertation submitted to the University of Cambridge In partial fulfillment of the conditions of application for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Archaeology University of Cambridge

Girton College Cambridge

March 2005

Dolly Duarte Valladares de Herrera and Carlos Herrera Campodonico In memoriam

PREFACE

The work described in this dissertation was conducted from the Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge under the supervision of Dr. Elizabeth De Marrais. This dissertation is the result of my own research, except where explicitly stated otherwise. No part of this dissertation has been submitted to this or any other University for any degree or diploma. The text does not exceed 80,000 words.

Alexander Charles Herrera Wassilowsky Cambridge, March 2005

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many individuals and institutions in Peru and England have helped turn a PhD project, once considered impossible, into a tangible text. First and foremost, my friend, colleague and research partner Kevin Lane, who first encouraged me to apply to Cambridge. Since our first planning meetings in Berlin many years ago his enthusiasm and unconditional support for research along the Ancash axis - in the field and in the office - stand unabated. My most sincere gratitude to my supervisor: Dr. Elizabeth DeMarrais, and to my advisor: Professor Graeme Barker for being supportive of my work, for their helpful and timely advice, and for reviewing and making many insightful comments on the form and content of this dissertation. My sincere acknowledgements to the many institutions that funded my doctoral research: the Arts and Humanities Research Board (AHRB), Girton College, Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD), Isaac Newton Trust, Cambridge European Trust, Kurt Hahn Trust, Crowther Beynon Fund, Worts Travelling Scholar Fund, HM Chadwick Fund, and the Political Economy Society Trust. I am indebted to the many people and institutions in Peru who supported my field- and laboratory work. In Lima invaluable logistical support for laboratory study was forthcoming from staff at the Museo Nacional de Arqueologa, Antropologa e Historia del Per. Fieldwork was made possible by the prompt issuance of permits by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, and the collaboration of staff at the Museo Regional de Ancash (Huaraz), Museo Regional Max Uhle (Casma), Museo de Historia Natural de Ranrahirca and Museo Regional de Caraz. Fieldwork would still not have been possible without the kind support of the parishes of Moro, Pamparoms, San Luis, Yanama, Tomanga, Yauya and Chacas, especially Padre David, Padre Lele, Madre Flavia and Don Andrea; the municipality of San Nicols de Apac, as well as Don Antonio Gay Nishiyama and Steven Wegener. My special thanks to field archaeologists Mario Advncula, Daniel Cabrel, Klaus Koschmieder, Kevin Lane, Wilbert Rodrigo and Luis Salcedo, and to field assistants A. Crispn, O. Huamn, C.

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Grimaldo, M. Leyva, F. Lvora, A. Molz, J. Sagea, J. Stuerzebecher, R. Tafur, W., P. Vanhuynegem and G. Valderrama. Innumerable people at many villages across Ancash and Hunuco made us feel welcome and helped our work, but Pancho Samaritano, Eduardo Morales, Don Baylon, Don Lorenzo, Don Silvino, Don Italo and Don Cristbal, in Huagllapuquio, deserve special mention for their knowledgeable assistance with excavations and field logistics. I am deeply indebted to Mario Advncula, Kora Fierro, Claudia Hintze, Claudia Grimaldo, Cora Rivas and Geraldine Slean for their aid with laboratory analyses, and to Steve Boreham, Carmen Thays and MariaIns Velarde, and all staff at the MNAAHP, MRA and IST Yachay Wasi, for their help preparing and identifying archaeological samples of pottery, textiles, pollen and metal. At Cambridge, I would like to express my gratitude to many colleagues and friends. Ideas in this thesis benefited greatly from discussions within the American Archaeology Society (formerly Andean Archaeology Seminar), including Manuel Arroyo, David Beresford-Jones, Sheila Kohring, Kevin Lane, Geraldine Slean and Parker Van Valkenburgh. Stimulating discussions - across time and about space and people - with Niels Andreasen, Kevin Lane, Prof. Colin Renfrew, Dr. Chris Scarre, Dr. Julia Shaw, Dr. Lina Tahan and Stephanie Wynne-Jones were instrumental during the early stages of my dissertation. The complexity of Ancash sierra archaeology were laid open in the discussions held around the Cambridge Round Table with Claudia Grimaldo, Wilhelm Diessl, Bebel Ibarra, Dr. George Lau, Kevin Lane, Carolina Orsini, Gabriel Ramn and Parker VanValkenburgh. I would also like to acknowledge the expert help with G.I.S. provided by Dr. James Brassington, Stephania Merlo, Dave Redhouse, Dr. Corinne Roughley, Frazer Sturt and Sonia Sua. Friendly, patient and invaluable editorial assistance was forthcoming from Manuel Arroyo, Jaime Herrera, Kevin Lane and Dr. Lina Tahan, as well as from Dr. Marcela Santamara, who carefully proofread the final manuscript. Finally, I would like express my heartfelt thanks for the stimulating and untiring encouragement and support of my family. Without the help of my dearest Marcela, who put up with many long days and nights, with such good humour and love, this dissertation might never have been completed.

SUMMARY Territory and Identity in the pre-Columbian Andes of northern Peru Alexander Herrera Wassilowsky This study examines the history of landscape appropriation in the late prehistoric Andes (c. AD 500-1500), and its role in the generation and transformation of collective social identities. A 150km transect that cuts orthogonally across the rugged highlands of northcentral Andes of Peru was surveyed to establish inter-regional, temporal and scalar variability in people-landscape relations. Excavations in Inka and pre-Inka civic patio-group architecture in the area of Yangn saline spring, in central Conchucos, were conducted to investigate changes in the architectural settings and practices structuring social interactions. Ethnohistorical sources were reviewed against the material culture data to reconstruct the baseline settlement strategies of the Inka state and local ethnic groups during the XVI century. Results of regional analysis indicate that Inka control of long-distance transit and intensification of textile fibre production, through the resettlement of colonists, went handin-hand with the establishment of a parallel civic-ceremonial network. Interaction between state retainers and local communities and ethnic groups occurred at multiple locations and scales, and were not limited to the large plazas and state installations at transit nodes. Colonisers and colonised became entangled through shared ritual practices, including feasting and capacocha infant burials, at meaningful points in the landscape. Excavations at Gotushjirka revealed an earlier, local tradition of circular patio group enclosures (CPG), with paired ramps and stages, that served for orchestrated gatherings oriented towards Turriqaqa Mountain and the necropolis embedded in it, which dates from back to the first half of the first millennium AD. The clustered distribution of collective tombs throughout the north-central highlands, suggests that mortuary practices integrated dispersed communities at multiple, nested, yet overlapping scales, which range from that of the individual collective tomb to the regional necropolis, on the one hand, and from the individual CPG to that of regional CPG clusters, on the other hand. The merger of circular

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enclosures at the centre of orthogonal complexes, and the addition of rooms, which dates back to the second half of the first millennium BC (c. AD 800), indicates a major change in the practices articulating social identities, and tighter institutional control over the spaces in which derived rights and obligations were asserted and negotiated.

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CONTENTS
Preface Acknowledgements Summary Table of contents List of figures List of maps List of tables CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 1 3 6 8 9 12 14 i ii iv vi xi xv xvii

1.1 Scholarly Context of Thesis 1.2 Andean Archaeology: Some Issues 1.2.1 Social interaction 1.2.2 Economic organisation 1.2.3 Ethnic identity 1.3 Archaeology Across the Ancash Highlands: A Case Study 1.4 Research Aims 1.5 Dissertation Outline CHAPTER II 2.1 Introduction 2.2 A Historical Approach to Ancient Landscapes 2.2.1 Social identity and ethnicity 2.2.2 Territory and place 2.2.3 Social memory 2.3 Andean Territoriality 2.3.1 The coastal valleys 2.3.2 The highlands 2.3.3 Discussion 2.4 Identity and Beliefs 2.4.1 Sacred geographies 2.4.2 Territory and ancestor worship 2.4.3 Dualism: Wari and Llacuaz 2.4.4 Discussion SOCIAL IDENTITIES, BOUNDARIES AND INTERACTIONS

16 17 20 22 25 27 28 30 32 33 33 34 36 38

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2.5 Summary and Conclusion CHAPTER III THE ANCASH AXIS 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Ecological Zones 3.2.1 Cordillera 3.2.2 Puna 3.2.3 Suni 3.3.4 Kichwa 3.3.5 Yunga 3.3.6 Chala 3.3 Climate Change and Vegetation Cover 3.3.1 Shifts in ecological zones 3.3.2 El Nio Southern Oscillation 3.4 The Ancash Axis in Context 3.4.1 Conchucos The region The central Conchucos study area 3.4.2 The Callejn de Huaylas The region The Yungay-Pueblo Libre study area 3.4.3 The Cordillera Negra The region The Pinkulluyuq study area 3.4.4 The north-central coast The region The upper Nepea study area 3.5 Andean Languages 3.5.1 Culle 3.5.2 Quingnam 3.5.3 Quechua 3.5.4 Discussion CHAPTER IV 4.1 Introduction 4.2 A Critical History of Archaeological Survey Methods 4.3 Methods of Field Research 4.3.1 Survey design SURVEY ACROSS THE ANCASH HIGHLANDS OF NORTHEM PERU

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41 43 45 45 46 47 47 48 49 50 51 53 56 58 59 61 63 64 65 67 68 70 73 73 74

76 79 84 85 vii

4.3.2 Fieldwork calendar 4.3.3 Bases of field study 4.3.4 Prioritisation of survey areas 4.3.5 Local knowledge and interviews 4.3.6 On site recording 4.3.7 Survey results 4.3.8 Site mapping and excavations 4.3.9 Excavation methods 4.3.10 Limitations of field research 4.4 Integrating Archaeology and History CHAPTER V THE ARCHAEOLOGY COLONISATION OF INKA AND CHIMU

87 87 88 89 89 91 92 95 95 98

5.1 Introduction 5.2 The Inka Presence in Central Conchucos 5.2.1 The road of Chinchaysusyu 5.2.2 The bridge at Platanal 5.2.3 The Yanamayo Yunga Naani Chiwn Pogtn 5.2.4 Inka occupation at Yangn 5.2.5 The Inka occupation of the Maribamba Valley 5.2.6 The Inka presence beyond the road system 5.2.7 Discussion 5.3 Inka Presence in The Callejn de Huaylas and Cordillera Negra 5.3.1 The Inka road system in the Callejn de Huaylas 5.3.2 The Inka road system in the Cordillera Negra 5.3.3 Inka presence beyond the road system 5.3.4 Discussion 5.4 Inka and Chim Presence on The North-Central Coast 5.4.1 The Inka presence on the north-central coast 5.4.2 The Chim presence on the north-central coast 5.4.3 The Inka and Chim presence in the Moro and Pinkulluyuq survey areas 5.5 Chapter Summary CHAPTER VI 6.1 Introduction 6.2 The Conchucos Region Before The Inka Expansion 6.2.1 Multi-ethnic settlement in northern Conchucos in 1543

103 106 109 111 113 115 116 118 123 126 133 137 138 141 142 144 147 148 151 152 156

ETHNICITY BEFORE THE INKA IMPACT

158 159 161

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6.2.2 Settlement strategies in central Conchucos during the LIP 6.2.3 Civic architecture at Pogtn 6.2.4 Civic architecture at Yangn: excavations Patio group E-I (sector B) Patio groups E-III and EIV (sector B) Patio group E-V (Sector A) Discussion 6.2.5 Mortuary architecture Machay tombs Chullpa Burial Cists 6.2.6 Discussion 6.3 The Callejn de Huaylas Before The Inka Impact 6.3.1 Multi-ethnic settlement in the southern Callejn de Huaylas in 1558 6.3.2 Settlement strategies in the Callejn de Huaylas during the LIP 6.3.3 Mortuary architecture in the Callejn de Huaylas 6.3.4 Settlement strategies in the Cordillera Negra during the LIP 6.3.5 Mortuary architecture in the Cordillera Negra 6.3.6 Discussion 6.4 The North-Central Coast Before The Chim Impact 6.4.1 The Nepea Valley before the Chim impact 6.4.2 Settlement strategies in the Moro survey area 6.4.3 Discussion 6.5 Chapter Summary CHAPTER VII TERRITORY AND IDENTITY IN THE MIDDLE HORIZON

164 168 170 171 176 179 180 182 182 184 187 187 189 192 193 199 201 202 204 205 206 207 211 211

7.1 Introduction The place of north-central Peru in Middle Horizon studies 7.2 The Central Conchucos Region VI-X Centuries AD 7.2.1 Settlement strategies 7.2.2 Civic architecture Circular patio group enclosures Discussion 7.2.3 Civic architecture at Gotushjirka: excavations Patio group E-V Patio group E-IV Patio Group E-VIII Pottery Discussion 7.3 The Callejn de Huaylas VI-X Centuries AD 7.3.1 Settlement strategies

214 215 218 220 223 224 229 230 231 233 234 235 240 244 248 ix

7.3.2 Civic architecture Circular enclosures Orthogonal enclosures SPGs at Keushu and Honco Pampa 7.3.3 Mortuary architecture 7.3.4 Discussion 7.4 Cordillera Negra 7.4.1 Settlement strategies 7.4.2 Civic architecture 7.4.3 Mortuary architecture 7.4.4 Discussion 7.5 The Nepea Valley 7.5.1 Settlement strategies 7.5.2 Civic architecture 7.5.3 Discussion 7.6 Chapter Summary CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS

251 252 253 258 260 263 267 268 269 270 272 274 276 279 282 283

285 REFERENCES APPENDICES Appendix A: Site Gazetteer Appendix B: Summary table of surveyed sites Appendix C: Excavations at Gotushjirka and Yangn 337 384 392

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LIST OF FIGURES
CHAPTER I Figure 1.1: Field of inquiry (exploded Venn diagram). CHAPTER III Figure 3.1: The paramount multi-storey hilltop collective chullpa tomb at Keushu (Yu- 63 16, sector B). Figure 3.2: Satellite image showing the location of the Nepea Valley and its 66 tributaries on the western slope of the Cordillera Negra. CHAPTER IV Figure 4.1: Relic saltpans cut into the surface of the saline spring at Yangn. Figure 4.2: Plan of Gotushjirka indicating the position of excavation cuts. Figure 4.3: Plan of Yangn indicating the position of excavation cuts. CHAPTER V Figure 5.1: The Inka tampu way station at Maraykalla. Figure 5.2: Narrowing of the Yanamayo River canyon used to rig suspension bridge at Platanal (SN-22). Figure 5.3: Overview of Inka complex at Chiwn (SN-14A, view northwest), dominating the Yanamayo-San Nicols confluence. Figure 5.4: Storage structures of wattle and daub in Wanchaqmachay cave (Pr-1). Figure 5.5: Topographic plan drawing of Yangn (SN-5). Figure 5.6: Plan drawing of Inka structure E-II at Yangn (SN-5C), indicating location of test excavations; note anteroom and aligned accesses. Figure 5.7: Plan drawing of Inka kancha E-II at Yangn (SN-5C), indicating location of test excavations. Figure 5.8: Aerial photograph showing location of Huegroncocha site and reservoir (Y-16) to the east of hilltop Ingarag (Y-5). Figure 5.9: Fourth and topmost level of Gallarpana necropolis, looking southward along the eastern face of Turriqaqa. Figure 5.10: Local vessels found at Gotushjirka that emulate and reinterpret Inka typical shapes, reportedly from intrusive burials in mound 1. Figure 5.11: Plan drawing of late intrusive burials in mound M1 at Gotushjirka (SN-6, cut P-5). Figure 5.12: Decorated Inka sherd pertaining to an Urpu jar found at site PL-13. Figure 5.13: The fortified Inka enclave of Wampu (Pi-5) overlooks the southern headwaters of the Nepea (Loco River) and northern headwaters of the Casma (Sechn Rivers). Figure 5.14: Togllakita dam (Pc-7) on the high puna of the Cordillera Negra. Figure 5.15: Chim pottery sherds from sites in the Moro survey area (top two rows) 110 111 116 117 119 120 121 125 128 129 130 139 142 146 153 94 97 97 14

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and coastal LIP pottery found in the Cordillera Negra. Figure 5.16: Chim textile fragment found in machay tomb T7 at Paucarms necropolis (Pi-1). Figure 5.17: Gourd vessel fragment engraved with classic Inka design from collective machay tomb in the upper Cordillera Negra. CHAPTER VI Figure 6.1: Number of villages by roofed floor space as estimated from the 1543 Visita de los Conchucos (Cook 1976-1977). Figure 6.2: Distribution of 40 LIP and LH sites in central Conchucos by estimated area. Figure 6.3: The small late pre-Columbian hamlet at Garachojirka (SN-4). Figure 6.4: Sketch plan drawing of Pogtn complex (inset), showing location of mortuary architecture (yellow) and storage structures (red), in relation to irrigated fields (stippled) and Maran River crossing. Figure 6.5: Overview plan of eastern Yangn (sectors A and B) showing location of saline spring, civic, mortuary and productive infrastructure. Figure 6.6: Plan drawing of oval patio group E-I indicating location of excavation cuts. Figure 6.7: Solid pottery handle with incised decoration dating to the LIP found at Gotushjirka. Figure 6.8: Salt making terraces on southwest slope of Yangn spring (sector B, cut P13). Figure 6.9: Percentage distribution of vessel shape-classes from stratified contexts, excavated in patio group E-I (Sector B, cuts P1, P2 and P3; all phases: n= 25). Figure 6.10: Plan drawing of patio group structures E-III and E-IV. Figure 6.11: Comparative distribution of vessel shape classes from stratified contexts, excavated in patio group E-III (Sector B, cut P5) and surface collection from patio groups E-III and E-IV (n= 46). Figure 6.12: Distribution of vessel shape classes from stratified contexts excavated in patio group E-V (Cut P8, phase 2). Figure 6.13: The necropolis of Pitakilla (SN-11, sector C), looking west. Figure 6.14: Sketch plan of semi-subterranean tomb with double access and five niches, associated with the main irrigation canal of As oasis (Juan Viernes (Pr-2)). Figure 6.15: Paired chullpa structures T2 and T1 (at left in background) on Cachicollpa plain (SN-5B) as seen from the path (staff = 1m). Figure 6.16: Number of villages by roofed floor space as estimated from the 1558 Visita del repartimiento de Guaraz (Alvarez 1968 [1558]). Figure 6.17: The two densely settled summits of fortified hilltop site Pl-14, looking across to the Cordillera Blanca. Figure 6.18: Decorated vessel pertaining to the Pueblo Libre stylistic group from a local collection in Moro. Figure 6.19: Pueblo Libre style pottery fragments from surface collections in the Callejn de Huaylas (Pueblo Libre, Yungay and Ranrahirca survey areas)(scale 1:2). Figure 6.20: The hilltop settlement of Piaspunta (Hu-5) looking northwest. Figure 6.21: Machay type collective tomb at Merqash (Hu-2).

154 155

164 167 168 169 171 172 173 174 175 177 178 180 184 185 186 192 196 197 198 202 203

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Figure 6.22: Casma incised pottery from Pocs Huanca (top three rows), and Akillpo pottery from the western Cordillera Negra (Hu-3) (scale 1:2). CHAPTER VII Figure 7.1: Modular arrangement of square patio groups at Wari. Figure 7.2: The central plain of Gotushjirka (sector B). Figure 7.3: Histogram of site size distribution based on 26 Middle Horizon sites in central Conchucos. Figure 7.4: Schematic plan of a typical CPG enclosure in eastern central Conchucos. Figure 7.5: Civic architecture at Quishuar (Ya-21). Figure 7.6: Plan of circular patio group enclosure at Markajirka de Juncay (SN-1). Figure 7.7: Natural shelters behind the elevated stage-like bench in the large CPG at Warijirka (SN-16). Figure 7.8: Scallop shell (Agropecten purpuratus) with inlay cavities found on the surface of E-V at Gotushjirka (SN-6B). Figure 7.9: Plan of CPG E-V showing location of cut P1 (box). Figure 7.10: Plan of CPG E-IV showing location of cut P2. Figure 7.11: Plan of excavation trenches in CPG E-VIII. Figure 7.12: A sample of pottery associated with construction and first occupation of CPG E-VIII. Figure 7.13: Hemispheric Gotush-style bowls associated with the later occupation of E-VIII. Figure 7.14: A sample of decorated jars and spoons associated with later occupation of CPG E-VIII. Figure 7.15: Zoomorphic rock art motif at Pitakilla. Figure 7.16: Gotush style bowl found in Pitakilla ossuary. Figure 7.17: Bone beads recovered from later occupation layers in CPG E-VIII. Figure 7.18: Percentage of vessel shape classes recovered from excavations in patio group E-VIII at Gotushjirka. Figure 7.19: Representation of a person holding shield and cup and wearing a fourpointed hat; Caraz Regional Museum. Figure 7.20: Carved wooden snuff tray with paired, front-facing felines; Caraz Regional Museum. Figure 7.21: Sketch plan of curving, gallery-type rooms around a central patio at site PL-22. Figure 7.22: Puntacorral (Yu-10). a) Location on hill overlooking the entrance to Llanganuco gorge (A); b) Sketch plan of patio group enclosure in sector A. Figure 7.23: Sketch plan of enclosure on the summit of Awkismarka (Yu-5, sector A). Figure 7.24: Keushu (Yu-16). a) View across lagoon towards the Cordillera Negra (WSW); b) Opposite view showing detail of blocked SPG access (scale = 1m). Figure 7.25: Sketch plan of room complex at Keushu (Yu-16, sector B), showing rounded enclosure and square patio groups. Figure 7.26: Aligned chullpa tombs at PataPata (Yu-3); looking south. Figure 7.27: Plan of paired chullpa tombs at site PL-9, in the eastern Cordillera Negra. Figure 7.28: Very large open vessels with incised appliqu band, probably intended for underground storage, found at Qeqerajirka (Hu-3) and Cerro Cruz Punta 1 (SR-2).

210

218 220 221 225 226 228 229 231 232 233 234 236 238 239 240 240 242 243 246 247 253 255 256 257 258 262 263 268

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Figure 7.29: Maweqotu (PL-25) as seen from the Cordillera Negra. Figure 7.30: Middle Horizon jar with moon animal depiction in the Nepea BlackWhite-Red style, from local collection in Moro. Figure 7.31: Cerro Limojirka as seen from Vinchamarka, showing EH Limojirka (Mo4) and MH sites. Figure 7.32: Plan of rectangular enclosure on the lower, south-facing, slope of Cerro Limojirka 1 (Mo-5). Figure 7.33: Plan and section of hilltop enclosure at Cerro Limojirka 2 (Mo-8). Figure 7.34: Anthropomorphic bottle in the shape of a gabled house (Nepea Moulded-style) from wall fill at site Mo-8.

269 275 279 280 281 282

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LIST OF MAPS
CHAPTER I Map 1.1: Elevation map of western South America indicating position of the central 2 Andes, major watersheds and modern capital cities (base data acquired from Gtopo30 elevation data). Map 1.2: Survey coverage of the Ancash axis. 10 CHAPTER II Map 2.1: Blanket mapping of ethnic territories at the time of the Inka empire (redrawn 29 by Prssinnen 2003: 75 after Rowe 1946, Map 3). CHAPTER III Map 3.1: Extract from the first thematic map of trade and transit in north-central Peru (Sievers 1914), showing coastal valleys of Moche through to Huarmey. Map 3.2: Precipitation map of central and southern Peru indicating the location of the Ancash axis. Map 3.3: Schematic overview of study regions and survey areas along the Ancash axis. Map 3.4: Overview map of southern and central Conchucos, indicating principal towns, sites surveyed and ecological zones. Map 3.5: Overview map of the Cordillera Negra, the Callejn de Huaylas and the Cordillera Negra, indicating ecological zones principal towns and sites surveyed. Map 3.6: Overview map of the north-central coast, indicating ecological zones, principal towns and sites surveyed. Map 3.7: Approximate distributions of Andean languages in the XVI century as compiled by Adelaar (2004, Map 3). Map 3.8: Reconstruction of the Culle speaking area by W. Adelaar (1989). CHAPTER IV Map 4.1: Overview map showing the location of archaeological sites surveyed in each of the four study areas of the Ancash axis (179 sites). CHAPTER V Map 5.1: Overview map of study area indicating principal mountain ranges, valleys and towns mentioned in the text. Map. 5.2: Elevation map of the central Andes indicating location of Inka and Chim sites and study areas mentioned in the text. Map 5.3: Inka sites and finds along the Road of Chinchaysuyu and the Yanamayo Yunga Naani. Map 5.4: Inka sites and finds in the Callejn de Huaylas study area, and dams, corrals and Chim pottery finds in the Cordillera Negra study area. 104 105 108 140 78 43 44 54 57 61 66 69 70

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Map 5.5: Inka roads and sites in the Nepea Valley, and Chim pottery finds in the Moro survey area. CHAPTER VI

150

Map 6.1: Distribution of LIP sites in the central Conchucos study area. 166 Map 6.2: Distribution of LIP sites in the Callejn de Huaylas and Cordillera Negra 195 study areas. Map 6.3: Distribution of LIP sites in the Ro Loco and Pinkulluyuq study areas, upper 208 Nepea Valley. CHAPTER VII Map 7.1: MH settlements and necropolis in central Conchucos. Map 7.2: MH sites in the Callejn de Huaylas study area, including distribution of early LIP coastal pottery and late pre-Columbian corrals and dams. Map 7.3: MH settlements and necropolis in central Conchucos. 222 250 277

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LIST OF TABLES
CHAPTER I Table 1.1: Principal patterns of social interaction in central Andean prehistory. CHAPTER III Table 3.1: Summary table of climatic perturbations and dates of probable occurrence. CHAPTER IV Table 4.1: Systematic field surveys along the Ancash axis. Table 4.2: Early regional archaeology in the Ancash highlands. Table 4.3: Field research calendar. Table 4.4: Sites by study, and survey area and abbreviations used in coding. CHAPTER V Table 5.1: Burials and clustered depositions of partially articulated human skeletal remains, excavated in mound M1 at Gotushjirka (SN6B, cut P5). CHAPTER VII Table 7.1: Patio group enclosures in the central Conchucos survey area and the southern Yanamayo basin. Table 7.2: Patio group enclosures in the Callejn de Huaylas study area. Table 7.3: Civic and mortuary architecture at Keushu (Yu-16) and Honco Pampa (data for HP from: Tschauner (1988)). Table 7.4: Comparative distribution of collective chullpa tombs in the Santa Valley study area 224 252 259 261 131 78 80 87 91 53 4

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

1.1

SCHOLARLY CONTEXT OF THESIS

The ways in which people seek to make the places they inhabit their own is the central object of this inquiry into the past. My main aim is to elucidate the long-term history of the relationships between people and landscapes through regional archaeological research, and to study how this history links into processes of ideological and economic change. I argue, that to view ancient societies as internally consistent, spatially continuous and hierarchically ordered hampers understanding of the multiple scales at which collective social identities emerge. Instead, I propose a historical approach to landscapes focussed on social boundaries and informed by a contrast between historical sources and archaeological evidence. This method for long-term research operates at multiple temporal and regional scales, and works comparatively across a range of neighbouring landscapes, which offer varying possibilities for human habitation and interaction. 1.2 ANDEAN ARCHAEOLOGY: SOME ISSUES

The Andean region of western South America provides a particularly dramatic setting in which to evaluate the relationship between people and places over the long term, for three main reasons. First, archaeological inquiry in the central Andes (Map 1.1) has established long trajectories of endogenous social development, which lead to the great cultural diversity encountered by European colonisers in the XVI century. At this time, social formations of widely differing socio-political scale and complexity strategically interacted and engaged not only each other, but the invaders as well. Second, historical sources of the XVI and XVII centuries record the ways in which Andean people disposed themselves over the landscape in which they lived, to paraphrase Gordon Willeys definition of archaeological settlement patterns (1953: 1). They also provide important insights into the beliefs, practices and institutions binding people, and their economy and ideology, to places. Ethnohistoric research thus provides

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a benchmark for archaeological scrutiny of social and spatial organisation of the pre-contact period, and vice-versa1. Finally, the Andean archaeological resource has mostly preserved well, especially that of the last millennium before colonisation. Many areas of marginal remain economic severely interest today but understudied,

standing or extant architecture, rock art and remains of portable material culture visible on the surface, provide ample scope for comparative regional archaeological research by means of field surveys. In order to situate and focus the specific research questions of this study, three the interrelated boundary debates between straddling

archaeology and history must be addressed: the role of social interaction in culture change; the ways in which indigenous economies were organised, and the issue of ethnic identity.

Map 1.1: Elevation map of western South America indicating position of the central Andes, major watersheds and modern capital cities (map data taken from the GTOPO30 Global Elevation Database: http://edcdaac.usgs.vov/gtopo30/).

1 This leads to the crucial methodological question, addressed in chapter 4, of how parallels between archaeological and historical enquiry may best be drawn.

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1.2.1

Social interaction

Archaeologists have long recognised that interaction between groups of people over distance is crucial to understand processes of culture change more fully (e.g. Canuto & Yaeger 2000; Renfrew & Cherry 1986). In Andean archaeology,2 the development of large-scale cultural phenomena during the Early, Middle and Late Horizons is often linked to distinct patterns of social interaction. Interactions drawn upon to explain the expansion of the socio-cultural phenomena known as Chavn (Burger 1992; Kano 1979; Patterson 1971; Tello 1929), Wari (Isbell & Schreiber 1978; Schreiber 1992; Shady 1982; Shady & Rosas 1979), Chim (Moseley & Cordy-Collins 1990; Moseley & Day 1982), and Inka (DAltroy & Earle 1985; Morris & Thompson 1985), include the spread of religions or cults (e.g. Cordy Collins 1976; Menzell 1964; Patterson 1971), the development of long-distance networks for the circulation of goods (e.g. Mac Neish et al. 1975; Shimada 1982), and military conquest (e.g. Lumbreras 1974b; Patterson 1987). Table 1.1 is a stateof-the-art summary of the principal interactions and their approximate calendar dates. Problematic assumptions about how interaction brings about social change and how this becomes embedded in material culture, however, are inherent in the notion of stylistic horizons (Willey & Phillips 1958: 31-33), on which the chronological framework for central Andean prehistory (Rowe 1962)3 - widely adopted across much of Latin America (Rice 1993) - rests. One of the key assumptions of the stylistic horizon concept is that variation in the intensity of social interaction will lead to similar changes in material culture across a given culture area (Steward 1949; cf. Schaedel 1993). Problematising this mechanistic assumption impinges upon the validity of relative chronology as a means to recognise regional change in time archaeologically4. Yet, it is only tenable if culture is regarded as normative, which implies affording a minimal role to peoples capacity to actively make history.

Period

Abbreviation

Approximate calendar dates

Principal interactions

2 Andean pre-Columbian archaeology is defined as the study of the peoples inhabiting the mountain ranges of western South America from the arrival of the first settlers, currently dated between 14000BP and 11500BP (see review in: Lavalle 2000), to the takeover of the Inka administrative apparatus, which signals the beginning of the Colonial regime. For a review of the transition leading to full Spanish control, see Spalding (1999). 3 Onuki (1979) and Schaedel (1986) have both proposed alternative chronological frameworks. 4 Similar problems with the framework for Andean relative chronology have lead Silverman (2004) to argue in favour of a much stronger reliance on direct dating methods.

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Period

Abbreviation

Approximate calendar dates AD 1476 - 1532

Principal interactions Regional socio-political formations of varying size and integration Networks of oracular shrines Pan-Andean Inka imperial domination Regional socio-political formations and confederations Networks of oracular shrines Bipolar dominance of south highland and north coast states Religious networks with peripheral outliers Multiple regional multi-valley sociopolitical and religious networks Pan-Andean religious network centred at oracular shrine Chavn de Huntar (late phase only) Complex prestige good circulation network Inter-valley network formation on the coastal Regional oracular shrines (?) Intra-valley network formation (coastal) Seasonal transhumance (?)

Late Horizon Late Intermediate Period Middle Horizon Early Intermediate Period

LH

LIP

AD 1000 - 1476

MH

AD 650 - 1000

EIP

AD 1 - 650

Early Horizon

EH

900 BC - AD 1

Initial Period Late Preceramic Period Early Preceramic Period

IP

1800 - 900 BC

LPC

3000 - 1800 BC

EPC

9500 - 3000 BC

Table 1.1: Principal patterns of social interaction in central Andean prehistory. Approximate calendar dates based on radiocarbon estimations published by Burger (1992), Lau (2003) and Lynch (1980).

The seminal work of Julio C. Tello on the origins of Andean civilisation (1929, 1942, 1960) exemplifies the key role of social interaction in archaeological interpretation. His developmental model, in essence, hinges on the existence of sustained contact between the peoples of the Amazonian lowlands, the coast of north-central Peru and the intermontane valleys between them, as conduits for the transfer of goods and knowledge. Rafael Larco Hoyle (1938, 1941) showed that many of Tellos detailed propositions had been based on flawed temporal assumptions. Influenced by V. G. Childes Man Makes Himself (1965 [1936]), Larco embraced economic determinism to advocate the primacy of coastal cultures (Patterson 1994: 532). Neither of these contrasting views was ever substantiated through systematic research at regional scale (Section 4.2), but they provided the main frameworks within which the origins of social complexity in the Central Andes were studied from the 1930s to the 1960s (Bennett 1948). Focalist and interactionist perspectives, however, still pervade the archaeological literature.

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Regional archaeology, as the study of archaeological settlement patterns was pioneered in the Vir valley on the north-central coast of Peru (Willey 1953; cf. Billman & Feinman 1999). This small, irrigable valley-oasis was chosen because of its marked ecological and physical boundaries: the ocean, hyper-arid deserts, and the steep and arid western escarpment of the Andes. Such ecologically bounded areas provided an ideal regional laboratory for research into the link between culture and ecology as espoused by the school of thought known as cultural ecology (Steward 1955). The work of Willey and colleagues helped ingrain Larcos proposition, that the valleyoases on the Pacific coast are pervasive core areas of cultural development. The development of social hierarchy has remained the main theme for regional investigations in northern Peru (e.g. Billman 2001; Haas et al. 1987; Proulx 1968, 1973, 1985; Wilson 1988, 1997; cf. Lamberg-Karlovsky 1989; Willey & Sabloff 1993). Exemplified by field studies aimed at testing Robert Carneiros circumscription theory for the origin of the state (Carneiro 1970), such studies (e.g. Daggett 1984, 1987a; Wilson 1988, 1997; see also: Haas et al. 1987) tend to emphasise the role of environmental parameters, demographic pressure and warfare in effecting culture change. Typically, competition over resources and the temporality of climatic disturbances (Chapter 3) are regarded at both the intraand inter-valley level. Highland-lowland interactions are however, seldom addressed in depth because less archaeological research has been conducted in highland areas. The strong imbalance between research on the north-central coast and the adjacent highlands is explained only in part by reference to the greater antiquity of complex sociopolitical formations on the coast (e.g. Fung 1988; Moseley 1975; Quilter & Stocker 1983; Shady et al. 2002). The exceptionally rich mortuary accoutrements of north coast cultures such as Moche (Alva & Donnan 1993) and Sicn (Shimada 1995) have also captivated many scholars attention. They also echo the economic and political pre-eminence of coastal valleys prevalent since the colonial period. Another important reason for the lack of inter-regional studies, however, is the daunting scale of the effort necessary to systematically survey the steep and heavily segmented, archaeologically uncharted highlands. Yet, it seems puzzling that comparative inter-regional studies designed to address the development of social interaction between coastal valleys and the highlands to the east

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directly are still scant5. Despite repeated calls to focus on coast-highland interaction (e.g. Shimada 1982; Schaedel 1985), little systematic research has been undertaken into the long-term development of interaction between dissimilar regional social formations across the Andes. It is pertinent for this study to inquire, therefore, into the processes of identity formation that underlie the establishment, maintenance and collapse of sociocultural boundaries. Thus, my first research question is, where and how, did people negotiate social integration? 1.2.2 Economic organisation

Socio-economic models developed from the study of early colonial accounts have impacted strongly on archaeological and ethnological research in the tropical Andes. Paramount over the last three decades has been the model of ecological complementarity, also known as the vertical archipelago, developed through study of documents about the pre-contact period contained in colonial Visita census records from the southern and central Andes of Peru (Murra 1972, 1978, 1985). This model suggests that Andean social formations will tend to attempt to make as much use as possible of the vertically staggered ecological tiers innate to mountainous environments through the establishment of islands or enclaves of production removed from a core territory. These areas - for herding, maize cultivation, the acquisition of marine resources or salt, for instance - were often several days from the core territory of an ethnic group and were sometimes shared by several ethnic groups. The people that worked there remained linked to their home area through ties of reciprocity and a common social (ethnic) identity. The verticality model elucidates economic aspects of the relationship between Andean people and landscape, since it describes and explains key features of the large, marketless ethnic economies of the XVI century. It blends substantivist economic theory with a Marxist inspired focus on productive forces and the organisation of production, and has become quasi-paradigmatic for Andean studies (Salomon 1985). The debate surrounding the origins and development of this economic strategy, its smaller-scale variants (see: Brush 1974; Oberem 1976) and the implications for Andean prehistory is vibrant and

Notable exceptions include John and Theresa Topics work on the north coast (Topic & Topic 1985, 1987) and work in the southern Peruvian in and around the valley of Moquegua (e.g. Goldstein 2000a, 2000b; Ryan Williams & Nash 2001).

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ongoing (e.g. Aldenderfer 1993; Dillehay 1979; Goldstein 2000b; Herrera 1998a; Lynch 1971; Van Buren 1996). Informed by this model archaeologists have successfully explored regional economies and inter-regional processes by conducting field surveys along altitudinal gradients (e.g. Dillehay 1979; Hastings 1985, 1987; Higueras 1996; Topic & Topic 1985; Watanabe et al. 1990). Diachronic approaches in particular have provided new insights into the complexity of inter-regional relations. For instance, Hastings (1985, 1987) work on the eastern slopes of central Peru, leads to the suggestion that multi-ethnic enclaves of specialist production were a late phenomenon, possibly a by-product of the expansion of the Inka state6. Yet, work in a small intermontane valley of north-central Peru (Herrera 1998a, 2003b) suggests, that integrated agro-pastoral production practices in adjacent ecological tiers have a long trajectory, dating back to the first centuries AD. Linking history and archaeology the vertical archipelago model has proved useful to address regional economic development in the Andes. Yet, the economic aspects of verticality remain to be linked to its experience, the long-term history of the symbolic and ideational practices of people landscape relationships. The question I shall address, is: how did prehistoric social formations claim and establish differential rights of access to the widely dispersed means of landed production? This second research question ties into the issue of social interaction discussed earlier, since the ways in which economy and ideology integrate is crucial to understand how ethnic identities come into being, and vice-versa. From a methodological perspective, therefore, there is an urgent need to focus on the archaeological correlates of ethnic identity, and on the boundaries and intersections between ethnic territories. In order to trace temporal change in boundaries between people, regional archaeological research must be extended in scope, proceeded comparatively and transcend individual altitudinal gradients and ecologically bounded areas; a difficult enterprise in mountainous environments (Lane & Herrera: in press). Nonetheless, recent work on the evolution of social interaction and social complexity in Europe (e.g. Crumley 1994b; Kristiansen

For a historic overview of regional variation in the relationship between the Inka state and local ethnic groups, see Pease (1982).

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1991), Africa (Keech McIntosh 1999a), and the Andes (Shimada 1982) demonstrates the value of comparing regional developments over the long term. 1.2.3 Ethnic identity Maria Rostworowski (1991) has circumscribed Andean ethnicity in terms that stress its situational contingency, as much as its specific modularity and territorial arrangements. She follows on from Fredrick Barths seminal Introduction to Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (1969) and seeks to define the social boundaries of macroetna, the largest, paramount regional groups, or Andean polities of the XVI century, which were composed of a number of smaller curacazgos. At these scales, Rostworowski posits, Andean ethnic identities share four main constitutive characteristics: 1) unity of origin and beliefs; 2) unity of language or dialect; 3) unity of dress; and 4) socio-political unity (cf. Topic 1992, 1998). Andeanist archaeologists, ethnohistorians and linguists have explored these defining traits of social identity to varying degrees. From an archaeological perspective, differing styles of material culture are important, but by no means straightforward indicators of social identity (Conkey & Hastorf 1990). Since the preservation of prehistoric garments is a rare occurrence, studies of prehistoric dress and attire as indicators of identity have long focussed on iconography (e.g. Montell 1929). Analysis of excavated burials has added significantly to the study of iconography, however, since objects in mortuary contexts - and the representations on them - are contextually tied to specific people, places and buildings (e.g. Alva & Donnan 1993; Shimada 1995). Mortuary monuments - and rites - play a pivotal role in generating and maintaining collective social identities (Bloch 1971, 1982; Bloch & Parry 1982). Yet, regional analysis of mortuary archaeology (e.g. Beck 1995) remains surprisingly rare in the Andes (cf. Salomon 1995; Kaulicke 2000b). Regional investigations have been chiefly preoccupied with socio-political power, and thus they have tended to focus more on the evolution of the largest units, such as empires and states (e.g. DAltroy 1983; Haas et al. 1987; Schreiber 1992, 2001), than on smaller scale societies and their component communities. In contrast to dress (style) and socio-political unity, historic study of languages and archaeological study of beliefs about origins are developing fields. The spread, relationship and change through time of the many languages spoken across the XVI

48

century Andes are increasingly receiving attention from linguists (e.g. Adelaar 1989, 2004; Cerrn-Palomino 1995; Torero 1989; Heggarty: in press). Archaeologists have only recently begun to exploit systematically the rich ethnohistoric record of Andean ideologies and beliefs, especially the trials of idolatry, to guide field investigations (Astuhuamn 2003; Farfn 2002; Topic 1992, 1998; but see: Carrin Cachot 1959; Tello 1923). The work of John Topic (1992, 1998) on ethnogenesis in the northern highlands of Peru stands out as one of the first regional archaeologicalhistorical studies into the history of ethnic identities in the Andes. Overall, emphasis on the evolution of political economies has lead to a neglect of the study of ideology in general and of ethnic identity in particular. This long-term regional study aims to become a contribution to redress this situation. My third research question, therefore, concerns the scales at which collective identities crystallize and become archaeologically observable phenomena. To this effect, it aims to integrate the four constitutive elements of identity mentioned above. 1.3 ARCHAEOLOGY ACROSS THE INTERREGIONAL CASE STUDY ANCASH HIGHLANDS: AN

This dissertation addresses the longue dure of inter-regional social relations comparatively, as well as redressing the imbalance of archaeological research between the coast and highlands of northern Peru (Departamento de Ancash). To this end, three seasons of fieldwork, including survey and excavations, were conducted along a trans-Andean transect. This research axis, henceforth called the Ancash axis, cuts orthogonally across the western and central range of the northern Andes. It spans four major altitudinal gradients of great ecological diversity, and links two areas partly surveyed previously: the Nepea valley on the Pacific coast, and the southern Yanamayo basin in central Conchucos region (Map 1.2). The importance of the coastal valley-oasis of Nepea, at western end of the Ancash axis is threefold. First, early discussions that sought to understand the origins of Andean social complexity focussed on this valley (Kosok 1965; Soriano Infante 1941; Tello 1956), a situation prompted by the discovery of the spectacular first millennium BC clay sculptures and reliefs at the sites of Cerro Blanco and Punkur (Daggett 1987b). Second, most of the lower and middle sections of the valley have been surveyed, and the results

49

comprehensively published (Daggett 1984; Proulx 1968, 1973a, 1985). Third, the earliest study to address explicitly the issue of coast-highland interaction in terms of territories (Proulx 1982) is based on these surveys. This latter point is perhaps the most important since Proulx study includes some frequent misconceptions that this study seeks to avoid.

Map 1.2: Survey coverage of the Ancash axis. Red line denotes areas surveyed for the present study, dashes and gaps indicate overlap (yellow: Daggett (1984, 1987a) and Proulx (1968, 1973, 1985); green: Herrera (1998a, 2003b).

Based on the distribution of pottery sherds attributed to coastal and highland styles (Moche and Recuay), Donald Proulx (1982) proposed the existence of a highland enclave in the upper Nepea, a valley otherwise controlled by the coastal Moche state. Social interaction between the cultures of Moche and Recuay was confined to conflict over control of the upper valley portion and, as reiterated recently (Proulx 2003), some limited trade. The cornerstone evidence for trade consists of surface finds and two pairs of vessels looted from the cemetery at Tres Maras (PV31-73): two decorated pieces bowls and two plainware dishes (Proulx 1973: 34). The similarities with pottery from the highlands to the east are beyond doubt. What is most remarkable and was not realised by Proulx is that the plainware dishes are virtually indistinguishable in shape and size from

50

tilla dishes used by traditional potters across the Ancash highlands (see: Tello 1938). This re-interpretation suggests that, between AD 200 and 500, highland potters worked on the coast. As exemplified by several hybrid Moche/Recuay vessels (cf. Bankmann 1979; Reichert 1982), this case is probably not unique. This evidence from Nepea points to a long history of coast-highland interaction. It is apparent, that the equation of a style of pottery with a people based on a conception of culture as a set of inflexible, normative rules (cf. Dietler & Herbich 1998; Hodder 1982), hinders assessment of its quality, intensity and change through time. The location of a foreign grave in one of many cemeteries surrounding the southernmost monumental Moche site, Paamarka, also draws into question the utility of continuous territorial models as a means to further understanding the manifold links that people create between places and social identities. At the same time, it points to the necessity of a regional approach to mortuary analysis (Beck 1995; also: Dillehay 1995; Kaulicke 2000b). Archaeological research at the eastern end of the Ancash axis has been scant, in contrast. In the first half of the XX century the intermontane Yanamayo valley of central Conchucos was explored briefly by the pioneering expedition led by Tello in 1919. Later scholarly visits to north-central highlands passed the area by, however (e.g. Antnez de Mayolo 1935; Roosevelt 1935). Following in Tellos footsteps subsequent generations of scholars focussed on the monumental first millennium BC site of Chavn de Huntar in the valley immediately to the south (e.g. Burger 1984, 1992; Kembell & Rick 2004; Lumbreras 1974a, 1993; Lumbreras & Amat 1969; Tello 1929, 1960). The apparent cultural insignificance of central Conchucos proved ideal for a regional archaeological study of change in settlement strategies, from the perspective of subsistence economies, in a typical intermontane valley, however (Herrera 1998a, 2003b). This study revealed two local deviations within the broader, long-term trend in settlement pattern development linked, first, to the presence of a source of salt, and second, to a major natural boundary for interregional transit. The saline spring at Yangn, located near the meeting of the Yanamayo and Maran rivers is unique in the northern highlands. Oral histories, ethnographic observation and monumental architecture detected nearby in 1997 (Herrera 1998a, 2003b) suggest the presence of a salt production site. This secluded location, and the key importance of salt

51

throughout human history (e.g. Kurlansky 2002), means that the Yangn area is particularly well suited for a long-term study into peoples relations to scarce, focalised resources. The displacement of the Yauya Stela, the largest carved granite slab in Chavn style (Tello 1923, also: Espejo 1964) from Chavn de Huntar to Ingarag (Herrera 1998b: 234-238; cf. Burger 2003)7, points to a northward shift in major routes of east-west transit, possibly around 200 BC. Transport of the 4m long polished and carved stone image followed a route that parallels a section of the slab-lined Inka road linking Cusco to Quito, which descends along the southern margin of the Maribamba valley before crossing the deep gorge of the Yanamayo. Early concentration of large hilltop sites and a concentration of stone sculpture in this area (Herrera 2003a) suggests the presence of an enduring geopolitical hotspot in the Yauya area of central Conchucos (Herrera 2003b). To summarise, this trans-Andean transect links the coast and highlands across a highly segmented landscape and provides a sample of great ecological and cultural diversity. The archaeological field survey of the Ancash axis cuts across two tall cordilleras and two torrential rivers of the northern Andes. J.C. Tello showed that social interaction across these major natural boundaries is of great antiquity. This study aims to address its quality and historical trajectory during late Andean prehistory. 1.4 RESEARCH AIMS

The primary goal of this thesis is to elucidate the development of prehistoric social relations across the mountains of north-central Peru. It is my thesis that past approaches to social complexity in the Andes have obscured the study of relations between social formations, because they have neglected the study of how social identities are played out on the land through time and at multiple scales. I contend that this link between people and places is best addressed through the practices and material culture that act as vehicles of social memory. This regional and comparative study aims to assess changes in scale and structure of interregional interaction. The scale of interaction, on the one hand, refers to the changing
7

For a full description of Ingarag (Y-5), see Herrera (1998a: 226-233).

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intensity of the displacement of goods, people and ideas. This includes the temporality and numbers of people that moved, the impact of the ideas and knowledge transmitted, and the amounts and types of objects displaced. The structure of interaction, on the other hand, refers to the quality of relations between people. First, and foremost, stands the question of the social activities and places that tied people together into groups. Second, are the mechanisms through which interaction occurred, such as ritual battles or conquest warfare, pilgrimages, barter or trade exchanges, competitive emulation, migrations, or reciprocal relations of mutual solidarity. Structure also refers to the tempo of these activities. Meaningful analysis of the diachronic development of social relations across space requires identification of social actors. From the historic record of the XVI century, we can infer the existence of several kinds of large-scale Andean socio-political formations. These include corporate groups, such as oracular shrines and ethnic federations that coexisted and interacted with states and empires, ruled by small numbers of high-ranking individuals. Given the fluid transitions between these modes of social organisation it seems crucial, from an archaeological perspective, to focus on the formation of collective identities by studying the relationship between material culture and landscape. My comparative approach aims to find differences in the boundaries between complex socio-political formations across the Ancash axis. To this end, it must also address the role of social memory, which mediates the relationship between people and places. In order to gauge the role of interaction in culture change deeper in time, I shall place in context the material (archaeological) referents for social relations in both space and time at multiple scales. Analysis of settlement patterns will proceed from the local scale of the individual watersheds, to the three regions defined by major basins and then comparatively across the western and central mountain ranges of northern Peru. Finally, I situate the Ancash axis within the global context of the Central Andes. Throughout this multi-scalar regional analysis of social change in complex societies, I shall use territoriality and social interaction as a twin set of analytical concepts. Within the dialectical field defined by the perceived environment (i.e. the landscape), and the social

53

tensions created by asymmetrical power relations (Fig. 1.1), I discuss and recast the notions of cultural diffusion and influence, on the one hand, and trade and exchange on the other. The locations in the landscape of collective tombs and other ceremonial architecture vis--vis specific rocks, mountains and the like, are thus analysed as the material referents used by Andean people to generate and negotiate social identities.

Figure 1.1: Field of inquiry (exploded Venn diagram).

1.5

DISSERTATION OUTLINE

Addressing the archaeology of identity and interaction requires, first, a clarification of the key theoretical concepts and explanatory frameworks (Chapter 2). Second, the geographic and ecological context for human dwelling in the four contiguous regions of study - as well as of the natural and cultural boundaries between and within them must be set out (Chapter 3). The method of study tailored to the highly dynamic external conditions, begins with discussion of the models of social organisation and ideological structure derived from ethnohistoric accounts, as well as of the pertinent ethnographic and linguistic literature (Chapter 4). Its aim is to provide an adequate point of departure to scrutinize comparatively across the different regions crossed by the Ancash axis. Alternative models of territory, identity and social interaction, as well as the theoretical construct laid out above, provide the conceptual tools for analysis, first, of the archaeological record of the Inka period (Chapter 5). Thus informed the discussion continues backward in time into the pre-Inka period (Chapters 6 and 7) and into the first 54

half of the first millennium AD a cut-off point imposed by the low visibility of earlier remains in the surface archaeological record. In the concluding chapter, I discuss the significance of these results for central Andean prehistory and integrate them into the broader picture of historical landscape archaeology. Furthermore, implications for further research, in the light of the research questions outlined above, are drawn.

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CHAPTER II SOCIAL IDENTITIES, BOUNDARIES AND INTERACTIONS

2.1

INTRODUCTION

Etched into the valleys, hillsides and mountaintops of the northern Andes is the history of the relationship between people and the land. The Andes present appearance, like much of the earths surface, is largely the product of human-environment interactions over millennia8. The current distribution of vegetation and fauna are the result of massive human impact. Landscape transformations have resulted largely from a sedentary subsistence economy which, traditionally, combines irrigation and fallow farming with herding9. People also affect their habitat through practices related to the ascription of meaning, however, often through mythical narratives (Ucko 1994: xviii-xix). For the Andean region, notions and practices tying social relations to specific landscape features, notably rock outcrops, caves and crevices, lakes and glaciers, are well documented in colonial sources (e.g. Albornoz 1967 [1582?]; Arriaga 1999 [1621]; Duviols 2003; Hernndez Prncipe 1923 [1622]; Taylor 1987). Ethnological studies have shown the multiplicity of ways in which features of an animated landscape are imbued with meaning through social memory and practice (e.g. Abercrombie 1998; Allen 1988; Isbell 1978), and archaeologists are increasingly recognising the centrality of ancestor veneration in this process (e.g. Dulanto 2001; Hastorf 2003; Isbell 1997; Kaulicke 2000b; Lau 2002). Tangible marks on the landscape are an effective means of evoking a special relationship over a specific area or place. The way in which landscapes were socially segmented in a particular historical context - the way this segmentation was inscribed in the landscape informs about the structure of social relations both within and between socio-political
8 The earliest radiometric assessment for human occupation of the study area, from Guitarrero Cave, is 12,560 +/- 360 B.P. (uncal.) (Lynch 1980: 32-3, Table 2.1) 9 Full domestication of beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), aj peppers (Capsicum chinense), and possibly tubers at Guitarrero Cave probably predates 8000BC (Smith 1980). Positive identification of camelid domestication (on bone) has proven more elusive; the current consensus places the unfolding of this process between 8000 and 4000BC (for a comprehensive discussion see: Bonava (1996: 109-136).

56

formations. Yet, how should these tangible marks - from rock art to tombs, and ceremonial platforms to monumental architecture - be studied? Clearly, the way we read or interpret these indicators of past social segmentation of the land depends heavily on our views on society and social change. I focus on the study of Andean territoriality - a key link between rights of property, inheritance and ancestor veneration - because systems of kinship, rules of descent and inheritance form the backbone of property relations (Hann 1998). My argument is based on the appropriation of places and landscapes as contested, political fields of social interactions, which are linked inextricably to the economic base, on the one hand, and to alternative mindsets or beliefs about people-landscape relations on the other.

In this chapter, I develop my approach to integrate study of the economic demands imposed on people by the places they live in, their beliefs about such places, and their social organisation. First, I present the theoretical considerations underpinning this longterm case study. Second, I discuss and define key terms, including landscape, territory, social identity and social memory. Finally, I review modes of social organisation and processes of identity formation in the Andes by recourse to ethnohistory. I conclude, that the integration of historical accounts and material culture provide the fundamental starting point for archaeological scrutiny of later Andean prehistory. In consequence, I advocate an approach of multiple and flexible temporal and spatial scales, tailored to address the economic and ideological conditions prevailing in specific landscapes that proceeds from history into the archaeological past. 2.2 A HISTORICAL APPROACH TO ANCIENT LANDSCAPES

At the heart of social dynamics at local and regional level, stands the dialectic between social integration and separation; us as opposed to them. Determining the degree to which discontinuities in past material remains reflect socio-cultural difference is a fundamental epistemological issue in social archaeology. Until the mid XX century ethnic interpretations -following Childes recasting of Gustav Kossinnas Kulturkreislehre - were accepted without question (Bernbeck 1997; Trigger 1997), but a radical shift towards economic interactions was brought about by the advent of processual or New archaeology, especially in the Anglo-American literature.

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Many of the great successes of processual archaeology have been in the study of complex societies. The recognition that the broad range of decentralized socio-political formations with weakly institutionalised offices of power evades pigeonholing ranks as an important example (Earle 1991a). Typologies of cultures or stages of social evolution, which create a false homogeneity to attain an apparent ontological purity, are becoming a matter of the past (e.g. Keech McIntosh 1999b). Instead, approaches addressing the diversity and specificities of historical trajectories, human agency and cultural dispositions, are increasingly put forward (e.g. Blanton et al. 1996; DeMarrrais et al. 1996; Feinman & Marcus 1998). Research on social interaction in the central Andes, however, often remains trapped within the culture-historical paradigms of the Vir valley project - a point raised recently by Shimada (2004) on the issue of Moche expansion - and continues to focus, somewhat obsessively, on expanding, adaptively successful societies (cf. Champion 1989). Jonathan Haas (2001) has recently advanced a notion of culture as a complex adaptive system -based on the classic stage-wise evolutionary models, and drawing on Stewards paradigm of multilinear evolution as well as on mainstream processual archaeology - that goes far beyond that of Leslie White (1959). His approach has stripped stageism and the notion of progress from the neo-evolutionist programme, and combines transformational and selectionist elements. Thereby, the role of human agency in culture change is acknowledged, albeit reduced to tinkering with evolutionary trajectories (Haas 2001: 12). Increasingly close scrutiny of the ontological status, colonialist legacy, and imperialist bias of the positivist epistemology underlying processual archaeology, including evolutionism and systemic (structural-functionalist) views of culture, has given rise to post-processual archaeology, an umbrella term referring to a plurality of theoretical approaches critical to the dominant research paradigms of the 1950s to 1970s. This self-critique of the discipline has prompted a discursive move away from reductionist categorizations (Gosden 1999; Johnson 1999; Keech McIntosh 1999b). Rather than focussing on hierarchy and social structure in states and chiefdoms, for instance, there is renewed interest in the political strategies within and between complex socio-political formations, including such which are decentralized, or have weakly institutionalised, ad hoc offices of

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power (e.g. Keech McIntosh 1999a; Southhall 1999). These developments are paralleled by a resurgence of interest in issues of ethnicity and identity (Hakenbeck & Mathews 2004; Jones 1997; Stark 1998)10. Recent ethnoarchaeological research into social boundaries (Agorsah 1998; Dietler & Herbich 1998; Hodder 1982; Stark 1998; Stark et al. 1998; cf. Hodder & Hutson 2003) has brought to the fore the complexities inherent in the elusive task of mapping present social identities through the spatial distribution of objects. Archaeologists now widely recognise that material culture can have political, economic, social, as well as symbolic dimensions (Gosden 1999: 152-178). The current challenge, which emerging archaeological perspectives share in common, albeit in unequal measure, is to adequately consider both external forces, such as ecological and economic conditions and processes, and internal social dynamics, including the ontologies about the physical world on which modes of constructing social identities rest. Intimately related is the link between models of social reproduction and models of social change (Rowlands & Kristiansen 1995b). Crumley (1987, 1995), for instance, has advanced the notion of heterarchy as a strategy for the regional study of socio-historical structures that challenges the focus on hierarchy head-on. Fox (1988) and Pauketat (1997) make use of the notion of segmentary states for their research in Central and North America - a model used by Gose (1993) to address the Inka state, while Southhall (1999) speaks of galactic polities in Africa. The broader, overarching reference to decentralized stratified societies by Kristiansen (1991) brings us closer to the intellectual ancestry of this school of thought. It recalls Max Webers notions of patrimonial kingship and charismatic authority and, most importantly, the militrische Demokratie propounded by Friedrich Engels. The latter concept, also known and further developed as the Germanic mode of production, has found manifold applications in archaeology (e.g. Gailey & Patterson 1998; Gilman 1991). It is appropriate to remember at this point the comparisons drawn in the 1890s between Andean forms of social organisation and the ancient Germanic Markgenossenschaften by Heinrich Cunow (1890, 1891). These have been instrumental in durably shaping views of the Andean past (e.g. Choy 1960; Lumbreras 1974b, 1986).

10 This applies mostly to the Anglophone literature, since in much of central Europe, and other areas in which new archaeology had little impact, the culture-historical approach to ethnicity continued to be used (Biehl et al. 2002).

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Archaeological theory influenced by historical materialism (e.g. McGuire & Paynter 1991; Miller & Tilley 1984; Miller et al. 1989; Rowlands & Kristiansen 1995a) has been highly influential in discussions on social interaction, because of its focus on the historical role of social tension, contradictions and conflict. It has widely discussed the means through which claims to power are resisted and social cohesion is negotiated - rather than imposed from above or mechanically inherited. While there are considerable divergences between individual approaches, the consensus broadly follows the Marxist view of history as contingent, wherein people, as conscious historical agents, make history, yet under conditions not chosen by them. 2.2.1 Social identity and ethnicity

Collective social identities and the issue of ethnicity can be summarised as concerning the mutually recognised differences between groups of people sharing a common view of themselves as different, a self-identity. Archaeologists have drawn upon sophisticated social theory, especially on Pierre Bourdieus Theory of Practice (1977) (e.g. Jones 1997; Hakenbeck & Mathews 2004), to rise to this challenge and overcome the unsustainable direct equation of ethnic identity with material culture. The development of methods has been slow, however. The seminal work on social boundaries and ethnicity by Fredrik Barth (1969), briefly alluded to in the introduction, makes it plain that the material expressions of such subtle and highly fluid categories of social adscription may be ambiguous to archaeological scrutiny. His model circumscribes ethnicity as a social strategy deployed by people when they consider it advantageous to do so. Boundaries of interaction are the locus at which ethnicity in particular, and social identities in general become most patently manifest (Jenkins 1996: 90-103). This is why Barths perspective has been labelled interactionist or situatonalist (Banks 1996). From an archaeological perspective Barths stress on the necessity of continuous validation of identities is crucial: Stable inter-ethnic relations presuppose () a structuring of interaction: a set of prescriptions governing situations of contact () and a set of proscriptions on social situations preventing inter-ethnic interaction in other sectors (Barth 1969: 16).

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Investigating the nature of recurrent patterns of activity is one of archaeologys traditional strengths. Despite the fluidity and inherent ambiguities of collective social identities structured social practices, such as attempts to immortalize the ancestral dead, aid the task of reconstructing past identities which are sufficiently stable in the long term to leave an archaeologically visible trace. Richard Jenkins (1996) insightful sociological discussion of social identity draws on the work of Barth to separate two distinct aspects of identity. On the one hand, the nominal, which refers to the name and the labelling; on the other hand, the virtual aspect of identity that refers to the experience of an identity, or what it means to bear it. Archaeology is probably best suited to focus on those nominal aspects of identity that find expression in material culture that is, the trappings of collective social identities. These aspects, which we might call material identity, are more than a sub-set of nominal identity. Wearing a religious symbol around ones neck, or as a particular headdress, for instance, imbricates nominal and virtual aspects of identity. In its extreme form material identities can be embodied through actual modification of the human body, such as scarring or cranial deformation. For the late prehistoric Andes, two types of cranial deformation have been suggested to be common markers of ethnic identity (Burger 2004: 94). Such direct correlations between material and ethnic identity are, however, problematic. Posterior or occipital flattening, in this particular case, is unintentional in that it is linked to the wide spread use of cradleboards across the northern and central coast (Burger 2004) and highlands (Pommeroy 2003) of Peru. Tapering, bi-lobed and other strikingly deformed skulls are more clearly intended to make an identity material. This materially signalled aspect of nominal identity on its own, however, does not warrant an ethnic interpretation, especially considering the dearth of contextual cemetery data. The weaving of exquisite hats ostensibly made to fit tapering skulls (e.g. Frame 1990; Rowe 1996) suggests that the material identity conveyed by this form of cranial deformation may, in some historical instances, be linked more closely to social status than to ethnicity (Chapter 6). Neither are material identities coterminous with archaeological cultures. That a particular object or style of material culture - such as a style of architecture, pottery or masonry was actively used to convey collective social identities must be established, rather than assumed as is often the case. Archaeology has a long tradition of establishing material

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identities in many ways and at multiple scales. To approach prehistoric social identities meaningfully, however, the intersection of several lines of material evidence must be drawn upon. Furthermore, these must be placed within specific regional economic and historical contexts. This brings me to discuss the issue of emplacement and the relational contexts in which material culture is found. 2.2.2 Territory and place

From the perspective of historical ecology (Crumley 1994a), a landscape can be defined as the visible, tangible interface of past relations between a particular environmental setting and the cumulative effect of social relations among and between social formations. Landscapes are more than environment or geographic setting: they are nature made culture, both physically and cognitively. Thus, landscape archaeology can be succinctly defined as the study of the dynamics and variability in durable relations between people and land (Bender 1993; Bradley et al. 1991)11. The ascription of meanings to places is integral to the creation and maintenance of social identity and difference. It is often linked to claims to - more or less exclusive - rights of access. A territory can thus be initially defined as a bounded area of land over which rights of access are claimed either by individuals or by groups of people (Sack 1986). In archaeology, territoriality was originally conceptualised in ecological terms (Chapman 1981; Renfrew 1976), or framed in a behaviourist paradigm, which paralleled its use in the biological sciences (Dyson-Hudson & Smith 1978). Territorial behaviour or territoriality was seen as an adaptive response occurring when critical resources are sufficiently abundant and predictable in space and time, so that the costs of exclusive use and defence of an area are outweighed by the benefits gained by resource control (Dyson-Hudson & Smith 1978). More broadly, yet along the same lines, Robert Sack (1986) defined territoriality as a social strategy, which expressed social relations of power, the attempt by an individual or group to affect, influence or control people, phenomena, and relationships by delimiting and asserting control over a geographic area () called the territory (1986: 19, emphasis in the original).

11 For a useful review of the trajectory and perspectives in landscape archaeology, see Anschuetz et al. (2001).

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In his History and Theory of Human Territoriality, Sack (1986: 1-27) draws a useful distinction between universal territorial effects and historically contingent attributes. The latter include such (modern) uses of area as the establishment of jurisdictions, delimitation of private property and the definition of social identities by place of residence or birth. The former include exclusion and inclusion, contingency and a capacity to occur in degrees. Among the possible functions of territoriality he points out the classification of things and people; communication about social space; and the definition of hierarchal social relations. Changes in territoriality, he argues, can have a catalytic effect on social development, mainly because territoriality is the primary spatial form that power takes (Sack 1986: 26). In contrast to the area approach above, which one might refer to as a blanket territorial model, Robert Chapmans (1995) critical discussions of the assumptions underlying earlier archaeological inquiries into how territories were socially and materially bounded in the European Neolithic (e.g. Chapman 1981; Renfrew 1973, 1976), highlights increasing concern about the meanings of monuments and places. As a result, territoriality has been taken on board to refer to the communication between people about places. In Ingolds terms, for instance: () territoriality is a means of effecting cooperation over an extensive but common range in an ecological situation (the exploitation of dispersed fauna and flora) which precludes regular faceto-face contact between cooperating units in the course of extractive activities (Ingold 1986: 143) Territoriality is thus no longer regarded only as adaptive behaviour, but as a strategy of communication. Defined as communication between people about specific places or areas and their physical and social boundaries, territoriality comes to emphasise the negotiation of inclusive social relations of economic cooperation within a social group vis--vis others. It is thus contingent to a particular time and place. Territories, therefore, are the historically contingent spatial expression of collective social identities. Tenure is an extreme form of territoriality - not always distinguished as such - through which exclusionary appropriation of areas, places or resources is sought (Chapman 1995: 39-41). Unlike territoriality, however - at least in its biologistic definition - tenure

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systems are dependent upon social institutions built upon socially constructed difference. Upholding a system of unequal access to specific areas thus depends not only on separate social identities but also on access to the means to enforce inequality between them. Extreme forms of territorial strategies such as tenure can therefore be expected to occur at economically, geo-politically or ideologically important landscape junctures. Inasmuch as they relate to the subsistence patterns of primary producers, territories can be expected to tend to show long-term stability, a pre-requisite for the archaeologically recognisable materialisation. This relates to the issue of property rights (Hann 1998), but the term property will be avoided here as it may implicitly raise assumptions relating to exclusivity of rights of access, and the ontological status of things - such as private property and the existence of commodities - which are highly pertinent to the modern capitalist economic order, but which are likely to mislead study of the past (see: Appadurai 1986)12. As will become poignantly apparent when the economic and ideological aspects of landscape are discussed below, the economic, political and ideological structures prevailing in Andean prehistory were quite different to those of the modern capitalist world. Based on historic accounts Abercrombie (1998: 9-10), for instance, has suggested that social boundaries in the pre-Columbian period were recorded in space through a combination of ritual and material culture, including khipu13: a narrative device used for narrative purposes by its structure as an iconic model of transit lines in space, a manipulable model of the ceque system14 that connected significant topographic points, recalling the ritual movements that helped to shape the boundaries of the social by linking social groups to narratively coded pasts associated with the landscape (Abercrombie 1998: 13).

12 For a useful, albeit tendentious review, see Earle (2000). Hodders brief critique of substantivist economic theory (Hodder 1982b: 199-201) states that individual exchanges are part of social relations, which, at a different scale, is the same as stressing the social embededness of economy, as the substantivists do. There are no grounds for disagreement on the fundamental point: that capitalist alienation makes past economic systems, in which the economy is embedded in social relations, incommensurable with the present capitalist order. 13 Mnemonic devices using strings of different colours and textures, with several kinds of knots positioned as relational markers. 14 According to Bernab Cobos account of 1653 the Inka ceque system comprises 328 waka shrines organised along 42 lines linking social groups through a calendar of ritual and productive activities (see: Bauer 1992; Sherbondy 1982, 1986; Zuidema 1964).

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This passage succinctly summarises how Andean ritual practices bound places, stories and groups of people to places in the landscape by recourse to social memory. In Inka cosmogony, the structure of this relationship was channelled through a network of sacred places, shrines and temples called the ceque system (Bauer 1992; Zuidema 1964). Its enduring importance as a calendrical means to organise the distribution of irrigation water and time collective ritual obligations, including work on fields pertaining to deities, ancestor shrines or Inka rulers, has been laid out clearly by Sherbondy (1986, 1987). The functioning of the Inka ceque system was contingent not only upon the meanings ascribed to individual shrines and each particular ritual cycle, but to the productive practices including the allocation of water and land - set in relation to these beliefs. 2.2.3 Social memory

The role of social memory in the creation and maintenance of social difference (Abercrombie 1998; Hastorf 2003) and cultural hybridity (Gosden 2001; van Dommelan 1997) is widely acknowledged and can hardly be underestimated. Yet the shared remembrance of group experiences (Alcock 2002), which links how social identities are forged and territories construed and claims inscribed in the landscape, has been little explored over the longue dure of prehistory. From the perspective of cognitive sociology, Zerubavel (1997) differentiates mnemonic socialization, traditions and communities as integral threads in the fabric of cultural identities. He makes the point that mnemonic traditions and communities tend to be long lasting, much more so than the lives of individuals. Connerton (1989) has drawn attention in particular to the immaterial ways in which images of the past and recollected knowledge of the past are conveyed and sustained by (more or less ritual) performances (op. cit. p. 40), including commemorative ceremonies and bodily practices. This immateriality of social memory presents a familiar challenge for archaeology: despite the tendency to long-term stability its material referents will, in the vast majority of instances, be indirect and ambiguous. Monuments are, by definition, memory made material, and it is worthy of note that the word is also as a synonym for tomb and boundary markers. They are expressions of collective social identity, generally executed as architecture (Moore 1996). Yet, as the highly emotional charge and imagery of words like home or Heimat conveys, domestic

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and other forms of architecture can also embody social memory in quite direct ways (Parker Pearson & Richards 1994). The most important and most studied, but possibly least understood, type of Andean monument is the collective mortuary tomb (e.g. Drennan 1995; Kaulicke 2000b; Meja 1957; Salomon 1995). Given its obvious links to kinship structure and, thus, to a central means for the ritual enactment (and reproduction) of a given social order (e.g. Bloch 1971), the centrality of collective tombs to archaeological scrutiny of social memory and identity is evident. It seems reasonable to expect that the location and landscape setting in which the enactment of integrative performances occur repeatedly over a long period of time, will aim to heighten their specific evocations and associations, and the same may be said about the accoutrements of performance, including dress. Gathering places should be strategically placed and the layout and features of performative (ritual) architecture should reflect an intention to heighten dramatic effect. It is worth remembering, however, that it is peoples activities - speech, movement and the like - that embody and convey social memory. This brings me to an important point concerning language. Language is one of the most important and pervasive indicators of social identity, and of ethnicity in particular. It is the medium for social interaction par excellence, along with song and dance, in which it often plays a leading part. Despite its ethereal quality, however, the study of place names or toponyms provides an ample, yet little exploited source for linguistic reconstruction of the past (e.g. Torero 1989) 15. This point brings me back to the issue of nominal identities, not of people, but of places. As I was able to witness during fieldwork in the Yauya area, place names are particularly important in the context of an oral tradition. They impinge, for all to hear, upon historically legitimated rights of access to specific areas, conceptually bounded and named - but unmarked - by particular groups of people; separate communities and neighbouring agricultural fields, in this particular ethnographic case. This ethnographic observation highlights the dense interweaving of social integration, fostered by territoriality, segregation, structured by patterns of tenure, and the social memory embedded in places.
15

The specific paleo-linguistic evidence for the area of study is discussed in chapter 3.

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2.3

ANDEAN TERRITORIALITY

A rich source of information on socio-economic and religious aspects of the preColumbian past is contained in ethnohistoric sources, such as chronicles, administrative and judicial documents. As outlined in the introduction, historical research has benefited interpretation of archaeological remains, especially for the periods immediately prior to the European conquest (e.g. Morris & Thompson 1985; Stanish 1989). Yet, how closely and how far back may parallels be drawn? More specifically, how can historical models of socio-economic organisation enlighten the patterned distribution of Andean material culture, and help ascertain the nested boundaries of collective social identities, the negotiation of rights of access to discontinuous means of production, and change through time? Drawing on the theoretical discussion above, I discuss historical models of spatial behaviour further in order to address the questions on social interaction, economic organisation and identity formation raised in the introduction. The aim of discussing variability in territorial strategies is to define the archaeological expectations of the general historical models.16 This leads into the following section, where I focus on the ideological base for the construction of collective identities and discuss further implications for regional archaeological study of complex Andean societies. The increasing realisation that political motivations and cultural preconceptions are pervasive parts of a colonial gaze which taints all Colonial accounts (Bhabha 1994, cf. Museo de Arte 2000) has lead to more critical approaches, which consider the context for the production and use of each particular account about indigenous people (Salomon 1999). Archaeological research must therefore also remain critical of historically derived models of social behaviour. Indigenous rights of tenure and territorial arrangements were of notoriously marginal concern to most Colonial administrators who distributed the spoils of the wars of conquest. They quickly imposed European-style property law. Drawing on a wide range of early chronicler accounts, John Rowe (1946) constructed a territorial map of tribes

16 The specific historical accounts for the area of study are discussed in chapters 4 and 5, hand in hand with the archaeological data of the pre-contact period.

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and provinces for the pre-contact period (Map 2.1). In it, the core areas inhabited by each of the groups named is consistent with colonial accounts of Inka provinces. The neat boundary lines suggest a continuous or blanket territorial model. As laid out in the introduction, however, patterns of discontinuous land use were the norm across the XVI century highlands. Complex mosaics of land-holdings, variously referred to as archipelago, discontinuous or sprinkled territoriality, are a practical and common strategy to minimise the risks associated with agricultural production at high altitude (Espinoza Soriano 1981; Murra 1972; Ramrez 1985; Rostworowski 1978). Scholars have repeatedly drawn attention to the regional variability of spatial arrangements practiced by Andean societies, in particular to the distinction between the highlands and the coast (Pease 1982; Rostworowksi 1991; Salomon 1985; cf. Shimada 1982). Rowes map, therefore, is probably understood best as a very general guide: a reconstruction of the European colonisers interpretative consensus based on oral accounts, about how the Inka in Cusco viewed the territories under their control. As a colonial device17 that reproduces superimposed colonial perspectives on territory, it says little about the Andean conceptions of space as meaningful people-landscape relations. 2.3.1 The coastal valleys

In coastal valley-oases, Rostworowski (1991) argues, dependence upon irrigation agriculture necessitated centralized leadership with blanket territorial control capable, on the one hand, of allocating water effectively across the maze of secondary canals. On the other hand, coastal paramount leaders were required to negotiate water rights with their highland neighbours. Three main types of arrangement can be differentiated. Rostworowski (1991: 10) mentions historical examples of tribute or payments to the north highland people of Guambos by their coastal neighbours in Tcume, which took the form of labour (Ramirez 1985). Conversely, work on the maintenance of lowland irrigation systems was paid for by granting temporal access to lands on the coast (Rostworowski 1991: 11). Finally, and perhaps most importantly during the early Colonial period, are instances of shared access to the transitional chaupi-yunga zone in which Coca (Erythroxylon spp.) could be grown (Rostworowski 1978).

17

On maps as colonial devices, see Edney (1997).

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Map 2.1: Blanket territorial mapping of ethnic territories as Tribes and provinces of the Inca empire, circa 1530 (redrawn by Prssinnen 2003: 75 after Rowe 1946, Map 3); red line indicates location of study transect

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It might be said that coastal territoriality in the XVI century was largely integrated at the valley level through the allocation of irrigation water, thus fitting broadly under the blanket territory model. An important exception occurs, however, in the areas of coasthighland transition located to the east18. These areas, referred to as chaupi-yunga, are marked by inter-ethnic tension, leading to different, changing yet recurrent arrangements regarding water rights and temporal or permanent multi-ethnic settlement. Archaeologists considering this area of transition on the western slope of the Andes have repeatedly pointed to unusual spatial patterning of material culture in these areas. There has also been a tendency to interpret them in ethnic terms in light of the historic sources (for central and north Peru see: Dillehay 1979; Proulx 1982, 2003; Topic & Topic 1985). As argued above, however, ascertaining the fluctuating boundaries between social formations with distinct collective identities requires, first and foremost, an understanding of how durable relations between people and places were established and inscribed upon the landscape. This is not to deny the crucial importance of transitional areas between zones of production - such as the littoral environment, irrigable valleys, fallow farming or highland pastures - but to stress that boundaries are the results of negotiations mediated by communication and power relations. In the context of coastal valley oases expressions of control over water and irrigation infrastructure can be seen as manifestations of socio-economic power directed primarily towards end-users (farmers) downstream. The location of major canal intakes at the eastern valley boundary, often well within the transitional chaupi-yunga area, highlights the potential fragility of blanket territorial control as envisaged by Rostworowski. 2.3.2 The highlands

Ethnohistorians have focussed on territorial arrangements in highland valleys mainly from an economic perspective centred on agriculture and herding as practiced by regional polities. The north-south transition between centralized and decentralized economies, and between redistribution and market exchange is gradual, spread out over hundreds of miles (Salomon 1985). The trans-Andean transect surveyed for this case

18 Rostworowski has also drawn attention to the seasonal lomas habitats, which were also contested between coastal and highland populations (1991: 11), and to the seashore strip, which may also have had a distinct language and population (cf. 1989).

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study is located within this area of transition, which coincides broadly with the shift between puna Andes and pramo Andes (Chapter 3). In the southern and central highlands of modern day Peru, large ethnic groups such as the Lupaqa, as well as small ethnic groups such as the Chupaychu, sustained vertical economies with enclaves - for complementary agricultural production or procurement of seafood or salt - that were far removed from their core territory (Murra 1972, 1978, 1985; Section 1.2.2). To the north, in the highlands of Ecuador and Colombia, the range of economic arrangements, which involve discontinuity in space and time, is very broad. Historically documented, inter-ethnic arrangements in the northern Andes include crop sharing, delayed exchanges and barter in markets (e.g. Kurella 1993; Salomon 1986)19. They also include direct control by one community of contiguous altitudinal tiers, typically located a days return journey from the central settlement. This arrangement, known as compressed or micro-verticality (Oberem 1976), is a traditional practice common across the northern highlands of Peru today (Brush 1974, 1977). Archaeological correlates of vertically oriented economic strategies in the northern highlands can readily be distinguished in settlement patterns (Herrera 1998a, 2003). The concentration of people, during a given period, on the altitudinal transition between principal zones of production - that is to say, on or near the ecotones - strongly suggests vertical economic strategies. Efficient integration of production in complementary ecological tiers, such as the main areas for the cultivation of frost-sensitive crops (e.g. maize), frost-resistant crops (e.g. tubers) or herding, is possible when settlements are found in transition zones20. Ascertaining the centres and possible or probable maximal boundaries of vertical socioeconomic integration within a given setting, however, still leaves the problem of ascertaining the boundaries of overarching ethnic territories. Discontinuous territoriality presents a particularly poignant problem, as it requires the collective social identities of the inhabitants of peripheral settlements to be established and defined as ethnic vis--vis another (e.g. Goldstein 2000a). In multi-ethnic situations, overt reference to social

Hartman (1968) has brought together historical accounts that suggest the existence of markets in the central Andes. 20 This assessment is based on an energetics approach (Chisholm 1962), which finds sustenance in the ethnographic literature of Andean farming communities (e.g. Brush 1974, 1977; Fonseca 1972).
19

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difference can be expected especially around economically, geo-politically or ideologically important landscape junctures. The ways in which collective identities are made material clearly depends on the nature of the interactions at hand including the particular setting and the power base of the overarching socio-political formations. 2.3.3 Discussion

The three territorial models outlined above provide a starting point of contrast to understand economic strategies through archaeological settlement patterns. In the highlands, the continuous (micro-) verticality model can be envisaged as strips of land encompassing multiple ecological tiers of varying width and length. Discontinuous territoriality occurs when an ethnic group maintains island-like outliers. These tend to focus on complementary resources which are rare in a given core area, and potential enclaves can be expected to be readily identifiable. Ascertaining the ethnic identity of enclave inhabitants, however, is an issue imbricated in ideology. Across much of the Andes, control over the means of agricultural production translates chiefly as control over labour and water for irrigation. The construction of productive architecture can be understood as a cultural response to the highly irregular availability of water across time and space, which characterizes high elevation tropical environments such as the central Andes (Chapter 3). In the words of Mara Rostworowski: access to water and therefore to irrigation was as important in the Andean world as access to land (1999: 214). The most direct manifestations of such control are the actual dams, canals and terraces, that is to say, the productive hydraulic infrastructure (e.g. De la Torre & Burga 1986; Denevan 2001; Donkin 1979; Erickson 2000; Farrington 1980; Lane et al. 2004; Treacy 1989). Water technologies can help define the remits of an economic system, but the productive architecture gives little indication of the social identity of the builders or beneficiaries. As with other manifestations of material identity, the symbolic meanings attached to material culture are crucial. Given the dependence of agro-pastoral systems across the Andes on a seemingly erratic hydrological regime, the paramount importance of water symbolism for the construction of collective identities seems hardly surprising (Carrin Cachot 1955, 1959). Below, therefore, I turn to the realm of beliefs and look at how collective identities are inscribed in the landscape to claim rights over water and land.

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2.4

IDENTITY AND BELIEFS

In discussing the rise of the Inka state, Gose (1993) has argued that the ritual control of water provided ideological substance to Inka political integration and a key rationale for territorial expansion. Historical sources such as reviewed by Gose for the Inka, CordyCollins (1990) for Chim, or Duviols (2003) for the central highlands leave little doubt about the great importance ascribed in Andean cosmographies to large bodies of water, such as lakes and glaciers, which finds expression in high mountain human sacrifices knows as capacocha or (e.g. Reinhard 1992, 1996; Schobinger 1995, cf. McEwan & van de Guchte 1992). Neither should we underestimate the role which sea-water, marine shells and water symbolism in general played in the ritual practices through which people sought to influence cosmic cycles. The bright red shell of the tropical thorny oyster called mullu (Spondylus spp.), for instance, was considered food of the gods in the XVI century Andes (Cordy-Collins 1990; Hocquenghem 1999). The drive to obtain direct access to its habitat has been shown to be a constant over two millennia of Andean prehistory (Paulsen 1974; Marcos 1980; Marcos & Norton 1982)21.

2.4.1

Sacred geographies

In seeking to mediate the symbolic control of water at a cosmic scale, the Inka state sought to insert itself into pre-existing networks linking sacred places, but at the highest level (Bauer 1998; Gose 1993; Sherbondy 1982). At the same time, it sought to control the production and flow of ritual objects, such as marine shells, metal objects and ceremonial cloth. The central aim, according to Gose (1993), was to manipulate the network of social identities embodied in the sacred geography at the local level by fostering those hierarchal relations, which the state could aim to control. Four elements of XVI century Andean sacred landscapes can be highlighted as particularly important. Apu hilltops were the places in which paramount tutelar deities resided, often inaccessible glaciated peaks. Pacarina were the places, often caves or lakes, from whence people believed their ancestors had originated and where the souls of the
Its great value, like that of gold or any other prehistoric commodity, was probably not intrinsic or utilitarian as suggested by Lumbreras (1993), but ascribed (Lesure 1999; Renfrew 1986b). The use of Spondylus spp. as bio-indicator to forecast ENSO events, however, remains to be tested by marine biologists.
21

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dead would return. The third element are waka, shrines often unmodified rocks or conspicuous landscape features, linked to the mythical exploits of ancestral heroes22. Finally, the mummified bodies of ancestors were kept in collective mortuary structures, often clustered to form necropolis (Tello 1929). These clusters, I argue, provide a measure of the significance ascribed to places and can help identify waka shrines and pacarina origin places archaeologically (Chapters 5-7). The conceptual link between the different layers of ideology embedded in sacred landscapes and the economic base - in the XVI century - is summarily described by Gose: [at] the local level of the hierarchy of pacarinas seemingly provided seed, while the maximal levels provided water, as part of a single, complete process, in which political segmentation was seen in terms of the metaphysics of agriculture (Gose 1993: 500) Thus, the sacred geographies that the Inka state sought to control pivoted around meaningful places in the landscape, specific landscape features, ceremonial centres and necropolis. The way in which such meaningful places were held together in practice is exemplified by the Inka ceque system. Over 300 hierarchically arranged shrines were linked by temporal rhythms of ritual walking, feasting and offerings - as performed social memory -, which were inextricably linked to production through the agricultural calendar (Bauer 1998; Sherbondy 1986; Zuidema 1964; also: footnote 7). 2.4.2 Territory and ancestor worship

At the local level, the key importance of the relationship between ancestors and territory becomes manifest in the myths recorded in the Huarochir Manuscript (Taylor 1987 [1608?]), and the practices persecuted in the idolatry trials of Cajatambo (Duviols 1999) and Recuay (Hernndez Prncipe: 1923 [1622]). According to Frank Salomons review: The minimal element [of waka shrine and ancestor worship] was the veneration of at least one dead person as the source of entitlement among a group of people who shared rights or identity. As far as we know this behaviour was characteristic of all the collectivities styled ayllu in Quechua, from small agrarian communities to entire ethnic groups () The component
22

In modern use, the term has come to be applied to any pre-Columbian structure.

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households were preferentially to marry each other so as to keep durable resources within the immediate collectivity (1995: 320-321). The building of prominent and permanent collective tombs as dwellings for ancestors symbolized and enforced commitment to a programme of social organisation through inheritance (Salomon 1995: loc. cit.), which emphasised local endogamy at the lower end of the social spectrum, but occasionally sent women away as elite gift brides. Collective tombs are thus the material - and archaeologically visible - correlates of social collectivities, largely autonomous communities inextricably bonded by mortuary practices and the rights and obligations derived from them (cf. Bloch 1971). Mortuary communities and kin-groups, known as ayllu in the south and as pachaca in the northern Andes, may have sometimes been coterminous but there is no reason to assume this as a rule. Ayllus in present-day Bolivia can range in size from a few score people to several thousand. Each kin-group was affiliated to a ceremonial centre or llajta, where they shared in common a plaza and storage space for mummy bundles (Salomon 1995). The sum of pachaca kin-groups affiliated to a llajta ceremonial centre is often also referred to as llajta. For the purposes of this study, however, I shall refer to this level of social organisation as microetnas. The social organisation of microetnas is best described as a nested, somewhat fluid aggregation of mortuary communities and kin-groups. This body of people is tied to ritual or ceremonial obligations at specific places, practices derived from shared belief in common origins, which are characterized materially by an aggregation of collective tombs and spaces for gatherings. The documentation is silent about the degree to which llajta ceremonial centres were places of permanent or seasonal residence for the living (Salomon 1995: 321)23. Yet, it seems safe to suggest that Andean mortuary communities marked territorial claims through symbolism of place (cf. Bradley 1991). Like macroetnas, these groups of people would dress in a manner similar to that of their principal deity (Molina [1575] cited in: Topic 1998: 111), share a common language and socio-political unity (Rostworowski 1991, cf. Len 2003; Topic 1998) thus expressing their nominal identity.

23 Parker Pearson (1999) has called attention to the importance of tomb metaphors (e.g. tomb-as-house; tomb-as-storehouse) as informing on the structure of beliefs about death and mortuary practices.

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From the regional perspective of sacred geographies, the complex order of llajjta centres was the tangible end product of a conceptual chain linking the remembered and distant dead of each pachaca to the exploits of common ancestor-heroes (or groups thereof), including origin or birth, travels, fights and transformations and the final - and very political - establishment of waka effigies at their present locations. Important points on the ancestors mythical journey were the foci of pilgrimage, although primeval points in the sacred geography, such as the paramount pacarina or Apu mountain peaks, might be remote even inaccessible glacial peaks or bodies of water. 2.4.3 Dualism: Wari and Llacuaz

A further vector of social complexity is dualism and the concomitant moiety organisation. At the time of conquest, different socio-political groups were able to agree upon the upper echelons of their respective sacred geographies and engage in shared ritual practices, while maintaining their respective collective social identities. As Paul Gelles (1995) long-term critical ethnographic and historic study suggests, the origins of such close inter-ethnic bonds are probably related to conquest and the displacement of populations. It remains to be shown, however, if this was a unique occurrence precipitated by Inka and European colonisation, or if similar processes operated in earlier prehistory. Frank Salomons review of XVI century sources on the mortuary beliefs of the inhabitants of central and north-central Peru continues: It was typical of the best documented llajtas to imagine some of their component ayllu as descendant from ancient valley-owning, agricultural heroes and ancestors (called huari, or llajtayoc), and others as descendant from immigrant conquerors whose origins lay in the camelid-herding heights. The latter were called llacuas. The set of mummies and huacas housed in a typical western Andean ceremonial centre may well have included members of both classes. (Salomon 1995: 322) Thus, villages sharing a memory of descent from a pair of conquering twins, for instance, would see themselves as kin, and consider the waka of the conquered huari as wives, daughters or younger siblings:

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() on the whole there existed a tendency to interpret the focalized members of egos own social structure, and sacralized features of landscape or even cosmos, as nodes in a nested set of genealogically patterned, and sometimes more broadly kin-like relationships extending in principle to the whole of the known world (Salomon 1995: 323) Inasmuch as these arrangements indicate model pacts or agreements between social segments, each sharing belief in a different origin, they should perhaps be understood as close multi-ethnic relations sacralised as links between waka expressed in the idiom of kinship. The reading of Hernndez Prncipes (1923 [1622]) account of mythical history in the north-central highlands around Recuay suggests a bi-ethnic pattern of social order that differs markedly from the contemporary socio-economic model of verticality discussed earlier (Section 1.2.2). It centres on the antagonistic dichotomy between interdependent, but ethnically distinct, farming and herding communities, termed Wari and Llacuaz, engaging in exchange and warfare of varying intensity and sharing a common ceremonial centre. Since herding and agriculture are largely spatially distinct activities, the archaeological correlates of this scenario are quickly summarised. Llacuaz herders can be expected to settle near the high altitude pastures, whereas Wari agriculturalist settlements would concentrate within the fertile valleys. The arrival of immigrant Llacuaz herders should correlate with an intensification of herding, and, perhaps, with evidence of conflict, notably fortifications. Wari settlements should show a greater time depth of occupation and differences in material culture, including house-plans and pottery, might be encountered. Finally, the shared llajta ceremonial centres can be expected to lie in between the main areas settled by each group (cf. Parsons et al. 1997).

2.4.4

Discussion

How did the intricate multi-ethnic mosaic of the XVI century Andes come into being? The genealogies recorded in the sources cited above suggest, that the background to multi-ethnic arrangements, such as that between Wari and Llacuaz recorded by

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Hernndez Prncipe, are major changes occurring four to ten generations preceding Spanish colonisation (Duviols 1973, 1986; Zuidema 1989a,b, 1990). These include the movement of Llacuaz populations, which probably took place no less than 80 and no more than 300 calendar years before 1622. The sources reviewed do not mention the Inka conquest, however, the seemingly obvious triggering event. A second possibility is the well-known Inka policy of forcibly resettling large numbers of people across the empire, often over hundreds of miles (e.g. Malpass 1993; Murra 2004: 328-340; Pease 1982).24 Through this policy, the state sought to established nodes of political control linked to networks of economic complementarity. According to the historical chronology for the Inka expansion, however, conquest of the Cajatambo and Recuay areas occurred in the 1470s. This postdates the shortest probable interpretation of the above-mentioned genealogies suggesting, as a third possibility, that the Inka expansion and the migration of the Llacuaz are distinct events. Areas of multi-ethnic settlement of the XVI century may well be the historically sedimented result of more than one wave of migration, population displacement and conquest - or a complex combination of these factors. The historical accuracy of indigenous oral traditions can thus be gauged through archaeological scrutiny. 2.5 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

Territorial strategies are impossible to dissociate from the social identities and the collective memory that groups of people attach to specific places in the landscape. Since recurrent ritualised practices, as embodied social memory, mediate the creation of places, enduring collectivities tend to formalize specific locations for social interaction. This often goes in hand with physical alterations of the landscape, from the clearing of vegetation to the building of monuments. By addressing a specific history and landscape, archaeology can render apparent temporal change in the conscious use of material symbols for such unconscious patterns of life (Gosden 1999: 196).

Historical records from the contact period Andes render a series of inferences regarding the spatial structure of economic organisation in the coast and highlands. These are made comparable to archaeological settlement patterns through territorial models of continuous territorial control, tied to irrigation systems in coastal and highland valleys, and to complementary altitudinal tiers in fallow farming areas. Ethnic groups often complement this latter strategy with distant enclaves, which often have multi-ethnic occupation. Identifying the places, material referents and practices of social (ethnic) identity that express territorial claims, and their change through time, emerges as a central challenge for a historical archaeology of landscape.

They also show that ritual performances, at significant junctures of the landscape, maintained complex and highly structured networks of social identities (e.g. Abercrombie 1998; Bauer 1992; Salomon 1995). Ideologically, the defining element of social identity is ancestor veneration, and the associated places and practices play a prominent part in structuring social relations. Collective tombs pertaining to mortuary communities, bound by ties of kinship and by shared beliefs, are pivotal in structuring local endogamy and permanence through inheritance. They are the bases for the articulation of claims over the landed means of production at the local level. At regional and supra-regional scale, a nested hierarchy of origin places, called pacarina, probably
24

Populations from Recuay were among those forcibly resettled (cf. Zevallos Quiones 1991).

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acts in this role. Groups of mortuary communities claiming descent from a common ancestor - or group thereof - shared a ceremonial centre and formed the minimal ethnic unit or microetna. In some instances, however, two complementary but ethnically distinct groups (Wari agriculturalists and Llacuaz herders), which did not share belief in the same origin place or pacarina, shared a ceremonial centre. Thus, to address the ethnic mosaic preceding European colonisation archaeological correlates of ethnic identities, discontinuous territories and the creation, maintenance and collapse of the boundaries between them need to be ascertained. Are the historically documented instances of multi-ethnic settlement the result of a unique migration or conquest in the preceding centuries, or of several, historically layered, waves of migrations and conquests?

This case study will critically contrast the historical sources against the archaeological field survey data from a trans-Andean transect and excavations. The rugged terrain is dotted with prominent landmarks and points of ample visual control, with sharp natural boundaries and a patchy distribution of resources. This diverse landscape provides an ideal scenario to study the ways in which people seek to make their own, the places that they inhabit.

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CHAPTER III THE ANCASH AXIS

3.1

INTRODUCTION

Like political or linguistic boundaries, the economic practices that structure the relationship between people and land are historically contingent products of human action. The demands imposed on people by the environment in which they live can durably shape collective social identities. Climate change over the Holocene and cyclical perturbations, such as flooding, droughts or earthquakes, have repeatedly affected the complex ecological mosaic of the Andes. Peoples responses in terms of agro-pastoral economic strategies, such as diversification, intensification or migration, have durably affected their relationship with the land at multiple scales, a relationship whose perception is mediated by beliefs and ideology and whose history is embedded in the social memory of communities. From a global perspective, the central Andes are unusual in that - until most recently25 the majority of the population was concentrated at altitudes above 3000m. This is especially the case in the central and southern Andes of Peru, in and between the high plains or altiplanos of Titicaca and Junn (Chinchaycocha). The north coast of Peru is a second pervasive focus of dense settlement, however. Unlike the small and mostly dry coastal valley oasis to the west of central and southern Peru, the north coast has large and fertile valleys, such as Moche, Chicama or La Leche. Social interaction bridging the 1500km of the highly dynamic environmental mosaic that separates these areas, is a recurrent feature of later Andean prehistory. The archaeological survey of the Ancash axis follows a narrow corridor that cuts orthogonally across the rugged Andes of north-central Peru (Maps 1.2 and 3.1). Following traditional routes of transit, it crosses four formidable natural boundaries: the western and central ranges of the Andes, the Cordillera Negra and the Cordillera Blanca,
25 Migration from the rural highlands into coastal cities is an ongoing two-way process, which began to rise exponentially in the 1950s (e.g. Golte & Adams 1987).

41

and the inter-Andean valleys of Santa and Maran. Thus, it links the Pacific coast to the Amazon basin. The dramatic altitudinal gradients, which drive high-energy hydrological systems, give rise to great ecological diversity and microclimates fostered by the extreme topography and geology26. Physical and ecological boundaries provide base lines against which changes in people-landscape relations may be gauged. The distance separating the ocean from the Maran, just under 150km as the crow flies, can be walked in full in less than one week. In this chapter, I describe the dynamic ecology and landscape of the north-central Andes and discuss the overlap of boundaries - ecological, topographic, socio-cultural and linguistic - in four neighbouring regions. I present the study areas in which field investigations were conducted and situate them in the history of archaeological study in the region. In this three-part chapter, I also highlight the variability in ecosystems and modes of production across the tropical Andes. The role of the vertical gradient for the distribution of ecological zones, resources and modes of production, as well as the effects of climatic change over the Holocene are discussed first. Then, proceeding from east to west, the Ancash axis research area is described, broken down into four sections: central Conchucos, the Callejn de Huaylas, the Cordillera Negra and the Nepea Valley. The complexities surrounding current boundaries between social identities in these areas are exemplified through the poignant coast-highland transition. Disjunctions between linguistic and cultural boundaries on the one hand, and overlapping classes of political territories on the other, are highlighted. The principal features of the physical landscape and the agro-pastoral potential of each of these valley systems are presented, and special attention is paid to the characteristics of the surveyed areas and to the state of archaeological research. In light of these regional specifics and as a prelude to the regional archaeological analysis in following chapters, the expectations in terms of sociocultural development raised in the previous chapter are elaborated upon. In the final part, I present a synopsis of the paleo-linguistic evidence available as well as a summary of

From west to east the Ancash axis rises from sea level to 4520m at the pass of Tinku over the Cordillera Negra. Then it descends to 2380m as it crosses the Santa River at Yungay and climbs again to 4767m at the pass of Portachuelo de Llanganuco, between the glaciers of the Cordillera Blanca. Finally, it descends to the Maran River at 1980m.
26

42

fluctuations in climatic regimes over the one thousand years of prehistory addressed by this case study.

Map 3.1: Extract from the first thematic map of trade and transit in north-central Peru (Sievers 1914), showing coastal valleys of Moche through to Huarmey (8-10 south; 7630-79west). Highlighted area denotes the Trade and Transit Area of Samanco (Nepea).

3.2

ECOLOGICAL ZONES

From a perspective centred on human subsistence, the multitude of environmental conditions prevailing in the Andes can be summarised as an altitudinal layering of ecological tiers. On a broad regional scale, mean levels of precipitation (Map 3.2) - which tend to increase with elevation - and temperature gradients - which fall with reduced adiabatic pressure - determine eight principal geosystems (Dollfuss 1981, 1992), six of which occur on the Ancash axis and are described below. The integration of 43

complementary cycles of animal husbandry and agriculture has long provided a highly advantageous risk minimisation strategy in the Andes (sections 1.2.2 and 2.3.2; cf. Orlove & Guillet 1985). Each altitudinal tier is characterized by a specific range of complementary crops and animal husbandry; an agricultural assemblage (Brush 1974, 1977; Knapp 1991; Pulgar Vidal 1946, 1972). The demands imposed on people by these crops mean that specific modes of agricultural production tend to be practised in each zone (Mayer 1989, 1996; Morlon 1996). At the local scale, however, geological substratum and aspect of a slope, for instance, give rise to specific local microclimates and conditions. The rugged terrain and complex geology and hydrology of the Andes result in a dense microclimate mosaic. In the northern Andes, most of the yearly average precipitation (c. 400-1100mm) is packed into a 4-6 month long rainy season. Inter-annual fluctuation in the seasonal rhythms of precipitation is broad, however. On the one hand, this makes the timing of agricultural activities across the elevation range particularly important (Golte 1980). On the other, perennial streams and springs along with water management features, can provide limited harvest security.

Map 3.2: Precipitation map of central and southern Peru indicating the location of the Ancash axis. Ranges from < 100 (cream) to ~6000 mm/year (dark blue). Inset shows schematic section across the north-central Andes. (Modified from: http://mapmachine.nationalgeographic.com/ mapmachine/viewandcustomize.html accessed 25-V-2004).

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3.2.1

Cordillera

The cordillera is the uppermost ecological tier of the Andes, ranging from the glaciated mountain peaks, such as Huascarn (6746m) and Huandoy (6342m), to the rocky areas, which are largely devoid of life and occur above 4800m. Its significance lies mainly in the glaciers and glacial lakes, which act as sources of water. The accumulation of ice in glaciers is also a highly sensitive marker of changes in climatic regimes (e.g. Thompson et al. 1984, 1995). In the research area, Cordillera ecosystems are found mainly along the upper reaches of the Cordillera Negra and Cordillera Blanca ranges. The peaks of the Cordillera Blanca, such as the tallest mentioned above, form the largest continuous body of ice in the American tropics (Borchers 1935a,b; Byers 1999; Kinzl & Schneider 1950). The contrast with the summits of the Cordillera Negra, few of which surpass 5000m, is striking since none of the latter has glaciers. 3.2.2

Puna

Puna steppes are the pasture areas par excellence for Andean camelids (Flannery et al. 1989; Flores Ochoa 1977; Flores Ochoa & Kobayashi 2000). Tree-less high altitude steppes occur across the Andes, mainly between 4800m and 4000m, and are differentiated by their degree of humidity (Dollfuss 1992; Recharte et al. 2002; Troll 1931). The puna of northern Peru is humid, more so that the dry puna of the central and southern Andes (Chile, northwest Argentina, northern Bolivia and southern Peru), but less so than the high altitude Pramo ecosystems of the northern Andes (Ecuador, Colombia and Venezuela) and the eastern Cordillera Oriental range (Balslvev & Luteyn 2002). Precipitation gradients also determine differences from east to west, however. Within the Ancash axis, the central Conchucos puna, to the east of the Cordillera Blanca, receives between 690mm and 1150mm per year, while the western Cordillera Negra receives only between 400mm and 750mm (INRENA 2000). Because of the topography, furthermore, high altitude puna pastures are far more extensive on the rolling summits and upper remits of the Cordillera Negra, and to the east of the Cordillera Blanca. Around the base of the glaciers of the Cordillera Blanca, grassy areas are small, steep and patchily distributed (INRENA 2000).

45

Direct economic use of the puna presently includes tending of hardy cattle at high altitude, and wood extraction from the small remnant forests of Quishuar (Polylepis spp.) and Queua (Buddleja spp.) that remain (Fjelds & Kessler 1996; Section 3.3 below). State-sponsored efforts are currently under way to re-introduce alpaca herding to the puna of the Cordillera Negra and Conchucos and thus alleviate extreme poverty. Relic corrals and complex pre-Columbian dam systems for pasture improvement strongly suggest, however, that herding of domesticated Andean camelids (Lama and Alpaca) played a major economic role in the past (Lane et al. 2004; cf. Bonava 1996). 3.2.3

Suni

Suni ecosystems are the high altitude tuber-basket of the Andes. Between 3500 and 4000m roughly, fallow farming of frost resistant crops includes not only tubers such as potatoes (Solananum tuberosum), Oca (Oxalis tuberosa) and Mashwa (Tropoeolum spp.), but Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) and hardy beans (Phaseolus spp.), as well as old world crops, such as wheat and barley. Since high elevation soils are generally poor (e.g. ONERN 1975), crop rotation and long fallow periods are often required, also a means to combat pests. The transition between puna and the temperate suni ecosystems coincides broadly with the upper limit of agriculture (Dollfuss 1992). Suni areas along the Ancash axis are often steep and highly prone to erosion (ONERN 2000). On steep slopes, such as those on the eastern slopes of the Cordillera Negra and Cordillera Blanca, for instance, rainfall runs off quickly and permeates little (see below). Given sufficient moisture retention in the soil - as determined locally by topography and vegetation cover - however, intensive agriculture is practiced. Increasing cultivation of steep and unterraced fields, up to 60 degrees inclination suggests that people are currently pushing the limit of agriculture upwards, probably as a response to increasing pressure on the land. 3.2.4

Kichwa

Until only a few decades ago, kichwa ecosystems (c. 3500-2300m) were among the most densely populated and intensively farmed areas in Peru.27 The main indigenous crops raised today include maize (Zea mays), beans (Phaseolus spp.) and squashes (Lagenaria spp.).

27

The Spanish name of the principal indigenous language of the Andes is a hispanicised misnomer. Its proper name is Runa Simi.

46

With irrigation, good soil and no frosts, two harvests of maize per year are possible. Local phenomena of temperature inversion and frost pockets - occurring mainly at the height of the dry season (June and July) - are a serious threat, which is especially common above 3000m. Variability in agricultural potential within kichwa ecosystems is largely determined by the number of frost-free nights in the year and effective precipitation, factors that are influenced strongly by exposure. Thus, the western margins of north-south valleys such as Santa and Yanamayo are visibly dryer than the slopes on the opposite side because they stand in the rain shadow of the Cordillera Oriental and Cordillera Blanca, respectively. Intensive ancient cultivation of this zone is evident across the extensively modified slopes, terraced for both fallow and irrigation agriculture. As Treacy (1994: 35-48) has noted, however, the antiquity and development of Andean terrace systems remains a largely unresolved issue fraught with methodological difficulties. 3.2.5

Yunga

Warm, frost-free climates are characteristic of yunga ecosystems. These areas receive insufficient precipitation to support fallow agriculture, and indeed are often surrounded by deserts or deciduous shrubbery. With irrigation, however, nearly any crop can be raised and, furthermore, harvests can be timed flexibly depending on the seasonality of the water resource. The main indigenous American comestible species, besides those mentioned above, include Achira (Canna indica), Arracacha (Arracacia spp.), Aj peppers (Capsicum spp.), sweet manioc (Manihot spp.) and sweet potato (Batata batata). Coca leaf (Erythroxylon spp.) is also an important yunga crop, as are cotton (Gossypium spp.) and gourds (Lagenaria spp.). Yunga ecosystems vary considerably in humidity and elevation range, and two main types are differentiated. Inter-Andean yungas typically occur below 2300m as narrow, steep corridors at the bottom of highland valleys, such as the northern Santa (below the city of Yungay), the middle and lower Yanamayo Valley and the canyon of the Maran. The oasis-like pockets of irrigable land are today favoured for cash-crops, including sugar cane, flowers, citrus fruits, bananas and coffee. Native cultivars include fruit trees, such

47

as Avocado (Persea spp.), Lcuma (Lucuma spp.), Papaya (Carica papaya), Guanabana and Chirimoya (Annona spp.). Maritime yungas occur on the western slope of the Andes, at the head of the coastal valleys. The main differences to the inter-Andean yunga are the generally larger extent of the irrigable areas, and the smooth transition into the chala littoral zone between 800m and 500m. The upper boundary is mostly around 2500m, but since it is related to the lack of frosts it may vary considerably at the local level. 3.2.6

Chala

Chala ecosystems comprise the lowest Andean ecological tier, ranging from the Pacific shores to an elevation of about 500m to 800m. The climatic regime of this area is largely driven by the cold marine current, which flows northward off the western coast of central South America known as the Humboldt stream. Large quantities of fish and shellfish are harvested along the littoral, and the riparian plains are cultivated intensively. Beyond the riparian oases, however, the barren desert ecology is punctuated only by cacti and seasonal Lomas vegetation, which thrives on high hill summits due to dense winter fog (April to September). It virtually never rains and the only above ground water sources are the rivers that run off the western slope of the Andes. On the Ancash axis, the transition between chala and yunga ecosystems begins to the east of the town of Moro (426m). To the west, much of the annual average discharge of the Nepea River - 74.7million cubic metres in average - is used mainly to irrigate sugar cane. In the yunga areas east of Moro, agricultural production is more varied in comparison, including maize, squashes and fruits.

3.3

CLIMATE CHANGE AND VEGETATION COVER

The history of landscape change is inextricably linked to human history. Across the Andes, the current distribution of vegetation and wildlife, as well as the modern agricultural frontier, are the result of massive human impact. Landscape transformations during the late Holocene have resulted largely from a sedentary subsistence economy

48

which, traditionally, combines irrigation and fallow farming with herding28. Yet, the American tropics have long been subject to regular climatic perturbations and natural catastrophes, which have affected cultural developments. The understanding that the present vegetation cover of the Andes (Ellenberg 1958, 1979; Erickson 2000; Fjelds 2002; Fjelds & Kessler 1996; Gade 1999; cf. Tosi 1960), and the surface of the mountain slopes themselves (de la Torre & Burga 1986; Treacy 1989) are enmeshed with peoples activities over millennia has lead to rising interest in the complex history of landscape and climate change. In this section, I discuss glaciological and sedimentological studies conducted in the immediate proximity of the research area. The ice cores extracted from Huascarn glacier (Thompson et al. 1995) record climatic signals29 of broad, macro-regional - and perhaps global - significance stretching well into the Pleistocene. Because of its high altitude and global patterns of atmospheric circulation, however, the signals embedded in the ice are largely dictated by the easterly trade winds coming from the Amazon basin. In contrast, the flood sediment records from the valley-oasis of Casma (Wells 1987; Wells & Knoller 1999), immediately to the south of the Nepea, reflect a climate signal linked directly to precipitation patterns on the western slope of the Cordillera Negra. Both datasets have implications for understanding local, regional and global cycles of climatic oscillation, such as ENSO events (see below) and changes in precipitation regimes, for the period under investigation (c. AD 500-1500).

3.3.1

Shifts in ecological zones

The significance of variations in climate and vegetation during the late Holocene for long-term studies of cultural developments is rooted in the inter-dependence of agricultural production and ecology, since the location of ecological zones is dependant upon patterns of precipitation and temperature gradients. Additionally, changes in temperature can shift the snowline affecting the accessibility of high mountain passes.
28 Full domestication of beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), Aj peppers (Capsicum chinense), and possibly tubers at Guitarrero Cave probably predates 8000BC (Smith 1980). Although positive identification of camelid domestication on bone has proven difficult, the current consensus, based on the percentages of camelid and cervid bones recorded in excavations, is that it occurred between 8000 and 4000BC (see discussion in Bonava 1996:109-136). 29 Layered accumulations of precipitation, as well dust, pollen and chemical particles.

49

Datasets which have been brought to bear upon the discussion of the relationship between climate, vegetation and people in the American tropics include glacial moraine sequences (Cardich 1964-1966; Seltzer & Hastorf 1990), oxygen isotopes and microparticles in glaciers (Shimada et al. 1991; Thompson et al. 1985, 1995), pollen from lacustrine sediments (Baker et al. 2001; Chepstow-Lusty et al. 1997, 1998, 2003; Hansen et al. 1984; Hooghiemstra et al. 1997) and geoarchaeological evidence (Sandweiss et al. 1996; Wells 1987; Wells & Knoller 1999; see also: DeVries et al. 1997). According to Thompson and colleagues, the climatic signals recorded in the ice of Huascarn are remarkably consistent with a typical Holocene sequence (1995:47), specifically with Markgrafs review of palynological studies in the region (Markgraf 1993). The oxygen isotope record30 is interpreted as suggesting a long-term cooling during the latter half of the Holocene, after 5000 years ago, which reached a minimum at the Little Ice Age (LIA) of the XVII and XVIII centuries. Nitrate concentrations are viewed as depicting a time lag of 2000 years for the regeneration of Amazonian vegetation cover after the glacial maximum, and present patterns of vegetation cover are suggested fully established by 3000 years before present (BP).31 This view is concurrent with the archaeological evidence discussed by Feldman (1980) and Pozorski (1976) 32. 3.3.2 El Nio Southern Oscillation The oceanic and atmospheric anomaly known as El Nio Southern Oscillation (ENSO) causes unusually warm ocean temperatures off the western coast of South America, every three to seven years (Diaz & Markgraf 2000). Particularly, intense ENSO events or mega-Nios can result in climatic disturbances, which may affect global climate for more than a year. Disturbances include wet weather conditions in the normally arid
The relative difference in the ratio of oxygen isotopes O14 and O16 ( 18), trapped in the ice at the time of precipitation, provide a proxy measure of temperature at hemispherical or even global scale. The lower (more negative) values from Quelccaya were found to correlate well with historical records from the northern hemisphere (Thompson et al. 1992). 31 Present is the year 1950, a convention established by Willard F. Libby, father of radiocarbon dating. 32 Apart from the gradual cooling mentioned above, the only major perturbation suggested by the Huascarn cores hinges on a prominent anomalous peak in the concentration of dust in the core dated around 2000BP (Thompson et al. 1995: Fig. 7). The high concentration of dust, mentioned to be of unknown origin, is inconsistent with earlier results from coring in the Quelccaya glacier of southern Peru (Thompson et al. 1985). It may therefore indicate a natural event of local or regional significance. Given the absence of vulcanism, abundant dust production is conceivable as a consequence of a major earthquake, drought or a combination of both. It seems noteworthy that the Huascarn dust peak signal around 2000BP appears to coincide with the flood in Casma dated to 1930+/-160BP cal. (Wells & Knoller 1999: Fig. 5; cf. Wells 1987: Fig.5). They also fall within a gap in the sequence of radiometric assessments from the Ancash highlands (Lau 2003: Cuadro 1,2).
30

50

central and northern coast, and droughts in the south highlands of Peru; as well as in southeast Asia, India, and southern Africa. Economic effects across the central Andes are invariably severe. The ENSO event of 1997/8, prior to the beginning of fieldwork in June 1999, for instance, was amongst the most severe of the XX century. Refugee settlements some abandoned, others becoming permanent, and many populated by displaced highland villagers - were encountered at several archaeological sites in the upper Nepea Valley. Sediment analyses of flood deposits in the Casma Valley (Wells 1987) were intended to ascertain the late Quaternary history of ENSO events, and correlate these with the history of human settlement (Wells & Knoller 1999). A minimum of 15 major ENSO events were determined for the Holocene, and five of these fall broadly within the scope of this study (Wells & Knoller 1999: Fig. 5; cf. Wells 1987: Fig.5). The youngest two have been radiocarbon dated to the Late Intermediate Period; one (490+/- 20BP cal.) is associated with the Chim occupation, the other with the Casma occupation (620+/- 35 BP cal.)33. Though lacking absolute dates, the third and fourth ENSO events are suggested to have occurred sometime between 1200 and 800BP, and 1400 and 1800BP, respectively. These estimations fall within and before the Middle Horizon, as estimated by radiocarbon assessments from the Ancash area (Lau 2003). The fifth event (1930+/160BP cal.) is dated to the early Early Intermediate Period. Wells and Knollers attempt to link archaeology and geology for all of the north coast of Peru (1999) falls within a long tradition of environmental research, which seeks correlations between culture change and environmental disruptions. Another case in point are some of the interpretations based on the glacial core extracted from Quelccaya glacier, located in the southern Peruvian highlands of Cusco (Thompson et al. 1985, 1986). Due to the yearly resolution of laminated deposits, this climate proxy record has become the preferred benchmark for climatic reconstructions across the Andes. Shimada, Thompson and colleagues (Shimada 1994; Shimada et al. 1991), for instance, argue the case for a prolonged drought between ca. 1356-1388BP, based mainly on thinner accumulations of ice in the core, and higher concentrations of dust. The proposed drought is linked temporally to the infilling with aeolian sand - linked to desertification - recorded at the Moche site. These climatic anomalies are suggested to
33 These dates vary slightly from those published by Wells (1987): AD 1460 +/-20 cal.; AD 1380+/-140 cal. and 1230+/-60BC), possibly due to differences in calibration methods. Only those of more recent publication are discussed here.

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precipitate the cultural changes concurrent with the transition between Moche phases IV and V, including the northward shift of the paramount site to the La Leche Valley (Shimada 1994: 124-131). It is noteworthy, however, that although Huascarn glacier is much nearer to the north coast than Quelccaya and although it is suggested to be one of the most severe droughts of the first millennium, no correlates were detected in the Huascarn core. For the period under investigation (c. AD 5001500), the evidence from Ancash itself is far from conclusive. Difficulties in establishing correlations over distance are manifest in the variations in flood layer geochronology between the north and the north-central coasts presented by Wells and Knoller (1999: Figs. 2 and 5), as well as between the ice core record of Huascarn and Quelccaya glaciers (Thompson et. al. 1985, 1995). The disjunctions between the north and south-highland glacial cores alone makes it misleading to put forward data from Quelccaya as proxies for the paleo-climate of the Ancash highlands (see: Lau 2000: 39-41). Yet, there are two kinds of climatic perturbation occurring within specific timeframes that most probably affected the populations of Ancash under study: First, the global cooling trend, which peaked in the LIA of the XVII and XVII centuries; Second, the flood events in the Casma Valley, linked to increased precipitation on the western slope of the Andes, which are probably records of severe ENSO disturbances34. The suggested time-spans of these climatic perturbations is summarised in the table 3.1.

Event

Probable calendar years

C14 years BP

Reference

34 A third class of event which is worthy of note although it is unrelated to climate and has no proxy records, are earthquakes.

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Global cooling towards the Little Ice Age (LIA)

Initial Period to late Colonial Period

3000 BC to AD 1700-1800

Thompson et al. (1985)

ENSO (flooding in the Casma Valley)

Late Intermediate Period (Chim)

Between AD 1440 and 1480

490+/- 20

Wells & Knoller (1999)

ENSO (flooding in the Casma Valley)

Late Intermediate Period (Casma)

Between AD 1365 and 1295

620+/- 35

Wells & Knoller (1999)

ENSO (flooding in the Casma Valley)

Middle Horizon (late?)

Around AD 1150 to 750

800 1200

Wells & Knoller (1999)

ENSO (flooding in the Casma Valley)

Early Intermediate Period

Around AD 550 to 150

1400 1800

Wells & Knoller (1999)

Table 3.1: Summary table of climatic perturbations and dates of probable occurrence.

3.4

THE ANCASH AXIS IN CONTEXT

People living within the area of research tend to agree that the Ancash axis crosses four culturally meaningful areas, which are described below. These are, from east to west, the Conchucos region, the Callejn de Huaylas, the high Cordillera Negra and the northcentral coast of Peru (Map 3.3). The cultural transitions between these areas, such as in economy, language or dress, are in reality far more fluid and complex than folk categorization or political boundaries may suggest. The division between coast and highlands is a poignant example. From an economic perspective, the transition between the coastal part of the Nepea Valley, characterized by irrigation agriculture, and the highland valleys of its tributaries, where fallow agriculture predominates, is fuzzy since both modes of production overlap and interdigitate. With increasing altitude and slope steepness, irrigated areas tend to become smaller, and the suite of tended crops tends to change. Irrigation is, in essence, practiced wherever sufficient water and labour are available.

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Map 3.3: Schematic overview of study regions and survey areas along the Ancash axis; 1 = the north-central coast, 2= the Cordillera Negra, 3= the Callejn de Huaylas, 4= the Conchucos region; a = Upper Nepea Valley (Moro, Pocs and Santa Rosa survey areas), b= Cordillera Negra (Pichiu, Oqshapampa, Pishac, Huscar, Tinku and Pueblo Libre survey areas), c = Cordillera Blanca-west (Caraz, Yungay and Ranrahirca survey areas), d = central Conchucos (Yanama, Tomanga, Lucma, Llumpa, Llama, Yauya, San Nicols and Pinra survey areas).

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From a political perspective, the jurisdiction of the municipality of Moro embraces most of the upper Nepea Valley and its tributaries. The town is located on the yunga-chala transition, at the western edge of the research area, which is the regional centre of political and economic power. The municipal boundaries, however, belie a fault line of political tension, which runs across the western slope of the Cordillera Negra and coincides with the linguistic boundary between the predominantly Spanish-speaking population on the coast and the predominantly Quechua-speaking inhabitants of the highlands. Rural communities in the Loco Valley headwaters, such as Acoll and Cajabamba, have repeatedly attempted - as yet unsuccessfully - to secede from Moro and become part, either of Pamparoms, the highland district in the northern tributaries of the Nepea, or of districts in the Callejn de Huaylas to the east. A second political boundary is the administrative boundary between the provinces of Yungay, to the south, and Huaylas, to the north, marked by the entrenched course of Pinkulluyuq section of the upper Ro Loco. This natural and administrative border separates the high altitude village communities of Cajabamba Alta and Cajabamba Baja, which are closely inter-related by ties of kin and ritual festivities. These communities have coalesced into a single comunidad campesina35 whose jurisdiction - far more relevant to the daily lives of the people - transgresses the higher order administrative boundary. This indicates a form of local level resistance to the vagaries of an externally imposed blanket territorial model. At the local level, attempts by one community to restrict rights of access to a key resource and impose a system of tenure, have also been met with resistance. One example, vividly recalled by the members of the comunidades campesinas of Acoll and Vencedores de Cajabamba, are the bloody battles fought less than three decades ago over access to the pastures of Collpa. Technically, these pastures are the exclusive property of the former. At the height of the dry-season, however, Collpa is among the few areas in which pastures remain to help bridge the bottleneck months in fodder availability. The settlement implemented includes shared access on alternative days. It is worthy of note, that the wetlands of Collpa are artificial, created through the construction of a large pre-Columbian
Association of farming communities recognised by Peruvian law, created under the auspices of the land reform programme of the left-wing military government of General Velasco Alvarado.
35

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dam (Lane et al. 2004). The demarcation line separating both communities follows the dam wall. To summarise, modern political boundaries often make use of natural obstacles as points of reference, while boundaries of collective identity are more fluid and complex, a fact highlighted by patterns of seasonal mobility and multiple residency prevailing across modern Peru (e.g. Golte & Adams 1987). The location and quality of political boundaries at any moment in time is the outcome of struggles and negotiations, often economic, which occur in specific historical contexts36. Conflicting and overlapping territorial boundaries, such as between province and district on the one hand, and rural communities on the other, can easily co-exist at different scales. Like the boundaries of collective social identities, they are historically contingent. The principal differences are to be found in the asymmetries in power, which are, in turn, linked to the economic base of political institutions.

3.4.1

Conchucos

The region: Los Conchucos is a collective term designating three steep valley systems, which stretch between the Maran River and the eastern flank of the Cordillera Blanca (Map 3.4). The rivers of the Conchucos region drain eastward into the Maran River, a principal tributary of the Amazon, which has carved its course between the central and eastern Andean mountain ranges of northern Peru. Its upper course marks the eastern boundary of the Ancash axis, which coincides with the frontier between the present-day Departamentos of Ancash, to the west, and Hunuco, to the east.

36

On the republican history of the political boundaries of Ancash province since its inception see: Reina Loli and Mendoza Alegre (1989).

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Map 3.4: Overview map of southern and central Conchucos, indicating principal towns, sites surveyed and ecological zones.

The Ancash axis crosses the central part of the Conchucos region, defined as the basin of the Yanamayo River. The economy of central Conchucos is based largely on subsistence agriculture and herding. Farming concentrates on the temperate kichwa and suni slopes, but small irrigated enclaves are dotted along the warm valley floors at the bottom of the gorges of the Maran and lower Yanamayo valleys, to the east. Pastures are most abundant on the puna separating the Maran from the Yanamayo and Pukcha rivers, but smaller areas of pasture are also found below the glaciated eastern edge of the Cordillera Blanca. Tree cover in the steep puna valleys and ravines to the east of the jagged snowline of the Cordillera Blanca is dominated by patches of lush forests of Queua (Buddleja spp.) and Quishuar (Polylepis spp.), mostly within Huascarn National Park (Byers 1999). In contrast, thorny scrub and deciduous gallery forests dominated by Pati (Ceiba spp.) and Acacia spp. thrive in the arid yunga valley-bottom sections (c. 2300-1980m). In the steep, arid slopes

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above (c.2000-3000m) are stands of Tara (Caesalpina tinctoria) - possibly anthropogenic which are harvested yearly. Most of the steep seasonal ravines are lined with Aliso (Alnus sp.), molle (Shinus molle) and some Lloque (Kageneckia lanceolata) trees. In others, especially in the kichwa ecozone, stands of native fruit trees include Chirimoya (Annonacea sp.), Pacae (Inga spp.) and Lcuma (Lucuma obovata). It seems likely that these are also anthropogenic, representing relic populations of pre-Columbian agro-forestry37. The central Conchucos study area: The rugged terrain of central Conchucos, which comprises the northern and southern drainages of the Yanamayo River, saw the beginnings of regional archaeology in the Central Andes. The 1919 scientific expedition led by Julio C. Tello (Tello 1923, 1929, 1960) located important sites and objects in the areas of San Luis and Yauya, which have had a longstanding impact upon Andean highland archaeology. No systematic archaeological research was conducted in central Conchucos until 1996, however38. Extensive survey of the areas around the towns of Chacas, San Luis, Canchabamba, Pumayucay, Yanama and Yauya also included the course of the Inka road between Huaritambo and Cruz Jirca (Yauya) (Herrera 1998a, 2003, in press). More recently and building on this earlier work, Carolina Orsini, has begun to research the prehistory of conceptual landscapes, based on more intensive survey and excavations around the town of Chacas in the Arma Valley (Orsini 2003b). The present field survey focussed - from east to west - on the valleys of the southern margin of the Yanamayo: San Nicols, Yurajyaco and Maribamba; the middle and lower part of Lucma and Llama Valleys to the north; and on both margins of the Yurma River up to where Quebradas Vaquera and Huaripampa meet. In this way, survey coverage stretches from the eastern shores of the Maran to the east (1980m), across the Yanamayo River to the uppermost headwaters of the Yurma River at Quebrada Vaquera, to the west. Here, sandwiched between the Huandoy (6395m) and Huascarn (6768m) glaciers, the pass of Portachuelo de Llanganuco (4800m) leads across to the Santa Valley (see below).

On Inka agro-forestry in the south highlands, see Chepstow-Lusty and Winfield (2000). Publications reporting on isolated sites and finds include Raimondi (1873), Soriano Infante (1939, 1947), Mrquez Zorrilla 1965 [1946] and Ortega (1956).
37 38

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Unlike in central Conchucos, a significant volume of research has been undertaken in southern Conchucos, especially in and around the UNESCO world heritage site of Chavn de Huntar. The link between the latter and the sites of Cerro Blanco and Punkur, in the Nepea Valley, was crucial to Tellos theory of a highland mother culture of Andean civilization (Tello 1923, 1929, 1956, 1960). Chavn is undoubtedly the most important Early Horizon centre in the Central Andes, and linked closely to an earlier tradition of monumental architecture on the coast (Burger 1984, 1992; Daggett 1987b; Lumbreras 1993; cf. Donnan 1995). Although the occupation remains a matter of ongoing discussion (Bischoff 2000: 52-54, 2000; Kembell & Rick 2004), regional data are emerging slowly 39. Archaeological research in the broader surroundings of the north-central highlands includes the important excavations at Kotosh and Shillacoto (Izumi 1963, 1972), in the Huallaga Valley to the east. Along with those conducted by Bonnier and Rozenberg at Piruru in the Maran Valley to the south (e.g Bonnier & Rozenberg 1988; Bonnier 1997), excavations have now brought to light domestic and ceremonial architecture dating back to the second millennium BC. The latter, defined as the Kotosh Architectural Tradition (Bonnier 1997; Burger & Salazar 1985, 1986), is characterized by the construction of small rectangular chambers with elaborate hearths, lateral benches, specially prepared floors and - sometimes white plaster or clay reliefs. These findings demonstrate that human sedentary occupation in inter-Andean yunga ecosystems is of great antiquity. 3.4.2 The Callejn de Huaylas

The region: The inter-Andean portion of the Santa Valley, best known as the Callejn de Huaylas40, is the longest inter-Andean valley in Peru that feeds into the Pacific. The Santa River originates in the lake of Conococha (4020m) at the southern end of the valley, and flows between the parallel ranges of the Cordillera Blanca and Cordillera Negra for 170km - SSE to NNW before breaking through the latter at Huallanca (1382m). The glaciers of the Cordillera Blanca, the hallmark of north-central Peru, tower above the upper slopes on the eastern
39 Several partial archaeological surveys of the Puchka have been undertaken (Amat Olazbal 1971, 1976; Diessl 2004; Espejo Nuez n.d.[1956]; Ibarra Ascencios 2003), but publication of data has been partial and slow. 40 The indigenous name of this valley was probably Paurarku (Kinzl 1935b: 332), the name chosen for the field research project.

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valley side41. The city of Yungay (2450m), one of five provincial capitals dotted along the valley floor42, stands at the centre of the Callejn and at the centre of the Ancash axis (Map 3.5). The polarity in the landscape encapsulated in the contrasting names and appearance of the ranges bordering the valley to the east and west, is linked directly to the availability of water, fundamental to the predominantly rural economy. On the eastern side of the Callejn, precipitation sustains fallow agriculture in suni areas; mainly cereals, potatoes and hardy beans (see above). In the kichwa and yunga reaches near the valley bottom glacial streams support intensive irrigation agriculture, mainly of fodder for milk production - centred at Caraz -, and of maize. On the western valley side, the slopes are considerably drier and irrigation agriculture is consequently less widespread, concentrating near the valley bottom. As in central Conchucos fallow agriculture in the suni zone, mainly of wheat and tubers, tends to be more risky on the east-facing slopes, due not only to lower levels of precipitation but also to exposure. As mentioned previously, the Cordillera Negra has extensive areas of puna grasslands, which are used extensively for herding. Vegetation cover in the Callejn de Huaylas is dominated by agriculture and Eucalyptus cultivation43, with scrub and isolated tree stands along high energy streams (Byers 1999). Only the high puna at the base of the Cordillera, within Huascarn National Park, have remnant patches of forest, which continue on the eastern side (Section 3.3). The upper, southern end of the valley, around the lake of Conococha is a high puna plain on which herding predominates. The lower northern end of the valley, to the north of the town of Caraz (2293m), is a warm yunga valley where fruits and flowers are grown.

The highest peaks of the six main glaciers bordering the survey route across the Cordillera Blanca are (anticlockwise from S to W): Huascarn 6768m; Chopicalqui 6354m; Yanapaqcha 5460m; Chacraraju 6112m; Pisco 5762m; Huandoy 6395m. The Cordillera Blanca National Park encompasses the higher reaches of the range. 42 From south to north: Recuay (3400), Huaraz (3063m), Carhuaz (2645m), Yungay (2450m) and Caraz (2293m) 43 This species, introduced in the late XIX century, has become popular for timber and firewood, despite its negative effects on moisture retention in the soil (Byers 1999).
41

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Map 3.5: Overview map of the Cordillera Negra, the Callejn de Huaylas and the Cordillera Negra, indicating ecological zones principal towns and sites surveyed.

The YungayPueblo Libre study area: The first investigations of the prehistory of the Ancash highlands and the Callejn de Huaylas were conducted in the early XX century (Bennett 1944; Schaedel 1948a, 1948b, 1952; Soriano Infante 1940, 1947; Tello 1923, 1929, 1930, 1960). In the last four decades, a limited number of site-specific research and surveys has been conducted. Chief among the former are the Preceramic cave site of Guitarrero (Lynch 1971, 1980; cf. 1970), the early ceremonial centre at Huaricoto (Burger 1985; Burger & Salazar 1985, 1986), hilltop sites of the Early Intermediate Period (Gero 1990, 1991, 1992; Wegner 2003) and the mortuary site of Honco Pampa (Isbell 1991; Tschauner 1988, 2003). Archaeological surveys around the town of Marcar, as well as excavation at the sites of Huaricoto and Honco Pampa (Buse 1965; Lanning 1965; Patterson 1971: 37-40) were part of the substantial archaeological component of the Cornell University Vicos Project, led by the late Gary Vescelius (cf. Doughty 1968). Unfortunately, no results were ever published. Finally, and most recently, salvage archaeology has led to investigations into mortuary practices and settlement patterns

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(e.g. Paredes et al. 2000; Ponte 2000, 2003). The least explored prehistoric periods in the Callejn de Huaylas are probably the Late Intermediate Period and the Late Horizon (Tantalen & Prez 2003). The Ancash axis survey crosses the Callejn de Huaylas near the city of Yungay (2450m)44, which stands approximately at the centre of the valley. The focus of the Yungay-Pueblo Libre study area is one of the shortest possible routes of traditional transit linking central Conchucos to the coast, which is marked by pass of Llanganuco (4820m) across the Cordillera Blanca, to the east, and the pass of Tinku across the Cordillera Negra, to the west, by way of the valley and town of Pueblo Libre (2492m). Llanganuco is one of only seven high mountain passes across the 150km long glacial massif of the Cordillera Blanca45. Passes over the Cordillera Negra are more numerous, but easy routes for crossings are limited as well. On the eastern valley side the valleys of Huandoy, Ancash, Llanganuco and Ranrahirca, ravines were surveyed down to the Santa River. Field survey coverage on the western side of the Santa Valley, the eastern reaches of the Cordillera Negra, extends from the valley bottom to the ridges and agricultural pockets of the disperse communities of Huarca and Acoll in the headwaters of Pueblo Libre Valley, including the prominent ridge of Yanaiko Mountain. Prior to the present study the archaeology of the central Callejn de Huaylas area was virtually unknown. Three of the most prominent sites are briefly mentioned in the literature: the valley bottom hill of Wansakay (Yu-20) above old Yungay (Tello 1929, 1956); the large settlement and necropolis of Awkismarka (Auquis Marca) (Valladolid 1990) and the monumental chullpa sector of Keushu (Alcalde Milla 2003).

44 The old city of Yungay was destroyed by an earthquake in 1970 and its remains and population of 20000 buried by the ensuing massive landslide. Large-scale natural disasters of glacial origin are not uncommon in the Santa valley, and Yungay province has suffered repeatedly: the town of Ancash was destroyed and an estimated 1500 people killed in 1725; Shacsha and Ranrahirca were hit in 1917, the latter was again hit in 1962 when nine villages disappeared and 4000 people died (Morales Arnao 1998). A much-visited memorial and cemetery on the summit of Wansakay site (Yu-20), besides old Yungay, is reputedly the only place where people escaped the 1970 tragedy. 45 These are Kawish (4550m), Yanashallash (4700m), Honda (4750m), Punta Olmpica (4890m), Yanaraju (4850m), Llanganuco (4767) and Punta Unin (4750m). Each year, they become impassable for a period of days or months, depending on the severity of the rainy season. The roads using Cahuish, Llanganuco and Punta Olmpica are cleared regularly, but landslides leading to closures regularly affect transit.

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Chullpa is the Quechua name for the single most conspicuous category of pre-Hispanic monument in the Callejn de Huaylas - and probably across most of the central Andes: the above ground open collective tomb. Lau (2002) has recently demonstrated that this architectural tradition dates back to the Early Intermediate Period in the Ancash highlands (cf. Isbell 1997; Schaedel 1952). Chullpa construction continued well into the Middle Horizon (Paredes et al. 2001; Ponte 2001), however, and collective tombs remained common in the central Andes up until the early colonial period (Guaman Poma 1993 [1615]). Those at Keushu (Yu-16B; see Fig. 3.1), Honco Pampa (Isbell 1989, 1991; Tschauner 1988, 2003), Willkawan (Bennett 1944) and Katiam (Zaky 1978) rank among the largest ever constructed.

Figure 3.1: The paramount multi-storey hilltop collective chullpa tomb at Keushu (Yu-16, sector B); note single access and Huandoy glacier in background.

3.4.3

The Cordillera Negra

The region: Cordillera Negra is the name given to the part of the western Andean cordillera, which stands between the Callejn de Huaylas and the Pacific Ocean (Map 3.5). The weathered spaces between and around the rocky peaks are covered by rolling puna grasslands rising above the heavily segmented ravines feeding valleys below, including Supe, Pativilca (Fortaleza), 63

Huarmey, Casma, Nepea and Santa to the west. The landscape becomes increasingly dry as one descends to either side, however. The eastern slope stands in the rain shadow of the Codillera Blanca, whereas precipitation on the western side is largely limited to the higher suni areas. Small rural villages and dispersed hamlets attest to the marginal economic status of the area punctuated by a handful of mining operations. Larger towns - such as Aija (3365m), Quillo (1250m) and Pamparoms (2765m) - are found mainly in the larger hollows of the western valley necks, where rainfall and irrigation can be combined in agriculture. As in the Callejn de Huaylas, vegetation cover is largely determined by human impact. Isolated patches of giant bromeliads remain in the eastern puna and stands of Quishuar Polylepis (spp.) and Queua (Buddleja spp.) have been reported from remote areas (Advncula et al. 2000). The Pinkulluyuq study area: Archaeological research in the Cordillera Negra developed out of the interest in the stone sculptures, which are common near the southern end (Schaedel 1948a, 1948b, 1952; Soriano Infante 1940, 1947; Tello 1923, 1929, 1930). Early investigations led to the recognition of Huambo and Aija as two centres for the development of distinct styles of stone sculpture (Schaedel 1952 map III, 1985 Fig. 1). There has been little archaeological exploration of the higher reaches of the Cordillera, except for the mining areas in the south, to the west of Huaraz and Marcar (Paredes et al. 2000, Ponte 1997, 2003), and isolated reports of finds (Malpass 1986; Ponte 2003; Prmmers 1993) or sites (Advncula et al. 2000) predominate. Detailed site-level investigations are limited to the site of Chinchawasi in the headwaters of the Casma Valley (Lau 2000, 2001, 2002, 2004; Meja Xesspe 1941), where changes in ancestor veneration and patterns of coast-highland interaction have been linked to the expansion of the Wari phenomenon to the central coast. The Pinkulluyuq study area encompasses the eastern headwaters of the Ro Loco, the principal southern tributary of the Nepea. It includes Quebrada Pinkulluyuq, as the upper Ro Loco is known, as well as the tributary ravines of Oqshapampa, Pishac and Nununga. 64

The two study areas overlap in the Cordillera Negra section of the Ancash axis. It is thus split into two study areas: the western half of the Callejn de Huaylas described above, and the Pinkulluyuq area. Evidence of high altitude dam and corral construction (Herrera et al. 2002) spurred additional field surveys in the headwaters of the northern tributaries of the Nepea. Field surveys in the headwaters of the Chumbe (Salitre) River, the puna of the Huarac Pampa and Chaclancayo valleys, have been conducted by Kevin Lane (Lane 2000). Preliminary results suggest that herding activity in the puna of the Cordillera Negra intensified significantly during the LIP and LH (Lane et al. 2004).

3.4.4

The north-central coast

The region: The Nepea Valley is one of the five short and narrow valley-oases of north-central Peru, which cut the hilly desert plains between the Pacific shoreline and the Cordillera Negra46. The valleys of Nepea and Casma to the north, and Culebras and Huarmey valleys to the south, are often considered together by virtue of their proximity (Map 3.6). The Santa Valley, at the northern edge of north-central Peru, occupies a special position since it is the only valley whose basin reaches beyond the western slope of the Cordillera Negra. It thus permanently carries more water than all the others. The Nepea Valley is clearly bounded to the west by sandy or rocky seashores, and by deserts to the north and south (Fig. 3.2). It is separated into a western lower section and an eastern upper section by a narrowing of the valley floor to less than 2km47. The agricultural pocket around the town of Moro (426m), 37km from the sea, is where the three main

46 The neighbouring valleys of Fortaleza, Pativilca and Supe, are considered as the northernmost part of the central coast, whereas the Chao and Vir valleys are considered the southernmost valleys of the north coast. 47 Proulx (1985: 21-22, map 2) refers to this transition as the break between the middle and upper valleys.

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Map 3.6: Overview map of the north-central coast, indicating ecological zones, principal towns and sites surveyed.

Figure 3.2: Satellite image showing the location of the Nepea Valley and its tributaries on the western slope of the Cordillera Negra. Note valley narrowing marking the transition between lower and upper valley (Adapted from Spot 8 satellite image).

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tributary valleys converge: Jimbe and Chumbe (Salitre) to the northeast and the Loco River to the southeast. The Ro Loco is the smallest of the three tributaries and, as the name crazy river implies, water discharge is particularly erratic. The 1998/1999 ENSO event, for instance, brought about a shift of the riverbed - a kilometre in its lower course - which displaced hundreds of families and destroyed dozens of hectares of agricultural land. As the ascent of the Cordillera Negra becomes steeper, however, the succession of ecological tiers quickens and the riverbed becomes more deeply entrenched. Pockets of irrigation become smaller and more broadly spaced. Yet, along the Ro Loco they continue 27km from Moro, where the ravines of Pishac, Nununga and Oqshapampa meet. Fishmeal production and mining have transformed the regional economy, traditionally based on intensive agriculture and fishing, which is now centred on the sprawling industrial city of Chimbote. Since the XVII century, much of the land made fertile through irrigation in the Nepea Valley has been devoted to sugarcane production (Soriano Infante 1941). There are virtually no areas in the main body of the valley, which have vegetation cover unaffected by agriculture. The upper Nepea study area: Unlike the adjoining highlands, the valleys of the north-central coast have a long history of archaeological research (e.g. Bonava 1982; Collier 1962; Kosok 1965; Pozorski & Pozorski 1987; Proulx 1968, 1973, 1985; Pruemmers 2000; Tello 1956; Wilson 1988, 1995). Squiers 1878 Incidents of Travel in the Land of the Incas, for instance, mention sites in the Nepea Valley and includes some of the first detailed sketches48. Further to pioneering excavations at Punkur and Cerro Blanco (Daggett 1987b) and reconnaissance in the 1950s (Kosok 1965), systematic surveys in the 1960s and 1970s have shown that the people of the Nepea Valley actively participated in macro-regional socio-cultural phenomena since c.1300BC (Daggett 1984, 1987a,b; Gambini 1983-4; Proulx 1968, 1973, 1985). Early occupation in the upper
48 Sites sketched by G.E. Squier include Quisque and Mora, also known as Kushi Pampa or Siete Huacas, Alpacote (Allpaqotu), Paradones (Paderones, Paredones), and Paamarka (see: Kosok 1965; Proulx 1973, 1985).

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valley, in the Moro pocket, suggests that this area became important with the onset of sedentary agriculture (Daggett 1987a; Proulx 1985:255).49 This field survey was designed to complement and extend the existing survey coverage of the lower valley and the Moro pocket along the Loco River and Pinkulluyuq ravine50 and link into the puna of the Cordillera Negra51. Limited overlap with previously surveyed areas was allowed for - where the Ro Loco meets the Nepea - to fine-tune and gauge comparability of survey results (see below). The single most influential scientific paper about the archaeology of the Nepea Valley is probably Proulx (1982) study on territoriality and coast-highland interaction during the Early Intermediate Period. It provides one of the best-documented case studies for the relationship between the neighbouring archaeological cultures of Moche and Recuay. In light of my own research and a review of his field survey data (1968, 1973, 1985), I discuss differing assumptions about human behaviour and present an alternative archaeological model. 3.5 ANDEAN LANGUAGES

Language is one of the most important and pervasive outward indicators of social identity. Quechua is today the only indigenous language spoken in the Ancash region, but linguistic studies with a historical edge (e.g. Adelaar 1989, 2004; Cerrn-Palomino 1995; Heggarty: in press; Torero 1989) indicate that three languages were spoken in different parts of the Ancash axis in the pre-Columbian past. Culle was spoken in the Maran Valley at the eastern end, Quingnam on the coast at the western end, and Quechua in the highlands in
49 The apparent lack of early monumental constructions in Nepea stands in contrast to the situation in Casma (Pozorski & Pozorski 1987). Daggett (1987a: 79) has suggested that monument construction in the latter valley attracted labour from Nepea, but serious disagreement surrounds the temporal interpretation of Initial Period pottery styles (Proulx 1985: 248) and adobe brick shapes (ibid: 256). Formal similarities with the Sechn Alto complex suggest that the main body of the lower-valley site of Sute (Gambini 1983-84: 153-4; Proulx 1973: 141) dates to the Initial Period. Excavations at this and other sites are likely to alter the view of Nepea as a cultural backwater during the Initial Period. 50 The Loco River not only changes its riverbed often, it also changes name frequently. Its lower sections are referred to as Vinchamarka, Pocs or Santa Rosa, and the upper part as Pinculloyok. 51 To the north survey in the puna section of Huarac Pampa and Chaclancayo valleys, headwaters of the Chumbe (Salitre) River, has been conducted by K. Lane.

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between (Map 3.7). Only the latter is not extinct today52, but historic records and toponym or place-name evidence suggest a dynamic trajectory of overlapping language spread. Furthermore, they give an indication of their past distributions and socio-cultural affiliation.

3.5.1

Map 3.7: Approximate distributions of Andean languages in the XVI century as compiled by Adelaar (2004, Map 3).

Culle

In the XVI and XVII centuries, the Culle language, also known as Culli, Linga, Ilinga, Gumachuco (Adelaar 1989, 2004: 401-405) or Kuli (Rivet 1949), was spoken across much of what are today the northern highlands of Peru (Map 3.8). Speakers of this language
Lists of Culle words were complied as recently as 1915, however, and some linguists are hopeful that active speakers may be found in north-eastern Ancash (Adelaar pers. com. 2001).
52

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concentrated between the headwaters of the Santa and Chicama valleys, southern Cajamarca, Huamachuco and the upper Maran Valley. The area around Trujillo was the southwest boundary of the Culle speaking area, where it bordered Quingnam-speaking areas along the coast (Adelaar 2004: 401). The southeast boundary was in the Conchucos region, where Culle was spoken in the northern Conchucos provinces of Sihuas and Pallasca (Adelaar 1989: 99; Torero 1989; see also: Grieder 1978: 12, 63; Rivet 1949). The southernmost Culle toponyms are found along eastern central Conchucos, suggesting the existence of a Cullespeaking corridor along the Maran River (Adelaar 1989), a distribution consistent with Toreros view of Culle as a pre-Quechua language (Torero 1989).

Map 3.8: Reconstruction of the Culle speaking area by W. Adelaar (1989); note southern corridor, the Maran River, and westward extension towards Pomabamba and Piscobamba in the lower Yanamayo Valley.

Culle is perhaps best known as the language of the cult of Catequil or Catequilla (San Pedro 1992 [1560?]; Topic 1992, 1998; Topic et al. 2002) a culture hero, founding ancestor and regional deity whose main oracle was in the northern highland area of Huamachuco. Like other important Andean cults, such as that of Pariacaca in the central highlands (Taylor 70

1987), Catequil had a main shrine and a network of secondary shrines, referred to as wives, daughters and sons (Topic 1998). The creation myth ends with Catequil driving his mothers bothers from Huamachuco, a people referred to as Guachemines. He then digs up a new people, created by the supreme deity Ataguju, at the mountain of Guacat. John Topic (1998) has used history, archaeology and Culle place-names to reconstruct the sacred landscape associated with the cult of Catequil. Thus, the Cerro de Huacate located on the confluence of the Santa and Tablachaca rivers, at the border of Conchucos, Huaylas and Huamachuco is equated with the pacarina of Guacat (Topic 1998: Fig 1). Guachemin is a recurrent name for hills and ravines descending to the yunga headwaters of the Moche River and these [toponyms] probably commemorate the places where the Guachemines were driven out of the province (1998: 113). He further suggests, that: () the creation myth [also] defined the territory of Huamachuco as ecologically sierra and the people as ethnically serranos and contrasts them to people adapted to life on the seacoast. (Topic 1998: 113). This is not the place to discuss Topics territorial model and top-down view on ethnicity, alluded to in the introduction (Section 1.2.3), but they are points to which I shall return further below. Adelaar (1989) has suggested the existence of a Culle corridor following the upper course of the Maran, whose southernmost tip extends into central Conchucos. Yangn, the salt production site in the lower Yanamayo Valley investigated in detail, stands one day on foot from Sanachgn the southernmost toponym discussed by Adelaar53. It is most probably Culle (Adelaar pers. com. 2003). The suffix gn means water in Culle (Adelaar 1989: 88), and given the presence of salt - a rare occurrence in the area - the prefix ya- (or yan-) may be plausibly, albeit somewhat speculatively, suggested to mean salt or saline. Yangn marks a new southern boundary for the distribution of Culle (cf. Adelaar 2004: 173, 401). Culle was

53

The village of Yamyan is found close to Sanachgn according to Sievers 1914 map (Map 3.1). This Culle toponym is not mentioned on later maps.

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evidently spoken in the upper Maran in the past, and a linguistic boundary between Quechua and Culle must have therefore crossed the eastern end of the Ancash axis.

A further indication of the southern boundary of the Culle-speaking area is given by an alternative name for the pacarina of Huamachuco recorded in Cristbal de Albornoz Instruccin para descubrir todas las guacas del Pir y sus camayos y haziendas (1967 [1582?]). It is referred to, in Quechua, as Guarakayoc (Warakayuq) meaning the one who wields the sling. This name also appears in the Agustinian friars Huamachuco chronicle (San Pedro 1992 [1560?]) as one of the nine principal waka shrines of Catequil (cf. Topic 1992). Modern oral histories in central Conchucos recall the prominent mountaintop to the west of Piscobamba as Inkawarakayokjirka, meaning the mountaintop where the Inka wields his sling54. Chunchuwanunqa, the place where the Chunchu dies, is the name given to a rock at the bottom of the lower Maribamba Valley, which evokes the giant torso of a person lying face down in the river, which the Inka is reputed to have killed. Chunchu is a common term used by Quechua-speaking highlanders to refer, often derogatorily, to lowland Amazonian peoples. Similar narratives link the Inka to Uchpaqotu, a limestone quarry located west of site SN-3 (Appendix A), which is used to make lime for chewing coca. Uchpaqotu is said to be the Inkas ashtray. Oral histories and toponym evidence suggest that Guaracayoc, one of the nine most important points in the sacred landscape, was associated with the cult of Catequil and that it lay close to the juncture of the Pomabamba, Yanamayo and Maran rivers. Most importantly, the linguistic boundary between Quechua and Culle points to the presence of ethnic boundaries. Therefore, the archaeological record of central Conchucos is ideal to study the material correlates of beliefs and language as expressions of collective identities over the long-term.

The name does not appear on any of the maps published for the area by the Instituto Geogrfico Nacional. The most detailed account was given by Don Eduardo Morales of Huagllapuquio.
54

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3.5.2

Quingnam

Quingnam is a poorly documented language that was spoken along the Pacific coast of central and northern Peru. According to Cerrn-Palomino (1995, cf. Adelaar 2004), it is the southernmost language of the coastal yunga language complex, which includes four other distinct languages. These are, from south to north: Muchik (Mochica), Talln, Olmos and Sechura. Quingnam has been emphatically argued to be different from Mochica and identical to the language which other colonial sources refer to as Pescadora (Cerrn-Palomino 1995: 36-41, 181; cf. Adelaar 2004: 173, and Rostworowksi 1977). It appears to have become extinct quickly, however, being largely forgotten by the end of the XVIII century. Cerrn-Palomino (1995: mapa II) argues that Quingnam was spoken from the Chicama Valley in the north, where it overlapped with Mochica, to the Rimac Valley in the south. This view is based on the accounts of the Agustinian Antonio de la Calancha, and attributed by Cerrn-Palomino (1995) to the Chim expansion. The spread of Mochica is, incidentally, attributed to the polities of Moche and, most importantly Sicn (Cerrn-Palomino 1995: 4246). According to this scenario the spread of Mochica would have preceded that of Quingnam. Therefore, at the time of European contact the Nepea Valley can be expected to have been bilingual (Mochica/Quingnam). This overlap raises intriguing questions for archaeological study of prehistoric collective identities. 3.5.3 Quechua

Quechua is the principal indigenous language group spoken in the central Andes, along with Aymara, which is spoken mainly in the highlands of southern Peru and northern Bolivia. There are two main dialectal groups, B (or I) and A (or IIA, IIB and IIC) and although there are lexical differences, their distribution seldom reflects a clear-cut division between both groups (Adelaar 2004: 188). In essence, the principal dialects, such as the HuaylasConchucos dialect of Quechua I and the Quechua IIC of the Cuzco region, are about as mutually unintelligible as Italian and French. The prehistoric language preceding the major split into dialectal groups A and B is referred to as proto-Quechua. Its origins are commonly sought in areas with greatest dialectical density, such as the highlands east of Lima, and the north-central highlands of Peru. 73

Although linguistic research in the Ancash highlands has been scant, the high density of regional and micro-regional linguistic variants of Quechua leads some to consider the possibility that Quechua may have originated there (Heggarty: pers. com. 2004). Quechua in Ancash thus predates the expansion of the Inka empire, but state policy made the Quechua IIC variant into a pan-Andean lingua franca (Cerrn Palomino 1987). The split of proto-Quechua into its two main dialectal branches occurred many centuries before European colonisation. The emerging consensus amongst linguists is that this split may date to the first millennium BC (Heggarty: in press). Lack of conclusive evidence pervades all previous attempts to link the spread of Quechua, or indeed of any of the languages mentioned above, to specific archaeological cultures, culture traits or cultigens (e.g. Bird et al. 1983-84; Isbell 1974). The current linguistic scenario would suggests that protoQuechua was an important language during the Early Horizon, and that its expansion may coincide with the spread of Chavn culture. The dialectal split would thus coincide broadly with the transition to the Early Intermediate Period, a period marked by radical social change across the central Andes. 3.5.4 Discussion

Research in historical linguistics suggests a highly dynamic linguistic history in the northern Andes. The XVI century sees the existence of a Culle corridor in the Maran Valley, which probably split central Conchucos linguistically in two. Like the posterior arrival of Quingnam to the Mochica-speaking Nepea Valley, the arrival of Quechua to eastern central Conchucos is probably posterior to that of Culle (Torero 1989). The Callejn de Huaylas and Conchucos areas may, in fact, be part of the core region in which proto-Quechua developed. The main ecological boundaries of the northern Andes correlate broadly with the three-fold linguistic division, with maritime and inter-Andean yunga areas distinct from the high mountains. Since language and social identity are closely linked, the complexity of the XVI century linguistic scenario enriches the discussions of the archaeological record. The difficulties inherent in pacing linguistic expansions, however, preclude establishing any definitive linkage to political or military events. Linguistic expansions form part of the longue 74

dure of history. This provides a challenge for archaeological study of collective identities: to search for material correlates of such long-term historical and social processes and facilitate cross-disciplinary dialogues.

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CHAPTER IV SURVEY ACROSS THE ANCASH HIGHLANDS OF NORTHERN PERU

4.1

INTRODUCTION

Durable relationships between groups of people and the perceived landscape are mediated by social interaction and territoriality. Social boundaries in space are thus defined by sets of human relations, and territories can be regarded as historically contingent spatial expressions of collective social identities vis--vis another. Social interactions encompass all forms of engagement with the perceived other (Chapters 1 and 2). Following the anthropological perspective on identity set out in previous chapters, I shall present and discuss archaeological methods for the study of collective identities in the northern Andes of Peru. These are based on two tenets. First, heeding close attention to the places in the landscape at which social interaction is played out and collective social relations are negotiated. Second, integrating historical knowledge about single short-term historical events or vnnements, such as the European conquest, to archaeologically address the medium and longer-term past. The imponderable demands of human subsistence provide useful baselines from which to theorize idealized settlement patterns on any given part of the earths surface. Von Thnens Der Isolierte Staat (1826) or Christallers theory of central places (1933; cf. Chisholm 1962; Lsch 1962), for instance, provide illustrative models of human geography in terms of the possible centres and boundaries of hypothetical territories in a simplified bi-dimensional space. The issue of territorial boundaries in highly segmented landscapes was not confronted by either of the German theoreticians, however55.

55 For a review of the methodological problem associated with flattening tri-dimensional landscapes, see Gorenflo and Gale (1990).

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Furthermore and perhaps most importantly, these approaches fail to integrate the historical dimensions of territoriality: the perceptions of landscape that mediate the relationship between people and their habitat. Studies of human location in a bi-dimensional landscape modelled, according to environmental variables, have a long tradition in archaeological settlement pattern studies, and research in the central Andes has played a key role in these developments. The delimitation of culture-areas based on exclusionary territorial is contradicted by historical accounts, however. On the one hand, Andean highland societies in the XVI century tended to favour discontinuous spatial organisation as a sound strategy of risk minimisation and economic flexibility (Chapter 3). On the other hand, a palimpsest of ethnic identities was brought about by forced resettlement by the Inka, which may well have been preceded by earlier migrations (Chapter 2). The integration of archaeological field research and colonial narratives is fundamental to the historical landscape approach to processes of identity formation advocated here. Ethnohistoric sources, on the one hand, provide a culturally sensitive frame of reference, which informs not only about economic practices, demographic structure but about past meanings, intentions and beliefs (Chapter 2). Landscape archaeology, on the other hand, approaches the human past by situating the patterned distribution of material culture within specific spatial, environmental and historical contexts. The immediate aims of the systematic field survey were thus, to locate and record archaeological evidence for repeated human activity along a sample transect across the northern Andes of Peru. Nine team-months over three field seasons were devoted to surveying across three neighbouring valley systems of the Ancash axis and the broad range of ecological tiers within (Chapter 3). Limited overlap with previous archaeological work in Nepea (Daggett 1984; Proulx 1968, 1973, 1985) was allowed for, and earlier survey work in central Conchucos (Herrera 1998a) was expanded upon. Sites on the southern margin of the Yurma, Maribamaba and San Nicols valleys were revisited and the survey area extended north- and eastward (Table 4.1; Maps 1.2 and 4.1).

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Map 4.1: Overview map showing the location of the 179 archaeological sites surveyed in each of the four study areas of the Ancash axis. Yellow dots indicate 107 sites surveyed previously by the author (Herrera 1998a, 2003); base data acquired from Shuttle Radar Topographic Mission 1990 (grey areas = no data).

Study area
Nepea Valley

Researchers Proulx & Daggett

Fieldwork

Location

Sites surveyed 363

1967, 1971, Lower and upper valley; lower course of Jimbe 1979-1981 and Salitre tributaries
1999 1999, 2002-2003 Upper valley (eastern Moro Pocket and Ro Loco Valley) Nepea headwaters (Pinkulluyuq, Chunya and Huinchos / Chaclancayo valley) East slope (Pueblo Libre Valley and headwaters) West slope (Ancash, Ranrahirca and Llanganuco valleys)

Herrera & Lane

29 26 25 33 108

Cordillera Negra Callejn de Huaylas

Herrera & Lane, Lane & Herrera

Herrera & Lane

1999

Herrera Central Conchucos

Herrera

Southern Yanamayo basin (Arma, Chacapata, 1996-1997 Chucpin, Cunya, Ashno-Cancha and southern Yurma valleys)
Southern Yanamayo basin (northern Yurma, Llumpa, 1999 - 2001 Maribamba, Juncay, and San Nicols tributaries; Yanamayo- Maran juncture)

27 611

TOTAL Table 4.1: Systematic field surveys along the Ancash axis. Site descriptions in: Site Gazetteer (Appendix A); Daggett (1984); Herrera (1998, 2003); Lane et al. 2004; Proulx (1968, 1973, 1985).

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This chapter begins by situating the methods used to investigate the prehistory of the Ancash axis within the long tradition of archaeological survey. After a critical history of field survey methodology, I lay out the field research methods used in this interregional study. Then, I summarily present the results of three seasons of fieldwork. The full survey report is laid out in detail in appendix A, whilst excavations are reported in appendix C. Finally, in light of the above, I discuss the integration of landscape archaeology with the theoretical and historical insights laid out in chapter 2. Throughout, I shall argue for a historical approach into the past. 4.2 A CRITICAL HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY METHODS More than two decades ago, John Cherry (1982: 14-16), speaking from a Mediterranean perspective, identified three main phases in the history of archaeological survey. For the central Andes, Jeffrey Parsons and colleagues (2000: 1-10) have proposed a strikingly similar three-stage progression of improving regional research methods. In Europe, exploratory travels were typically driven by the desire to find monuments mentioned in classical texts. In South America stage one investigations, carried out mostly before the 1960s, set the foundations for further systematic study. Thus, explorers such as Charles Wiener (1880), G.E. Squier (1870, 1878), Antonio Raimondi (1911), and Clemence Markham (1910), or the expeditions led by Phillipp Borchers and Hans Kinzl (Borchers 1935; Kinzl 1950) regularly included visits, descriptions and illustrations of ancient monuments in their humanist and naturalist programme of travel. Sites lacking art or large monuments were largely ignored during these explorations, however. The idiosyncratic work of the first generation of Peruvian scholars in archaeology, sits uneasily between survey and exploration. Julio Csar Tello and Santiago Antnez de Mayolo, both carried out pioneering field research in the northern highlands in the 1920s and 1930s (Table 4.2). Their pioneering fieldwork was regional in scope and extensive, covering areas often hundreds of kilometres across (e.g. Tello 1960: Fig.1), but reconnaissance tended to consciously follow traditional or ancient routes.

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Studied regions

Researchers Year

Regional or thematic foci

Exploration route

Sites in survey area Vinchamarka, Wansakay, Koll, Quishuar, Huaylln, Pueblo Viejo, Huaylasjirka, Inka Raj, Huancabamba and Markajirka (Huaylasjirka possibly site To-4 or To-8).

- Ancash, - La Libertad and - Cajamarca

Julio C. Tello, Toribio Meja Xesspe

Lima, Huars, Yungay, Santa and Maran Yanama, Chavn, basins Pomabamba, Conchucos, 1919 Huamachuco, Cajamarca, Highland sections Santa and Casma valleys of Inka road system

- Ancash and - Hunuco - Ancash, - La Libertad, -Chachapoyas and - Cajamarca

Santiago Antnez de Mayolo

Tinyash & sites en Huarmey valley; Aija; 1934 route around Aija Pukcha valley; upper and Recuay Maran Coastal sections of the Inka road system Fortification walls 1937 Large, early sites Amazonian origins of Andean civilisation

--

J.C. Tello T. Meja X., P. Rojas, H. Ponce, H. McCreery, B. Loomis, D. Collier

Lurn, Chancay, Huaura, Paramonga, Casma, Nepea, Pincha Marka Santa Vir, Moche, Chicama, (Vinchamarka) Jequetepeque, Lambayeque, Cajamarca, Huamachuco

Table 4.2: Early regional archaeology in the Ancash highlands (compiled after: Antnez 1935; Tello 1923, 1956, 1960).

During Tellos pioneering 1919 Maran expedition, for instance, the team repeatedly returned a principal branch of the Inka road system: the road to Chinchaysuyu. His methods for highland survey included explorations in adjoining highland valleys segments within loosely defined culture areas. Study of historical accounts, use of local informants to access sites in the field, and close attention to local mythology were integral part of the research endeavour, as was the purchase of objects for study collections (Astuhuamn & Daggett: in press; Tello: 1923, 1956). As a result of his broad multi-regional investigations, Tello proposed two core culture areas for the northern Andes, one in the eastern Maran and Huallaga basins, the other in the Callejn de Huaylas (Tello 1923, 1960: 13-16). In hindsight, and following Cherry, it is neither the erroneous chronological assumptions, nor the large scale of the research area that makes Tellos and Antnez research strategies appear as a mixture of learned travels and extensive reconnaissance. It is the

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lack of explicit reasoning on the field procedures used, the patchy intensity of field investigations, and the focus on large monuments (Tello 1960: Fig 1). Yet, three interrelated elements can be discerned in the implicit research strategy. First, the search for continuities in cultural trajectories and cultural boundaries. Second, the importance of traditional routes of transit and, third, oral histories and myths as a source of historical knowledge. Thus, although the empiricist ethos of these early regional investigations is not served well by the poor publication record, they show a sensitivity to the specific local conditions and culture that later approaches often lack. Cherrys second phase, of extensive reconnaissance, refers to the tradition of field survey, which has its roots in the Peruvian coastal valley of Vir (Willey 1953, 1999), where the first modern archaeological survey is often situated (e.g. Billman 1999:1). The shift in the discipline heralded by the origins of Cultural Ecology, personified in the collaboration between Julian Steward and Gordon Willey (Trigger 1989: 282-285), led to the recognition of landscapes and ecology as the objects for archaeological inquiry (Willey 1953:1). This stage culminated in broad, integrated regional settlement pattern studies, such as those conducted in Oaxaca (Flannery 1976) or the Valley of Mexico (Sanders et al. 1979). Reference to the advent of processual archaeology, as a defining element of stage two regional investigations, is as unmistakeable in the stage-wise progression models by Parsons and colleagues (2000: 6 and passim), as it is in Cherrys account. Survey methods employed by the archaeological surveys carried out in the central highlands of Peru by Browman (1970) and Parsons and colleagues (Hastings 1985; Parsons et al. 1978, 2000), parallel methodological developments in Mexico closely. The major goal of this stage, and of their project - begun in 1975 - was the definition of settlement patterns, built on the basis of previous culture historical work: established archaeological chronologies, definitions of artefacts, architectural types, and so on. In a parallel development in the central highlands, the 1970s saw the development of a systematic historical archaeology, largely under the aegis of John Murra (see: Morris & Thompson 1970, 1985; Thompson 1971, 1974, 1982). This line of field research focused mainly on the archaeological evidence at the interface between the historical and archaeological past: the Late HorizonColonial transition. Central tenets on the socio-

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political organisation of Andean economies are encapsulated in Murras model of ecological complementarity, based in turn, on the economic history framework of Karl Polanyi (Murra 1975, 2004, Polanyi 1944; Polanyi et al. 1957) (Section 1.2.2). Some archaeologists have rejected the application of historically derived models to preInka prehistory on the grounds that the latter are historically unique by-products of Inka colonisation (e.g. Parsons et al. 2000: 41-56). John Topic (1998: 121) argues a similar, but more nuanced case, in his study on Huamachuco ethnicity. Thus, while Inka provinces and administrative structure cannot be equated off hand with pre-Inka polities (Section 2.3), the importance of local or regional shrines, such as the network of regional oracles associated with Catequil (Section 3.5.1), may well pre-date the Inka expansion. The methodological problems of integrating historical and archaeological research beyond the impact of Inka administration are left open, however. Below I take this discussion further. The third, and final stage of Cherry and Parsons and colleagues schemes, revolve around the elimination of biases in coverage and the representativeness of samples, though intensification of fieldwork and refined sampling techniques. This, it is argued, will help addressing bigger research questions; in Parsons words from settlement patterns to settlement systems. Ultimately, this led to more narrowly focussed research areas in which intensive coverage would provide problem-oriented data to assess models of social change, which could be related to regional archaeological patterns (e.g. Renfrew & Wagstaff 1982). Discussion of methods of collection, recording and quantification in the Old World has been intense and little effort has been spared in trying out and assessing alternative approaches (Mattingly 2000). Sampling strategies, however, have remained focussed on regions which are far smaller than those considered in the Americas (Blanton 2001). One example from the Andes is Earle and colleagues long-term programme of work in the central highlands of Peru (e.g. DAltroy 1981; DAltroy & Hastorf 2001; Earle et al. 1978, 1987). This multi-disciplinary effort was built on substantial previous research, notably that of Jeffrey Parsons, Ramiro Matos and Charles Hastings, as well as David Browman. The UMARP project addressed the rise of political complexity and its

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transformation through the Inka and, to a lesser degree, the Spanish conquest, through a combination of intensive survey of selected sites with excavations in a subset of structures and ethnohistorical inquiry. Thus, although census data are carefully contrasted against the archaeological evidence, the broader issue of the applicability of historical models to periods prior to the Inka impact is also left open. Discussion: Three stage-schemes, in sum, provide a useful sketch of developments leading from monument-focussed to regional and landscape archaeology. They show how method and theory are intertwined with the growing body of archaeological knowledge. Yet, in both schemes the modern intensive survey is construed as a necessary precondition for addressing questions of broader, regional or even inter-regional significance, and intensification and tecnification are equated with improvement. In line with a general trend in publications on survey methods (e.g. Ammerman 1981; Keller & Rupp 1983), Cherry even questioned if the resolution provided by extensive, low-budget surveys justifies their ongoing application (Cherry 1982: 387). There are three main points of contention. First, to equate intensification of research with improvement is to take for granted that systematic methods based on statistical sampling and geophysical prospection are goals towards which all landscape studies should strive. Up to a point, the detection of sites and sub-surface features can certainly be improved by survey intensification. Richard Blanton (2001) has subjected the survey methods discussed for Mediterranean archaeology to scathing criticism, however. From his (Mesoamerican) perspective the intensely surveyed areas are generally too small to represent the regional systems of which they once formed part (op cit. p. 629, cf. Mattingly 2000). Thus, scholars have failed to take adequate measure of the spatial scale required to address questions of broad regional significance meaningfully. Furthermore, emphasis on high-resolution survey methods, often coupled to intensive geomorphology, are in danger of replacing imaginative question-driven research design with a new kind of environmental determinism (Blanton 2001: 629). In contrast, discussion of sampling techniques in American archaeology has led to the recognition that full coverage survey remains the least problematic way to avoid sampling bias (Fish & Kowalewski 1990).

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Secondly, the ability to detect features of low obtrusiveness, such as little or unaltered landscape features of crucial importance, to mythical histories and other non-sites will often depend on a culturally specific understanding of landscapes. Third, viewed through the narrow focus of the three-stage-scheme developed from North American and western European perspectives, survey methods developed in areas with less developed research and economic infrastructures are often ignored or subjected to unwarranted criticism. The heated and dynamic debate in Andean archaeology surrounding Murras ideas about verticality in the Andes is a case in point (e.g. Blom et al. 1998; Goldstein 2000a; Stanish 1989; Van Buren 1996). The lingering chord struck has helped differentiate two different perspectives. Processual perspectives on regional archaeology, such as those advocated by Cherry and Parsons and colleagues, on the one hand, may be said to favour systemic and largely synchronic models for understanding past social behaviour. They are suspicious of long-term history and particularism, perhaps overly so. On the contrary, historical-anthropological approaches to the Andean past (e.g. Abercrombie 1998; Murra et al. 1986; Rasnake 1988; Wachtel 1977) on the other hand, emphasise structures, rhythms and trajectories of long-term social change. They are at risk of missing the unique and historically contingent event. This case study seeks a mid-point within this polarity by developing an approach that seeks an integration of historical models in archaeology, and an archaeological critique of history. Its aim is to ascertain the specific conditions under which cultural practices lead to a territorial patterning of material culture and track changes in territoriality. The regional field methodology developed to this effect is laid out next. This method for the integration of material culture and textual data is applied in the following chapters (Chapters 5, 6 and 7). 4.3 METHODS OF FIELD RESEARCH

The preceding part of this chapter has focused on the history of archaeological survey methods. Below, I outline design and progress of field research and the specific methods used to ascertain enduring patterns of spatial behaviour along the Ancash axis. This prelude leads to the following chapters, in which I address the Inka and pre-Inka history

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of the four study areas in turn, with the aim to demonstrate a synthetic, multi-scalar integration of material culture and text in historical landscape archaeology. For this study, a 150km long transect across the Cordillera Negra and Cordillera Blanca ranges of northern Peru, was archaeologically surveyed. The Ancash axis is one of the shortest possible routes of traditional transit linking the Pacific to the upper Maran Valley56 (Chapter 3). The boundaries of the research area were defined on a combination of local hydrology and topography. In essence, the valleys, which structure the highland portion of the Ancash axis, were surveyed from watershed to watershed, with special attention devoted to the ridge-tops on either side57. All spatially distinct concentrations of archaeological features indicative of enduring and repeated human activity, defined as sites, were located and described. Small finds made on the surface were also collected wherever possible58. Topographic survey and excavations were conducted at the salt production site of Yangn (SN-5) and the monumental hilltop site of Gotushjirka (SN6), at the eastern edge of the research area, in the upper Maran. 4.3.1 Survey design

The baseline aim of the field survey was to achieve full coverage along the Ancash axis (cf. Fish & Kowalewski 1990). In mountainous regions, however, methods of regional archaeological survey that are standard elsewhere - such as members of a survey team walking in parallel transects at set distances - can be painfully impractical and often simply not feasible. Therefore, to make efficient use of resources and maximise site detection, an integrated stratified survey technique was developed. It is based mainly on previous research in the central Conchucos area (Herrera 1998a: 61-68) and is broadly similar to Parsons and colleagues mountain survey methodology (2000: 83-100).

56 This links the north-central coast to the inter-Andean Santa valley across the pass of Tinco (4520m), and the Callejn de Huaylas to central Conchucos across the pass of Llanganuco (4767m) (Chapter 3). 57 Both watersheds were surveyed in the valleys of Ro Loco, Ro Pueblo Libre, Quebrada Llanganuco, Ro Ancash and Ro Yurma. Only the headwaters of Quebrada Huandoy (Ro Llulln) neighbouring the Ro Ancash were surveyed. In the lower Yanamayo Valley, efforts were concentrated along the southern margin, with forays into the northern areas of Lucma and Llumpa (Chapter 3). 58 As a rule of thumb, all rim- and decorated sherds, diagnostic bone fragments and stone artefacts or marine shells found on the surface were collected wherever possible. Human remains were not removed from mortuary architecture except temporarily for recording and analysis, but samples of surface pottery and textiles were taken if possible. Soil and vegetation cover made securing collections from high elevation sites difficult. Rarely were limitations imposed by the weight surveyors could carry.

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The principal factors influencing the choice of survey method are the inter-regional (and inter-scalar) focus of the research questions (Section 1.2), coupled to the high visibility in open mountainous terrain and the considerable effort and time required to traverse the heavily dissected terrain of worlds highest tropical mountain range. Due to the steepness of highland landscapes reasonably flat and well drained areas suitable for human settlement such as the forward slopes of ridges, hilltops, or knolls- are limited and often clearly bounded by topography. Prioritisation of survey areas (Section 4.3.4. below) and choice of survey route are thus fundamental to site detection. Approaches to sampling that treat the research area as essentially flat, as prevalent in Mediterranean archaeology, for instance (Mattingly 2000, Blanton 2001), are thus undesirable, especially if a key objective is to ascertain the scale at which collective social identities become archaeologically observable. Given that the course of sierra footpaths is largely dictated by the steep topography, similar routes to those recorded in maps of the area which pre-date the introduction of motorised transport can be expected to have been in use in the prehistoric past. Thus, the first detailed map of the Cordillera Blanca59 area made in 1932 (Borchers 1935) accurately records footpaths, which are mostly still in use60. Former traders from the village of Lucma (Distr. Lucma, Prov. Mariscal Luzuriaga) in central Conchucos confirmed that inter-regional travel along this particular route, six to eight days each way, was undertaken frequently throughout the early XX century, until the expansion of the motorised transport network re-structured parts of the pedestrian transit patterns in the latter half of the XX century. For instance, the pass over the Cordillera Blanca at Llanganuco (4767m) was in use in the late XIX century (Raimondi 1873) and continues to be a main artery. On the contrary, a bridge over the Santa River recorded on Borchers map, no longer exists at Mal Paso to the west and at the base of Cerro Wamankalln or Piruro Punta, on which site Yu-1 stands (Appendix A)61.

Scale 1:100.000 It coincides broadly with, but is more detailed than earlier maps by Raimondi (1873) and Wilhelm Sievers (1914). It is similar to the national Carta Nacional maps, but these are based on aerial photogrammetry, whereas the former is largely based on photogrammetry from stereoscopic theodolite measurements on the ground. 61 In his 1914 map of trade routes (Map 3.1), Sievers does not record this bridge, either because it did not yet exist or - as seems more likely - because it was considered of minor importance given the large scale of the map (1:1.200.000); Borchers map is much more detailed (1:100.000).
59 60

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4.3.2

Fieldwork calendar

During the initial five-week fieldwork-priming period, the Ro Loco tributary of the Nepea valley was surveyed by the author, in the company of two experienced field archaeologists62. Beginning with the eastern part of the upper valley pocket surrounding the town of Moro, research continued up the Ro Loco. This priming period allowed site recording methods, form sheets and survey design to be fine-tuned. The village-to-village approach was also successfully tested in the upper reaches of the valley, known as Quebrada Pinkulloyoc. During the following month two teams consisting of one senior archaeologists and two to three volunteer archaeology students surveyed opposing sides of the Santa valley from the field headquarters in Caraz. Over the next two field seasons just under four months were spent working in central Conchucos: one month surveying and three months of combined survey and excavations in the lower Yanamayo and Maran valleys. The fieldwork calendar is summarised in table 4.3.
Teamweeks 13

Year

Fieldwork

Areas Surveyed Upper Nepea, Cordillera Negra, Santa Valley, Yurma Valley, Yanamayo Valley Yanamayo Valley Yanamayo and Maran valleys TOTAL

Sites located

1999

19.7. - 20.9.

157

2000 2001

10.7. - 30.8. * 20.7. 31.8. *

4 13 30 179

12 10

Table 4.3: Field research calendar; * indicates survey work was conducted in parallel with excavations.

4.3.3

Bases of field study

Low accessibility of areas located beyond the vehicular transit network necessitates a stratified approach, and a village-by-village system involving three kinds of field bases was established for the exploration of the surrounding areas63. First, regional headquarters were set up subsequently - in the town of Moro, the city of Caraz and the hamlet of Huagllapuquio. Each was used for periods of a month or more

Mr. Kevin Lane (University of Cambridge) and Sr. Luis Salcedo Camacho (Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per).
62 63

Similar methods of regional survey have been developed independently in central India (Shaw: in press).

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at the time. Moro provided a convenient point of departure for surveying the upper Nepea. From Caraz, the western and eastern slopes of the Callejn de Huaylas were within reach, and Huagllapuquio is strategically located for study of the lower Yanamayo valley, particularly for the sites of Yangn (SN-5) and Gotushjirka (SN-6). Second, for areas more than a days return journey from the regional headquarters, temporary bases for survey operations were set up - in schools, churches, or private houses - in the villages of Pichiu, Oqshapampa, Huscar, Yanama, Tomanga, Llumpa, Lucma, Yauya and San Nicols. Finally, overnight camps were set up - on site or between sites - to survey areas more than a days return journey from a temporary base. The latter was especially the case on the uppermost reaches of the Cordillera Negra, Cordillera Blanca and the puna areas of central Conchucos. Through this stratified survey method, each survey sortie away from a regional headquarters was kept to less than a full week. 4.3.4 Prioritisation of survey areas

The high effort involved in walking across rugged mountainous country is a major problem for archaeological survey. Therefore, the field survey methods developed for this research are based on the prioritisation of survey areas through published information, careful observation and recursive integration of local knowledge at the stage of survey route design. The high visibility in montane landscapes, which are open and lack forest cover64 can greatly aid survey design. Visible indicators of high survey priority include cultural and natural features. Thus, sites recorded in published maps65 and sites visible as anthropogenic alterations of the surface, such levelled or terraced mountain summits, slopes or ridge-tops, were afforded the highest priority. Ridges, knolls and other high areas surrounding agricultural pockets were also surveyed intensively, as were sources and courses of water, such as lakes, springs, canals and bofedal wetland pastures. Deep gorges, scree-slopes, areas affected by high-energy flood events and zones of subsidence were afforded the lowest survey priority. Slopes and potential agricultural areas were

64 65

Current vegetation cover in the Andes is largely to anthropogenic impact (Section 3.3). The location of larger archaeological sites is sometimes recorded on topographic maps, such as published by Borchers or the Instituto Geogrfico Nacional. A further source is Tello (1960: Fig 1, see Table 4.2.).

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placed towards the middle of the scale, depending on soil quality, availability of water and visible features present. This procedure provides a baseline for designing the survey passes of a particular day or suite of days. In contrast, the high elevation aerial photographs available for the region were of little use. In rugged highland areas, especially anthropogenic alterations were rarely visible against the backdrop of steep precipices. In those that were known from maps or previous visits, vegetation cover and modern field boundaries make differentiation of modern and ancient features impossible. 4.3.5 Local knowledge and interviews

Informal interviews with local people, at field bases, on site or between sites, provided ample opportunities to discuss direct observations and gather any further complementary information that was forthcoming. In rural areas especially, people were often very keen to point out sites in their area and interviews often led to people volunteering as guides. By enquiring with different people about named locations, preferably in group situations, the quality of the information was cross-checked prior to the integration of a particular site or area in a survey route. Information gathered in this way proved to be highly accurate. In most instances, the sites or features pointed out were located in high priority areas, but in a few instances sites were pointed out in areas initially deemed to be of low priority66. The importance of paying attention to local rules of etiquette and of basic Quechua language skills can hardly be emphasised sufficiently (Lane & Herrera: in press). 4.3.6 On site recording

Recording of sites was aimed to facilitate the placement in time of the architecture at each site as well as a tentative functional interpretation. To this end, two kinds of information were sought and recorded on form-sheets: location in the landscape and features on site. The survey protocol can thus be summarised as consisting of five main steps.

66

In most instances our misjudgements were based on low obtrusiveness, vegetation cover, being unaware of seasonal water flows and/ or geomorphological change.

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First, the position, ecological setting and location relative to salient landscape features were determined with the help of topographic maps (scales 1:25.000 and 1:100.00067) and a hand-held GPS. Second, each sites extent was measured through pacing and its overall layout determined. Large and complex sites were divided into sectors and descriptions made separately for each. Third, sketches were drawn where appropriate, with the help of a compass and tape measures. Fourth, colour slides and black and white photographs were taken. Fifth, surface finds were collected by sector. For ease of reference, the Ancash axis was arbitrarily divided into four research areas (Chapter 3). Within each of these four areas, sites were coded by reference to the field base from which they were first surveyed68 and numbered in the order they were first visited (Table 4.4). Except for the largest and most complex and the smallest and simplest of sites, the time spent on site by a survey team varied between one and three hours. Besides aiming to ascertain the name (or names) of sites by talking to people living or working in the vicinity, a unique code was given and used in all documentation pertaining to it. Wherever possible, team members split up the work. Well-preserved buildings and features were described and measured individually. Particular attention was devoted to standing architecture, which was tentatively classified as either domestic, civic, productive, mortuary, transit or storage-related (or indeterminate). Rock art was defined broadly, so as to include painting, petroglyphs and cupmarks.

Maps at 1:25.000: Ministerio de Agricultura: Catstro Rural 19g-I-SW (Moro); 19g-I-SE (Huisco); 19hIV-SW (Chunya); 19h-IV-SE (Acoll); 19h-IV-NE (Caraz); 19h I-NW (Chilca); 19h-I-SO (Yungay); 19iIV-NW(Yanama); 18i-III-SO (Lucma); 18i-III-SE (Musga), 18-II-SO (Pampachacra) (first edition 1972). Maps at 1:100.000: Borchers: Cordillera Blanca (1935); Instituto Geogrfico Nacional: Carta Nacional 19g (Casma), 19h (Carhuaz), 19i (Huari) and 18i (Pomabamba), (1st edition, 1971-2 and reprints). Maps at 1:25.000: Ministerio de Agricultura: Catstro Rural 19g-I-SW (Moro); 19g-I-SE (Huisco); 19h-IV-SW (Chunya); 19h-IV-SE (Acoll); 19h-IV-NE (Caraz); 19h I-NW (Chilca); 19h-I-SO (Yungay); 19i-IVNW(Yanama); 18i-III-SO (Lucma); 18i-III-SE (Musga), 18-II-SO (Pampachacra) (first edition 1972). 68 In some cases, the survey team crossed from one area into another, and therefore the destination rather than the point of origin was used.
67

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Study areas
Upper Nepea:

Survey areas
Moro Pocs Santa Rosa Pichiu Huscar Pishac Ocshapampa Tinco Pueblo Libre Caraz Yungay Ranrahirca Yanama Tomanga Lucma Llumpa Llama Yauya San Nicols Pinra

Abbreviation
Mo Po SR Sub-Total Pi Hu Pc Oc Ti Sub-Total PL Ca Yu Ra Sub-Total Ya To Luc Llu Lla Y SN Pr Sub-Total

Sites
13 7 9 29 5 5 10 4 2 26 24 1 27 6 58 8 8 1 14 1 5 27 2 66 179

Rio Loco

Cordillera Negra:

Pinkulluyok

Callejn de Huaylas:

Yungay - Pueblo Libre

Central Conchucos:

Yurma - Yanamayo

TOTAL

Table 4.4: Sites by study, and survey area and abbreviations used in coding. A letter after the site code (Yu-1, Yu-2 et cetera) indicates the sector within the site (e.g. PL-1A, PL-1B et cetera); T indicates numbered tombs (Pi-1/T8); end numbers separated by / refer to a unique find (SN5A/78, Luc-1A/3). In collections from excavation the first number indicates excavation context number (SN-5A/505/186, SN-5A/506/3 et cetera).

4.3.7

Survey results

Through application of the survey method outlined above, it was possible to record a total of 179 sites over 16 team-weeks (Tables 4.3 and 4.4). The site gazetteer in appendix A includes a full description of sites surveyed, including location, architecture and principal finds. The combined use of published information on site location, systematic observation and interviews at local level, allowed full coverage to be achieved within the scope of the first regional investigation. These initial data will provide the reference framework for more intensive local surveys in specific areas69.
69 It is highly unlikely that any large or obtrusive sites have been missed. It is possible that features which are not visible with the naked eye at 100m and which were not pointed out during interviews may have been overlooked, even in high to mid-priority areas. Such features might include artefact scatters, caves or

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4.3.8

Site mapping and excavations

The eastern edge of the Ancash axis was found to offer ideal conditions to address the central research questions of this study in more detail. Site level survey and excavations were conducted in the area around Turriqaqa Mountain, in central Conchucos, mainly because access to a rare saline spring was found associated with a succession of dramatically emplaced domestic, mortuary and ceremonial architecture. Turriqaqa Mountain (4215m) is a rock formation with impressive limestone cliffs on its northern and eastern face. Eight major archaeological sites have been located in the immediate vicinity. On the summit of the towering mountain, high above the district capital of San Nicols de Apac, are two fortified hilltop sites: Ichic Markajirka (SN-17) above the northern cliff-face, and the larger site of Hatun Markajirka (SN-18) above the eastern cliff-face. Below, within the eastern face of Turriqaqa, stands the massive necropolis of Gallarpana (SN-27), where an estimated 150 collective tombs are spread out over four main levels of rock shelters. Two further mortuary sites, Pitakilla (SN-11) and Hatun Machay (SN-12), occupy similar long and narrow horizontal rock-shelters at the base of the northern cliff-face of Turriqaqa. Much like Gallarpana (SN-27) overlooks the extensive site of Warijirka (SN-16) on the high plain below, Pitakilla overlooks Gotushjirka (SN-6; Figs. 4.2 and 7.2). The prominent mid-elevation hilltop site of Gotushjirka (3220m) stands on the horizontal section of a prominent northwest ridge that stretches from the northern face of Turriqaqa to the Yanamayo River. This ridge proves access -three steep hours on foot- to the saline spring of Yangn, which stretches along the narrow valley bottom terrace (2020m). Gotushjirka is a natural nexus for regional communication in a highly segmented mountain landscape. On the one hand, an important section of the lower Yanamayo valley can be visually controlled from the archaeological complex. On the other hand, the site is made monumental by massive retention walls and towers above the mid-elevation route of traditional transit along the valley (east-west), at its junction with the access path to Yangn.

subterranean chambers, eroded or slightly modified hilltops, as well as poorly preserved single-structure sites. It proved impossible to follow up all reports of possible sites in areas of low survey priority, such as the steep and densely vegetated middle Yanamayo canyon and the sub-glacial slopes of Cajavilca and Huandoy glaciers.

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The inter-regional survey confirmed that Yangn was the only salt production site in the research area. Salt is a trade item par excellence, and its importance throughout world history can hardly be underestimated (e.g. Kurlansky 2002). Given its scarcity in the northern highlands, it is not surprising that local histories, surface archaeology and environmental conditions coincide to suggest that salt production and procurement at Yangn - practised well into the XX century - is of considerable antiquity. Initial forays into the steep, hot and thorny Yanamayo gorge had suggested a very low survey priority for the area, but informal interviews spurred a visit to the saline spring in 1997. Evidence of ancient salt production was found (Fig. 4.1), associated with architecture indicative of a long and intensive pre-Columbian occupation (Herrera 1998a: 253-255). Thus, a programme of site mapping and test excavations in selected structures was drawn up to address how prehistoric social formations claimed and established differential rights of access over this resource and the associated means of production. The survey also yielded finds of pottery from the surface of the monumental site of Gotushjirka that suggest the occupation sequence of the site spans two and a half millennia70. As a working hypothesis, the prominent hilltop platform and well-preserved circular enclosures were thought to be associated with the administration of salt production at Yangn. Thus, to ascertain if Gotushjirka was a location at which people negotiated social integration over many generations, this site was mapped and test excavations conducted in selected structures and features. This likelihood was suggested by the proximity of two mortuary features: first, human remains at the base of mound M1; second, the mortuary site of Pitakilla (SN-11) at the base of the northern Turriqaqa cliff-face, which overlooks the site and was also partially mapped.

70 The earliest features recorded in excavations at Gotushjirka predate the Early Horizon (EH) and may well pertain to some of the first farming communities in the area (Appendix C: sector C, cut P-4).

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Figure 4.1: Relic saltpans cut into the surface of the saline spring at Yangn. Note Yanamayo River in background (scale 20cm, red end points north).

In summary, three sites, Pitakilla, Gotushjirka and Yangn71 were surveyed with the aid of a manual theodolite and staff. Twenty small excavation cuts were practised in selected structures at the latter two sites. None of these sites had been studied previously in detail, but good preservation of remains was expected because the area has so far been spared systematic looting. 4.3.9 Excavation methods

The programme of excavations practised at Gotushjirka (SN-6) and Yangn (SN-5) had three main objectives, subject to the aims set out above. First, to record stratified
71 A manual thodolite was used. For a description of SN-11, see appendix A; for SN-5 and SN-6, see appendix C.

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deposits of social activities that might aid in the establishment of an archaeological chronology. Second, to shed light on enclosures and the hilltop platform as examples of civic architecture. Third, to investigate mortuary practices. Twenty excavations were conducted, six at Gotushjirka (cuts P1 to P6) and fourteen at Yangn (P1 to P13). Cuts were judgementally placed in association with architecture72 and excavated by context (Figs. 4.2 and 4.3). Excavated soil was hand screened using a inch mesh, with smaller screens - down to 1mm - used as necessary. This was especially the case for the mortuary contexts encountered at Gotushjirka in cuts P-4 and P-5. Sterile levels were reached in all pilot excavations, with the exception of these two. The complexity of the contexts encountered in the lower levels of these cuts demanded excavations in area, which were beyond the remits of this pilot programme. The excavation report lays out the results of the site mapping and pilot excavation programme at Yangn and Gotushjirka (Appendix C). The detailed description of these sites, as well as of all excavations conducted and individual contexts recorded is found therein. 4.3.10 Limitations of field research The main limitation of this research stemmed from the adoption of a large-scale, interregional survey design that suited the tremendous variability of surface preservation conditions in rugged terrain, previously uncharted archaeologically. The dearth of surface remains and their advanced state of deterioration in areas of intensive modern settlement, for instance, hindered estimation of site area by period. Intensive site-level surface survey was not feasible for all sites at the scale originally envisaged by the field research project. Estimating a sites extent, as a single absolute value, will affect the precision of settlement size estimates by period. Wherever possible, the dating of occupation periods was chiefly based on extant architecture. Small finds, especially pottery, were drawn upon as secondary indicators of occupation span, leading to more accurate, albeit less precise, temporal assessments. Because of the time invested in large-scale survey, only small trench excavations were conducted, a limitation that must be addressed in future work. Sub-surface disturbance
72

The exception, pit SN-5/P-4, yielded no cultural material and was abandoned after 50cm.

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presented a poignant challenge in the earlier civic architecture at Yangn, on the one hand, and of the later occupations at Gotushjirka, on the other. Combined excavations and integrated interpretation of results from both sites, however, allowed detection of local-level diachronic developments. Despite these factors, the broad scale of these investigations has established a base dataset that begins to redress the imbalance between field research on the coast and in the highlands, and between assumed core and peripheral areas of cultural development. Geographically, the research agenda has successfully been extended eastwards, highlighting the potential of regional investigations in north-central Peru, especially in areas far removed from more traditional archaeological research, such as the environs of Chavn de Huntar. Thematically, the potential of multi-scalar regional investigation has been demonstrated, and the necessity of continuing, long-term research made readily apparent.

Figure 4.2: Plan of Gotushjirka (SN-6) showing principal structures (E-I through E-XIII); blue boxes indicate location of excavation cuts (Scale c. 1 : 3500).

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Figure 4.3: Plan of Yangn (sectors A through D) indicating the position of principal structures (Scale c. 1 : 10000).

4.4

INTEGRATING ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY

Through the field research along the Ancash axis outlined above, a sample dataset across four neighbouring valleys has been established, from which enduring patterns of spatial behaviour may be archaeologically inferred. For ease of reference, the descriptions of the 179 surveyed sites laid out in the site gazetteer (Appendix A) are summarised in Appendix B. Broad inferences about the modes of socio-economic organisation underlying social cohesion, may be drawn by contrasting the patterns of settlement of a particular period with environmental parameters and the modes of production traditionally practised in each ecological zone (Chapter 3). Yet, what does the distribution of settlements, buildings and portable objects indicate about the ideologies - the meanings, beliefs and practices - underlying the collective social identities, which territorial arrangements helped, at once, to separate and bond? In the Andes, archaeology and history meet in the 1520s. Chronicles and administrative documents, on one hand, record the colonisers attempts to grapple with a new world and its own mytho-histories - conceptually, politically and economically. Models of Andean socio-economic organisation derived from such sources, such as verticality and Wari-Llacuaz, place strong emphasis on the issue of ethnicity qua socio-political identity (Section 2.4.3). On the other hand, the material evidence of indigenous settlement is

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particularly abundant and well preserved for the late pre-Columbian period, from the Late Horizon through to the Middle Horizon (c. AD 650-1532). Patterns of settlement, agro-pastoral production and transit are heavily dependent on the landscape as such. Jointly, archaeological and historical sources allow a richer exploration of the sociopolitical identities underpinning Andean territoriality. My historical approach to archaeological landscapes will thus aim to establish structural links between textual accounts and material evidence. Its natural point of departure is therefore, the contact period. Historical sources of the early Colonial period mention the existence of four sociopolitical entities, which coexisted in the area of study around the time of the European colonisation. These are the Inka and Chim kingdoms or empires, the province or macroetna of Huaylas, and the lesser curacazgo of Huari. The Inka state - its political and economic organisation and history of expansion - is arguably the best-recorded and most studied indigenous South American polity. It also developed a highly distinctive material identity. The contrast between historical accounts of the Inka presence in the area of study and the archaeological evidence of the Late Horizon, the location of Inka installations such as roads, way stations and centres of administration and production (Chapter 5) can be expected to complement one another particularly well. In the following chapter, I shall address the local collective identities, such as the Huaylas and Chim, which both the Inka and European colonisation impacted upon. Census records and lawsuits are particularly important sources for the study of smaller ethnic groups such as the Guari and Pinco, or of the smaller social units (segments or factions), which were federated into larger ethnic polities or macroetnas. Thus, through the historical trajectories of the Late Intermediate Period, I shall proceed to the regional archaeology of the pre-Inka past (Chapter 6). Finally, in light of the regional trajectories ascertained for the Late Horizon and Late Intermediate Periods, I discuss the archaeology of the Middle Horizon (Chapter 7). Although Andean prehistory has a long-standing tradition of interdisciplinary research (e.g. Morris & Thompson 1985; Murra et al. 1986; Tello 1923), the perceived differences between text and material-culture based studies, continue to hamper the integration of archaeology, historical linguistics, history and anthropology. Partly, this is because archaeological and textual data demand different interpretative skills on the part of the

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researcher (Andren 1998). Partly, however, these are issues of regional and temporal scale. In recent decades, regional archaeology in the Andes has tended to remain confined to specific valleys or areas. The wide regional and temporal scope of classic studies such as Paul Kosoks: Life, Land and Water in Ancient Peru (1965) appears daunting in comparison. The quantity of valley-wide archaeological surveys conducted along the coast of Peru (e.g. Billmann 1999; Dillehay 1979; Donnan 1973; Earle 1972; Proulx 1968, 1973; Przadka & Giersz 2003; Shimada 1981; Silverman 2002; Willey 1953; Wilson 1988, 1995, 1997), for instance, contrasts markedly with the situation in the highlands. Here, interest has focussed markedly on the high and - relatively flat - plains of Junn (e.g. Browman 1970; Parsons & Matos 1978; Parsons et al. 2000) and Titicaca (e.g. AlbarracnJordn 1996; Hyslop 1977; Stanish 1997), as well as the slopes to the east and west of these altiplano plateaus (e.g. Hastings 1985; Higueras-Hare 1996; Mujica et al. 1983). Regional research in inter-Andean valleys (e.g. Farrington 1984; Ibarra 2003b; Kendall 1991; Orsini 2003a; Schreiber 1992:133-163) is still comparatively rare, and this is the first investigation in the central Andes to focus systematically on a set of four neighbouring valleys73. The dearth of inter-regional research in the central Andes is largely part of the historical legacy of the discipline (Section 4.2, above). On the one hand, study has concentrated in areas considered cradles of cultural development. On the other hand, the impact of the Vir valley survey methodology made ecologically bounded units popular foci of inquiry. A further powerful reason for the drastic difference in research intensity is that any archaeological survey in the worlds highest tropical mountain range is strenuous and challenging. Despite growing interest in inter-regional interaction (Chapter 1), no previous attempts at inter-regional survey had been made. The second main perceived difference between history and archaeology, is the scale of temporal resolution74. By definition, the individual location at which material evidence of the past is recorded during archaeological field survey is the result of repeated human

Its closest predecessor is perhaps John and Theresa Topics purposive survey of prehistoric fortifications, which covered the upper section of the valleys of Chicama, Moche, and Vir (Topic & Topic 1987). 74 On the philosophical distinctions between different concepts of time, see Gell (1992).
73

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activity over time. Settlement patterns are spatial interpretations of the remains of past social activities during a given temporal window, including the material culture of dwelling and defence; agricultural production and transit; ritual, administration and worship; and mortuary practices. Yet, differences in the length of the periods under scrutiny, such as those of the standard archaeological chronology for the central Andes, implicitly acknowledge variation in temporal rhythms of social change. Thus, the Late Horizon in the Ancash highlands is estimated at less than three score years. The preceding Late Intermediate Period spans nearly 500 years, but the Middle Horizon before it only 350 (Table 1.1). Expressed as a ratio in terms of generations, each estimated at 30 years, these three consecutive periods relate like 2 : 16 : 12. In contrast to the absolute or single-scale approach to historical time, other archaeologists have preferred a multi-scalar approach to historical time, which follows the work of the Annales historian Fernand Braudel. This approach propounds three tempos, or temporal rhythms of history at which patterns and processes may be recognised, and ultimately explained (Knapp 1992b: 9-14, cf. Braudel 1973). In essence, vnements refer to single, short-term events, such as of political or military history. Multigenerational cycles of slow but perceptible rhythm, such as of social groups, are referred to as conjonctures. At the end of the scale, the longue dure refers to underlying long-term trends of climate or geological seasonality and the unintended consequences of social or technological change that affect the relationship between people and their environment. The value of a multi-scalar approach to landscape archaeology is manifold. Regional archaeology is particularly prone to study social rhythms of multiple generations. Broad regional longue dure and conjoncture patterns are readily identifiable in regional archaeological research (Bintliff 1991; Knapp 1992a). Furthermore, under conditions such as exist in the central Andes archaeology can aid assessing the bias of colonial accounts. This is particularly the case for short-term events surrounding the multigenerational conjoncture known as the Inka expansion. A further benefit of the Annaliste approach is its emphasis on the particular worldviews - the mentalit or Zeitgeist - shared by the social actors that participate in conjonctures and vnnements. Insights into ideology may not only be gleaned through textual evidence, however, but through the study of iconography.

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Certain pre-Columbian objects are readily identifiable as elaborate mnemonic devices, vehicles for dense, non-textual communication. The structure and figurative content of the imagery on pottery vessels has provided valuable insights into the pre-Columbian ideology and social organisation of the Moche, for instance (e.g. Donnan & McClelland 1979; Golte 1994; Hocquenghem 1987). Furthermore, the contexts of use and deposition allow anchoring the imagery to practices conducted in a specific spatio-temporal setting. Yet, the proportion of objects with complex iconography that has been found in situ is minute75. It should be needless to say that such instances enrich the possibilities of interpretation immensely, were it not that regard is all too frequently scant paid to the archaeological context of the objects themselves. In summary, to address the scales at which collective identities crystallise to become archaeologically observable phenomena, a multi-scalar approach will be taken. Historical sources provide a culturally sensitive frame of reference to ascertain how social boundaries were constituted at different spatial scales. Initially, the results of archaeological field research provide data against which the historical evidence may be contrasted and critiqued. The local scale of study is exemplified at the salt-production site of Yangn, the ceremonial centre at Gotushjirka and neighbouring sites, in eastern central Conchucos. Each of the four study areas, and the altitudinal tiers and microclimate dependant enclaves within, exemplifies the intra-valley scale. Finally, regional boundaries, such as between coast and highlands or between different valleys or basins, are focussed upon by comparing across the Ancash axis as a whole, and situating the trans-Andean transect within the broader context of the northern Andes of Peru. I shall argue, that economic and ritual practices at the local and regional level were related to significant places within a sacred landscape. I shall also draw parallels between enduring focal points of ritual activity and the conceptual networks of hierarchically arranged pacarina origin places as laid out in indigenous mytho-histories. Long term changes in the practices structuring social integration, embodied through different types of ritual stages, mortuary architecture and material culture, denote unique regional historical trajectories which are inextricably intertwined.

75

The most notable exceptions include: Alva and Donnan (1991) and Shimada (1995).

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CHAPTER V

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF INKA AND CHIMU COLONISATION

5.1

INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, I focus on the material expression of Andean colonial situations and inquire into the practices of social integration and segregation brought about by expansionist states. How does the presence of the highland Inka and coastal Chim states become manifest across the widely varying landscapes of the Ancash axis (Map 5.1) and how do the agents and retainers of these states express territorial claims under different local conditions? Through the top-down perspective on colonial imposition pursued here, I seek to understand Inka strategies of territorial control, and how these are negotiated and sanctioned from above. Thus, I focus on the civic spaces and installations for ceremonial or ritual gatherings, as well as on the productive and transit infrastructure linking administrative centres to productive, and military enclaves in a colonised, foreign landscape. Inka architecture is stylistically unique across the vast realm called Tawantinsuyu (Map 2.1), standardised to the point that its corporate identity is readily recognisable in buildings and facilities (e.g. Gasparini & Margolies 1977; Hyslop 1990; Malpass 1993; Protzen 1993). The state-controlled network of roads known as the Capac an is probably the single most salient feature of Inka archaeology (Hyslop 1984; Von Hagen 1955). It is an accepted expression of Inka imperial control, which was largely accrued through assimilation and redevelopment of earlier traditional paths. Major branches link large regional administrative centres, such as Pumpu (Matos Mendieta 1994) and Hunuco Pampa (Morris & Thompson 1985), tampu administrative facilities and small way stations for Chaski message runners.76

76

On early Colonial Tambo law, see Vaca de Castro (1908 [1543]).

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Characterisitc elements of Inka administrative architecture include long rectangular kallanka halls and kancha patio groups. Arranged around large trapezoidal plaza enclosures, with aligned storage bins and tall and narrow terraces nearby, these buildings are often located on a road junction of local or regional significance. Inka installations in the provinces, differ in scale, plan and constructive technique from those of local groups, partly because they were built by state engineers and displaced populations. The Inka signature on portable material culture is likewise standardised: tall-necked Urpu storage jars with rhomboid and fern decr are typical, for instance.

Map 5.1: Overview map of study area indicating principal mountain ranges, valleys and towns mentioned in the text.

The Inka expansionist strategy pursued all means at the states disposal to manipulate the higher echelons of ethnic social organisation at the local level. On the one hand, brutal, often genocidal warfare and forced resettlement of communities - or threat thereof - are key aspects of Inka policy (e.g. Patterson 1987; Rostworowski 1999). On the other hand, marriage alliances, conspicuous gift exchange, hosting of feasts and offerings to local shrines are common practices. Both aspects are not mutually exclusive, of course, and different colonisation strategies were followed in different regions (Map 5.2; e.g. Malpass 1993; Pease 1982). Bray (1992), for example, has suggested that state policy at the northern end of the empire, in the Pichincha/Imbabura region of Ecuador, near Quito,

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created dependence by weakening horizontal linkages and interaction among local polities through military force. As part of imperial policy, the cult of the god Catequil, whose effigy was also carried into battle in Ecuador, was transposed from the northcentral highlands of Huamachuco and Conchucos (Topic et al. 2002: 324-328; Section 3.5.1). For the Chilln valley of the central Peruvian coast, Dillehay (1979) has proposed a range of local tactics that were played out from a core highland territory according to the states needs on one hand, and local social and military constraints on the other (cf. Makowski 2002). In the Calchaqu valley of northwest Argentina, DAltroy and colleagues (2000) report the existence of both Inka enclaves and mixed or hybrid settlements, suggesting that settlement strategies were driven by specific local conditions.

Map. 5.2: Elevation map of the central Andes indicating location of Inka and Chim sites and study areas mentioned in the text (map data taken from the GTOPO30 Global Elevation Database: http://edcdaac.usgs.vov/gtopo30/).

The Chim state has been described as the most extensive coastal polity of the Andes, a territorial state controlling all valleys of the central and north coast of Peru (Wilson 1997). It was conquered by the Inka after protracted military campaigns between 1460 and 1470 (Rowe 1946). Its territorial strategies are closely tied to large-scale systems of canal irrigation, and the exploitation of marine resources (Koschmieder 2004; Mackey 1987; Moseley & Cordy-Collins 1990; Moseley & Day 1982). The hierarchical network

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of Chim provincial centres in the coastal valleys of the central and north coast of Peru, including Nepea (Mackey 1987), remained in place after the Inka conquest, however.

Distinctive elements of Chim administrative architecture include tall-walled enclosures of pressed tapia clay, often with relief decoration, in which low, ramped platforms and U-shaped audiencia rooms are symmetrically disposed. Provincial centres invariably evoke smaller-scale versions of Chan Chan, the paramount urban capital in the northern Moche valley (e.g. Moseley and Cordy-Collins 1990; Moseley and Day 1982). In this chapter, I address the differences and similarities in the socio-economic and ideological practices linking the Inka and Chim states to local ethnic groups of widely differing scale. The early sections of each regional evaluation focus on the spatial distribution of state architecture and material culture recorded during field survey. In later sections, I contrast these findings with historical data. The discussions intertwining the latter and former have a two-fold aim. On the one hand, they provide a solid ground for scrutiny, in subsequent chapters, of the prehistoric record of the local socio-political formations in each of the four study areas. On the other, questions derived from inconsistencies and lacunae in the textual sources can be addressed archaeologically. In the following chapter, I embrace a bottom-up perspective and assess the material assertion of territorial claims in the landscape established by local communities and social formations during and before the Inka expansion (Chapter 6). Subsequently, regional trajectories in the four study areas are followed further back in time in order to critically address pre-Inka imperialism (Chapter 7): did multi-ethnic settlements come into being as a result of the Inka and Chim conquests or did multi-ethnic enclaves exist before their expansion? 5.2 THE INKA PRESENCE IN CENTRAL CONCHUCOS

The uneven Inka presence in the central Conchucos study area points to differing arrangements between the state, displaced mitmaq colonists and local ethnic groups. At regional scale, the Inka archaeological signature is strong along the Capac an road system but tenuous in western central Conchucos (Map 5.3). Its principal axis is the slab

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lined highway stretching from Cusco to Quito, a pivotal part of the imperial road system linked closely to the states northward expansion (Section 5.2.1). The main Inka road descends from its high elevation course in central Conchucos and turns northwest to cross the deeply incised gorge of the Yanamayo, by means of a hanging bridge (Section 5.2.2). A much smaller secondary Inka road leads eastward from here along the bottom of the valley. By means of a ferry port across the Maran River, it links central Conchucos to the Huacrachuco area of the eastern Cordillera Oriental (Section 5.2.3). It is one of several branches leading eastward off the road of Chinchaysuyu (cf. Varallanos 1959: 94-95), yet the first to be surveyed archaeologically.

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Map 5.3: Inka sites and finds along the Road of Chinchaysuyu and the Yanamayo Yunga Naani.

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Plazas and open spaces for large-scale public gatherings, indicative of state-sponsored interaction, stand dotted along both roads. Large corrals along the main road, at Maraycalla and Ingarag, suggest the use of pack animals for long-distance transport. Inka farming infrastructure, including canals, terracing and storage systems, is found mainly off the primary road, along secondary roads or paths. The large scale of labour invested in the latter, and the proximity of tight clusters of Inka architecture to - and superposition on - earlier, local settlements strongly suggest different levels of cooperation between the populations resident in the Inka style buildings, and the surrounding local populations. Historical sources indicate that Inka colonisation caused greater ethnic diversity, for instance, at places in which salt was acquired (Murra 1975: 59; Rostworowski 1977: 72-73), but field investigations at the salt production site of Yangn suggest that inter-ethnic arrangements may have a much greater historical depth in central Conchucos. 5.2.1 The road of Chinchaysusyu

The road of Chinchaysuyu is a major axis of Inka state control that links the central Andes highlands between Cusco and Quito, approximately 1400km in a straight line (Hyslop 1984; Von Hagen 1955). It is lined with stone slabs, which facilitates longdistance transit, especially with large numbers of people and pack animals and tends to follow long stretches of largely uninhabited high altitude puna. North of the substantial Inka administrative centre at Hunuco Pampa, on the central Peruvian altiplano of Chinchaycocha (Morris & Thompson 1985), the road splits. The main branch of the Capac an system continues northward west of the Maran River crossing central Conchucos. A parallel branch continues east of the Maran River to Chachapoyas, by way of Llata, Huacaybamba and Huamales (Varallanos 1959: 94-95). The regularly spaced Inka installations north of Hunuco Pampa are very modest in comparison. Four tampu way stations separate the area of study from this large administrative centre, from south to north: Taparaku, Soledad de Tambo, Huaritambo (Serrudo 2003) and Cuchitambo (Herrera pers. obs.). North of Cuchitambo, the road of Chinchaysuyu climbs to the high puna above two deeply entrenched valleys: the Maran to the east and the Yanamayo to the west. Standing at 4240m and 4310m, the Inka tampu at Maraycalla and the chaskiwasi station at

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Pallahuachann are the highest human settlements in the Conchucos study area (Herrera 2003b: Fig. 10; descriptions in Herrera 1998a: 207-8). The presence of corrals (Fig. 5.1a) and a kallanka (Fig. 5.1b) at the former are indicative of its role as a way station for long distance transit. A few hours north of Maraycalla, the road descends along the western side of the Maribamba Valley towards Tambo Real de Huancabamba (Y-17). A kancha enclosure, one or more ashlar masonry buildings a plaza, all severely dismantled, stood at Tambo Real, as well as possibly a bridge crossing the Maribamba Valley. Short road segments further down the valley dot the route to the hanging bridge at Platanal (SN-22; Section 5.2.2). Once across, on the opposite side of the Yanamayo River, the road climbs northwest and continues towards Piscobamba and Huamachuco (Map 5.3).
a) b)

Figure 5.1: The Inka tampu way station at Maraycalla (SLB-1; Map 5.3; full description in Herrera 1998a). a) Corrals east of the road; b) Kallanka west of the road.

Historical research indicates that the course of the Inka road in southern central Conchucos described above crosses the territory of the Huari ethnic group. Serrudo (2003: 433) has suggested that the tampu at Soledad de Tambo lay within the territory of the XVI century Pincos ethnic group. Len Gmez (1994: 143-144, 2003: 460) has convincingly argued that the Huari (also: Guari) ethnic group settled in central and southern Conchucos: the principal or collana moiety of Allaucahuari (Zuidema 1989a:

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221-230) lived in the southern part, while the Ichohuari moiety settled to the north. The Puchca River may have formed a natural boundary separating the Huari from its Pinco neighbours to the south. As intimated in section 3.5 however, a Culle-speaking ethnic group not considered by Len, probably settled along the eastern valley of the Maran River. 5.2.2 The bridge at Platanal

Rigged across a narrowing of the lower Yanamayo canyon (Fig. 5.2), the ancient suspension bridge at Platanal represents an important point of Inka state control on the road of Chinchaysuyu. Seven tall and narrow terraces hug the rock on the south side of the river at the edge of a 40m deep precipice and facing across a c.50m wide gap. Three cables were probably anchored in the openings that three terraces exhibit. At the centre of the middle terrace, a 20cm wide stone-lined canal built at an angle of nearly 45 stands aligned to a stone lined posthole at the centre of the lowest curving terrace, and across the precipice.77

Figure 5.2: Narrowing of the Yanamayo River canyon used to rig suspension bridge at Platanal (SN-22); the gap is approximately 40m wide and 50m deep (A - B).

An account of how this bridge may have worked, was given by Miguel de Estete in 1534 (1924 [1534]):
The opposite, northern side of the Yanamayo was not surveyed, but indications of terracing are scant, suggesting the bridge was anchored to the rocky knolls.
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where they are narrowest () they make large stone foundations on each side, and cross large woods through the masonry, and cross coarse wicker cables made in the shape and manner of a well pulley, except that these cables are so thick, each about three palmos [60cm] thick, and like that, half a dozen next to eachother, they cross the river from side to side as wide as a cart, they weave them with strong hemp and cross some sticks so they are strong and cannot unravel ; and done this they have a border like a fence () (Estete 1924 [1534]: 37; authors translation) Access to the terraced knoll from the south is restricted by a wall, and a square single room structure stands just outside it. Pottery sherds found on the surface include the rim fragment of a tall disc-mouthed storage vessel, probably a provincial Inka Urpu jar. Thus, the archaeological evidence supports the presence of a bridge official, most probably an Inka Chacasnoyoc (or Chacacamayuq) such as illustrated by Guaman Poma de Ayala (1993 [1615]: 269). The landscape around the bridge at Platanal, like most of the Yanamayo Valley is dotted with clusters of tall, straight and narrow terraces for irrigation agriculture, such as those at neighbouring Warikanga (SN-21), to the west. Such terrace clusters extend discontinuously for ten kilometres at either end, eastward until the Maran and westward until the meeting of the Yurma and Ashnocancha rivers78. The arid microclimate strongly suggests that all required irrigation, indicating a very substantial investment of labour (Section 5.2.3). At the nearby hilltop site of Pirkajirka (SN-20), single room structures similar to that by the access to the bridge, stand at the southwest edge. Fragments of a ceramic basin strongly reminiscent of Inka boxes carved in stone (e.g. Burger & Salazar 2004: 175-176; Carrin Cachot 1955: Lam XII d-e) were found in this area, indicating Inka religious offerings, possibly involving the pouring of liquids (Rowe 1946: 248). At the opposite end, prominently located on a summit overlooking the valley, stands a circular patio group enclosure, a kind of ceremonial structure in use across central Conchucos from the early MH onwards, at least (Chapter 7).

From west to east: Cerro Pajn (Ya-17; see: Herrera 1998a) Chukllapampa (Llu-11), Atskapati (Y-21), Warikanqa (SN-21), Yangn (SN-5), Chiwn (SN-14), Yurajcollpa (SN-15).
78

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Inka territorial control of the bridge over the Yanamayo may thus be linked to ritual activities, coupling territorial expansion and ideological consolidation at an ancient ceremonial location of local and perhaps regional significance. The location of the domestic structures at the edge of the site may suggest cohabitation of the people resettled into this area and local indigenous communities. The data indicate LIP occupation of the Yanamayo yunga, but although there are no archaeological indications of widespread depopulation or population replacement, such a scenario cannot be ruled out completely. As we shall see, however, the historical sources confirm resettlement by the Inka state in a previously settled area. This would have affected, though not necessarily disrupted, local territorial strategies. In this sense, it is worthy of note that a second eyewitness, Hernando Pizarro, mentions that: Each crossing has two bridges: the one used by commoners; the other where the lord of the land or his captains pass. This one is always closed with Indians that guard it. These Indians charge porterage of those who pass (Fernndez de Oviedo 1963 [1533] G. Lib. XLVI, Cap. XV, authors translation) Gridilla (1933: 9) believes that the paired bridges referred to by Pizarro are probably those across the Santa River, whose remains he claims to have identified 7km below the train station of Huallanca. No remains of a second bridge across the Yanamayo were detected east of the Maribamba Valley, but a second narrowing of the river, which could conceivably have been used for a second hanging bridge exists below the village of Chincho79. 5.2.3 The Yanamayo Yunga Naani

The Yanamayo Yunga Naani (YYN) is the second major axis of Inka colonisation in central Conchucos. At the inter-regional scale, this east-west route links the central (Ancash) highlands to the eastern Cordillera Oriental (Hunuco) across the torrential Maran River. At the regional scale, this formal road connects a string of small, oasislike agricultural enclaves dotted along the entrenched yunga valley bottom of the middle and lower Yanamayo Valley. Some, such as the environs of the saline spring of Yangn, have long trajectories of pre-Inka occupation. Most enclaves, however, are built or
79

See: Atskapati (Y-21).

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substantially enlarged under the Inka state, highlighting the strategic significance of the YYN for the regional political economy. Inka and non-Inka sites along the YYN are invariably found alongside abandoned farming infrastructure. The site of Yurajcollpa (SN-15), however, was abandoned only as recently as the aftermath of the 1998/1999 ENSO.80 The few yunga enclaves that remain in production, such as As (Pr-1 and Pr-2) and Tonqu (SN-25), are important sources of complementary agricultural produce for local communities practising a micro-vertical economic strategy today (Section 2.3.2). The YYN meets the road of Chinchaysuyu at the suspension bridge of Platanal (Section 5.2.2). Tall parallel terraces support this road, which is not paved and overall narrower and more variable in width that the former, reaching a maximum of 7.6m at the western entrance to the site of Chiwn (SN-14). It is also associated more strongly with non-Inka civic and mortuary architecture. To the west, the YYN continues along the southern river terrace (Y-21), where highly disperse clusters of abandoned agricultural terraces have been surveyed, but no Inka settlements or administrative installations have yet been found81. The 12ha cluster of tall terraces near Platanal bridge at Warikanga (SN-21)82 is one of the larger clusters and can be shown to have had a strong impact on earlier systems of agricultural production. The lower half of this valley bottom site is characterised by a series of long, tall and narrow Inka terraces, typically referred to as andenes or bancales. The largest and most elaborate, up to 4m tall, stand near the lower end, and would have been highly visible from the Capac an across the valley. Near the upper end, however, a circular enclosure stands associated with low and comparatively small agricultural terraces, which are square in plan. The former is comparable to the aforementioned enclosure at Pirkajirka, and probably represents a circular patio group enclosure. The latter are similar to those found in sector A at Yangn (Section 5.2.4). A straight terrace wall cuts between the enclosure

80 Floods also destroyed the Yunga enclave farmed by the villagers of Huagllapuquio, leading to a noticeable reduction in the availability of some foodstuffs, including squashes, fruits and coffee. 81 Forays into the steep and entrenched valley bottom of the Yanamayo were targeted at specific sites, as the area was generally afforded a low survey priority (Section 4.3.4). 82 For a small cluster on the opposite margin, see Pajtsabamba (Llu-11)

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and these terraces, strongly suggesting that the Inka succeeded in replacing an earlier irrigation system, which had previously made use of the water from the spring above. Survey results suggest that the western section of the YYN most probably did not continue as a formal road beyond the headwaters of the Yanamayo Valley. Thus, it was probably intended to provide access to the areas of agricultural production in the yunga ecozone. This interpretation is consistent with the lack of Inka sites and dearth of Inka material culture in western central Conchucos (Section 5.2.5). The principal section of the YYN extends to the east of Platanal. It follows the southern margin of the Yanamayo River towards the Maran River, and links the Ancash highlands to the Hunuco region by means of a ferry port at Pogtn.83 Inka architecture was found at three sites along this valley bottom road segment: from west to east: Yangn (SN-5), Chiwn (SN-14) and the Pogtn/As complex (SN-26, Pr-1 and Pr-2). In the remainder of this section, I focus on the Inka presence at Chiwn and Pogtn, notable because of the plazas for state-level ceremonies and storage structures, presumably for keeping the crops harvested in the yunga terraces along the valley. I discuss the Inka occupation at Yangn in detail in the following section (5.2.4). Chiwn: The YYN leads directly into the central plaza of Chiwn, 36m x 28m in plan, a site that dominates the confluence of the San Nicols and Yanamayo rivers (Fig. 5.3). A dozen rectangular rooms, each approximately 6m x 9m in plan and often arranged in pairs, were ascertained, some surrounding the plaza, others - more-or-less - symmetrically arranged along or across the axis of the river terrace. Two circular structures stand south of the plaza, similar in shape and size to other Inka qullqa stores found at Inka sites across Tawantinsuyu (Snead 1992). It seems likely that these formed part of a larger group, buried by slope erosion at the western edge of the site.

To the east of the San Nicols River, the ancient lower river terrace appears to have been washed away in its entirety. The road, however, probably continues eastward towards the site of Pueblo Viejo located south of Huacaybamba.
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Figure 5.3: Overview of Inka complex at Chiwn (SN-14A, view northwest), dominating the Yanamayo-San Nicols confluence. A= location of the plaza and storage complex; B= area with rooms; C= suspected location of EH occupation. Note advancing erosion.

Pogtn: A further Inka plaza complex was found on the banks of the Maran River, at the oriental boundary of the central Conchucos study area. Pogtn (SN-26) thus represents the eastern end of the YYN, although the Inka road most probably continued eastward, as mentioned above. Contemporary use of the river bend at Pogtn to cross the Maran with balsa rafts, coupled to the distribution of archaeological features on both sides of the river, indicates that Pogtn served as a pre-Columbian ferry port (Herrera in press). The rectangular fieldstone masonry buildings around a square plaza at Pogtn make up a somewhat larger complex that at Chiwn (40.5m x 30.5m). This may possibly be due to the lack of space at Chiwn, but it seems more likely that it was simply designed to congregate more people. Three D-shaped enclosures, which pertain to a local tradition of civic architecture closely linked to the circular enclosures of the MH, stand to the south. In section 6.3.2, I argue that the local civic architecture at Pogtn pre-dates the Inka occupation, but remained in use into the XVI century. A unique wattle and daub storage complex was recorded in the yunga oasis of As (Pr-1 and Pr-2) on the opposite side of the Maran River84. The dry cave of Wanchaqmachay (Pr-1) has allowed preservation of 49 qullqa cubicles or bins of light construction (Fig.
84

To my knowledge, no similar storage structures are reported for the central Andes.

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5.4). An average bin measures approximately 155cm in height, 90cm in width and 135cm in depth. Little doors with vertical axes (38cm x 48cm) allow access to the interior. Internal beams near the roof, some with bits of loosely spun vegetable fibre hanging from them, indicate that the items, which were stored suspended, could be neither very large nor heavy85.

a)

b)

Figure 5.4: Storage structures of wattle and daub in Wanchaqmachay cave (Pr-1). a) top view of bin cluster, note bin alignment along the cave wall and interior horizontal beams; b) Detail of hanging string, indicating suspended storage.

The association of this storage complex to the Inka occupation is partly derived from the course of the YYN, and partly inferred from the patterned distribution of storage structures at Inka sites along the Capac an road system (e.g. Snead 1992). The total storage volume at Wanchaqmachay is estimated at 89.3m, a figure consistent with Sneads catalogue of 28 secondary Inka storage sites (1992: Table 3.4). As occurs in other areas, the qullqa are far from major centres of local population (Snead 1992: 86). The number of bins is higher than the average, possibly due to the unusually good preservation, but it is low in comparison with production centres along the principal
Considering access size, each item could hardly be much larger than 45cm x 28cm suggesting drying of maize. A stone mortar inside one of the qollqa used to break the door in, suggests a violent end to the occupation.
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branches of the Capac an (op. cit.: Table 3.3.). A likely interpretation is that collection, distribution and consumption of goods stored at Wanchaqmachay occurred at ceremonies held in the plaza complex across the river. The larger than average storage volume for a secondary centre suggests supra-regional importance. In this sense, it is worthy of note that the banks of the upper Maran can serve for easy north-south transit when the river is low, generally at the height of the dry season (June-August). From the colonising perspective, the YYN can perhaps be understood as the backbone of a large-scale agricultural expansion project geared at a specific palette of yunga products. The large Inka plazas complexes that probably served as stages for state-level ceremonies, located at the junction with paths linking to the upper valley, suggest that agricultural success depended not only on the labour of displaced mitmaq populations but on the participation of the local population. 5.2.4 Inka occupation at Yangn

The site of Yangn (SN-5) (Appendix C) extends as a patchy narrow strip east and west of the saline spring, along the southern margin of the Yanamayo River. The Inka occupation is spatially discrete and extends to the west of the main access path from the upper valley slopes. It includes a modest, civic and domestic area (sector C) and an area of ample irrigated terraces (sector D) (Fig. 5.5). Survey and excavation results suggest resettlement of a small group of mitmaq colonists by the Inka state in this area, linked to a broader, regional land reclamation project set in motion by the Inka state in the lower Yanamayo. At the local scale, this Inka enclave probably encroached upon terraced fields previously tended by the local population but overall it increased the farmed area. In contrast to the plaza complexes at Pogtn and Chiwn, the patio of the Inka kancha enclosure at the centre of the civic area of Yangn is very small (Fig. 5.5). The entrances to the patio are barely 1m wide and it is thus improbable that the YYN led directly into the patio as at Chiwn (Section 5.2.3). Probably the road followed the lower river terrace by-passing the Inka sectors D and C as well as the non-Inka mortuary and administrative architecture in sector B, and the saline spring. This course would have led past the preInka terraced fields at the bottom of sector A, however (see below).

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Figure 5.5: Overview plan of Yangn (SN-5), sectors A, B, C and D (plan faces south; scale = 1:2000).

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The Inka civic area of Yangn stands immediately to the west of the main path to the site from the upper valley, ten minutes on foot from the spring (Fig. 5.5). A single room structure with a sunken double jamb access feature, faces the narrow eastern entrance to the plain. It is built perpendicular to all others on the large rock forcing a sharp bend in the Yanamayo River (E-I; Fig. 5.6). At the centre of the plain, a two-room kancha enclosure faces west (E-II; Fig. 5.7). Six rectangular single room structures stand aligned on the southern hill slope (E-III, E-VIII; Fig 5.5).

Figure 5.6: Plan drawing of Inka structure E-II at Yangn (SN-5C), indicating location of test excavations; note anteroom and aligned accesses.

On the northwest corner of the kancha enclosure, a prominent conical outcrop of rock stands abutted by the wall encircling the patio. Linked to the up-valley orientation of the kancha rooms, facing the Cordillera Blanca, this seems significant as it suggests intentional alignment. This rock could have easily been used as a small ceremonial

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platform or Ushnu. It was probably also imbued with mythical significance and may well have served as a marker for astronomical observation.

Figure 5.7: Plan drawing of Inka kancha E-II at Yangn (SN-5C), indicating location of test excavations. Transversal walls probably represent pre-Inka agricultural terraces; note waka rock outcrop on northwest corner; all accesses found sealed.

Excavations in the southern room of the kancha (E-II), as well as across the accesses to patio (cuts P7, P11 and P12), confirm that the plain was terraced before the enclosures construction. The room in the kancha included a niche and a bench, probably for sleeping. Unlike domestic structure E-V on the slope (cut P8), it was found scrupulously clean. Excavations in the room on top of the prominent rock at the northeast edge of the plain (E-I) revealed that small fires were lit near the entrance, possibly to keep the stinging insects at bay. Otherwise, it was also kept clean. Two phases of construction were ascertained, however. The narrow sunken antechamber was added to the entrance, extending the structure southward and creating an enlarged double jamb access, a telltale

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mark of Inka sacred architecture. It is likely that it served as a shrine or temple (cf. Schreiber 1992: 92-98)86. Archaeologically, the span of occupation appears short, and the doorways to the civic structures E-I and E-II were found sealed, suggesting an ordered abandonment and closure of the site, as might be expected. Only one occupation phase with barely any material culture was encountered, and not one diagnostic Inka sherd was recovered. Furthermore, the dearth of domestic refuse in the civic structures suggests that dwelling was confined to the single-room structures on the slope above. Thus, even if half as many structures lie buried under slope erosion as are visible today, the resident population is highly unlikely to surpass 100 people. The Inka agricultural area on Warupampa plain, to the west of sector C, comprises some 7ha of ample valley bottom terraces. A long and elaborate system of canals on slopes some 1000m above, which catches and diverts surface runoff that cascades into a reservoir cut into bedrock at the western end of the plain, feeds the irrigation system. Along all the base of the slope, a tall retention wall protects the canal from infilling. Three soil samples taken from both areas87 were prepared for palynological analysis (Slean 2002) and analysed microscopically (Chepstow-Lusty pers. comm. 2004). A sample taken from the terrace immediately to the east of E-II (sample T9) was found to include abundant charcoal, broken down plant material and many worn, unidentifiable grains of pollen. The few pollen grains determined include Alnus (Alder) and Asteraceae, which were quite common. The two soil samples taken from the Warupampa terraces (samples T7 and T8) also showed anthropogenic impact. Pollen was rarely preserved, but Asteraceae and Chenopodiaceae grains were encountered. Far from definitive, these results do indicate human impact with agriculture as the cause. Furthermore, the presence of Asteraceae is not inconsistent with the growing of cotton (Gossypium spp.), a typical industrial yunga crop.

For a more elaborate Inka temple at the north coast site of Tcume, see Heyerdahl et al. (1995: 101-115). Sample T7 was taken from the lowermost terrace, at the western edge of Warupampa plain, 6m to the south from the terracing wall. Sample T8 provenes from the centre of the terrace at the higher opposite edge. Both were taken from the weakly developed B Horizon below gravely topsoil.
86 87

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In summary, therefore, the Inka occupation at Yangn was not a centre for state-level ceremonies, but an example of a discrete, labour intensive agricultural enclave specialised in the production of yunga crops. Probably, these included cotton and possibly salt from the saline spring in sector B. It seems significant that the eastern access to the civic sector is controlled by the conspicuous structure E-I. Its emplacement on the largest rock outcrop on site, underscores the intentionally symbolic significance of the building, which may have sought to legitimate and protect the harvests of Inka colonisation. A possible clue to the provenience and ethnic identity of the colonists inhabiting the civic sector is found in Cristbal de Albornoz (1967 [1582?]), Instruccin para descubrir todas las guacas del Pir y sus camayos y haziendas, a XVI century manual for the extirpation of idolatry, which includes the discovery and destruction of indigenous Andean sacred objects and beliefs. This study suggests that the resettled mitmaq colonists would have found similarities between the shape and layout of sacred landscape features in their homeland and those at Yangn. The most likely features are the dyad formed by the conical rock outcrop on the northeast corner of the kancha and the prominent rock on which structure E-I stands (cf. Hyslop 1990: 107). 5.2.5 The Inka occupation of the Maribamba Valley

The direct impact of Inka colonisation in central Conchucos is exemplified by the Inka road system (Sections 5.2.1-2) and the construction of terraces and canals for irrigation farming in small, island-like enclaves along the valley bottom yunga, such as Yangn (Sections 5.2.3-4). Thus, it is plausible to suggest that the Inka occupation at the higher end of the valley, near the dam at Huegroncocha, is linked to an attempt to control the distribution of irrigation water. The only cluster of Inka architecture detected beyond the immediate vicinity of the Inka road system stands above the town of Yauya, at the upper, southeast edge of the hilltop site of Ingarag (Y-5; Fig. 5.8). It comprises a set of corrals, similar to that at Maraycalla, a kallanka and the remains of circular structures, possibly storage qullqa. Ingarag is one of the largest and probably most important archaeological sites in central Conchucos. It was demonstrably settled since the early EIP and most probably had a substantial LIP occupation, which co-exited with the Inka occupation (Herrera 1998a: 227-233; 1998b).

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The preoccupation with the intensification and expansion of farming in the Yanamayo Valley strongly suggests that the tampu-like Inka sector at Ingarag is linked to the dam at Huegroncocha: the core of an irrigation system spanning much of the lower, western Maribamba valley (Fig. 5.8) (Y-16; Herrera 1998a: 248-250). The scale of labour investment and the symmetry of the large cut stone blocks used in the outermost dam wall may even indicate that the Inka state mobilised labour to build or enlarge this dam88. Yet, although the presence of state retainers and officials in the Yauya area was probably permanent, the clustering of Inka architecture suggests distinct areas of residence. A yupana stone abacus in a local collection reportedly found in the immediate vicinity of the dam, points to the keeping of khipu records (Ascher 1983; Mackey 1990; Pareja 1986; Radicati 1977). By implication, this suggests the presence of Inka state officials. In the chronicle of Guaman Poma de Ayala (1993 [1615]), officials depicted holding khipu, include the chief bookkeeper and treasurer (op. cit. 272), the secretary and chief of the Inka (op. cit. 270), and a province administrator (op. cit. 253, 263). The khipu records used at Huegroncocha could have served to measure and allocate irrigation water, however. These findings contrast strikingly with those across the Maribamba Valley. As the road of Chinchaysuyu descends into the Maribamba Valley and towards Tambo Real, two secondary paths continue along the high elevation ridges. The western path leads to Ingarag, whereas the other leads towards the fortified high elevation hilltop settlements of Markajirka de Juncay (SN-1) and Hatun Markajirka (SN-18). Both are large hilltop settlements with a pre-Inka occupation trajectory parallel to that of Ingarag. It is probably no coincidence that these sites, closest to the road of Chinchaysuyu, are heavily fortified.

88

The intense pre-Inka occupation at Huegroncocha probably dates back to the first centuries AD.

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Figure 5.8: Aerial photograph showing location of Huegroncocha site and reservoir (Y-16) to the east of hilltop Ingarag (Y-5). E denotes circular enclosures; K denotes Inka kallanka (centre bottom).

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5.2.6

The Inka presence beyond the road system

Inka material culture and local reinterpretations or emulations thereof are often found, in both survey and excavation, at prominent landscape junctures with important trajectories of human occupation. The distribution of Inka material culture beyond the road system give an indication of the area in which Inka material culture circulated, and from where the state may have drawn in local labour. Findings are consistent with territorial strategies of legitimation that link resettled colonists and ethnically distinct local groups to a statesanctioned sacred geography through religious and especially mortuary practices. The Inka presence in western central Conchucos is archaeologically inconspicuous. Three fragments of provincial Inka pottery were recovered at large and small mid-valley sites, in the northern Yurma Valley89, and two miniature Urpu are found in a local collection across the valley in Yanama, as well as in the Chacas area, to the south. The latter, reportedly from the Pampash area of the Arma Valley90 (Espinoza Milla 1994: 128), is the only decorated Inka vessel in this sample. It was probably displaced into the area, which suggests direct interaction between local communities in this area and the Inka state91. The Yanama Urpu jar is reported as looted from a mortuary context in Utej.92 Yet, like the fragments collected during survey, is probably of local manufacture, suggesting emulation rather than direct interaction with the Inka state. Inka pottery is also scarce at sites in eastern central Conchucos, south of the Yanamayo River, despite the presence of Inka roads, way stations and production enclaves in the area. The handful of finds in the area around Turriqaqa Mountain, however, sheds some light on the practices shared in by colonisers and colonised alike. On the one hand, the survey find of an eroded zoomorphic appendix pertaining to a full-sized Inka Urpu jar which was most probably not made locally - was found at Gantujirka (SN-19). This common vessel shape class is commonly associated with state-sponsored feasting, probably involving the distribution of chicha maize beer. The location of this small and poorly preserved site is strategic in several respects. First, it stands at the edge of the
Sites Llu-1, To-2 and Turriqaqa (To-8); they range from 1 to 11ha in extent. Similar, yet unprovenienced finds probably stem from the Chacas area (Minelli & Wegner 2001: 64, Fig. 29), but surveys in this area of western central Conchucos (Herrera 1998a; Orsini 2003b) do not report any Inka architecture or sites. 91 It is important to mention the prominent rock outcrop of Gatinjirka, a regional landmark with important settlement from the EH onwards, (Herrera 1998a: 148-151), which towers above Pampash since it probably represents an important point in the sacred landscape of the Arma Valley. 92 Currently held in the collection of Yanama high school (ISTAR).
89 90

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paramount MH ceremonial centre of Warijirka (SN-16; Section 7.2) on the plain below the paramount regional necropolis embedded in the face of Turriqaqa, which overlooks the lower Yanamayo Valley down to its confluence with the Maran. Second, it stands, but a short distance from the (only) eastern access path, to the fortified settlements of Ichic and Hatun Markajirka mentioned above. It is worthy of note that a provincial Inka sherd was recovered from a looted collective tomb on the topmost level of Gallarpana (SN-26), the largest necropolis in the study area (Fig. 5.9) Embedded in the imposing eastern face of Turriqaqa Mountain (Section 4.3.8), an estimated 150 collective mortuary structures spread out in four horizontal levels. Two further necropolis sit in the northern face of Turriqaqa: Hatun Machay (SN-12), and Pitakilla (SN-11). This concentration of mortuary architecture, discussed in detail in chapter 6, is unique in the central Conchucos study area, but similar to that encountered in the eastern Callejn de Huaylas. It indicates that Turriqaqa was a highly significant point in the regional socio-political and sacred landscape up until the LH. On the other hand, investigations at the monumental hilltop site of Gotushjirka located on a prominent ridge to the north of Turriqaqa (Section 4.3.8), revealed provincial and imported Inka pottery both on the surface and in association with intrusions containing primary and secondary human burials.

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Figure 5.9: Fourth and topmost level of Gallarpana necropolis, looking southward along the eastern face of Turriqaqa. The rectangular tomb at the centre has a standing height of c. 3.5m; Dplan tombs are found towards the end of the ridge.

Two provincial Inka vessels in a local collection, a bottle and a miniature jar (Fig. 5.10), were found reportedly together in burial mound M1, at the centre of Gotushjirka site. The former vessel appears to emulate a flower-vase bottle such as occur in the Ica valley from phase 6 of the LIP onwards (e.g. Menzell 1977: Fig. 32). The jar may also emulate a typical Inka shape (e.g. Burger & Salazar 2004: Figs. 37-40). Excavations in M1 strongly suggest that these vessels accompanied intrusive primary or secondary burials (Appendix C: SN-6B, cut P5).

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a)

b)

Figure 5.10: Local vessels found at Gotushjirka that emulate and reinterpret Inka typical shapes, reportedly from intrusive burials in mound 1.

The latest interment recorded in Cut P5, a 2m x 2m excavation cut practised in the northern face of mound M1, was an intrusive cist holding the articulated but incomplete post-cranial skeleton of a male individual (Fig. 5.11). Construction of the simple fieldstone box partially disturbed four distinct, direct depositions of human bone. No pottery and very few objects were found associated with these later, intrusive burials, but anthropological analyses of these skeletal remains, conducted by Fierro and colleagues93 (2002) illuminates mortuary practices at Gotushjirka. The skull and hands of the most complete skeleton recovered, individual e1, most probably became detached after death. The articulation of bones and the lack of cut marks suggest that a phase of open-sky burial preceded deposition in mound M1. This interpretation finds support in the partial articulation in which the incomplete skeletons pertaining to at least five adult and eleven infant individuals, were excavated in five intrusive groups (Table 5.1).

The team lead by Korata Fierro H., incuded two BA students of physical anthropology: Araceli Espinoza (Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos) and Emma Pomeroy (University of Cambridge).
93

129

Figure 5.11: Plan drawing of late intrusive burials in mound M1 at Gotushjirka (SN-6, cut P-5). Note cist containing postcranial skeleton of male individual and concentrations of partially articulated human bone.

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Largely complete adult / Phase Code sub-adult individuals MNI E1 (5.07) G1 (5.05) G2 (5.05) G3 (5.05) G5 (5.05) E2 (5.05) G6 (5.05) G4 (5.05) 1 Fetal - seated Position Fetal - lying on right side Fetal - seated

Incomplete individuals MNI adults /sub adults 1 MNI infants Cist burial; skull and hands (feet?) detached post mortem Remarks / Associations

II

II

1 turquoise chakira bead (redeposited?)

II

II

II

1 ball of raku clay Associated with 1 miniature jar

III

Extended

(v3) and metal mace head (m19) (redeposited?) 3 4 Associated with 1 anthropomorphic bone pin Associated with 1 gilded copper crown, 1 nose pendant, 3

IV

IV

G4/2

hammered copper faces, 1 macehead (m12-17) and Spondylus (sp.) shell beads

IV

E3 (5.05) E4 (5.05)

2 Associated with two headdress adornments (m20, m21) Associated with 1 pair of ceramic

IV

IV

G7 (5.05)

bowls; 6 repousse copper birds, 1 Fetal -seated? 2 headdress adornment, faces (m14, 6-9,10, 18, 20); carved bone bird-heads with turquoise inlays

MNI

15

22

TOTAL MNI (M1) = 43

Table 5.1: Burials and clustered depositions of partially articulated human skeletal remains, excavated in mound M1 at Gotushjirka (SN6B, cut P5).

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On the prominent summit platform of Gotushjirka, which dominates the middle and lower Yanamayo Valley, a painted Inka sherd was recovered from one of several indistinct intrusive pits excavated below layers of tilled soil (Appendix C: SN6C, cut P4). Five fully articulated and flexed neonate individuals, ranging between 7-9 months in utero and 6-9 months of age were discovered in a nearby deep and narrow intrusion, however. Tightly packed against an earlier wall, the topmost individual was placed facing northeast with its back to the corner, with the others found below. The young ages of the infants excavated at Gotushjirka strongly suggests that the individuals were dead at the time of deposition. This was not the case in the far more elaborate Inka human offerings often conducted on glaciated high Andean peaks94. This mortuary context devoid of associated material culture evokes the ritual burial of infants known as capacocha, as recorded by Hernndez Prncipe in the province of Recuay in 1622 (1923 [1622]). This priestly account of idolatry states (op. cit. 27) that the capacocha rituals in Recuay were a means to confederate friendship between different ethnic groups or segments at the local level, specifically between the Llactas (Wari) and Llachuases (Llacuazes) of the Ayllo de Hecos (Section 2.4.3). At the macro-regional scale, children from the Recuay area were also sent to places as far as Quito, Cusco and Lake Titicaca as capacocha, where their bodies were probably buried or kept at special locations. It seems significant that Hernndez Prncipe accuses relatives of capacocha children of having acted as ritual intermediaries, communicating consultations and practising idolatrous offerings. The deposition of human foetuses and babies at Gotushjirka strongly suggests that people considered this mountain a sacred place during later Andean prehistory. Ethnographically, the ritual deposition of animal foetuses is a common propitiatory offering in the context of traditional Andean agricultural practices. The abundant fossil marine shells and snails in this limestone area generally, and on the rock outcrops at Gotushjirka in particular, also evoke potent marine linkages. In summary, Inka pottery was rarely displaced far beyond the road system in central Conchucos. Both imports and local interpretations are consistently found at prominent landscape junctures, often associated with mortuary practices. These findings are consistent with a territorial strategy affecting common religious and mortuary practices
94

A useful review is found in McEwan and Van de Guchte (1992).

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and linking local producers of different ethnic identity, including colonists and local indigenous populations, to a common sacred geography. 5.2.7 Discussion

Inka territorial control is expressed materially through the construction of farming and transit infrastructure, resettlement of colonists and establishment of control points at key nodes along the road system. The pattern in which Inka architecture on the one hand, and portable objects such as pottery, on the other, are distributed in central Conchucos suggests a layered and targeted imperial presence. At regional scale, the spread of Inka enclaves along the yunga valley bottom of the Yanamayo coincides with the spread of the Culle language as determined from linguistic evidence (Section 3.5.1). This interpretation is consistent with accounts of the Inka adoption of the cult of Catequil at state level (e.g. Topic 1992, 1998). Shared beliefs and ideological affinity were thus probably highly influential in gaining the necessary support at the local level to make colonisation of the lower Yanamayo Yunga possible, and the YYN a viable route of transit for Inka state business. The thinning Inka presence in the western Yurma and Ashnocancha headwaters of the Yanamayo may suggest less interest in agricultural intensification of non-yunga, possibly linked to some level of resistance on the part of the Quechua speaking population. Archaeologically, the resettlement of mitmaq colonists by the Inka state is most clearly evidenced along the Inka road system. The development of farming enclaves on the lower slopes of the Yanamayo Valley represents a significant investment of labour, strongly suggesting that increasing agricultural production in the yunga ecozone was part of a regional state policy. The palette of crops grown and the number and ethnic identity of colonists resettled in central Conchucos to this effect cannot be ascertained from the archaeological evidence alone. Ethnohistoric studies and XVI and XVII century documentation regarding the Corregimiento de Conchucos (Len Gmez 1994, 2003) provide important complementary insights. Len Gmez (2003: 462-463) has argued, that the Inka presence in Huari territory was guided by interests in the weaving of fine cumbi cloth as well as in mining, and speculates

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that colonists were chiefly resettled for this latter purpose95. Yet, the importance of textiles in Andean societies can hardly be underestimated (Murra 1962; cf. Boytner 2004). Furthermore, the cumbi category of textiles included only the finest and most delicate tapestry weaves. The reasons why the Inka state should foster specialist textile production in central Conchucos are not immediately clear, however, since wool and dyes are readily available elsewhere. Yet, the presence of a group of cumbi specialists called Pircaycamayos, (Len Gmez 2003: 462-463) is mentioned for the repartimiento of Huari in 1572. These Pircaycamayos used a plant called Pircay96 to fix dyes - yellow, blue, green and red - to the fibres with which they would weave cumbi cloth. One witness to the trial between the Visitador General and the officials of the repartimiento cited by Len mentions that at the time of the Inka, Pircay was harvested locally97 and that others came for it from nearby repartimientos. Citing another witness, Len further mentions that the Huari would buy Pircay from the Huaylas98 and Conchucos to the west north, while other ingredients (black potatoes and alum) were acquired from their Pinco neighbours to the south. As Len points out, the production of pircay and cumbi cloth was promoted by the Inka state. His assertion that pircay was a multi-ethnic resource remains vague, since he does not specify the mechanisms by which appropriation of the resource by outsiders would have occurred. The monetary trade mentioned is certainly a colonial phenomenon and may well have been carried out as barter (2003: 463). One important element not mentioned in the historical sources, but invariably pointed out in technical descriptions of cumbi weaves in museum collections, are the strong cotton yarn warps capable of withstanding the high stress exerted by tightly woven, fine wool wefts. Thus, while wool carries the colour and provides the supple and warmth on the outside, the cotton yarn safeguards the mechanical properties and strength of the textile. Cotton is a frost-sensitive plant grown in the lower Yanamayo Yunga well before

Mining activities centred to the south of the study area and will thus not be considered further here. The botanical taxonomy of Pircay is unclear, since the name seems not to be used at all today. Pirca is one of many names used for an Asteraceae (genus Bidens or Coreopsis), however, traditionally used as a yellow dye (Soukup 1970). 97 The location within the repartimiento de Huari of the asiento de Husiacocha remains unclear. Len Gmez suggests the hamlet of Asiajgocha - not Usiajgocha as erroneously printed (op. cit: P. 465 fn. 22) near San Luis, but no indication of any major LIP settlement was encountered in previous surveys to the west of the paramount EIP/MH site of Cashajirka (SL-1; see: Herrera 1998a: 156-160). 98 Soriano Infante (1940: 483) mentions an archaeological site by the name of Pircay near the town of Marca, within the Huaylas domain.
95 96

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the Inka expansion. Three concurring lines of evidence lead to this assertion, the Malvaceae pollen from agricultural terraces at Yangn mentioned above, the fragments of cotton textiles recovered from pre-Inka contexts in the area (e.g. SN-6/P5; SN-13), and the small pre-Inka drop spindles used by local weavers to spin cotton. The survey evidence for Inka occupation in central Conchucos supports the notion of cotton fibre production for textile manufacture, as an important economic activity pursued by Inka colonists, although maize and other staples were probably also grown. The Inka corrals at Maraycalla and Ingarag indicate that herds of camelids were grazed along the road of the Chinchaysuyu. These herds probably yielded some of the woollen fibre used by the Pircaycamayos. The documentation reviewed by Len appears to overemphasise Pircay production, however, tendentiously projecting Colonial economic interests - specifically those of the litigants in question - unto the Inka past. Indications of the ethnic identity of displaced colonists and local populations is provided by a 1572 document cited by Len Gmez (2003: 460), which records the ten pachaca units into which the Ichohuari moiety of the Huari ethnic group was subdivided for the administration of labour tax obligations. Within the Inka decimal administrative system, the term pachaca refers to a group of 100 men and their families (e.g. Julien 1988). Across the XVI century northern highlands, however, pachaca is the name given to a basic unit of indigenous social organisation. Its essential territorial definition is very similar to ayllu: () an extended family, united by ties of kinship. They had a fixed habitat and well-defined boundaries, although some holdings were discontinuous. (...) The hamlets were generally very disperse (Len Gmez 1994: 147, authors translation). This focus on primary subsistence production, influenced no doubt by Murras theory of verticality (Section 2.3), should probably be complemented by considering the centripetal force of a shared language and ideology, especially belief in common ancestral descent (Rostworowksi 1999; Section 2.4). The list of names of the ten pachaca classed as the Ichohuari moiety by the colonial authorities includes the name Mitimas, most probably an ethnically distinct group composed by the descendants of Inka mitmaq colonists. The mitmaq in the colonial province of Huari originally pertained to three ethnic groups from two different regions: the Condesuyos from the south highlands around Arequipa, and the Quitos and Caares

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from highland Ecuador (Len Gmez 2003: 466, fn. 26). There are few indications regarding the number of colonists, but the substantial effort invested in expanding the agricultural and transit infrastructure in the lower Yanamayo Yunga during the Late Horizon suggests that these were not few. It is tempting, but probably wrong, to think that the Mitimas represent one tenth of the Ichohuari population since the number of families per pachaca in the region could vary widely (cf. Cook 1976-1977; Espinoza Soriano 1964). The two different types of domestic architecture associated with state installations on the YYN raise the possibility that two different groups of mitmaq were resettled in this area. The location of the square dwellings next to the bridge at Platanal and at the prominent hilltop site of Pirkajirka, may suggest that one group of people was entrusted with control of the bridgehead, whereas the rectangular domestic structures found at Inka sites along the YYN east of the Maribamba valley99 may point to a different group of people. The mitmaq inhabiting the dwellings in sector C at Yangn, probably specialised in terrace farming, appear to have lived close to an ethnically distinct population, which was based on the eastern side of the site, closer to the saline spring. The boundary between both settlement areas is marked by the small perennial stream, east of Chuchucollpa and emphasised by two pairs of chullpa mortuary structures of unknown cultural affiliation (Section 6.3.4). The pachaca name of Cullos also demands special attention, as it evidently points to the presence of a group of Culle speakers. The linguistic evidence suggests, that this pachaca would have settled in eastern central Conchucos, where this language was spoken centuries before the Inka conquest (Section 3.5.1). Five other pachaca names, including Chacas, Guantar, Guamas, Macuas and Yamelln probably correspond to the modern towns of Chacas, Huntar, Huamas, Macuash and Llamelln, all of which are found in western and southern central Conchucos100. Thus, although it fell under the jurisdiction of the Huari ethnic group in 1572, I suggest that the Cullos pachaca aggregated the descendants of an ethnically distinct population, allied more closely to the Inka state than the Huari, which was probably tied to Huamachuco. The main conditions under which
Rectangular dwellings of similar characteristics are found at Yangn, Chiwn and Pogtn, as well as at Yurajcollpa (SN-15). 100 See Carta Nacional map 18i (1:100.000). The areas where the remaining pachacas of: Guacos, Concha and Jumbo settled remain unclear. Archaeological surveys in the southern Yanamayo basin include the areas of Chacas, Huamas and Macuash (Herrera 1998a, 2003; cf. Orsini 2003a).
99

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the Inka state fostered multi-ethnic settlement in central Conchucos include: first, the geo-politically strategic location of the area for control of the crossings of the Yanamayo and Maran rivers; second the presence of areas for intensive yunga production; third, previous multi-ethnic settlement in this area previous. In the following chapter, I explore local responses to these conditions. The baseline hypotheses derived from discussion of the Inka presence in central Conchucos, suggest that relocation of mitmaq colonists along supply lines and routes of transit was at least tolerated and probably supported by the local Culle-speaking population, who may have benefited from expansion of the yunga agricultural frontier. If the capacocha mortuary practices at Gotushjirka sought to confederate friendship in a similar way as in Recuay province, it may done so by establishing links between (five?) distinct communities at a prominent regional landmark tied to the symbolic, ritual control of water cycles. 5.3 INKA PRESENCE IN THE CALLEJN DE HUAYLAS AND CORDILLERA NEGRA Although Inka control of the Ancash region probably lasted only two or three generations (Rowe 1946), leaders of the indigenous province of Huaylas came to occupy the highest echelons of Inka government immediately before and after the Spanish conquest. In the latter half of the XVI century, Inka Huayna Capac took the daughters of the head curacas of the two Huaylas moieties, by the names of Contarguacho and Aas Colque respectively, as secondary wives (Espinoza Soriano 1976; Varn Gabai 1997: 175-205). Such marriages were common and allowed the state to channel political demands through sanctioned chains of kinship rights and obligations. One generation later Inka Atahuallpa, Huayna Capacs successor, is said to have given the daughter of Contarguacho, Ins Huaylas Yupanque, to Francisco Pizarro while prisoner in Cajamarca (Rostworowski 2003). The powerful alliance between the Huaylas and the Spanish that emerged as a result helped to significantly shorten Inka resistance and was fundamental in the establishment of the Spanish colonial regime in Andean South America (Espinoza Soriano 1976: 267; Varn Gabai 1997:185).101

On the history of the region from the XVI century onwards, see Alvarez Brun (1970) and also Larson (1999: 648-657).
101

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5.3.1

The Inka road system in the Callejn de Huaylas

The existence of a formal longitudinal Inka road following a valley-bottom course, similar to that of the modern highway, is strongly suggested by the graphic description of the Callejn de Huaylas in January of 1533 provided by eyewitness Miguel de Estete (Xerez 1985 [1534]). Historians concur in asserting that this expedition followed a road that formed part of the imperial Capac an road system (e.g. Varn Gabai 1997: Fig. 3). The dearth of material evidence for the Inka states presence, and the swiftness with which the Huaylas joined the conquistadors struggle against Cusco rule, however, raise questions about the level and nature of the political and military control exerted by the Inka state in the Callejn de Huaylas. The absence of Inka sites in the Callejn de Huaylas area, especially along the valley floor route followed by Estete, correlates with a striking dearth of Inka pottery and local imitations or reinterpretations thereof (Bennet 1944: 108)102. The only positively identified Inka site in the valley is Pueblo Viejo de Recuay (Alcides Milla 2003: 394-395; Tantalen & Prez 2003), at the southern entrance to the Callejn. The geopolitical importance of this tampu administrative centre in the headwaters of the Santa valley, within the modern province of Recuay, can be gleaned from its location on a junction of north-south and east-west routes of transit. The strong state presence in this area finds support in historical records. On the one hand, people from Recuay are found as mitmaq colonists in northern Conchucos (Zevallos Quiones 1991). On the other, the dispatch of capacocha children to Cusco, Quito and Lake Titicaca by the dominant Llachua populations from Recuay (Hernndez Prncipe 1923 [1622]), indicates strong strategic alliances between certain segments of the Recuay curacazgo ethnic group and the Inka state. At the upper end of the valley herding is the predominant economic activity (cf. Schaedel 1985), suggesting a link between the state presence in this area and the production of textiles. Before the present study, there were no archaeological reports of Inka roads or architecture south of Pueblo Viejo de Recuay, although several sites have been put forward as possible Inka settlements. Varn Gabai (1997: Fig. 3, 186), for instance, suggests that the site of Atunhuaylas represents an Inka administrative centre, although no archaeological research has yet been conducted there. Doughty (1968: 9-10) thinks
102

Bennetts proposed San Gernimo style represents an erroneous classification of EIP pottery.

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that Pueblo Viejo de Tambo, within the confines of the modern city of Huaylas, may be an Inka site, but his description is insufficient to warrant such a conclusion. Finally, Bueno (1989: 88-89) has posited Kanapun and Wamanwillka, near Huaraz and Recuaywanka respectively, as Inka centres, but no evidence has yet been put forward to support this assertion. Inka administrative architecture was not detected at any of the 57 sites surveyed within the Yungay-Pueblo Libre study area, although a possible Inka agricultural enclave, site PL-5, was located on the yunga-kichwa ecotone of the Pueblo Libre Valley. The lineal arrangement of over 100m long, straight, tall and narrow terraces at site PL-5 is strikingly similar to that of Inka terraces in the Yanamayo Yunga of central Conchucos, but unique in this study area. The presence of rectangular dwellings and of a row of three storage structures, are also unusual within the sample of sites surveyed in the Callejn, but would not look out of place along secondary Inka roads such as the Yanamayo Yunga Naani. Thus, I suggest that PL-5 represents a small (c. 4.5ha) Inka agricultural enclave on the eastern side of the lower Pueblo Libre Valley (Map 5.4), an interpretation supported by the only find of imperial Inka pottery in the valley at the nearby site PL-13 (Fig. 5.12).

Figure 5.12: Decorated Inka sherd pertaining to an Urpu jar found at site PL-13. Scale 1:2.

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Map 5.4: Inka sites and finds in the Callejn de Huaylas study area, and dams, corrals and Chim pottery finds in the Cordillera Negra study area.

Thus, the strongest indication of an Inka road in the Callejn de Huaylas is provided by the town-names mentioned in Estetes account: Guayellsmarca and Ymigay. These probably correspond to local valley bottom settlements near the modern towns of Huaylas and Yungay, respectively. Corroborative material evidence is insufficient to assert that the route followed by Estete in the Callejn de Huaylas stood under direct Inka control, however. Contrary to expectations, the existence of a major longitudinal Inka road along the valley bottom remains doubtful. Survey results indicate, on the contrary, that the Pueblo Libre study area was integrated into the Capac an road system by means of secondary road or path that lead down into the Santa valley from the Inka administration centre of Intiaurn in the Cordillera Negra headwaters of the Nepea Valley, to the east. Archaeological and historical evidence discussed below (Section 5.3.4) tends to confirm the presence of small Inka farming and herding enclaves for agricultural production in the Callejn de Huaylas, however. 5.3.2 The Inka road system in the Cordillera Negra

The Inka administrative centre at Intiaurn and the associated sections of a secondary Inka road linking the north-central coast to the Callejn de Huaylas are among recent findings of archaeological surveys in the northern Nepea headwaters of the Cordillera Negra (Lane 2000; Lane et al. 2004). Intiaurn is the most important Inka administrative centre located in the environs of the Callejn de Huaylas to date (Map 5.4). Two rectangular fieldstone kallanka civic structures face each other across a large plaza complex, which stands at the centre of a small valley bottom plain. Domestic terraces rise on the slopes to either side, and a row of large collective chullpa tombs extends along the south ridge, which separates Intiaurn from the silt dam of Collpa. Productive infrastructure in the immediate vicinity includes an area of walled fields, a series of small terraced pools - which may have served to freeze dry chuo potatoes - and the extensive wetland pastures behind the silt dam of Collpa (Lane et al. 2004). A narrow road or stone-lined path (Lane 2000: Fig. 15) leads across the site of Intiaurn. Its northeast to west-southwest course suggests that it may have lead from the area of Huatta (and Caraz) into the Chumbe and Chaclancayo tributaries of the Nepea Valley, to the west103. Most probably, it continues to Huambacho Viejo, the principal Chim-Inka administrative
103

The road is not visible beyond the confines of the site and its course remains to be investigated in detail.

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centre in the Nepea Valley (see below). The modern road probably follows this secondary Inka route, which in turn, probably makes use of earlier traditional paths. In contrast, no formal roads - Inka or otherwise - were encountered in the Pinkulluyuq survey area, located one days walk south of Intiaurn. Inka architecture and pottery were encountered at the prominent fortified hilltop settlement of Wampu, however (Fig. 5.13).

Figure 5.13: The fortified Inka enclave of Wampu (Pi-5) overlooks the southern headwaters of the Nepea (Loco River) and northern headwaters of the Casma (Sechn Rivers).View from Qeqerajirka (Hu-3) across the valley to the north.

5.3.3

Inka presence beyond the road system

Material evidence for the Inka state presence beyond the road system is sparse in the Yungay, Pueblo Libre and Pinkulluyuq study areas. This is especially the case on the eastern side of the Santa Valley, where no architecture in the Inka corporate style was encountered. Two horizontal strap handle fragments resembling those of large Inka Urpu jars were found at the valley bottom site of Wansakay (Yu-20) and the hilltop site Ra-6, however. Both these sites are prominently located and have millennial trajectories of human occupation that stretch back into the EH. As in central Conchucos, provincial Inka pottery thus appears associated with important points in the regional landscape history. Inka pottery and architecture are found on the western side of the Santa Valley, albeit only in the area of the agricultural enclave in the lower Pueblo Libre valley (PL-5) discussed above. A more substantial and qualitatively different Inka state presence was ascertained in the high western Cordillera Negra. The fortified hilltop site of Wampu (Pi-5) stands on a prominent and well defensible summit that towers above the southern Pinkulluyuq headwaters of the Nepea, and the

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northern Wakuy section of the upper Sechn valley, above the town of Quillo (cf. Fung & Williams 1977). The access slope to the east is crossed by a massive wall, measuring between 1.9m and 3.2m in width, made in a chamber and fill technique. This wall also forms a bulwark corner, a feature not recorded previously at any other site in the region. An open rectangular plaza, partly lined by rectangular single room structures, extends at the centre of the walled, paramount summit area. Trampled polychrome Inka pottery sherds were found below this plaza104, suggesting that state level ceremonies were held at Wampu. On the northeast slope of the summit, between the first and second perimeter walls, a group of circular domestic structures stands associated with corrals. It includes a well-preserved group of irregularly disposed single room structures, surrounding an enclosed patio area that probably served as a corral. These rooms indicate the permanent presence of a group of herders at the site, possibly resettled by the Inka state. There are three striking or unusual features about Wampu. First, it stands a full days walk south of the nearest Inka administrative site: Intiaurn, and there are no indications of any formal roads which would integrate it into the Capac an road system. Second, it is heavily fortified, and the rapid constructive technique used for the exterior fortification wall has no known local parallels. Third, the central - ceremonial or administrative - area of Wampu appears incomplete in comparison with plaza complexes at Intiaurn or in central Conchucos. These findings are taken on board to suggest that Wampu was fortified as part of a broader military campaign by the Inka state within a hostile environment, possibly the Inka conquest of the Chim state (Section 5.4). The chamber and fill technique used in fortification, and the layout of the central plaza point to the presence of Inka engineers, while the presence of high elevation corrals at Wampu strongly suggests that herding was, or became, an important economic activity at this Inka enclave. It is plausible to suggest that the construction of the plaza was truncated by abrupt abandonment of the site in the 1530s in the wake of European colonisation. The presence of two or more distinct population groups at Wampu is suggested by the proximity of circular and rectangular domestic structures to the open-sided plaza. The position of herders dwellings and corrals in the sheltered walled in area below the
104

Sherds Pi-5B/5,6,7.

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summit suggests that they formed a discrete group, perhaps as opposed to the residents of the upper enclosure. The co-occurrence of architectural styles encountered at Wampu is reminiscent of other Inka sites, such as Yangn or Hunuco Pampa, where different kinds of domestic architecture are also clearly segregated. None of these sites, however, is as fortified as Wampu. The interpretation of Wampu as a multi-ethnic Inka military outpost and herding enclave correlates with a much broader pattern of herding intensification in the Cordillera Negra area. It is most likely that herders frequented Wampu before the Inka occupation, since irregular dry masonry corrals abutting the ancient walls indicate seasonal or ad hoc herding practised, even after the massive forced resettlement of population in colonial reducciones. As I discuss in following, it is most likely that high altitude herding of camelids became a substantial economic activity in this area during later Andean prehistory. Although this process appears to have reached a climax under the Inka, the precise role of the state remains far from clear. 5.3.4 Discussion

Survey results show that the Inka state presence in the Callejn de Huaylas and Cordillera Negra areas is discontinuous in space and uneven in intensity. Inka state architecture is concentrated in the high puna of the western flank of the Cordillera Negra, at Intiaurn, and to a lesser degree at Wampu. If regular communication between these centres and other, as yet unreported Inka centres in the Cordillera Negra can be assumed, this raises the possibility that a north-south route followed the crest of this mountain range, paralleling the course of the road of Chinchaysuyu (Section 5.2.1). No evidence of slope modification or paving was encountered, however, and the contrast between the Inka occupation in central Conchucos and findings in the Pinkulluyuq area is stark. Partly, this may be due to a lower temporal depth to the Inka occupation of the Cordillera Negra, as suggested by the unfinished plaza complex at Wampu. The most significant factor, however, is probably the hostility of populations in the area towards the Inka presence, indicated by Wampus fortification.

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In contrast, there is little evidence to support the widely held assumption that a formal longitudinal Inka road followed the bottom of the Santa Valley105. The small agricultural enclave at PL-5 suggests that a modest group of colonists was resettled on a steep slope overlooking the valley bottom. The objective was probably the intensification of agricultural production in the warm yunga-kichwa ecotone, an interpretation bolstered by an archaeological reading of historic documents concerning Inka interests in the Callejn de Huaylas (see below). The transversal coast-highland route across the pass of Tinku along which the present survey is designed (Section 4.3.1), was never integrated into the Capac an road system. An Inka path does link the Nepea and Santa Valleys, however, crossing the Inka administrative centre at Intiaurn (Lane et al. 2004). Since this parallel route makes for a slower crossing of the Cordillera Negra that the Pinkulluyuq route, it is reasonable to conclude that Inka planning considered other factors than optimisation of transit speed between state-controlled enclaves, such as the political alliances established between the Inka state and local ethnic groups. The principal long-term drivers of the Inka colonial strategy in the Callejn de Huaylas and Cordillera Negra areas, which the association of Inka sites with farming and herding suggests, are economic interests in primary production. The large number of ancient corrals in the puna of the Cordillera Negra106 leaves little doubt that camelid herding was important. Yet, unlike Inka terraces the material identity of herding infrastructure remains ambiguous. As Lanes ongoing research in the Nepea headwaters of the Cordillera Negra indicates (Lane 2000; Lane et al. 2004), the availability of dry season pastures is one of the principal factors affecting carrying capacity. Consequently, high mountain lakes, streams and seasonal ravines have dammed to create or expand bofedal wetlands, thus improving pastures and tackling pasture scarcity in the dry season, the bottleneck months for herding economies.

105 Given the recent alluvial sedimentation of the valley floor in the study area, this possibility cannot be ruled out without extensive excavations. 106 Sites of Wampu (Pi-5), Llamatsipunta (Pc-6), Togllakita (Pc-7), Pc-8, Pishacorral (Pc-10), Tomanqa (Ti2), PL-17 and PL-24; for the Chaclancayo Valley, see Lane (2000: 62-69).

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Two types of prehistoric dams are found in the Pinkulluyuq survey area. At Tinku (Ti-1), a thick straight wall anchored to large outcrops of rock dams the seasonal ravine. At Togllakita (Pc-7), a massive curving wall stands 85.5m long, 3.15m wide and up to 4.2m tall (Fig. 5.14). Seepage outlets at the base of this wall indicate that moisture retention occurred as water and in the soil, thus also feeding the underground aquifer107. Unlike in the Chaclancayo basin to the north (Lane et al. 2004), there is no evidence at Tinku or Togllakita to suggest accretion of the productive infrastructure. The dams at Tinku and Togllakita represent projects demanding a large investment of labour realised over a short period of time.

Figure 5.14: Togllakita dam (Pc-7) on the high puna of the Cordillera Negra; note cattle grazing.

It remains unclear when the dams and corrals on the high puna of the Cordillera Negra were built, although they probably go hand in hand. Given the pivotal importance of cloth for Inka political economy, it is tempting to suggest that some, or even most of the extant dams and corrals, were built through state managed mita labour obligations in order to intensify camelid production.
107

Small and simple circular estancia dwellings in the vicinity indicate seasonal human occupation at Togllakita. The age of these dwellings and of long walls visible as segments remains unclear, but the pronouncedly territorial behaviour of camelids - much more than of sheep or cattle - point to postColumbian demarcation of pastures.

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Historical sources tend to support the involvement of the Inka state in primary production in this area. Espinoza Soriano (1976) has argued that the Inka Huayna Capac ceremonially redistributed the Huaylas moieties of Anan and Rurin Huaylas. Varn Gabai (1997: 177-187) has more recently brought forth more specific evidence, suggesting that the Huaylas wives of Huayna Capac, women by the names of Aas Colque and Contarguacho, gained the right to share in the proceeds of the personal estate of Inka Huayna Capac in the Huaylas area. In 1536, Diego Cinchi, head of the three huaranca in the Repartimiento de Huaraz in Anan Huaylas, stated that: He heard his said ancestors talk of the herds of sheep of the land of said Guayna Capa in said repartimiento of Guaylas, and to him they gave both of said herds and coca, aj, maize, and other things said Inca had set apart from himself () (AGI, Justicia 1088, n.4, r.I, ff. 2324v; translation by: Varn Gabai 1997: 183) This statement suggests that Huayna Capac had an estate in the Huaylas area, perhaps comparable in kind - but certainly not in scale - to the famous royal estates in the Urubamba Valley (Niles 1999, 2004). The mention of camelids, on the one hand, and of coca, aj and maize on the other, coincides with the discontinuous distribution of Inka architecture encountered in the uppermost and lowermost ecological tiers in the western Callejn de Huaylas and the Cordillera Negra. Survey results indicate that the Inka state was more successful in its colonisation of this latter area, possibly because of successful resistance in the former. 5.4 INKA AND CHIM PRESENCE ON THE NORTH-CENTRAL COAST The valley of Nepea was better known as Huambacho before the seat of the colonial Corregidor was moved to town of Nepea in 1784, probably because this was the name of the principal settlement in the Valley. A 1585 document cited by Soriano Infante (1941:269) asserts that the cacique Suy Suy was based in Huambacho, presumably referring to the paramount lord of the area and the archaeological site of Huambacho Viejo (cf. Proulx 1973: 80-81). According to Soriano Infante (1941: 267), Huambacho Viejo was the seat of a 100.000 strong regional province or Seoro within the Chim state that reached from the sea to the summits of the Cordillera Negra. Soriano Infante

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provides no documentary or material evidence to support these territorial and population estimates, the latter five times the modern total108. His estimations may not be wholly inaccurate, however, as they refer to a pre-Columbian administrative unit that reached well beyond the confines of one ecologically bounded coastal valley-oasis. In considering the early colonial administration of the north coast of Peru, Zevallos Quiones (1991: 1-14) has plausibly proposed a direct takeover of the pre-existing units of Inka imperial control. Thus, since the lower Santa and Nepea valleys formed one of three Repartimientos de Indios within the Corregimiento de la Villa del Santa in 1582, Zevallos (1991: 5) concludes that these two valleys probably formed part of one Inka administrative province (ibid. 2). The encomienda grant signed by Francisco Pizarro in January of 1535, which Schaedel (1985: 453, 463) has published in part, mentions a cacique () by the name of uy uy lord of the town of Nasapac () (Schaedel 1985: 474; authors translation). The coincidence of names is striking, although no clear indication of where the town of Nasapac might be is given109. It is highly probable the accounts of 1582 and 1585 refer to one and the same person, Don Garcia Suy Suy (cf. Soriano Infante 1941:269 versus Zevallos Quiones 1991: 44), probably a direct descendant of cacique uy uy of Nasapac. These historical sources suggest that the territorial order of the Inka province centred at Huambacho that stretched across the lower Santa and Nepea valleys, was taken over from the previous Chim colonisation, and inherited by the early colonial administration. The social structure and territorial boundaries of this province remain nebulous, however, and the local populations subsequently colonised by Andean and European states are barely mentioned. 5.4.1 The Inka presence on the north-central coast

From an archaeological perspective, the presence of the Inka administrative centre at Intiaurn in the high Cordillera Negra (see above), coupled to the dearth of Inka material culture throughout the Nepea Valley (Proulx 1968: 35; 1973: 80-83), strongly suggest
According National Institute of Statistics (INEI), the combined population of the districts of Nepea and Moro in 1993 was 19.022 (http://www.inei.gob.pe/accessed: 17-8-2004). 109 The names Nasapac and Huambacho pertain to different languages, most probably Quingam and Quechua, respectively, and may thus refer to the same place.
108

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that Inka state control was external and largely indirect. This regional scenario is consistent with historical indications of a brief Inka colonisation: conquest of the Chim occurred during the 1460s, and Inka control thus lasted only 50 or 60 years. It is also consistent with the view espoused by Susan Ramrez (1990: 531-532) that the Inka state tended to exercise indirect rule from the highlands all along the north-central and northern coast. To this end, the state appropriated the pre-existing administrative network of the Chim. It is most likely that an ancient road links the Chim-Inka administrative centre at Huambacho Viejo in the lower Nepea Valley, and the Inka administrative centre at Intiaurn on the lower puna edge of the Cordillera. Its course probably follows the Chaclancayo and Chumbe valleys into the Salitre (Laria) headwaters of the Nepea. A second road linking coast and highlands may have followed the Jimbe tributary of the Nepea, however. Unconfirmed reports of Inka cut stone architecture and an Intihuatana at the poorly documented sites of Rocro and Palacio Colcap (Aspllaga 1953) tend to support Von Hagens suspicion (1955: 255), echoed by Proulx (1973: 80-81) that the modern Jimbe road parallels the course of an Inka road. The possibility that the Nepea Valley was an important route of coast-highland transit during the Late Horizon, suggests that the Inka state may have established alliances with local communities in the upper Jimbe and Chumbe (Laria/Salitre) valleys (Map 5.5).

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Map 5.5: Inka roads and sites in the Nepea Valley, and Chim pottery finds in the Moro survey area (data on lower valley from Proulx (1973)).

5.4.2

The Chim presence on the north-central coast

According to Mackey and Klymyshyn (1990), the Nepea and Casma valleys were conquered by the expanding Chim state at the beginning of their second wave of southward expansion, around AD 1300. Both valleys have a fully developed network of Chim administrative centres (Mackey & Klymyshyn 1990: 207). As elsewhere, the Chim settlement pattern typically denotes a coastward orientation, stopping well short of the sierra (Proulx 1973: 66; Topic 1990: 192). Three major Chim administrative centres are known in the Nepea Valley: Mquina Nueva, Huacatambo and the Tomeque or Pierna Calzn complex (Kosok 1965: 205-206, 208). Donald Proulx has determined Chim settlement at ten further sites, which tend to have long trajectories of occupation, going back to the MH or more (Proulx 1968: 33-34; 1973: 65-71). The same is true of the thirty contemporary LIP sites, which are nonChim. It seems worthy of note, however, that he fails to identify any LIP sites in the upper Nepea Valley (1973: 66). The Chim state appears to have adopted a policy of resettling local people around its administrative centres, yet without fully disrupting earlier settlement patterns (Mackey & Klymyshyn 1990: 198). Investigations of the Chim impact in the lower Casma Valley (Koschmieder 2004) support the view that one of the main aims of Chim expansion was to increase subsistence production: agriculture in the lower valley, harvesting of seafood and fishing. Arguably, this policy was a response to the destruction caused by the major ENSO event that affected the northern coast sometime between AD 1365 and 1295 (Table 3.1). In the Nepea Valley, the coast-centred pattern of Chim colonisation is probably also linked to the presence of a local socio-political formation in the upper valley area, which resisted conquest. The military and geopolitical engagement of the Casma polity by the Chim state, and the hybridisation of their respective corporate identities are considered in the following chapter, in which I address the pre-Inka formations colonised during the LH. Here, it must suffice to state that Chim-Inka pottery is contemporary with the hybrid Chim-Casma style, and that the characteristic Casma incised pottery style remained in production well into the Late Horizon (Koschmieder 2004).

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5.4.3

The Inka and Chim presence in the Moro and Pinkulluyuq survey areas

The southeast portion of the Moro pocket and the Ro Loco and Pinkulluyuq Valley, were peripheral to both the Inka and Chim states. Neither Inka nor Chim architecture was detected at any of the 14 sites with LIP occupation identified in the Ro Loco survey area110. The Chim pottery found in low quantities at cemeteries on the western edge of the Moro survey area and that found in tombs in the highlands to the east (Fig. 5.15) demonstrates interaction between local communities and the state. This probably occurred at centres such as Huambacho Viejo. Local collections in Moro include a handful of unprovenienced Inka vessels, but no Inka pottery was encountered during survey of the Ro Loco area, suggesting that little Inka material culture circulated in this area. The first site at which Chim pottery was found is Vinchamarka (Mo-11), a large heavily eroded and looted monumental site with a millennial history of occupation, which stands on and around a prominent pair of hills on the southern margin of the valley111. The summit overlooks the confluence of the Loco and Nepea rivers as well as the traditional footpath across the desert linking the Moro pocket to the Quillo pocket, in the upper reaches of the Sechn River to the south. The surface pottery sample of 124 diagnostic sherds is the largest and most varied recovered during the Ancash axis survey, and includes ten Chim style sherds112. In contrast, one Chim style fragment113 was found at the hilltop site of Carmen Alto (Mo-2), one of the smallest sites in the sample114. The extant architecture at both, Vinchamarka and Carmen Alto, pre-dates the Chim occupation, however, suggesting that the Chim sherds found in the Moro pocket stem from looted intrusive burials.

Sites Mo-1, Mo-2, Mo-7, Mo-11, Mo-12, Mo-13, Mo-14, Po-1, Po-2, Po-7, SR-1, SR-2, SR-4 and SR-8. It is by far the most extensive site in the Moro pocket. Proulx (1973: 193) considers it as a cluster of separate sites (PV31-166, -167, -168 and -173), which correspond broadly to my subdivision into sectors. 112 Sherds Mo-11A/13, 14, 15; Mo-11C/8; Mo-11D/31, 34, 38, 39 and Mo-11E/16. 113 Sherd Mo-2/18 114 The site may have been cut off from the large EH site of Limohirca (Mo-4) by later cultivation. Such a layout could suggest the possibility that a large sunken circular court stood between both Mo-2 and Mo-4.
110 111

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Figure 5.15: Chim pottery sherds from sites in the Moro survey area (top two rows) and coastal LIP pottery found in the Cordillera Negra (Pinkulluyuq and Pueblo Libre areas, bottom row). Scale 1:2.

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Figure 5.16: Coastal LIP textile fragment found in looted machay tomb T7 at Paucarms necropolis (Pi-1), probably Chim (Scale 1:4).

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Figure 5.17: Gourd vessel fragment engraved with classic Inka design from collective machay tomb in the upper Cordillera Negra (Chaclancayo basin, site Cj-3/T7; see: Lane et al. 2004). Scale 1:1.

Chim material culture is found at the puna edge of the western Cordillera Negra. One Chim sherd and a decorated cotton textile fragment, which may also be Chim (Fig. 5.16), was recovered from a large collective semisubterranean tomb115 at Paucarms Necrpolis (Pi-1), the paramount regional necropolis addressed in section 6.3.4. In the upper Chaclancayo basin to the north, both Chim and Chim-Inka pottery and a unique gourd vessel fragment engraved with a classic Inka design116 (Fig. 5.17), were also recovered from looted semisubterranean machay tombs (Lane et al. 2004, pers. comm. 2005). This latter vessel would have probably had a similar capacity to that of a small Urpu jar, but would have been lighter to carry over longer distances. The findings above suggest similarities in the mechanisms through which Inka and Chim pottery circulated, possibly as rare gifts or payments and probably in low quantities, in the hinterlands of administrative installations. Only provincial Inka pottery is found at settlements, textiles, gourds, and Chim and Chim Inka blackware is found
115 116

Tomb T7 Site Cj-3; the report by Lane et al. (2004) should state gourd fragments instead of Inka pottery sherds.

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in tombs, mostly at larger necropolis. Yet, close to the Inka administrative centre at Intiaurn Chim-Inka pottery and Inka-decorated gourd are found, whereas in the valley to the south only Chim pottery is found. The tenuous association of Inka and Chim material culture with a handful of specific collective mortuary structures at larger highland necropolis may suggest that some mortuary communities were tied more closely to these corporate identities than to others. 5.5 CHAPTER SUMMARY

The archaeology of Inka and Chim colonisation is highly discontinuous across the survey transect. Findings suggest that Inka interests centred on the intensification of farming in the inter-Andean yunga of the Yanamayo, and to a far lesser extent in the Santa Valley, as well as on camelid herding in the high puna of the Cordillera Negra. To this end, colonists were resettled to build productive infrastructure in previously under exploited areas. The system of Inka roads bisecting central Conchucos is an expression of Inka territorial control, whose importance is partly derived from long-distance transit along and across the spine of the Andes. The appropriation of key nodes of the road network is manifest at the bridge across the gorge of Yanamayo River at Platanal (SN-22) and the ferry-port across the Maran River at Pogtn (SN-26, also: Pr-1 and Pr-2). The string of Inka farming enclaves and civic centres linked by the secondary Yanamayo Yunga road, and the Inka presence at the dam of Huegroncocha (Y-16), indicates a regional-scale project to intensify agricultural production of yunga crops. Results of palynological analyses suggesting cultivation of cotton are not inconsistent with historic references to the presence of specialist Pirkaykamayuq dyers and weavers of fine cumbi cloth in central Conchucos. Enclaves such as Yangn (SN-5) stand segregated from local settlement areas, however. Colonists aimed to appropriate symbolically the local landscape through the incorporation of prominent rock outcrops in the construction of civic architecture. The open plaza complexes at Chiwn (SN-14) and Pogtn117, in contrast, stand at the intersection of local and regional paths and probably served for ceremonies hosted by the Inka state, at which collective social identities were expressed and derived rights and
Local reports suggest a further plaza complex at Mesapatac, north of the bridge at Platanal and beyond the survey area.
117

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obligations negotiated. Finds of Inka material culture - and local reinterpretations thereof - at prominent landscape junctures as well as in local mortuary contexts, suggests that the state succeeded in securing cooperation in this area. Historical and linguistic evidence suggest that the deposition of human foetuses and babies at Gotushjirka (SN-6), a regionally significant landscape juncture, may mark an inter-ethnic capacocha pact, possibly between segments of the indigenous Culle-speaking population and mitmaq colonists displaced by the Inka state. A second, far less developed axis of Inka control probably followed the western puna of the Cordillera Negra. The most important Inka site in the central Callejn de Huaylas area is the ceremonial and administrative centre of Intiaurn, in the northern Nepea basin, which stands at the crossroad of a path leading to the Chim-Inka administrative centre at Huambacho Viejo, north of the surveyed area. In the southern Nepea basin, the fortified enclave of Wampu (Pi-5) towers above the headwaters of the northern Casma and southern Nepea, suggesting military activity possibly against the coastal Chim state and their highland allies. The Inka impact ascertained in the Santa Valley is limited to a small farming enclave (PL-5), near the valley bottom west of Yungay. It is unclear, if the significant investment of labour in dam construction ascertained in the high puna between these Inka sites is the result of state-sponsored systematic intensification of herding, but historical sources specifically mention yunga produce and camelids as part of an estate that Huayna Capac established in this area. The absence of Inka installations on the eastern and western slopes of the Cordillera Blanca, and of Chim architecture in the Moro survey area, indicates that these areas were probably not colonised possibly because local ethnic groups were successful in resisting state expansion. Thus, the Inka and Chim states established rights of access over spatially disperse means of landed production chiefly through the resettling of people and the mobilisation of labour through the hosting of ceremonies and the targeted distribution of gifts, including fine textiles, decorated pottery and the - presumably special - liquids contained therein. Over the long term, however, the success of colonial control rested partly on the successful intensification of production in previously marginal or under exploited areas, on the one hand, and on the other hand, on the development of integrative mortuary practices within a common ideological framework.

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CHAPTER VI ETHNICITY BEFORE THE INKA IMPACT

6.1

INTRODUCTION

Archaeology and history in the Andes begin to meet in the 1530s. On one hand, the early chronicles and administrative documents record the colonisers attempts to grapple with a world new to them conceptually, politically and economically. To this end, they recorded what they saw and what was said to them about it, by local leaders. These exchanges between rulers about the ruled are invariably top-down accounts. They are skewed not only by the European colonisers perspective, but also by the perspective of the Inka state, the Andean colonisers par excellence. On the other hand, abundant material evidence of indigenous settlement remains in the landscape. The villages, hamlets, corrals, fields and canals encountered during archaeological survey, however, force a different, bottom-up perspective, which brings local communities into view. The direct material reality of archaeological settlement patterns thus contrasts the mediated, topdown textual realities. Jointly, these sources allow a richer exploration of Andean prehistory in general, and models of Andean territoriality in particular, which provides baseline information for study of historical trajectories both before and after initial contact in the 1530s. For the Andean transect under scrutiny, XVI century historical sources make reference to four different socio-political units: the Inka and Chim kingdoms, addressed in the previous chapter, and the provinces or ethnic territories of Huaylas and Huari. Typically, the larger LIP settlements in the north-central highlands are densely settled walled hilltops, set in a high and defensible position, often paired and partly surrounded by dry moats. Small rectangular or square fieldstone dwellings with rounded corners stand on low platforms, often abutting retention walls. Smaller settlements and hamlets share the nucleated pattern, with a raised row of as few as two or three dwellings fronting a small open terraced area. Although decorated pottery is sometimes found in looted burials, LIP pottery is largely utilitarian: undecorated and executed in coarse paste.

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Obvious public architecture is rare, bar large open spaces that probably served as plazas and a distinct type of patio group found at a handful of eastern sites. In some areas, rapid and profound changes in the social landscape took place as a consequence of the Inka conquest. In others, the period between the arrival of Inka troops around 1476 and the collapse of state control in Chinchaysuyu during the mid 1530s did not result in major changes to the local territorial order. Within two or three generations, the Inka state developed a network of productive, military and ancillary enclaves through massive investment of labour that was made possible by superior military power and forced resettlement. Historical sources, however, have been shown to project the leading colonial interests, including the mining of gold and the manufacture of textiles, onto the Inka past. Here, I begin to disentangle the true nature of Inka economic strategies, local responses and interactions between them across the northern Andes. The first part of each regional evaluation focuses on the social and economic processes underlying the internal cohesion and political structure of each of these different socioeconomic formations, as well as the basis for their differentiation as seen through the documentation. In the following sections, I contrast these findings with the spatial distribution of civic and mortuary material culture recorded on the ground. The discussions intertwining the archaeological to the historical, which also draw from results presented previously, are aimed at providing a solid ground for scrutiny, in the subsequent chapter, of the strictly pre-historic record.

6.2

THE CONCHUCOS REGION BEFORE THE INKA EXPANSION

The socio-political panorama that early colonial documents convey about central Conchucos is best summarised as balkanised. Unlike in the Callejn de Huaylas or on the north-central coast of Peru, no major regional polity or macroetna federation, in the definition of Rostworowki (1991), appears to have existed prior to the Inka conquest (Len Gmez 1994: 147, 2003: 460). As my review of historic accounts from the Conchucos region and archaeological analysis of the central Conchucos survey area

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shows, this is most probably due in large measure to the presence of several ethnic groups pertaining to two separate linguistic groups. Five distinct curacazgo ethnic groups are mentioned for the corregimiento of Conchucos in the XVI and XVII centuries, from north to south: the Conchuco, Siguas, Piscobamba, Guari and Pinco (Len Gmez 1994: 142). From the perspective of the colonial administration, central Conchucos was the domain of a single entity: the Ichohuari (or Ichoguari) moiety of the Guari ethnic group (Len Gmez 1994). By 1572, each Huari moiety was headed by two people, a curaca and a segunda persona, and comprised 10 pachaca units (Len Gmez 1994: 145-146). These local and lower levels of social organisation in central Conchucos only come to be textually recorded in the late XVI century, after drastic demographic change (Cook 1981) and readjustments forced by the imposition of the colonial order, however. Dual leadership and decimal administration thus deserve special attention. The decimal system of administration is a feature of Inka political administration that was often appropriated by the early colonial regime. In central Conchucos, the former was probably used by the Inka and imposed formally by the Spanish administration (Len Gmez 2003). The dual leadership of the two Guari (or Huari) moieties, however, suggests a second level of moiety organisation. A similar quatripartite social order is found in the Callejn de Huaylas area in the 1530s (Prssinen 2003), and it is thus probably indigenous to the north-central highlands. The names of people and places listed in the documentation presented by Len Gmez (1994, 2003) clearly show that Quechua was the dominant language in central Conchucos, during the XVI century. Toponyms in the Culle language indicate, however, that Culle was spoken in eastern central Conchucos (Section 3.5.1). The Culle-speaking corridor of the upper Maran Valley follows the eastern edge of the purported territories of the Conchucos, Siguas, Piscobamba and Huari ethnic groups, and it is probably not a coincidence that one of the ten pachaca of the Ichohuari bears the name of Cullos (Len Gmez 2003: 460). The Culle toponyms, such as Sanachgn and Yangn, suggest that the Cullos pachaca was most probably a predominantly Cullespeaking group that settled mainly in the warm yunga valleys leading to the Maran. Their presence is of particular interest because of the close association of Culle to the cult of the Catequil, and the role of this cult in late Inka expansionism (Section 3.5.1).

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By the late XVI century, the Ichohuari moiety included two pachaca of different ethnic origin: the Culle-speaking Cullos, and Mitimas pachaca, which probably encompassed the Quito, Caari and Condesuyu mitmaq displaced by the Inka state decades earlier (Len Gmez 2003: 466, fn. 26). These three groups most probably spoke languages, which were mutually unintelligible118. Yet, they were absorbed or incorporated into the Guari socio-political order, most probably as a consequence of colonisation. During late Andean prehistory, however, the Conchucos region was both multilingual and multiethnic. 6.2.1 Multi-ethnic settlement in northern Conchucos in 1543

The village by village visita census conducted in the northern Conchucos region by Cristbal Ponce de Len in 1543 (Cook 1976-1977; Espinoza Soriano 1964), is one of few early census accounts drawn up before the forced resettlement across the Andes under viceroy Toledos rule (1569-1581) (Cook 1981: 76). Thus, this document provides insights into indigenous territorial arrangements immediately to the north of the central Conchucos survey area, allowing comparison of numerical historical data from northern Conchucos to the archaeological evidence. Like much of the Huaylas region to the west, the crown of Hapsburg granted the Conchucos region to Francisco Pizarro as encomienda. After his assassination in 1541, these holdings became vacant and were redistributed by the colonial authorities to loyal subjects. The 1543 Visita was ordered as a result of the complaint by Bernardino de Valderrama about the number of people in the encomienda given to him. This visita resulted in Viceroy Vaca De Castro ordering that a number of people serving cacique Pomacochache should serve Valderrama instead. This judicial decision aimed at implementing a continuous territorial model in the European tradition, is strongly at odds with previous indigenous modes of spatial organisation.

118

The Caari mitmaq probably spoke Caar, a language possibly related to Muchik. The Quito probably spoke Caranqui or Panzaleo and the Condesuyus would have spoken a Quechua II variant, while the local population spoke a variant of Quechua I (Adelaar 2004).

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This visita ascertained that the Curacazgo de Conchucos had 76 llajta settlements of greatly varying size119 divided across three parcialidades: Carapuray, Campichayhuaranca and Chaupihuaranca120, led by caciques Pomacochache, Yanamango and Colquillax, respectively (Espinoza Soriano 1964: 10). Colquillax is said to lead 687 tributary Indians or heads of household living in 30 villages; cacique Yanamango to lead 789 living in 26 villlages, and Pomacochache 425 living in 20 llajta settlements. No paramount leader is mentioned for the curacazgo, however, suggesting that each parcialidad enjoyed a degree of independence. Each parcialidad also had its own main and secondary shrines and deities, which implies that they also had distinct pacarina origin places and mytho-histories about ancestral lineages. Thus, although they probably shared a common conceptual geography of the landscape they inhabited in common and were treated as a unit by the Inka and Spanish state, each parcialidad in northern Conchucos probably considered itself a distinct ethnic group. It is probable that the three parcialidades were in a state of flux, having coalesced into a single curacazgo as a result of Inka military and political pressure. Two major implications for regional archaeology can be derived from this visita. First, the number of inhabitants in the vast majority of villages is low. The three largest settlements agglomerate 26% of the population, whereas 61% live in 66 small hamlets121. Although pre-conquest populations were undoubtedly higher (Cook 1981), there is little room for doubting that most of the pre-Columbian population of northern Conchucos lived in small, disperse llajta settlements. In average, each curaca and his segunda persona counterpart lead 3000 people spread across 27 llajta settlements. Second, multiethnic villages represent a considerable minority. The four villages in which people serving different curacas are mentioned (Urcos, Vinchos, Sumbix122 and Chuquiguarapo), represent 5.2% of all llajta and 8.5% of the total population. Espinoza Soriano (1964: 11) is unclear whether this is a transient pattern related to the congregation of population for labour obligations, a result of Spanish or Inka colonisation, or if it was the norm for the region. As gleaned from the linguistic evidence,
There are 77 llajta listed in the document, but the cacique sub-totals add up to78. The multiethnic composition of villages is unlikely to have eased the census, and some villages were probably visited more than once. Calculations are based on the tabulation of 76 villages by Cook (1976-1977). 120 The latter two names are not derived from the visita, but from Albornoz (1967 [1582?]). 121 Rounded percentages of tributary population by size category: 1) 19%, 2) 7%, 3) 13%, 4) 39%, 5) 22%. 122 The villages of Sumbix and Xumbix, both said to have Indians serving Yanamago and Colquillax, clearly refer to the same village, which was visited on Friday 31.8.1543 and on Thursday 5.9.1543.
119

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the four multi-ethnic villages mentioned above are unlikely to be the only mixed villages in the Conchucos region, and indeed the north highlands (cf. Prssinen 2003: 275, fn. 32). Comparison between the distribution of estimated settlement sizes in northern Conchucos in 1543 (Fig. 6.1) and the Callejn de Huaylas in 1558 (See: Fig. 6.16), shows great difference in the scale between the curacazgo de Conchucos on the one hand, and repartimiento de Guaraz, on the other123. These differences in scale are probably heightened by rapid population decline during the 1540s and 1550s. Yet, they may also reveal resistance on the part of the indigenous communities, as the plaintiff expressly complains, to disclose sensitive (taxable) information. From a methodological perspective, the comparison between population and settlement size proxies based on historical sources (Fig. 6.1), on the one hand and area measurements of surveyed archaeological sites in central Conchucos124 on the other (Fig. 6.2), illustrates the similarities and differences in these sources. Site size is not readily comparable to the estimated roofed floor area, due mainly to two unknown variables: first, the number of contemporary households; and second, the relationship between roofed floor space and total settlement area. Furthermore, small farmsteads are probably underrepresented in the survey sample, whereas the number of larger, visually more obtrusive ancient settlements is probably closer to historical reality.

To estimate the number of inhabitants, each head of household paying labour tax is equated with a family unit and a factor of 4.75 is used to arrive at a population estimate (Cook 1981: 44-51). Then, to arrive at an estimation of settlement area, I calculate the total roofed floor space for each village using the ethnographic average of 9.4m per inhabitant arrived at, by Lyon from her village study in Paucartambo (Cusco) (in: Le Blanc 1971). 124 The Callejn de Huaylas area is not considered due to the poor preservation of the archaeology.

123

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50 43 40 No. settlements 30 23 20 10 0 0-1000 1000-2000 2000-3000 3000-4000 >4000

5 2

Roofed floor space categories (in m)

Figure 6.1: Number of villages by roofed floor space as estimated from the 1543 Visita de los Conchucos (Cook 1976-1977).

6.2.2

Settlement strategies in central Conchucos during the LIP

Early historic accounts comparable to the 1543 Visita remain unavailable for central Conchucos, so the development of Inka and local territorial strategies can only be addressed archaeologically. As discussed in the previous chapter, social interaction between the Inka state and local ethnic groups during the Late Horizon probably centred at the administrative centres, production enclaves and associated mitmaq settlements, dotted along the road of Chinchaysuyu and the Yanamayo Yunga Naani (YYN). Local, non-Inka installations are found in particularly close temporal and spatial association to Inka architecture in two parts of the central Conchucos research area: the western Maribamba and the lower Yanamayo valleys (Section 5.2). In this section, I present and discuss the local settlements patterns in central Conchucos during the LIP, to interpret the settlement strategies of local ethnic groups. I focus on the places and practices fostering the social integration of local communities, beginning at installations which were most affected by the Inka expansion. Thus, I commence regional scrutiny at the eastern end of the Ancash axis, because the survey evidence suggests that the pre-Inka administrative architecture at the ferry port of Pogtn (SN-26) and at the salt production site of Yangn (SN-5) continued in use throughout the LH. After reviewing these excavation data, I discuss the territorial significance of the distribution of collective mortuary structures (Section 6.2.5).

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Late Pre-Columbian occupations dating to the LIP and LH were detected at 42 sites in the central Conchucos survey area (Map 6.1). They range from hamlets with one or two single room structures to large settlements with hundreds of dwellings. In western central Conchucos125, all 18 sites with a significant domestic LIP occupation stand above 3500m, with all larger sites located on prominent and defensible hilltops. A broadly similar situation is encountered in eastern central Conchucos, where 24 sites were surveyed. Eleven of these found are clearly separated from the main settlement areas above the suni-kichwa ecotone, located on or near the lower Yanamayo yunga. Their limited accessibility, dependence upon irrigation and small area, restricted by topography and water availability, makes these enclaves ideal for study of corporate identities and discontinuous territories. As mentioned previously, all but one are associated with the YYN, underscoring that a formal transit route existed in this area prior to the arrival of the Inka. The concentration of population on fortified hilltops suggests a prevalent fear of violence, raids or warfare, which may well be related to Inka expansionism. This is especially the case in the environs of the road of Chinchaysuyu, on the eastern margin of the Yanamayo Valley. The marked upward shift in settlement in central Conchucos precedes the Inka presence, however (Herrera 1998a, 2003). Causative factors may include the climatic anomalies suggested to affect the central Andes around the turn of the XIV century and between the VIII and XII centuries AD (Section 3.3; cf. Seltzer & Hastorf 1990). If these significantly affected agricultural production, social tensions

Sites Ya-14, Ya-20, Ya-21, Ya-22, Ya-26, To-2, To-3, To-4, To-5, To-8, Llu-1, Llu-2, Llu-4, Llu-6, Llu-7, Llu-8, Llu-11, Llu-13
125

165

Map 6.1: Distribution of LIP sites in the central Conchucos study area.

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might be expected to increase leading to a concentration of population at higher altitude. Economically, this focus on high elevation settlement suggests increased reliance on tuber agriculture and herding The distribution by size of sites surveyed (Fig. 6.2) shows that people tended to concentrate in large and very large fortified hilltop settlements, such as Sahun Punku (Ya-14, see: Herrera 1998a) and Quishuar (Ya-21) in the northern Yurma, and Pallajirka (Llu-6) or Turriqaqa (To-8) on the opposite margin, or Markajirka de Juncay (SN-1) and Hatun Markajirka in the southern Yanamayo Valley. When compared to the settlement size distribution based on the 1543 Visita, however, the expected skew of survey results towards larger, visually more obtrusive centres becomes apparent (cf. Fig. 6.4). The larger sites, however, probably include most centres of regional significance.

18 15 Site counts 12 9 6

17 13

7 3

3 0 < 3000 3000-10000 10000-30000 > 30000

Size categories (in m)

Figure 6.2: Distribution of 40 LIP and LH sites in central Conchucos by estimated area126.

The small disperse farmsteads encountered in central Conchucos, such as Salitre (SN-23) or SN-4 (Fig. 6.3), probably form part of highly dispersed communities. They are generally characterised by a few elevated rooms fronting a small open area. The adjacent mortuary component evokes strong links between people and places. Both small machay type structures (SN-4, SN-23) and chullpa tombs (SN-7) are found at these hamlets, though unlike the former, the latter may post-date occupation of this site (Section 6.3.4).

126

Sites: Ya-14, Ya-20, Ya-21, Ya-22, Ya-26, To-2, To-3, To-4, To-5, To-8, Llu-1, Llu-2, Llu-4, Llu-6, Llu-7, Llu-8, Llu-11, Llu-13, SN-1, SN-5, SN-6, SN-7, SN-9, SN-11, SN-12, SN-13, SN-14, SN-15, SN-17, SN-18, SN-19, SN-20, SN-21, SN-22, SN-23, SN-25, SN-26, SN-27, Pr-1 and Pr-2.

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Figure 6.3: The small late pre-Columbian hamlet at Garachojirka (SN-4). The mortuary component is found at the base of the rock outcrop.

6.2.3

Civic architecture at Pogtn

Pogtn is one of four archaeological pre-Inka sites on the YYN (Section 5.2.3), at which LIP enclosures or patio groups stand in close proximity to Inka installations (Fig. 6.4)127. Only at Pogtn (SN-26), however, does the Inka plaza complex directly abut a local civic structure. This site overlooks the Maran River crossing used by present-day balseros, stretching along the western river terrace (Appendix C). Immediately to the south of the Inka plaza, the largest in central Conchucos, stands a group of three enclosures or patio groups, which are D-shaped in plan. These D-shaped patio groups are subsequently referred to as DPG. Their straight walls parallel the course of the river, ranging between 25m and 39m in length. Each DPG has rooms arranged in a fan-shaped pattern around a central patio. The rooms open onto a narrow corridor or bench that surrounds the curved side of the patio, whose floor level is at least 50cm lower. The only room found to also open to the exterior pertains to the largest DPG. It also has the highest number of niches in the lateral and exterior walls, and is likely to have served a special purpose.128

The remaining three, from east to west, are: Yangn (SN5, sectors A and B), Pirkajirka (SN-20) and Warikanga (SN-21). 128 The niches were probably arranged in parallel horizontal rows. A similarly niched room, rectangular in plan and earlier in date, was encountered at Quishuar (Ya-21). Despite the differences in size, plan and age, the structural similarities to the - much larger - niched halls of Huamachuco (Topic 1986, Topic & Topic 1985) and Inka kallanka (Gasparini & Margolies 1977; Morris & Thompson 1985) deserve detailed investigation.
127

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Figure 6.4: Plan drawing of Pogtn complex (inset), showing location of mortuary architecture (yellow) and storage structures (red), in relation to irrigated fields (stippled) and Maran River.

As the plan of the DPG suggests, the patios were probably used for gatherings of people, perhaps between 50 and 150 at most. Their stage-like structure is similar to that of the earlier circular enclosures excavated in at Gotushjirka, and discussed in detail in chapter 7. The civic interpretation of these buildings is further supported by their strategic location, which visually controls the crossing of the Maran River, as well as by the substantial investment of labour they represent.129 Four arguments support the assertion that the DPG civic architecture at Pogtn was in use throughout the LIP and LH. First, the Inka plaza was built later than DPG E-III. As the northernmost building on site, it is the first structure encountered when coming from the north, that is, from the YYN. The Inka enclosure thus stands between the road and the river crossing, a position previously commanded by DPG E-III. Coupled to the ample evidence for pre-Inka occupation in the lower Yanamayo, this indicates that the Inka state remodelled a previously existing path or road (cf. Schreiber 1984), and sought to appropriate access to the river crossing through the targeted placement of the large
Masonry of large, regularly spaced blocks set in horizontal rows in a fieldstone matrix is a common feature of civic architecture throughout the later prehistory northern highlands, from the EIP onwards (cf. Tschauner 1988, 2003).
129

169

rectangular enclosure. This policy was clearly undertaken in reaction to a previous occupation that had sought the same aim previously130. Second, a rectangular single-room structure, similar in size, plan and masonry to the Inka structures at Yangn (sector C) or Chiwn (sector A), was built directly opposing E-I, which suggests that both buildings were in use simultaneously. Third, the internal organisation of the D-shaped enclosures at Pogtn is similar to that of earlier circular enclosures groups, including those excavated at Yangn and Gotushjirka, strongly suggesting that construction of the DPG at Pogtn post-dates the late MH. Finally, similar D-shaped structures have been located in the eastern sierra of Tarma by David Brown, who has suggested them to be contemporary with the Inka occupation there (Brown pers. com. 2003). The contemporary occupation of two distinct types of civic architecture at Pogtn during the LH suggests that preferential rights over this river crossing were claimed by the Inka state, on the one hand, and by a local socio-political formation or ethnic group, on the other. If each DPG corresponds to one social segment of a single society, ethnic group or moiety thereof, as seems likely, a ternary structure to its social order can be put forward. 6.2.4 Civic architecture at Yangn: excavations

The test excavations in the three types of non-Inka civic structures at Yangn aimed to shed light on how salt production was organised and how it changed through time. Since salt is a rare, localised resource in the northern highlands of Peru, and Yangn is the only known source of salt in central Conchucos, the archaeology in the environs of the spring may be expected to be a particularly sensitive indicator of broader transformations in the socio-political landscape of the central Andes. It is important to highlight at the outset that civic architecture tends to cluster by type: the Inka presence is centred exclusively on the western sectors (C and D), as discussed previously (Section 5.2.4). Here, I address the non-Inka civic architecture, which is found exclusively in the eastern sectors (A and B, Fig. 6.5). On the narrow valley-bottom plain of Cachicollpa, which extends to the west of the saline spring (sector B), there are two types of civic architecture. Nearest the spring is an oval patio group, broadly similar to
Testing the hypothesis of a horizontal stratigraphy further will require excavation in each of the three DPG.
130

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the DPG structures described above for Pogtn, and formally related to the circular enclosures on the easternmost plain (sector A) and at Gotushjirka, on the hilltop above (Section 7.2.2). Two poorly preserved rectangular patio groups stand near the western entrance to the plain.

Figure 6.5: Overview plan of eastern Yangn (sectors A and B) showing location of saline spring, civic, mortuary and productive infrastructure.

After topographic survey of the area, small excavation cuts were practised in four different types of enclosures, in order to ascertain their occupation histories, main activity patterns and the material identities embodied by the civic architecture. It is necessary to note that subsurface preservation is often affected severely by roots and rhizomes of the Pati tree (Ceiba spp.), which grow favourably in soil layers of high organic content, such as ancient occupation layers.131 The brief and selective summary of excavation results in structure E-V (sector A) and structures E-I and E-III (sector B) discussed below, is based on the findings reported in appendix C.

Patio group E-I (sector B):

The most monumental and best-preserved structure on site stands a short distance southeast of the cave below the saline spring of Yangn (E-I). Encircled by a 3m tall

Although the succulent rhizomes are occasionally used as fodder, no post-occupation intrusions were detected in excavation.
131

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wall, four adjoining rooms organised in a fan-shaped pattern stand at the eastern end. The rooms open onto a wide corridor, to the west, which stands above an oval patio (16m x 8m). Openings in the exterior retention wall and a gravely layer of fill below the level of the patio floor indicate a drainage system, suggesting that the patio area, which is surrounded by a low wall, was largely unroofed. Access to this enclosure was gained by a three-step stairway, across the patio of the rooms. Its westward orientation suggests that the principal access path to the saline spring at the time of construction was from the west. Most probably, it followed a similar course to that of the main path leading to the site today, which descends from Gotushjirka above (Appendix C). In terms of masonry and plan structure E-I is the closest formal parallel to the DPG at Pogtn. The plan of this structure suggests, however, that the suite of four rooms and the adjoining bench were added onto an earlier enclosure (Fig. 6.6), transforming an earlier civic structure. The construction of rooms strongly suggests permanent occupation at Yangn, whereas their absence in an earlier enclosure would suggest temporal or seasonal use only.

Figure 6.6: Plan drawing of oval patio group E-I indicating location of excavation cuts.

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The three excavation cuts in E-I revealed two main phases of occupation (Appendix C). The earlier phase is associated with the monumental architecture, the later phase to sporadic re-use after partial collapse of the walls. Pottery finds from the basal layers of the rooms and bench suggest a mid-MH terminus post quem for their construction. The presence of sherds dating to the EIP in the basal layers of fill, however, indicates that the present aspect of E-I is probably the result of rebuilding or substantial refurbishment. Importantly, incised pottery fragments found in the patio area (Fig. 6.7), indicate that the enclosure continued in use into the LIP132.

Figure 6.7: Solid pottery handle with incised decoration dating to the LIP found at Gotushjirka. Identical pieces were found in excavation in the patio of E-I at Yangn (actual size).

The sample of pottery fragments recovered from the three excavation cuts in E-I is small, less than 100 fragments, but this is only partly a result of the excavated volume. On one hand, potting clays are not available locally, whereas gourds can be grown locally. Pottery must have additionally been brought from up valley, a steep 3-4 hour-long walk. On the other hand, the wear pattern on pottery sherds found in the salt making terraces nearby (Fig. 6.8) indicate that these were used to scrape the bottom of the brine
132

This overall sequence matches findings in circular enclosures at Gotushjirka (SN-6; see: structures E-V and E-VIII, and excavations P1 and P5 in appendix B).

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evaporation pools, and thus gather the salt crystals. Large fragments of ceramic, such as jar rims, were probably preferred for this task.

Figure 6.8: Salt making terraces on southwest slope of Yangn spring (sector B, cut P13); note feeder channel at bottom left.

Within the pottery assemblage excavated in patio group E-I, the shape of 25 fragments pertaining to the earlier occupation phase, and dating the late MH to LIP could be determined. The broad spread of types and high proportions of cooking vessels are consistent with a strong domestic component to the occupation of E-I, as suggested by the rooms. Serving bowls represent the predominant shape-class (Fig. 6.9), and this may indicate food consumption at larger than domestic scale. The high proportion of large, open vessels, defined as having a rim diameter of 20-26cm, may further suggest that storage was also an important concern.

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50

40 percentage

30

20

10

0 Serving bowls large open Open vessels Open vessels Constricted vessels (indet) (cooking) (storage) vessels (jars) Spindles

Figure 6.9: Percentage distribution of vessel shape-classes from stratified contexts, excavated in patio group E-I (Sector B, cuts P1, P2 and P3; all phases: n= 25).

To characterise the occupation in and around E-I further, a soil sample from the basal layer of fill was analysed for plant microfossils133. It was found to be relatively abundant in charcoal, a good indicator of anthropogenic impact. The pollen sample is dominated by Malvaceae pollen although Asteraceae and Valerianaceae type pollen were also observed. Preservation was too poor, however, to warrant a pollen count (Chepstow Lusty, pers. comm.). The presence of Malvaceae type pollen is consistent with the cultivation of cotton, a practice argued earlier to be pivotal to the Inka state presence in the area (Section 5.2)134. These findings suggest that cultivation of cotton in the yunga of the lower Yanamayo may date back to the MH. It is worthy of note that structure E-I was repeatedly inhabited even after its walls had begun to collapse. These transient younger phase occupations are associated with unlined hearths and scant material culture, which includes a small re-used spindle, an expedient crushing tool and bola. These findings, coupled to the strong fluctuations in the local hydraulic regime and current patterns of use at the oasis of As (see: Pr-1, Pr-2 and SN26), may suggest seasonal occupation by members of local communities, possibly during the Colonial and Republican periods. The people that used E-I most probably sought to
Unit 1.09, sample T2b. The presence of Asteraceae and Valerianaceae type indicates the presence of shrubs and herbs. It is possible that weeds spread as a result of anthropogenic impact or that they were cultivated.
133 134

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produce salt, probably during the dry season. The bola and spindle suggest they may also have hunted game and spun cotton yarn.

Patio groups E-III and EIV (sector B):

Facing the Yanamayo River, the foundations of two rectangular structures parallel the terraced edge of the valley-bottom plain. Both have rectangular rooms which open onto a narrow elevated bench, organised around a central patio area. In contrast to E-I and the structures at Pogtn, they have comparatively poor masonry of medium to small fieldstones, largely reduced to rubble. The quality of the masonry is similar to that of the Inka structures in sector C, suggesting that they were built quickly, perhaps also finished with a clay plaster. Structure E-IV, to the east, appears C-shaped in plan, with four or more rooms surrounding the patio (8m x c.6.5m). The western structure (E-III) appears L-shaped in plan, and has three contiguous rooms aligned with the terrace, while the fourth abuts perpendicularly to the east, partly delimiting a patio (18.5m x 7.5m). Both patio areas make use of the adjoining terracing system, suggesting the area was already terraced when E-III and E-IV were built (Fig. 6.10). Terracing extends along the edge of the valley-bottom plain for over 80m, nearly up to the saline spring. Those to the east are square in plan, not dissimilar to those in sector A and at Warikanga (SN-21), whereas those to the west, including those below E-III and EIV are long, narrow and tall, and probably later. A relic canal segment near the former (E-II) clearly indicates irrigated terrace farming, fed from the -deeply incised- seasonal ravine to the west135. Evidently the paired structures are linked to intensive yunga agriculture.

A retention wall segment 5m above the current ravine bed indicates it was lined with stones before incision began.
135

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Figure 6.10: Plan drawing of patio group structures E-III and E-IV.

Test cut P-5 (2m x 1m) was excavated across the access to the central room of structure E-III (Appendix C). Two major phases of occupation were ascertained. The later phase post-dates partial collapse of the structure. Unlined hearths in between rubble suggest transient human occupations, as in E-I, but the find of a human distal falange directly below the wall rubble also suggests mortuary use (Section 6.3.4). The earlier phase has two occupation surfaces, the later of which was found disturbed by rock fall, root action and surface water. The earlier occupation surface is associated with a hearth placed near the access, a strong indicator of human habitation since this helps keep stinging insects away. The presence of a basal fill of cobblestones, which are found exclusively along the river terraces, supports the assertion that these structures are linked to the construction of agricultural terraces, and hence to the intensification of agriculture. Pottery finds are rare in E-III, as was the case in E-I. LIP pottery is only found in later strata whereas late MH pottery is found in both, suggesting the square patio groups were built during or after the second half of the MH. Finds in the two superimposed occupation layers recorded in P-5 cannot be differentiated conclusively, however, but pottery finds recovered from the surface of the patio areas of E-III and E-IV are consistent with this interpretation.

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Two aspects of the distribution of sherds by shape class (Fig.. 6.11) are worthy of note. On the one hand, the high percentages of bowls and jars in the excavated assemblage, strongly suggests serving and consumption of liquid foods at larger than domestic scale (Section 7.2). The surface assemblage, on the other hand, has a similar percentage of bowls, but includes a high percentage of large and very large jars, which are rare in excavation. They firmly point to storage as a further activity associated with these rectangular patio groups, though not with this room (Fig. 6.11).

30 3 9 9 3

Excavation E-III

Surface (EIII & EIV)

Percentage of counts

20 6 2 6

10

1 2 2

1 0 0 Serving bowls Constricted Spinldes Open Very large Large open Constricted vessels vessels vessels vessels open (bottles) (cooking) (jars) (indet) vessels (storage) Tripod Indet. fragments 0 0 0

Figure 6.11: Comparative distribution of vessel shape classes from stratified contexts, excavated in patio group E-III (Sector B, cut P5), and surface collection from patio groups E-III and E-IV (n= 46).

In summary, the construction of rectangular patio groups E-III and E-IV post-dates that of E-I. These two different types of patio groups may well have been in use simultaneously during the latter part of the MH or during the LIP, however. Some of the rooms clearly served a domestic purpose, but other activities included the distribution of food and, possibly, storage of agricultural produce.

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Patio group E-V (Sector A):

On the easternmost plain of Yangn site, encircled by a bend in the Yanamayo River, five large circular structures can be distinguished in the environs of a natural outcrop at the centre of sector A. Each of the circular structures varies slightly; some are more circular, while others have straight sides and are rounded only at the corners. The concentric arrangement of walls around a central patio is similar to the circular kancha enclosures at Gotushjirka (Sections 7.2.2 and 7.2.3). Those to the northwest (E-VII)136 stand on the lower terrace, whereas those to the southeast (E-III, E-IV, E-V, E-VI) stand on a higher level. The masonry includes large worked blocks on the frontal wall facing the river, as well as double faced segments, mainly on the sides and back. Small, single room fieldstone structures, largely reduced to rubble, occasionally abut standing walls of the earlier constructions, indicating a similar pattern of re-use of the monumental walls than at Markajirka de Juncay (See: Fig. 7.4). Structure E-V stands at the upper, eastern end of sector A, and is one of the two least buried circular patio groups, and two poorly preserved single room structures abut the interior side of the outer wall, whereas one stands in the patio area. Low, square farming terraces, approximately square in plan and measuring 40m, similar to those at the eastern end of sector B and at Warikanqa, extend along the lowest river terrace. These were watered by means of a canal running along the base of the lower retention wall, and fed by the seasonal stream separating sectors A and B. A long bank of cobbles stands between the lower end of the terraced area and the river. The unusual shape and height of this embankment suggests that this barrier was built to prevent flooding of the terraces. Cut P-10 (2m x 1m) was excavated at the base of the interior wall facing the river. It was aimed at ascertaining the occupation history, cultural activities, and at helping to determine the location of the access. Two main occupation phases were encountered. The later phase post-dates the monumental construction, and is probably associated with the single room structures. Finds include large bone tools and incised pottery handles, the latter dating to the LIP. The earlier phase, associated with the monumental construction, includes fine EIP vessels, which are found together with Gotush style sherds. This suggests a late MH terminus post quem for the construction, or substantial

136

Rubble matrices around E-VII suggest the presence of further enclosures in this area.

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refurbishment of E-V, and an occupation history parallel to that of E-I (sector B). Surface pottery in sector A is abundant and also correlates well with the similarities between the CPG architecture at Yangn and Gotushjirka. Shape class analysis of pottery finds from the earlier phase (Fig. 6.12) supports the assertion that the consumption and serving of liquid foods figured prominently among the activities conducted in this monumental enclosure.

80

73.3

60 Percentage

40

20

13.3 6.7 6.7

0 Serving bowls Constricted vessels Large open vessels (jars) (indet) Large vessels (storage)

Figure 6.12: Distribution of vessel shape classes from stratified contexts excavated in patio group E-V (Cut P8, phase 2).

Discussion:
Excavations in sectors A and B of Yangn have established a history of occupation in the Yanamayo yunga that dates back to the EIP, and probably earlier.137 Human occupation was found linked not only to the procurement of salt, as expected, but to small-scale irrigation terrace farming. The labour input required for successful farming, the restricted area in which it is possible, and the marked seasonality of the local hydraulic regime suggest, that the crops grown, which probably included cotton, and may also have included aj peppers, tobacco or coca leaf, were of particular importance. Occupation across the eastern part of the site (Sectors A and B) is continuous from the second half of the MH onwards and into the LIP, strongly suggesting partial temporal

137

Two Early Horizon sherds were encountered at the base of the eroded eastern tip of Chiwn site (SN14, sector A).

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overlap between them. The later date determined for the orthogonal civic architecture is consistent with the patterns of superposition encountered in western central Conchucos and the Callejn de Huaylas.138 Its association with agricultural production suggests that emphasis on yunga agricultural produce increased incessantly from the late MH onwards, reaching a climax with Inka cultivation at Warupampa (sector D). The architecture, masonry and patterns of pottery consumption encountered in E-III and E-IV diverge from those encountered in the earlier circular enclosures, and although the masonry is similarly crude to that of the Inka architecture in sector C, their plan is probably not Inka. Local antecedents are unknown from central Conchucos, suggesting that the distinct square patio groups at Yangn represent an enclave established by a non-local, non-Inka socio-political unit, probably during the early LIP. No indication of the corporate identity of the builders and inhabitants of E-III and E-IV were encountered in test excavation, but this group of people may have rebuilt the western part of the irrigation system in sector B. The presence of a similar, single rectangular enclosure in southern central Conchucos (See: site P-2 in: Herrera 1998a) raises the possibility that this hitherto unknown socio-political unit, may have wielded considerable regional importance. Yangn was demonstrably settled previously, however. The tall walled circular enclosures were built or substantially enlarged in the second half of the MH. They are earlier than the rectangular patio groups by several centuries, and are discussed more fully in the following chapter. Formal similarities between these enclosures at Yangn and those at nearby Gotushjirka strongly suggest that both occupations were socio-politically integrated, and that highly segmented local socio-political formations had developed a micro-vertical economic strategy of direct control by the late MH (Chapter 7). The continuity of settlement suggested by test excavations raises the distinct possibility that access to this enclave of salt production and yunga agriculture was shared by two distinct socio-political units, before the Inka expansion. Inka material culture was not encountered in the eastern sectors of Yangn, but it seems highly unlikely that this part of the site was abandoned completely during the LH. Instead, the clear segregation of the Inka architecture suggests that spatial separation was
138

Sites of Quishuar (Ya-21) and Keushu (Yu-16).

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intended to segregate the mitmaq colonists from local ethnic groups. As I discuss in following, mortuary practices helped to forcefully mark this separation. 6.2.5 Mortuary architecture The concentration of mortuary architecture surrounding the mountain of Turriqaqa is by far the greatest recorded in the central Conchucos survey area (Sections 4.3.8 and 5.2.5), but it is not the only one. Another smaller but similar group of machay tombs is found embedded in the mountain of Guellejirka, to the west139. The long-term significance of these places within the regional conceptual landscape can hardly be underestimated, as it is quite possible that they were conceived of as pacarina origin places of distinct ethnic groups.

Machay tombs:
All machay type tombs encountered in central Conchucos are built directly against mountainsides, the vast majority tightly clustered along horizontal or slightly sloping geological faults in standing limestone massifs. Typically, they are square in plan140, have a single entrance and no windows. Traces of plaster and paint suggest that the faades of many, if not of all, were painted in white and red. Associated rock art sometimes includes small geometric or zoomorphic motifs141 as well as large areas, usually square, painted in red directly above the tombs142. Their colour and large size are clearly intended to make the tombs stand out from a long distance. The painting of tombs appears to have favoured dcor in area with large red panels on the rock above and faades painted in red and white143. This tradition of tomb construction, not reported previously in Ancash, is shared across adjoining areas of Hunuco, including Llata, Tantamayo and Huamales, to the east (R. Caqui pers. comm. 2002), as well as in the Chachapoyas area to the north (e.g. Kauffmann et al. 1989: plano 7c, 8a-c). The outward appearance of these machay tombs differs strongly across their area of distribution, as comparisons with the intricately painted tomb at Hatun Escaln in Hunuco (Herrera 2004: Fig. 4), or the richly decorated Chachapoya tombs show. The main reason for these formal parallels may in
The 17 structures recorded at the sites of Guellejirka 1 (SN-9) and Guellejirka 2 (SN-13) are probably the remains of a larger necropolis that was partly destroyed by road construction in 1998. 140 The only exceptions are the row of curving machay tombs on the topmost level of Gallarpana necropolis, and the irregular machay tombs below rocks (e.g. SN-7). 141 Sites SN-11 and SN-13. 142 Sites SN-11, SN-13 and SN-27. See also Hu-2. 143 Traces of painted plaster were recorded at Guellejirka and Pitakilla.
139

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fact be geological determined by the presence of limestone formations across the northeast Andes of Peru. Pottery recovered at Guellejirca 2, Pitakilla and Gallarpana indicates very long spans of occupation. At the former two sites human occupation begins in the EIP and stretches into the LIP. In the case of the latter, mortuary use may be continuous over two millennia, going back to the EH and continuing into the Inka period. Since the space available for storing mummy bundles in structures abutting Turriqaqa mountain was limited, and assuming demand was more or less constant, a long-term problem arises. Even if only part of the population were eventually placed in machay tombs144, and even if all available geological faults were built up, we can expect that overcrowding presented a problem by the LIP, if not earlier. It is not surprising, therefore, to find evidence of rebuilding and remodelling. The final standing structure at Pitakilla (Fig. 6.13) was built re-using stones used previously at the site, as indicated by the random inclusion of a stone painted before the wall was built. Probably it formed part of an earlier tomb built at the same site. The distribution of rock art also supports a long history of occupation and rebuilding, as some of the figurative motifs would not have been visible after tombs were built in front. The third, and perhaps most important and potentially controversial argument, is the presence of ossuaries in natural crevices at all three Turriqaqa sites (Pitakilla, Hatun Machay and Gallarpana). In considering two ossuaries excavated in Cuzco, John Rowe (1995: 35) concluded them to be the result of a colonial law that demanded all collective tombs be demolished and the bones placed together in a big hole (cf. Albornoz 1967 [1582?]; Arriaga 1999 [1621]). Indirectly, Rowe questions whether ossuaries were part of Andean mortuary practices at all. The find of two intact decorated bowls in late Gotush style, placed upside down in the narrow crevice or tunnel leading to the Pitakilla ossuary, strongly suggest that bones were laid down in the narrow cave - 3m in diameter and 50cm deep - up until the LIP.

144

Skeletal remains include men and women of all ages. Bio-anthropological population studies of collective mortuary structures at the necropolis level have yet to be undertaken.

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Figure 6.13: The necropolis of Pitakilla looking west (SN-11, sector A); Note red paint on standing structure (T5) and on shelter roof (photo: E. Pommeroy).

Chullpa:
In contrast to the large necropolis discussed above, LIP mortuary structures, including chullpa tombs and funerary cists, are mostly found in low densities. This is especially the case in eastern central Conchucos, where they are found exclusively at valley-bottom sites along the course of the YYN. Here, mortuary architecture stands prominently at one of the paths entering the oasis-like yunga enclaves. Small rectangular chullpa tombs built on low oval platforms are thus found at the edge of irrigated pockets in Yangn (sector B), Chiwn (SN-14, sector B), Yurajcollpa (SN-15) and Tonqu (SN-25), as well as at Pogtn (SN-26) and As (Pr-2), across the Maran River. Their placement is consistent with the proposition that construction of collective mortuary structures and associated ritual activities express territorial claims (Chapter 2). The sites of Yangn and Pogtn provide particularly illustrative examples and are discussed first. Across the Maran River from Pogtn, two semi-subterranean tombs or machay (Pr-2/ T2, T3) and a pair of poorly preserved chullpa (T4, T5) are found on the summit of the As oasis, opposite the only access in the encircling perimeter wall. A further, more carefully executed semi-subterranean collective tomb is directly associated to the main irrigation canal of the As oasis (Fig. 6.14).145 A human skull with oblique fronto-occipital tabular deformation146 was found within, the only example of this type of deformation
Visual inspection suggests that the construction of the canal, which is in use today, is contemporary to that of the semi-subterranean tomb. 146 After field identification by Oliver Huamn, the sample was left in situ.
145

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recorded on the Ancash axis (Pommeroy 2003)147. On the opposite western side of the Maran, a pair of large, looted chullpa tombs stands northwest of the civic architecture at Pogtn (SN-26/T1, T2), which would have been prominently visible on approaching the site from the north.148 At Yangn two pairs of small rectangular chullpa (SN-5B/ T1-T4) stand on low oval platforms on either side of the path, bordering the western access to Cachicollpa plain (Fig. 6.15). Two pairs of chullpa mortuary structures were also encountered at the eastern end of Yurajcollpa plain (SN-15). These examples suggest a patterned link between mortuary practices and territorial claims.

Figure 6.14: Sketch plan of semi-subterranean tomb with double access and five niches, associated with the main irrigation canal of As oasis (Juan Viernes (Pr-2)); note difference in access width.

Kinzl (1935a: 320) depicts a photograph of a similarly tapering skull. Tabular deformation is generally associated with south coast phenomena of the MH or later (e.g. Chiribaya), but the state of research is incipient (See: section 7.3; also: Blom et al. 1998; Hoshower et al. 1995; Torres-Rouff 2002). 148 Local people report that a path used to lead directly east from here, suggesting the possibility of a junction with the course of the YYN on the river terrace This route was found to be barely viable, however, and the path appears to have been washed away completely.
147

185

Figure 6.15: Paired chullpa structures T2 and T1 (at left in background) on Cachicollpa plain (SN5B) as seen from the path (staff = 1m).

No excavations were conducted in the looted structures at Yangn, but the human bone excavated in the post-occupation levels of nearby structure E-III, mentioned above, evokes the open or sky-burial phase of Andean mortuary rites during which advanced decomposition of soft tissue would occur (Salomon 1995). In such a scenario, the small distal bones of toes and fingers are the most likely to drop off first, followed, at a later stage by kneecaps and skull. The physical anthropology of early human remains uncovered in mound 1 at Gotushjirka (SN-6) (Appendix C), suggests that the ritual mortuary cycles involving movement of human skeletal remains, a common practice in the northern Andes during the XVI century, is of great antiquity. Dulanto (2001) has convincingly argued ancestor veneration and movement of human skeletal for the first millennium BC site of Pampa Chica. It is plausible, therefore, that human remains were kept in E-III, after it ceased to function as a dwelling. Human remains could have been moved into the chullpa at a later stage, where they would have been venerated and consulted as ancestors. Such an interpretation is consistent with the conspicuous lack of distal falange - of hands and feet - in the later intrusive burials excavated in Gotushjirka (Section 5.2.5), such as cist burial e-1, which was found also missing the skull. Determining the date of construction and cultural affiliation of the - invariably looted tombs presents a challenge. The Inka state appears not to have developed a distinct,

186

corporate style of mortuary architecture. Ethnohistoric accounts suggest that the bodies of high-ranking officials, who died in the provinces, were taken back to the Cusco as happened with Huayna Capac (cf. Narvez 1995: 93-97). People of low status were probably buried locally, however. Mitmaq colonists displaced by the Inka far from their homeland may have had to build their own mortuary structures and cemeteries in their new places of residence, or, depending on the nature of the relationships established with local ethnic groups, they may have been allocated space within local regional necropolis. Survey evidence and excavations (e.g. Lau 2000; Paredes et al. 2000, Ponte 2000) indicate that enduring and recurrent use of mortuary monuments was the norm across the Ancash highlands, and probably across most of the Andes as well. Given that the Inka presence probably lasted two or three generations at most, large monuments or necropolis are unlikely to have been built at the behest of the Inka state. Thus I argue, that the chullpa at Yangn embodied four mortuary communities, which were inexorably tied (in death) to guarding the access to the plain on which the saline spring sits. This territorial claim was made, tangibly and visually, through the monuments and embodied in ritual mortuary practices. These may have included a phase of open burial adding the potent dimension of smell. The paired arrangement - and interior partition - strongly suggests quatripartite moiety organisation.

Burial Cists:
At the aforementioned site of Yurajcollpa, a pair of circular stone lined-cists thought to be mortuary in character, stand by the chullpa tombs. Similar finds from the south highlands (e.g. Valdez et al. 2002) suggest these served for individual burials, a practice common on the central coast from MH 2 onwards (Menzel 1964: 70). Mortuary cists are rare in the survey sample, possibly due in part to their low visibility. One of the few examples is found on the nearby hilltop site of Markajirka de Juncay (SN-1, sector D; but see: Pi-1), however, suggesting that inhabitants at both sites shared mortuary practices. The proximity of the cists to LIP residential areas at both sites SN-1 and SN-15, may indicate an LIP date. 6.2.6 Discussion

The assertion of potent symbolic boundaries in the landscape through erection of mortuary architecture in central Conchucos, fits the broader pattern of conflict across the

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central Andes during the LIP and LH (e.g. Parsons & Hastings 1988). The cultural identities, which each mortuary monument was built to embody, cannot be determined with the precision necessary to outline very specific, individual identities, yet broad trends are readily recognisable. Collective tombs are consistently found on the entrance to irrigated yunga enclaves, suggesting that mortuary communities, probably including descendants of the deceased, expressed claims of preferential access to these small irrigable oases. Their paired arrangement points to dual moiety organisation. The bi-chambered tombs arranged in two pairs at Yangn, for instance, suggest three integrated layered levels of social organisation. A similar, yet slightly different structural arrangement, can be inferred from the evidence at Yurajcollpa and Juan Viernes, where pairs of above and below ground tombs are found. The alliances between pairs of mortuary communities established to create territorial boundaries at these sites, seem to have shared a similar structure, but they were different in their material expression. The presence of the largest and probably oldest mortuary structures in the vicinity of As and not in the vicinity of the saline spring, as might be expected, suggests that control of the Maran River crossing at Pogtn, may have been more contested than the produce of yunga agricultural enclaves or the procurement of salt at Yangn. Of the chullpa discussed above, some may have been built by Inka mitmaq retainers, as an attempt to ancestralise, and thus legitimise their imposed presence. Yet, they could also be argued to represent an attempt by local populations to assert territorial claims. The position of the four chullpa at Yangn, which separate the Inka sector from the saline spring and (non-Inka) settlement area to the east, is a case in point. Their location and the mortuary practices associated with them would materialise and highlight, through vision and smell, ancestral claims to prerogative access to the saline spring. Thus, the tombs form a potent symbolic barrier, segregating a specific set of four mortuary communities and the plains in sectors A and B, from the Inka mitmaq in sectors C and D. Yet, a third far more complex scenario is raised by the historical focus of this investigation: horizontal relations of ritual interdependence in multi-ethnic settlements. Given that the local population comprised two linguistically separate groups, a Quechua speaking population and a Culle speaking population, following Rostworowski (1991), these are best regarded as ethnically distinct. The earlier, latter group is most probably

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associated with the earlier traditions of monumental architecture in the area (Chapter 7), whereas the resettled Inka colonists with the youngest. The co-occurrence of mortuary cists at hilltop Markajirka and valley-bottom Yurajcollpa, and the Capacocha infant burial at Gotushjirka (Section 5.2.7) suggests shared mortuary practices by mortuary communities, pertaining to ethnically distinct populations that moved human remains across the vertical landscape. Parallel use of chullpa, machay and burial cists suggests multiethnic integration, perhaps arising as a result of migrations such as suggested in the XVI century documents on the Wari and Llacuaz. Tombs such as those at the liminal hamlets SN-4 and SN-7, between the lower edge of rainfall agriculture and above the valleybottom enclaves, may have simultaneously served as boundary markers and ritual centres, at once segregating and integrating the up-valley majority and the small settlements on the valley bottom.

6.3

THE CALLEJN DE HUAYLAS BEFORE THE INKA IMPACT

The pivotal role played by the Huaylas province in the early colonial transformation of the central Andes (Alvarez Brun 1970; Buse 1957; Espinoza Soriano 1978; Gridilla 1933; Rostworowski 2003; Varn Gabai 1980) translates as a rich, yet sometimes contradictory ethnohistoric record. This important macroetna was a federation of distinct socio-political units, which may well have coalesced under political and military pressure from the Inka state. As Prssinen (2003: 287-295) has recently argued, the apparent contradictions in the ethnohistoric record probably relate to widely diverging views and opinions about the quickly changing regional socio-political landscape held, on the one hand, by Inka state officials and retainers, and by local ethnic leaders on the other. Thus, my review will solely concentrate on the different levels of social organisation and on agro-pastoral production. The early XVI century province of Huaylas was structured in two complementary halves or moieties: Anan, or Jatun Huaylas to the north, and Rurin Huaylas to the south (Varn Gabai 1980, 1997: Fig. 3). The city of Santo Domingo de Yungay, at the centre of

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the Ancash axis, marks the approximate southern boundary of Anan Huaylas149. Each half had six named waranka, indicating that dualist and triadic structures were combined in Huaylas political structure (Prssinen 2003). These structures were embodied in the relations between two paired moieties, located at the centre, and two special status groups, Collana (Marca) and Cuquiracoay (Ichoc Chontas), at the northern and southern extremes of the valley. In the ideal Inka administrative system, a waranka consists of ten pachaca or one thousand able-bodied men and their families (Julien 1988), suggesting that Huaylas province encompassed 12.000 families or about 54.000 people. This estimate may be somewhat high, since the three waranka of Rurin Huaylas probably only had between 750 and 950 tributaries (Varn Gabai 1997: Table 1). It is unclear if the Repartimiento de Guaraz was considered a waranka by the Inka state, but the fact that it was initially granted to Sebastin de Torres together with Llaguaraz (Varn Gabai 1980: 70), suggests a paired arrangement of these two, very similarly structured groups of pachaca. A significant measure of administrative independence is suggested by the ownership of khipu records, however. Varn Gabai has suggested the possibility that the hypothetical GuarazLlaguaraz socio-political unit - or part thereof - was ritually and socio-economically paired to Recuay (Varn Gabai 1980: 69-72), in a manner similar to that recorded in that same area between Wari and Llacuaz (Hernndez Prncipe 1923 [1622]). Insights into the lower levels of social organisation are provided by the 1558 census of the Repartimiento de Guaraz, in Lurin Huaylas (Aibar Ozejo 1968 [1558]; cf. Espinoza Soriano 1978; Varn Gabai 1980: 56-73). This visita pre-dates the forced resettlement in reducciones ordered by viceroy Toledo150 and mentions names of pachaca leaders, the villages over which they claimed jurisdiction as well as the number of houses and inhabitants in each, as recounted from khipu records. Two caciques and seven principales declared that they were approximately 2000 people, the same seven and a half pachaca of the time of the Inka
151

, with 24 villages, large and small, in an area five to six leagues

149 There is some confusion in the documentation regarding this boundary, however (Prssinen 2003: 288289, fn. 67). 150 By 1575, after the resettlements ordered by Viceroy Toledo, there were five major Repartimientos along the Callejn de Huaylas: Recuay, Huaraz, Marca, Huailas and the Mitimas de Recuay (Cook 1981: 183 and Table 39). 151 The figure of 750 tributaries put forward by Varn Gabai (1997: Table 1) is probably based on this statement.

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across (Alvarez 1968 [1558]: 5-6, authors translation). These statements suggests that the waranka of Guaraz inhabited an area of territory approximately 417km152. If we take this literal interpretation further and assume Guaraz to be one of the 12 Huaylas waranka mentioned above, and that each waranka inhabited a similar territory, the total extent of the Huaylas macroetna would be approximately 5000km. Since the Callejn de Huaylas is just over 4000km in extent, this would suggest that Huaylas territorial claims extended well beyond the valley itself. The histogram of village sizes, based on estimated roofed floor area as calculated for the 1543 Visita de los Conchucos (Fig. 6.16, section 6.2.1), shows a similar trend with the significant difference that both very small and very large villages are conspicuously absent in the Guaraz sample. Three possible reasons can be brought forward. First, the sample is much smaller, less than a third that of northern Conchucos. Second, Juan Espinoza de Campos, representative of encomendero, Hernando de Torres, specifically states that they did not declare all the Indians they have because they are cunning Indians who understand that if they declare few Indians they will pay less tribute (...) (Alvarez 1968 [1558]: 18, authors translation). Third, the economic base of the Repartimiento de Guaylas was strongly reliant on fallow farming and herding, whereas northern Conchucos probably included substantial areas of irrigation farming. This link between territorial strategies and economic practices is pointed out specifically by the Guaylas leaders: They declared that they do not have nor have had any order in the distribution of lands and fields because they have abundant lands for their labour and fields. They declared that they do not have nor have had judges of water or borders because they do not have irrigable lands. (Alvarez 1968 [1558]: 21, authors translation, emphasis added). This statement is significant as it links settlement pattern to the local economic base, suggesting that other social groups maintained irrigable lands, and thus had judges responsible for the adjudication of irrigation water and land.

152

Since one Spanish league is equivalent to 4.19km: A = (4.19 x 5.5) / 2) x = 416.9km.

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20

No. settlements

15

10

0 0-1000 1000 - 2000 2000 - 3000 3000 - 4000 Roofed floor space categories (in m) > 4000

repartimiento de Guaraz (Alvarez 1968 [1558]).

Figure 6.16: Number of villages by roofed floor space as estimated from the 1558 Visita del

6.3.1

Multi-ethnic settlement in the southern Callejn de Huaylas in 1558

A pattern of co-habitation of people serving different caciques, similar to that ascertained in northern Conchucos, is suggested by the mention by two curaca of different numbers of people in the villages of Guaraz, Quica and Marca153. These three villages make up a significant minority: 13.6% of the 22 Guaraz villages, a slightly higher figure than that established for Conchucos. This low level of ethnic differentiation contrasts with the more markedly ethnic and specifically hierarchical relationship, between the Guaraz group and the group of five mitmaq households that make up the village of Cahos (Alvarez 1968 [1558]: f. 340). This pachaca was originally displaced by the Inka state from the central highland area of Yauyos, and declared in 1543 that they serve the Indians of Guaraz and Llaguaraz (cf. Varn Gabai 1980: 62). The role of this group of 34 mitmaq in the regional socio-political landscape remains poorly understood, however. Yet, the small village of Cahos154 may provide an ethnohistoric parallel for the small and disperse ethnic enclaves fostered by the Inka state.

153 154

Visitador Diego Alvarez appears to have erroneously counted these three villages twice. Estimated roofed floor space is 320m.

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6.3.2

Settlement strategies in the Callejn de Huaylas during the LIP

The fortified hilltop settlement at Wamankayn (Yu-1) is the largest and best-preserved LIP settlement on the western slopes of the Cordillera Blanca. A brief description may help picture a typical large XVI century llajta settlement. Standing atop Pirkapunta Mountain, above the confluence of Ancash and Santa rivers, the site visually dominates the central part of the Santa Valley. Over 200 single room structures, three times as many as declared for the largest settlement in the 1558 Visita de Guaraz, stand densely packed on the terraced summit. They vary in plan according to the available space, adapting to terrain features through low platforms, terraces, wide walls and epimural paths, which subdivide a largely domestic area. Different axes of orientation of blocks of rooms indicate that this settlement grew gradually, following a loosely orthogonal grid pattern. Access to the settlement along the less inclined eastern slope, is hampered by three successive walls, which delimit nine times as much space as is taken up by the domestic area at the centre. This intermediate space is not empty, however. Three large chullpa mortuary structures, by far the largest buildings in the settlement, stand between them. Pottery fragments found inside the looted tombs indicate they were in use during the LIP, although they were possibly built centuries before most of the extant settlement area. Large, densely populated and fortified settlements, such as Wamankayn, dominate the archaeological settlement pattern of the LIP (Map. 6.2). On the eastern side of the valley, evidence of LIP occupation was ascertained at thirteen sites155, whereas ten were identified on the opposite side156. The main difference is the better preservation of the archaeological resource on the western valley side. A second difference is that sites on the slopes of the Cordillera Negra tend to be found at higher elevations, uninhabitable on the opposite side because of the glaciers. Third, they tend to be smaller in extent. The largest and most heavily fortified hilltop settlement to the west of the Santa River is site PL-14. Moats, earthworks and parapets complement the perimeter defences of the 100 dwelling settlement, whose unequal distribution over paired rocky summits may
Ca-1, Lllorajirka (Ra-3), Encayoq (Ra-4), Ra-6, Wamankayn (Yu-1), Yu-4, Pueblo Viejo (Yu-5), Pan de Azcar (Yu-6), Keushu (Yu-16), Nuevo Progreso (Yu-18), Rikachaqaqa (Yu-25), and possibly at Yuraccorral (Yu-22) and Wishqash (Yu-23). 156 PL-7, PL-12, PL-13, PL-14, PL-17, PL-18, PL-21, PL-22, PL-23, PL-25.
155

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suggest moiety organisation at the settlement level (Fig. 6.17). This hilltop stands closest across the valley to Yu-1 yet slightly higher, on the kichwa-suni ecotone, suggesting that mixed agriculture was the main economic activity. Since it overlooks the Santa Valley as well as the path that leads to the pass of Tinku and across the Cordillera Negra, it may also be related to control of this secondary, non-Inka route of transit. The large settlements PL-18 and PL-25, on the edge of the puna, also border this route. Its inhabitants probably also practiced herding and agriculture. The puna corral site PL-17 stands close to PL-18, one of three mid-sized LIP settlements in the Pueblo Libre area. The remaining two sites (PL-21 and PL-22) and the four smallest sites all stand within the agricultural zone. In sum, local settlements in the Pueblo Libre and Yungay areas are mainly found in the middle and upper reaches of the valley, whereas the Inka occupation is confined to the valley-bottom, and specifically to site PL-5. LIP territorial strategies on the Cordillera Negra probably revolve around a herding economy, whereas irrigation farming predominates on the slopes of the Cordillera Blanca. If the Inka exerted control over coast-highland transit, this occurred from the site of Intiaurn in the Chaclancayo Valley (Lane et al. 2004), immediately to the north of the survey area. A feature common to all but two LIP settlements is that they were previously settled (Section 7.4.1).

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Map 6.2: Distribution of LIP sites in the Callejn de Huaylas and Cordillera Negra study areas.

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Figure 6.17: The two densely settled summits of fortified hilltop site Pl-14, looking across to the Cordillera Blanca. Note gorge leading to Llanganuco pass (centre right).

The strongest direct indicator of pre-Inka social interaction between the highlands and coast across the Cordillera Negra is the shared use of decorative elements in pottery; more specifically the use of appliqu bands and raised appliqu nubbins with deep incision, and punctation on the rims of bottles and bowls157, similar to that found on the Casma incised pottery style (Collier 1962; Daggett 1983; see below). One complete vessel, from unspecified local highland provenience, is found in a local collection in the town of Moro (Fig. 6.18), and similar pottery fragments are found at six LIP sites across the Yungay, Pueblo Libre and Pinkulluyuq survey areas (Fig. 6.19). All are coarse tempered, low-fired wares, and some examples are covered by a watery slip or wash. The co-occurrence of undulating appliqu bands and incised nubbins indicates a further element in the plastic dcor repertoire used by the LIP potters158, who created the stylistic group that I propose to call the Pueblo Libre style.

157 158

Fragments PL-11/7, 8, PL-18/5, Yu-1A/1 and Yu-6/33. Fragments Ra-3/6 and Ra-4/7.

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Figure 6.18: Decorated vessel pertaining to the Pueblo Libre stylistic group from a local collection in Moro.

The Pueblo Libre assemblage is stylistically related to the poorly understood Akillpo style (Buse 1965; Lanning 1965), commonly agreed to be the dominant local pottery style, before the Inka expansion across the Callejn de Huaylas (Figs. 6.19 and 6.22). Akillpo decorative elements on early colonial pottery159 suggest, however, that this local tradition outlived the Inka presence in the region. The origins and temporal development of LIP highland styles in Ancash, including Pueblo Libre and Akillpo, are only poorly understood, as is the coastal Casma incised style, to which these are closely related (see below). Regional differences are slowly emerging, however. Thus, the Pjoc style of southern Conchucos (Burger 1982) shares the use of the larger incised circles of the Akillpo style with painting and incision, whereas the Pueblo Libre decorative elements do not co-occur with the small impressed circles characteristic of the style, and appear to lack any form of paint160. At the site of Chinchawasi, Akillpo-related pottery has been
This suggestion is based on the Akillpo style impressed circle dcor on a glazed zoomorphic (bullshaped?) vessel in the collection of the Colegio Nacional Pedro Pablo Atusparia in Chacas. 160 Fragments Hu-3/T1/7, Yu-4A/1.
159

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Figure 6.19: Pueblo Libre style pottery fragments from surface collections in the Callejn de Huaylas (Pueblo Libre, Yungay and Ranrahirca survey areas)(scale 1:2).

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assigned to the Chakwas phase, c. AD 900-1550 (Lau 2001: 270-274, Fig. 8.11; 2002), although similar pottery occurs in low frequency in pre-Chakwas deposits. The mid to late MH timeframe for the origins of Akillpo pottery proposed by Lau (2001: 272-3) is consistent with the parallel development with the Casma incised style proposed below, a parallel that indicates a constant level of interaction, which did not necessarily include the displacement of many pottery vessels. 6.3.3 Mortuary architecture in the Callejn de Huaylas

Freestanding above ground collective mortuary structures or chullpa161 represent the single most salient type of archaeological monument in the Callejn de Huaylas. They are found on both sides of the Callejn de Huaylas, portion of the Ancash axis, although they tend to be more abundant and larger on the eastern side of the valley. Eleven out of 16 sites with mortuary architecture in the Yungay and Pueblo Libre survey areas are found on the eastern side of the valley. The three largest necropolis all stand at the base of Huandoy glacier: Auquis Marca (Yu-5) is estimated to harbour 150 chullpa tombs; 58 were counted standing at nearby Collpacatac (Yu-14) and 27 at Pata Pata (Yu-3). Thus, nearly two thirds of all mortuary structures in this survey area concentrate in the two largest necropolis, a situation not dissimilar to that encountered in central Conchucos. Given the pivotal role of glaciers in the regional water cycle, and the association of the dead with sources of water across the XVI century Andes (Section 2.4), it would not be surprising to find that the more prominent glaciers of the Cordillera Blanca, including Huandoy and Huascarn were thought of as regional pacarina (Chapter 7). The peak of monumental tomb construction in the Ancash highlands pre-dates the LIP (e.g. Bennett 1944; Isbell 1997; Lau 2000; Paredes et al. 2000; Ponte 2000). The largest multi-storey chullpa, including the monuments at Keushu (Yu-16; also: Alcalde Milla 2003: 379-382), Willkawan (Bennett 1944), Honco Pampa (Isbell 1989, 1991; Tschauner 1988, 2003) and Katiam (Zaky 1978), Tellos shrines (1930: 272) or adoratorios (1929:43), are likely to have been built during the MH, for instance (Chapter 7). The aforementioned location of mortuary structures within fortified LIP sites (e.g. Yu-1 and Hu-5) and the LIP pottery fragments found within chullpa tombs (e.g. Yu-1; also Cj-2 in:

161

Soriano Infante (1940:477-480) differentiates chullpa, mausolea and pyramidal chullpa by size. Tello (1930:272) refers to shrines, while Bennett (1944) speaks indistinctly of houses or chullpas.

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Lane et al. 2004) indicate, however, that many chullpa mortuary structures continued in use into the XVI century162. Their systematic destruction as part of the campaigns to extirpate idolatry (e.g. Arriaga 1999 [1621]; Duviols 1967) is another indicator of the pervasive place these monuments occupied in indigenous social memory well into the XVII century163. The modern practice of piling fieldstones on ancient mortuary mounds and tombs is reminiscent of the piling of prayer stones on apacheta mounds, common throughout the south highlands of Peru and Bolivia, and may signal their continued significance. A notable feature of mortuary architecture in the Callejn de Huaylas is the variety of structured spatial relationships between collective mortuary structures, both direct and indirect. The former includes two types of abutment. The more frequent type entails two or three equally sized square structures, each with a separate entrance and chamber(s), abutting each other so that they often appear as one (e.g. Yu-13/T2; Yu-27/T2; Yu-3, Yu-5). Temporal differences in construction are probably minimal, and the abutment may be the result of parallel work by separate teams. The less frequently encountered type of abutment entails a small tomb, often of inferior quality masonry, abutting a large structure (e.g. Yu-13/T8; Yu-27/T1; also: Cj-2 in: Lane et al. 2004). Apart from obvious differences in labour investment, the difference in masonry may also suggest a long gap between the construction of the large and elaborate tombs and the smaller and less elaborate chullpa. It is most probable that some of (or all) the latter date to the LIP. Differences in size and quality between abutting chullpa tombs clearly evoke hierarchal relations between mortuary communities, and may embody attempts by later communities to establish or highlight relations with the symbolic content of grand, past monuments, as well as with the living descendants (and rememberers) of these earlier mortuary communities164.

Further evidence includes the Casma incised and Akillpo pottery found at Honco Pampa (Tschauner 1988: 291-305), and the continued use of EIP sculptures during the LIP at the site of Chinchawas (cf. Lau 2000; see also: Schaedel 1952). 163 Finds of human skeletal remains in crevices below large rocks indicate this was a wide-spread mortuary practice, but temporal associations have yet to be established. 164 A similar temporal and symbolic relation may be suggested for the smaller, simpler structures built in the vicinity of large monuments (e.g. Yu-16 B). The panorama of social conflict across the central Andes during the LIP and LH, raised by migration, displacements and warfare, raises the distinct possibility of a revivalist or archaist trend in mortuary practices (cf. Patterson 2004: Menzell 1960).
162

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Other types of spatial relation include the linear distribution of similarly sized tombs and face-to-face opposition of equally or unequally- sized tombs. These relationships evoke different metaphors for the ideal relationships between mortuary communities, which pre-date the LIP, however, and are thus discussed in the following chapter. 6.3.4 Settlement strategies in the Cordillera Negra during the LIP

In the western puna of the Cordillera Negra, the Pinkulluyuq survey segment of the Ancash axis, LIP occupation was determined at twenty locations165. The location of the largest settlements on impressive, easily defensible hilltops indicates a pattern of violence, which would be consistent with the Inka expansion. Large local LIP hilltop settlements on the northern side of the valley, opposite the fortified Inka enclave at Wampu (Section 5.3.2; Fig. 5.13), are similarly defensible. The differences in size, 1-1.5ha as opposed to nearly 6ha, are largely due to the presence of large corrals at Wampu. Thus, while Wampu stands at the uppermost edge of viable farming, both Qeqerajirca (Hu-3) and Piaspunta (Hu-5) border the kichwa-suni transition (Map 6.2). This suggests that local LIP economies stood on a broader agro-pastoral base than is the case for the settlements sponsored by the Inka state, including Wampu, Intiaurn and Yurakpecho, which are strongly associated with herding (cf. Lane et al. 2004). The overall smaller size of LIP settlements on the northern side of the valley, and especially the lower number of collective tombs (see below), correlate well with the decreased availability of arable and irrigable land, and the lower exposure to sunlight, which makes agriculture more risky on the northern valley side. The highest elevation sites are corrals and dams near puna wetlands, but the highest settlement, at 4265m, is Araqotupunta (Pc-9). Its location on a small hilltop overlooking access to the pass of Tinco suggests that the pass was strategically important during this period. Determining the cultural affiliation of this and other high altitude sites, including the many dams and corrals, is hampered by the lack of surface finds. Some, at least, were probably built and settled by retainers of the Inka state (Section 5.3.4).

Sites Pi-1, Pi-2, Pi-3, Pi-5, Hu-1, Hu-2, Hu-3, Hu-5, Oc-4, Pc-1, Pc-2, Pc-4, Pc-5, Pc-6, Pc-7, Pc-8, Pc-9, Pc-10, Ti-1 and Ti-2.
165

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6.3.5

Mortuary Architecture in the Cordillera Negra

The distribution of collective chullpa and machay mortuary structures across the Cordillera Negra survey correlates well with the size and distribution of settlements and the availability of agricultural resources. Of the 41 collective mortuary structures recorded at 13 locations, 32 stand on the southern side of the Pinkulluyuq Valley, 2 stand in the centre and 7 on the northern side. Paired tombs are found especially in the northern side of the valley. The sites of Hu-1 and Hu-2, for instance, represent a small settlement with a pair of aligned chullpa and a machay tomb nearby, whereas Hu-3 and Hu-4 represent large settlements with small, disperse necropolis nearby166. Nowhere in the area of study is the centrality of paired tombs more evident than at Piaspunta (Hu-5), where an unequal pair of large chullpa stands prominently at the centre of the hilltop settlement (see also: Yu-3). The paired arrangement of chullpa tombs exemplified at Merqash (Hu-1 and Hu-2; Fig. 6.20) and Piaspunta (Hu-5; Fig. 6.21), strongly suggests that moiety organisation, at the settlement level, was also prevalent in this area.

Figure 6.20: Machay type collective tomb at Merqash (Hu-2). Note red paint on rock outcrop.

166

Unconfirmed local reports suggest that the remains of further isolated chullpa similar to Hu-4 are found on the access paths to the settlement to the north- and southeast.

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The pre-eminence of the southern valley half is exemplified by the neighbouring sites of Paucarms (Pi-2) and Paucarms Necrpolis (Pi-1), which border the irrigable hollow of Pichiu (c.3000-3600m). The former settlement stands on the eastern spur, whereas the largest mortuary site of the valley extends on the rocky slope above and to the south. Fifteen collective burial structures were recorded: seven below ground machay tombs167 of the Marcocancha type (Pruemmers 1993), seven above ground chullpa structures168, and a raised stepped platform with four circular cists169. The machay of the Cordillera Negra are commonly found below outcrops of rock (Fig. 6.20), and are often internally subdivided in chambers. Disarticulated human skeletal remains encountered in the former, and associated with textile and pottery fragments indicate that they were intended to hold bundles containing human remains. The chullpa tombs were most probably intended for the same end170, whereas the latter probably contained single burials (Menzel 1964: 70).

Figure 6.21: The hilltop settlement of Piaspunta (Hu-5) looking northwest.

Structures Pi-1/ T1, T2, T4, T6, T7, T8, T9. Structures Pi-1/ T5, T10, T11, T12, T13, T14, and Pi-2/T1 Pi-1/ T1, T2, T4, T6, T7, T8, T9. 169 Structure Pi-1/3. 170 No diagnostic finds were made in chullpa in the Pinkulluyuq Valley, but finds from the neighbouring Breque area include fragments of cord and wooden sticks, suggesting that mummy bundles were wrapped in cord (cf. Lane et al. 2004).
167 168

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There are several indications that the Paucarms necropolis is the product of accretion over centuries. These include the sheer amount of labour invested in megalithic construction. Second, interior chambers and abutting walls were added or remodelled after the corbelled tomb roofs were erected. Third, pottery and textile remains recovered from inside looted tombs coincide in suggesting that the necropolis was in use from the MH through to the Chim period (Chapter 7). 6.3.6 Discussion

In the previous chapter, I concluded that the Inka state forced access to the high puna areas of the Cordillera Negra by resettling mitmaq colonists at the fortified hilltop of Wampu. The variability in domestic architecture, not found at the mitmaq settlement of Yurakpecho in the Chaclancayo basin to the north (See: Lane et al. 2004), was taken to suggest a mixed, multi-ethnic population. Such immigrant high altitude dwellers may have been referred to as Llacuaz populations, as opposed to the established Wari agriculturalists settling at Paucarms (Pi-2), Qeqerajirca (Hu-3) or Piaspunta (Hu-5). The two clusters of collective tombs found on the southern side of the Pinkulluyuq Valley, specifically around the irrigable hollows of Pisha and Pichiu, suggest that a similar number of mortuary communities jointly expressed claims over to the two main productive areas in the valley. In the first instance, the location and quantity of tombs appears linked directly to the local resource base (see below). Indications of broader territorial claims than those embodied by local clustering of collective mortuary structures, are rare in the survey sample, but are hinted at by the remarkable location of machay tomb Oc-4 at the centre of the valley. This tomb stands on the northern riverbank of the Pinkulluyuq ravine, overlooking the meeting of waters with Piedra Imn ravine, and is prominently visible from the main valley-bottom path. Tombs located close to large bodies of water are rare in the survey sample (Yu-16, Pr-2), but it seems plausible to suggest that they evoked a special relationship between a specific mortuary community and a specific body of water. The exchange of water rights for tribute, between highland and coastal ethnic groups, is well documented ethnohistorically (e.g. Ramrez 1985; Schaedel 1985: 452). This makes it tempting to suggest that tomb Oc4 is linked to coast-highland interaction. A more conservative and plausible interpretation, however, is that machay tomb Oc-4 embodied claims, by a mortuary

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community on the southern side of Pinkulluyuq Valley, over the water on which people in the opposite half, probably around Carampa c.4km downriver, depended for irrigation. The clustering of tombs around the mountain of Pukaqaqa, indicates that this was a focal place in the regional sacred landscape. The presence of plazas and circular enclosures at Paucarms further suggests the presence of a ceremonial centre for a regional sociopolitical unit, and it is possible that Pukaqaqa Mountain acted as an important pacarina origin place. Simultaneous use of chullpa and machay type structures during the LIP, suggest a complementary and interdependent social dichotomy, which may signal an integrated multi-ethnic situation, perhaps arising out of the historical sedimentation of migrations, such as suggested by Hernndez Prncipes account (Chapter 2).

6.4

THE NORTH-CENTRAL COAST BEFORE THE CHIM IMPACT

Like the Inka presence in most of the central and eastern portions of the Ancash axis, the Chim presence in the surveyed area is limited to a handful of items associated with mortuary contexts (Section 5.4.3). Before the political landscape came to be dominated by the Chim and later Inka states, however, three major socio-political formations existed on the north-central coast: Lamabayeque or Sicn to the north, Chim at the centre, and Casma to the south (Conlee et al. 2004: 211). In both Casma and Nepea, the Chim occupation was contemporary to dominant over and different from the earlier Casma occupation. The Casma archaeological culture is best known through the Casma incised pottery style (Collier 1962; Daggett 1983; Fung & Williams 1977; Tello 1956), found especially in the valleys of Huarmey, Casma, Nepea and Santa (Proulx 1973: 61), but reported from sites as far as the Vir and Chao valleys to the north, through to Fortaleza and Supe in the south171. The multi-valley distribution of a homogenous pottery style has been associated with a poorly studied socio-political entity172, variably referred to as a polity (Wilson 1995: 205) or a regional state (Koschmieder 2004: 201), for which a possible capital has been suggested at the site of Purgatorio in the Casma Valley (cf. Mackey & Klymshyn 1990; Wilson 1995).
171 172

A comprehensive review can be found in Koschmieder (2004: 196-201). To my knowledge, excavations have yet to be conducted at any of the proposed Casma sites.

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Sites with Casma incised pottery in the Casma and Nepea valleys are concentrated in the upper and middle valley, that is, near the confluence of the major tributaries (Mackey & Klymyshyn 1990: 198; Proulx 1973: 31-33; Wilson 1995: 226, Fig. 14)173. This contrasts with the Chim occupation, which centers in the lower and middle valley (Section 5.4.2), and suggests physical segregation of the two. Excavations at the Chim administrative site of Puerto Pobre, in the lower Casma Valley, have revealed separate settlement areas, identified as Chim and Casma, which indicate multi-ethnic settlement possibly linked to forced resettlement of the latter by the former. The neighbouring settlement areas in Puerto Pobre differ, not only in the assemblage of pottery used, but in the types of dwelling and the variety and quality of foods consumed (Koschmieder 2004: 227-480). Towards the LH, however, two hybrid styles of pottery emerge: the Chim-Inka style (e.g. Kosok 1965; Schjellerup 1986) and the Chim-Casma pottery style174. Since the divergence in diet between Chim and Casma populations also becomes less pronounced through time, Koschmieder (2004: 172-225) suggests that colonisers and colonised were engaged in the process of generating a new, hybrid social identity shared by coloniser and colonised alike. The recent excavation and radiocarbon evidence from Puerto Pobre contradicts the proposition by Daggett (1983: 220-220) that Casma incised can be subdivided into a group with Serpentine Appliqu dcor, contemporary with early Chim pottery, and Casma incised, signalling the beginning of the LIP. Both stylistic groups pertain to the Casma incised pottery style and local people continue to make such pottery into the LH (Koschmieder 2004: 203-4). 6.4.1 The Nepea Valley before the Chim impact

For the Nepea Valley, Proulx (1973: 58-62) has suggested that Casma incised pottery may represent the domestic assemblage of the late MH (MH 3/4), and thus be contemporary with the Huari Norteo B style. He also states that it continues in use during the LIP, when it would partly merge (or overlap?) with the Nepea Black-onWilsons (1995: 205-207) exclusive assignation of Casma incised pottery to his Casma phase (AD 9001100), contradicts his earlier appreciation (1988: 271). 174 Essentially, it this is Casma incised pottery executed in Chim blackware (Koschmieder 2004: 214-217). Similar processes of hybridisation were observed in textile production at Manchn.
173

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White style (1973: 71-74). Arguments in favour of earlier origins for the Casma incised pottery style, prior to the MH3 (e.g. Fung & Williams 1977), are based largely on perceived similarities to earlier, local traditions of pottery manufacture, which date back to the EH. The base assumption of strong cultural continuities, however, is at odds with the purported conquest of the region, during the earlier half of the MH, which is discussed in the following chapter. In the absence of evidence to the contrary, the MH3 date put forward by Proulx is accepted. The generation of a multi-valley Casma identity is proposed to pre-date the Chim conquest by several centuries, beginning on the north-central coast of Peru around AD 850. Despite the Chim conquest around AD 1300, the Casma tradition remained in place until c. AD 1550. By this time, a hybrid Chim-Casma identity was becoming manifest in material culture. Given that production of Casma incised pottery continued into the LH in the lower Casma Valley (see above), there is little reason to continue assuming a population decline in the region after the MH (Proulx 1973:79). 6.4.2 Settlement strategies in the Moro survey area

Local settlement strategies of the late LIP have been interpreted as a retreat from the Chim expansion, and the sites of Vinchmarka 1 (Mo-11) and Carmen Alto (Mo-2), a short distance up-valley, have been mentioned as sites at which Chim pottery is found. The two local centres of power during the LIP in the Moro pocket were probably Vinchamarka and the Limojirka complex, sites, which stand on prominent hilltops overlooking the opening of the valley plain. Its inhabitants, including part of the local leadership, probably controlled the intakes of the irrigation system and, at Vinchamarka, the inter-valley path to the south. Most of the people, however, probably inhabited the 12 disperse sites surveyed around the neck of the Rio Loco Valley, and this is perhaps the most salient feature of the LIP / late MH settlement pattern in the Moro pocket survey area (Map 6.3). The Casma incised pottery found both at these larger and at small settlements, including Pocs Huanca. (Po-7), Mo-13, Huascoy (Mo-14), Cerro Cruz Punta 1 and 2 (SR-2, SR-4) (Map 6.3, Fig. 6.22), indicates a shared material identity, which contrasts with the sparse distribution of non-local wares, such as Chim and of

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Map 6.3: Distribution of LIP sites in the Rio Loco and Pinkulluyuq study areas, upper Nepea Valley.

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the (Chacay-related) Nepea Black-on-White style. Its close affinity to the Pueblo Librestyle, and the find of Casma pottery in central Conchucos points to permeable boundaries between the upper Nepea and the adjacent highlands. A good example of local LIP / late MH civic architecture is found at Pocs Huanca (Po7). Possibly fortified by a perimeter wall, it has an unequal pair of stepped and ramped pyramids at its core. These are adjacent to low platforms and plaza or patio-type open space, and large tinaja storage vessels were set in the ground around one of these. Thus, ritually orchestrated gatherings in these facilities were probably the locus for asserting and forging social identities at the local level. The distribution of sites suggests a stable sedentary local pattern, as might be expected for communities practicing irrigation farming. There is little indication of settlement at these centres, however, and most people probably lived in ephemeral settlements (of low survey visibility), perhaps in irregular wattle and daub architecture as often encountered along the coast of Peru. The recurrence of small civic centres along the Rio Loco Valley suggest similar, parallel, ceremonial practices. The civic architecture erected on Limojirka Mountain - during the latter half of the MH - is the best example and is discussed in section 7.4.1. Material and historic evidence point to feasting linked to mortuary ritual. Sites including small disperse platforms at the base of prominent hilltops, such as Po-2, probably served for mortuary purposes other than burial. As boundaries these mortuary spaces separated (and linked) the local communities settling the valley bottom. While they impinge upon the vertical axis, there is little indication that they separated communities on the horizontal plane.

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Figure 6.22: Casma incised pottery from Pocs Huanca (top three rows), and Akillpo pottery from the western Cordillera Negra (Hu-3) (Scale 1:2).

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6.4.3

Discussion

The field evidence is interpreted to suggest that Chim vessels were brought into the Moro area, but seldom displaced up the Loco Valley beyond the necropolis of Paucarms175. The mechanism for displacement probably involved exchanges or redistribution between members of the Chim Seoro, centred in Tomeque, and members of local communities based at sites such as Mo-11, Mo-7 and Mo-13. Overall the Chim conquest of the lower and middle valley had a limited direct impact on settlement pattern of the upper valley survey area. Abandonment of the important MH settlement cluster on the mountain of Limohirca, however, - discussed in the following chapter - is probably a direct result of the Chim conquest. People probably responded by withdrawing further into the Loco Valley, thus avoiding forced resettlement.

6.5

CHAPTER SUMMARY

This chapter discusses early historical accounts, in light of the material evidence for indigenous settlement encountered along the Ancash axis, before Inka and Chim colonisation. A broad pattern of conflict, shared across much of the central Andes, is suggested by a settlement pattern centred on fortified hilltops, which precedes the Inka expansion, however. In the Conchucos region, a strategy of establishing potent symbolic boundaries in contested resource areas is suggested by the recurrent placement of highly visible collective mortuary structures at the entrance to agricultural enclaves in the Yanamayo yunga. A particularly clear case is found in the vicinity of the salt production site of Yangn, where spatial segregation of the Inka sector is emphasised by two pairs of chullpa tombs. The greater size, elaboration and antiquity of collective tombs at Pogtn suggests, against initial expectations, that salt procurement at Yangn was less contested than control of the Maran crossing and balsero ferry port of Pogtn.

175

This distribution appears to represent a simple linear function related to the distance from source.

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Small excavations in three different types of civic architecture encountered in the vicinity of the saline spring of Yangn, suggest multi-ethnic settlement in eastern central Conchucos at the time of contact, a proposition supported by the linguistic evidence and a critical reading of historical sources. Two types of patio group enclosure were found to pre-date the Inka presence in the region: an earlier, orthogonal type, and a later circular type. The latter is associated with a long local tradition discussed in the following chapter. The cultural associations of the former remain unclear. Unrivalled concentration of collective mortuary architecture at Turriqaqa Mountain indicates its long standing, paramount in the regional symbolic landscape, and may indicate the presence of a regional pacarina or mythical place of ethnic origin. These findings contradict the picture of blanket regional territorial control by the Guari ethnic group found in the historical literature, suggesting connivance between colonial officials and the dominant indigenous groups, during the early Colonial period. They are also taken to suggest, and this may partly explain the connivance, that the Culle-speaking minority of eastern Conchucos was an ally of the Inka state. Historical sources indicate that the upper levels of Huaylas social organisation shared dual, ternary and quatripartite elements, whereas dual moiety organisation was a pervasive feature at the local level. Material correlates of moiety organisation include bipartite settlements, such as PL-14 on the Cordillera Negra, and the pairing of tombs, a practice that clearly predates the LIP in this area. A similar concentration of mortuary architecture to that found in central Conchucos was recorded at the base of Huandoy glacier, despite particularly poor preservation of standing architecture on the eastern side of the valley. This suggests that this glacier was conceived of as a point of ethnic descent or pacarina. Structured spatial relations detected among mortuary structures include the abutment of later, smaller mortuary structures, on earlier monumental structures. This pattern is hypothesised to embody attempts to appropriate past symbolic contents and establish (or re-establish) links between mortuary communities. On the western slope of the Cordillera Negra, the ceremonial centre and necropolis at Paucarms is taken to suggest socio-political integration of the upper reaches of the

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valley. The agricultural focus of the local LIP settlement patterns supports the notion that Inka expansion forced intensification of camelid exploitation in puna areas that were previously underexploited. Historically documented relations concerning water rights are used to interpret a unique collective tomb on the banks of Pinkulluyuq ravine, as expressing claims over irrigation water. Enduring coast-highland interaction are indicated by the similarities between the Casma incised pottery style and the Pueblo Libre stylistic group, as well as by the displacement of coastal pottery. The local expression of the Casma socio-political formation, conquered by the Chim during the LIP, is discussed in detail in the following chapter. In sum, marked variations in territorial strategies are encountered along the Ancash axis within the broadly similar pattern of hilltop habitation. The association of mortuary architecture with irrigation agriculture is particularly striking in the western sectors. In central Conchucos, it appears to be a late development, possibly associated with immigrant populations.

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CHAPTER VII TERRITORY AND IDENTITY IN THE MIDDLE HORIZON

7.1

INTRODUCTION

The pan-Andean hypotheses of imperial expansion that pervade the archaeological literature on the central Andes between the VI and XII centuries, are becoming increasingly difficult to reconcile with the archaeology of northern Peru. The uneven distribution of civic architecture and portable objects sharing in the Wari-Tiwanaku stylistic and iconographic cluster, more common in the southern Andes and northern areas of Huamachuco and Cajamarca (e.g. Thatcher 1972-74; 1977; Watanabe 2001) than in the intervening central and north-central highlands of Peru (e.g. Bennett 1944; Lavalle 1967; Parsons et al. 2001), presents an ongoing interpretive challenge.

No attempt will be made here to review comprehensively the literature on a period of American prehistory, which two decades ago was ranked among the most poorly understood in the continent (Willey 1985: 357). As introduction, it should suffice to restate that the Middle Horizon (MH) is decreasingly regarded as a period of time defined arbitrarily with reference to the standard sequence of pottery styles of the Ica valley in the south coast of Peru () related to that of Tiahuanaco Menzell 1964: 2), and is increasingly viewed from an economic and, above all, political perspective as a period of tremendous shifts in power and wealth accumulation (Cook 2004: 146). In this chapter, I review contending macro-regional socio-political scenarios and discuss the territorial implications of the three principal lines of evidence: the distribution of settlements and of civic and mortuary architecture across the Ancash axis. The key aims are to elucidate the expression of collective identities, local and foreign, vis--vis each other and trace, further back in time, the historical trajectories of landscape appropriation and social interaction set out in previous chapters - and not to determine exogenous or endogenous regional control. Where and how was the integration of economic, political

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and ideological forces negotiated, at local, regional and macro-regional scale within and between MH communities and socio-political formations? The place of north-central Peru in Middle Horizon studies:

Images of supernatural beings similar to those of the long-famous stone carvings at the site of Tiwanaku (e.g. Posnanski 1914; Uhle 1991 [1903]) remain a defining trait of MH pottery, textiles and stone carvings across the central Andes. This iconic universe is commonly agreed to embody an important ideological shift linked to the processes of social change that spread across this area during the MH (e.g. Cook 1994; Menzell 1964). The religious, economic and political practices associated with it and the networks through which this body of images spread in northern Peru, remain contested (e.g. Bawden & Conrad 1982; Kaulicke 2001; Shady 1982; Shady & Ruiz 1979; Topic 1990; Tschauner 1988, 2003).

The leading socio-political interpretation of Menzells four-phase pottery sequence from the south Peruvian Ica Valley cited above (1964: also: 1968, 1977; cf. Isbell 2000b; Ketteman 2002) is that an expansionist polity centred at the site of Wari, in the southern highlands of Ayacucho, emerges around AD 600 (MH 1A). It collapses around AD 800 (end of MH 2), but the stylistic influence of Wari ceramics lingers on until around AD 1000 (Schreiber 1992: 76-79). Parallels between the theory of a short and sharp Wari militaristic expansion and Inka ethnohistory are not coincidental (Isbell 2000a: 25-27; Isbell & Schreiber 1978: 373-374; Schreiber 1992). Partly, they are embedded in the view of Andean prehistory as a cyclical alternation of panAndean Horizons and Intermediate Periods (Schaedel 1993; Stone-Miller 1993; Willey 1948).

This line of thought sees the MH political landscape as dominated by two, or possibly three, major pre-Columbian states, whose urban capitals stood at Wari (e.g. Cook 2004; Isbell & Schreiber 1978; Lumbreras 1974b; Menzell 1964; Schreiber 1992), Tiwanaku south of lake Titicaca (e.g. Kolata 1993; Ponce Sangins 1981; Posnansky 1945), and possibly at Pachacamac south of Lima (Kaulicke 2000a).

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Detractors of expansionist state hypotheses (e.g. Albarracn-Jordn 1996; Anders 1986; Bawden & Conrad 1982; Kaulicke 2001; Schaedel 1993; Shady 1982, 1988; Shady & Ruiz 1979; Tschauner 1988, 2003) tend to regard the clumped distribution of material culture sharing MH traits, as the product of fluid social interactions linked to the exchange of goods and religious ideas between several independent socio-political formations. Over the last few decades, the defining focus of MH studies has shifted from portable material culture - often of spectacular technical intricacy - towards monumental architecture (Czwarno et al. 1989; Isbell & McEwan 1991, also: Jennings & Craig 2001; Ryan Williams & Nash 2001). Following Wright and Johnsons (1975) use of the theory of central places in archaeology (Christaller 1933; Lsch 1962), Isbell and Schreiber (1978) first proposed the existence of a Wari state, based on the site size distribution of MH settlements in the Ayacucho area, as recorded in the 1960s by the Ayacucho archaeological-botanical project (MacNeish et al. 1975). They interpreted the multi-modal distribution of sites by size and a certain standardisation of architectural plans, as evidence for hierarchical state-level administration (1978: 373). Yet, whilst it is possible to summarise the measurable variables of a building, such as its size, shape, orientation, decoration, location and so forth, in terms of an architectural style, this says little about the social practices and socio-political actors associated with it.

Direct archaeological correlates of state-level administration are generally rare. They include such tools as Mesopotamian clay seals and cuneiform inscribed tablets. Inka state officials also used sophisticated accounting tools, including khipu and yupana (e.g. Mackey 1990; Urton 2003)176, which in certain contexts may suggest state-level administration. The use of standardised accounting tools in Ancash predates the MH, however. Excavations at Pashash, in the northern Ancash valley of Tablachaca (Grieder 1978), indicate that the yupana was fully developed in the mid-EIP (op. cit: 204-205), suggesting that khipu were in use by the third or fourth century AD177. Yet, even if the practice of sophisticated accounting could be demonstrated, it would seem
For an introduction to the mathematics of Qhipu and Yupana see: http://www-history.mcs.standrews.ac.uk/HistTopics/Inca_mathematics.html (accessed: 15.1.2005) 177 Its interpretation as a game board (Grieder loc. cit), does not necessarily contradict its use as an abacus. The sophistication of this tool and its intentional deposition in the richest EIP highland burial known to date, make profane use seem unlikely.
176

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questionable to equate signs of institutionalisation with state-level administration at Pashash.

Administration and urbanism during the MH are generally associated with the type of building referred to by Willey as Rectangular Enclosure Compounds (1953: 350-2, 413-415), which Isbell (1977: 46-50) designates as characterising elements of Wari architecture178. Wari architecture has been defined at levels ranging from that of the alleged state to that of basic architectural elements and constructive details (McEwan 1984). In essence, the internal layout of rectangular enclosure compounds is strictly orthogonal (Isbell 1990), following few rules (McEwan 1984: 74-75, Fig. 3-6). The basic building block of Wari architecture, according to Anders (1986: 207), is the square patio group (SPG): a rectangular enclosure with narrow peripheral rooms often several stories tall - standing on two or more sides of a central patio (Fig 7.1). Similarly structured buildings are found in many places across the central Andes during the MH, however. As discussions of the Inka state expansion in preceding chapters have shown, a standardised architecture style, designed to materialise corporate identity and power, may help sustain territorial claims. Yet, there seems little reason to assume a priori that square enclosures denote Wari imperial enclaves, especially since the archaeological evidence for Wari military expansion and territorial control in northern Peru remains inconclusive (Jennings and Craig 2001; Topic 1990; Tschauner 1988, 2003; Williams & Pineda 1988).

As Kaulicke (2001) remarks in the broader context of MH studies, the link between styles of civic architecture and portable material culture on the one hand, and archaeological time and territorial organisation on the other, remains to be cogently addressed. Thus, while tall and narrow enclosures, niched halls and square patio groups, as well as portable material culture sharing in the Wari-Tiwanaku iconographic cluster, are reasonably reliable indicators of archaeological time, they remain poor correlates of socio-political identity. As I will show below, however, this is partly a measure of the incipient state of regional research regarding the scale at which socio-political identities crystallize in the archaeological record under specific conditions; historical as well as geographical.
178

For a more comprehensive and critical review, see Tschauner (1988: 92-100).

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Figure 7.1: Modular arrangement of square patio groups at Wari (Muraduchayoq sector) (from Isbell 1988, Fig 6.2)

7.2

THE CENTRAL CONCHUCOS REGION VI-X CENTURIES AD

Traits indicative of Wari influence on central Conchucos pottery are scant, both in local collections (Laurenchich Minelli & Wegner 2001) and in the field (Herrera 1998a; appendices A and B). This apparent lack of participation in broader, supposedly pan-Andean patterns of social interaction, does not mean that the region became depopulated at this time, however, since the archaeology clearly shows the presence of people during the MH. Instead, it suggests the existence of a regional socio-political network independent from that of Wari, in the southern highlands.

In previous chapters, I suggested that Turriqaqa Mountain was conceived of as a pacarina place of ethnic origin, owing to the unrivalled density of mortuary architecture embedded in it (Section 6.2.5). The substantial necropolis of Gallarpana (Fig. 5.9), on the one hand, and Pitakilla (Fig. 6.13) and Hatun Machay on the other, encompass an estimated 150 and 34 collective tombs. These necropolis overlook groups of enclosures with a central patio at Warijirka (22) and Gotushjirka (11) (Fig.

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7.2)179. Collective tombs and patio group enclosures are pervasive features of central Conchucos archaeology during the MH. In this section, I shall highlight the manifold spatial, material and iconographic linkages between mortuary and civic architecture, on the one hand, and landscape features on the other hand. Such tangible relationships - often highlighted by monumental construction - provide the archaeological signature for the places where people gathered. To elucidate the practices through which people built, negotiated and maintained collective social identities, excavations were conducted in selected enclosures.

To investigate the practices linking mortuary and civic architecture, and given that the majority of tombs are looted and poorly preserved, research efforts were concentrated on mapping Gotushjirka and Yangn, and excavating in the circular enclosures, mortuary mound M1 and the summit platform (Appendix C). Assuming that the necessity to procure salt was shared across this region, as ethnographic analogy would suggest, regular interaction between different communities and polities may be expected to occur in the environs of the saline spring of Yangn.

Results suggest that such aggregations of contemporary mortuary and civic architecture indicate key loci for the generation and maintenance of social cohesion, linking collective social identities to place by recourse to structured mortuary practices. I aim to show that the circular kancha enclosures of eastern central Conchucos were built as theatres for the negotiation of reciprocal relations between interdependent mortuary communities180, and that they are key to understanding Andean mechanisms and practices surrounding social integration. I shall sometimes refer to circular or rectangular enclosures by the Quechua term kancha, not because I propose the origins of the Inka kancha (e.g. Hyslop 1990: 20; Rowe 1946: 229) to be found in Ancash, but because they are a pervasive class of civic architecture during later Andean prehistory.

Given agricultural use, advancing destruction and low survey intensity, the figure for Warijirka is best regarded as a conservative estimate. 180 Mortuary communities are defined as largely autonomous communities inextricably bonded by mortuary practices and the rights and obligations derived from them, as well as to specific collective tombs (Section 2.4.2).
179

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Figure 7.2: The central plain of Gotushjirka (sector B) as seen from the paramount summit platform, showing excavation in progress in enclosure E-VIII. The retention wall at left stands over 8m tall. Structures E-V and E-IV can be seen as stone alignments in the upper right hand quarter.

7.2.1

Settlement strategies

Middle Horizon (MH) settlement in the central Conchucos survey area was established as a total of 26 sites181 (Map 7.1). Their distribution by extent (Fig. 7.3) contrasts markedly with the historical evidence reviewed in previous chapters (cf. Figs. 6.1, 6.16), suggesting that smaller sites in particular are under-represented in this sample182. The distribution of larger sites, however, provides a baseline sketch of the socio-political landscape out of which the LIP occupation evolved.

181 Sites Llu-3, Llu-6, Llu-9, Llu-10, Llu-13, Luc-1, Pr-2, SN-1, SN-5, SN-6, SN-11, SN-12, SN-13, SN-16, SN-19, SN-20, SN-21, SN-27, To-2, To-4, To-8, Y-19, Y-20, Ya-14, Ya-21 and Ya-26. 182 It is important to note that site sizes were determined by including all archaeological evidence visible on the surface. This method has probably inflated the size of settlements that continue to be occupied in later periods.

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10 8 Site counts 6 4 2 0 < 3000 3000-10000 10000 30000 > 30000

Site size categories (in m)

Figure 7.3: Histogram of site size distribution based on 26 Middle Horizon sites in central Conchucos.

The elevation range, from small valley-bottom sites to large hilltop settlements, suggests that economic practices integrated all altitudinal tiers. Farming was the predominant economic focus across the region, although a stronger herding component was possibly associated with the larger, high elevation settlements south and east of the Yanamayo, which stand close to large grassland areas. It is also noticeable that the larger, high elevation MH sites tend to be located along important routes of interregional transit. Large hilltop sites on the suni-puna ecotone at Sahun Punku (Ya-14) and Quishuar (Ya-21) dominate the northern Yurma Valley, which leads to passes over the Cordillera Blanca at Llanganuco and Santa Cruz (cf. Herrera 2003b). Markajirka de Juncay and Ingarag stand above the southern and northern ridges bordering the confluence of the Maribamba and Yanamayo valleys, an area in which the Yanamayo gorge can be crossed with reasonable safety.

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Map 7.1: MH settlements and necropolis in central Conchucos.

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Towards the Maran Valley, in the east, the overall elevation of the mountains decreases. Thus, clusters of hilltop sites in the southern Yurma and in the Llumpa Valley stand on the lower reaches of the suni ecozone, whereas the three remaining large sites in the sample are found near the kichwa-suni ecotone or below: Pampajirka and Gotushjirka face each other across the Yanamayo River, whereas Warijirka, the most extensive site in the sample, looks across the upper Maran Valley.

Detailed studies of civic architecture at the latter two sites suggest, however, that settlement strategies were not always related only to strategic advantage, but to enduring social practices associated with specific places and the symbolic meanings attached to them by different groups of people. 7.2.2 Civic architecture

Kancha enclosures with a central patio (e.g. Figs. 7.2, 7.4, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.9, 7.10, 7.11; Herrera 1998a: 238-239; also: Prez Caldern 1988, 1994) represent the most widespread type of civic architecture in the central Conchucos survey area. In this section, I first discuss the regional variability (typology, chronology and distribution) of this type of civic architecture (Table 7.1). Results of excavations at Yangn support survey findings, showing that orthogonal enclosures are generally later than circular kancha. They also suggest, however, that both kinds of enclosure were in use simultaneously during the MH. Second, I address local-level emplacement and social practices based on excavation results from Gotushjirka. Test excavations in circular patio group enclosures (CPGs) suggest that these served for orchestrated gatherings involving feasting (and probably music and dance), which had strong mortuary overtones. The evidence linking the circular enclosures at Gotushjirka and Warijirka to collective tombs embedded in Turriqaqa Mountain above (Section 7.2.3), indicates that kancha enclosures served as specially designed places or theatres for social interaction: monumental ceremonial spaces built to commune, negotiate intra- and inter-group relations, and re-enact the social order within a specific constellation of meaningful places.

Finally, I return to the regional sample of circular kancha and discuss the implications of local-level findings for the regional distribution of different types of enclosures.

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This is found to embody local processes of innovation and adaptation, rather than the imposition of a pre-set colonising plan.

Site SN-16 SN-6 SN-1 Y-15 Y-16 Y-19 Y-4 SN-26 SN-5B SN-20 Y-20 SN-21 Ya-16 SLB-3 Ya-3 Y-6 Y-8 Ya-21 SN-5 SN-2 SN-4 SN-23 P-2 To-8

Type CPG CPG CPG CPG CPG SPG CPG DPG SPG CPG CPG & SPG CPG CPG? CPG CPG CPG CPG CPG CPG & SPG CPG CPG CPG SPG SPG

Quantity 22 11 8 7 7 7 6 3 2 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 8 1 1 1 1 1 97

Diameter (max in m) 45 22 32 12 21 20 15 39 18.5 18.5 24 16 28 16 15 19 25.5 20 16 30 ? ? 16 ?

Landscape orientation Turriqaqa Turriqaqa Juncay Ingarag Ingarag Ingarag? Ingarag Maran River? Yanamayo River? Ingarag? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Yanamayo River? ? Juncay? ? ? ?

Site occupation range MH-LIP EIP-LIP EIP-LIP ? ? EIP-MH MH (early?) LIP EIP-LIP EIP-LIP EIP-MH MH-LIP ? ? EIP-MH? EIP EIP MH-LIP EIP-LIP LIP? LIP? LIP? LIP? LIP

Reference Appendix A Appendix A Appendix A Herrera (1998a) Herrera (1998a) Appendix A Herrera (1998a) Appendix A Appendix C Appendix A Appendix A Appendix A Herrera (1998a) Herrera (1998a) Herrera (1998a) Herrera (1998a) Herrera (1998a) Appendix A Appendix C Herrera (1998a) Herrera (1998a) Appendix A Herrera (1998a) Appendix A

TOTAL

Table 7.1: Patio group enclosures in the central Conchucos survey area and the southern Yanamayo basin.

Circular patio group enclosures: The realisation that rings of large worked stone - between 15m and 50m in diameter are often surface manifestations of monumental enclosures surrounding an open patio area, dates back to the survey of the site of Ukuna (Amajirka) in 1996 (Y-8; Herrera 1998a: 238-239). Recent fieldwork has expanded the sample of circular patio groups (CPG) considerably (Table 7.1), leading to the present typology, chronology and regional distribution. A feature common to all, however, is a prominent, highly visible, emplacement. The sculpted stone head of a person chewing coca leaf found at Pingosjirka (Y-20) (Herrera 2004: Fig. 27) further suggests that some had exterior ornamentation. 224

In central Conchucos, the presence or absence of rooms in circular kancha enclosures defines two principal types. On the one hand, the central patio area may be surrounded by one to three concentric retention walls, which describe long stairways or ramps. These rise on either side towards a bench opposite the access. This bench often has a stage-like straight section, which faces a prominent local landmark, making the patio area slightly D-shaped in plan (Fig. 7.4). Key results of excavations in three CPG at Gotushjirka (Appendix C) are summarised below (Section 7.2.3).

Figure 7.4: Schematic plan of a typical CPG enclosure in eastern central Conchucos: ramps along the sides of the central patio area lead up to an elevated bench or stage opposite the access.

The second type of CPG, on the other hand, is defined by the presence of rooms around the patio area, in which case the central courtyard is square in plan. The bestpreserved example is the circular kancha at Quishuar, which stands within an orthogonal complex of rooms (Ya-21; Fig. 7.5). This extensive hilltop site, in the southern headwaters of the Yurma Valley, overlooks the junction of two paths leading to passes across the Cordillera Blanca, at Llanganuco and Punta Unin. The kancha measures 20m across and its only access, to the west, is a narrow corridor that leads into a square patio area surrounded by (nine?) rooms (cf.: Herrera 1998a: 238-239).

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The largest has a row of six niches at mid elevation, and paired niches below and above the centre, which are oriented south-southeast towards Cajavilca glacier183.

Three features indicate substantial transformations of this particular enclosure during the MH. First, the masonry of the outer walls is characterised by large, regularly placed stones chinked with small pachilla slabs, whilst that of the interior walls is similar to that of the encircling rectangular complex: large rough-cut blocks and fieldstone (Fig. 7.5b)184. This extension follows the general orientation of the earlier building: it encircles the southwest quarter of the CPG, extends the complex upslope and also has a row of small niches oriented towards Cajavilca glacier. The second doorway mediates access to the circular enclosure, however.

a)

b)

Figure 7.5: Civic architecture at Quishuar (Ya-21). a) Plan of CPG with a square patio and encircling orthogonal architecture; note niches in rooms facing towards Cajavilca glacier (SSE). b) Niches in the southwest corner of the (later) gallery room.

Second, the threshold-enhancing access is significant, since similar features are found in square patio group enclosures (SPGs) at Honco Pampa: the alleged provincial capital of the Wari empire in the Callejn de Huaylas (Isbell 1989, 1991; Tschauner
Cajavilca glacier (5419m) is the local name for the eastern part of the Yanaraju massif (5954m). A similar superposition of rough, large cut stone blocks on large block and pachilla masonry, was observed in the retaining walls of the uppermost levels of the nearby site of Sahun Punku (Ya-14; see also Riway A (SL-14) in: Herrera 1998a, 2003).
183 184

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1988, 2003). Furthermore, a parallel sequence of civic architecture abutments orthogonal enclosures encircling a circular enclosure - was also detected at Keushu, on the western slope of the Cordillera Blanca. These commonalities in neighbouring valleys suggest broad and complex patterns of social interaction across the Cordillera Blanca during the MH. The transformation of social practices materialised in the parallel architectural histories of Keushu and Quishuar on the one hand, and Honco Pampa and Keushu on the other, are discussed in the section on the MH in the Yungay survey area (Section 7.3).

Third, the diagonal interior walls subdividing rooms are characteristic of patio group architecture in the northern highlands of Huamachuco, and more specifically, of the hybrid gallery and niched hall type of patio group at Viracochapampa (Topic 1990: 145). Further architectural similarities with the niched halls of Huamachuco are found in the exterior complex, suggesting that interior and exterior refurbishment was conceived of as one, a view consistent with the similar masonry. The niches and rounded corners of the gallery room are features reported from Huamachuco (e.g. Topic 1990: 145, Fig. 3; see also: Topic & Topic 1983-85, 1986). The long, narrow and slightly elevated room at Quishuar (3m x 16m) is proportionally narrower than the niched halls of Huamachuco, and thus more similar to the gallery rooms. Nonetheless, the parallels to the niched hall tradition are manifest, suggesting a date of construction for the exterior complex between AD 400 and 800 (Topic 1986: 82).

In view of the above, it seems most likely that construction of the room-less type of CPG enclosure pre-dates adoption of an orthogonal plan to the interior layout both in central Conchucos and the Callejn de Huaylas. The latter plan is not dissimilar to that of patio group enclosures of the better-known square type, however, and may represent an adaptation of earlier buildings to changing social conditions (Section 7.3). In fact, many CPG exhibit long and complex occupation histories. Partly, this is due simply to the immanent stability of the solid exterior cut-stone walls. At Markajirka de Juncay (SN-1), for instance, single room structures of simple fieldstone masonry - used occasionally by contemporary herders - abut the walls of several CPGs (Fig. 7.6). Pre-Columbian use, re-use and abandonment of CPG, however, are probably linked to the social memory of the places to which each enclosure is tied.

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Figure 7.6: Plan of circular patio group enclosure at Markajirka de Juncay (SN-1), remodelled for later occupation; note paired arrangement of rooms and central room opposite the access.

The distribution of the earlier and later types of CPGs across central Conchucos is uneven, due partly to preservation conditions and the incipient state of research. Three clusters can be discerned in the available sample, however (Table 7.1). Nearly one third of all CPG enclosures is found at two adjacent sites: Warijirka and Gotushjirka. All are circular or oval in plan, with curving lateral benches along the outer walls (Fig. 7.4). The central stage is always found on the slope side towards Turriqaqa, whilst the access, invariably a monumental threshold, faces the valley. Two of the largest CPGs at Warijirka, near the centre of the site, are associated with small caves or shelters in the limestone formation that open up behind the stage (Fig. 7.7). These cavities, incorporated at the centre of large civic structures, were probably imbued with mythical significance. Possibly, they evoke pacarina places from which people were believed to have originated from in ancestral time (Sections 2.5 and 3.5.1).

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Figure 7.7: Natural shelters behind the elevated stage-like bench in the large CPG at Warijirka (SN-16); note presence of two levels above the patio area (at right).

A second cluster, of 21 CPGs and seven square patio groups (see below), is found in the environs of Ingarag mountain185, while a third cluster of eight CPGs is found at the hilltop settlement of Markajirka de Juncay. The latter and former clusters coincide with the mortuary architecture concentrated in the necropolis embedded in the mountains Turriqaqa and Juncay. Thus, similarly structured social practices, involving the construction and use of collective tombs and CPGs symbolically associated mortuary communities to prominent landscape features of eastern central Conchucos at different scales, suggest different levels of social aggregation, which can probably be classed as ethnic. Discussion Temporal and regional distinctions within the limited sample of a hitherto unknown type of ceremonial architecture are impossible to disentangle fully. Yet, three initial propositions regarding CPGs can be put forward. First, the distinction between the earlier circular enclosures without rooms, and later CPG with rooms, points to

Descriptions of sites Y-4, Y-6, Y-8 and Y-16 can be found in: Herrera (1998a). In light of the results presented here, I would expect the three CPG with circular patios recorded during the 1996 survey to have a straight bench opposite the access.

185

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fundamental differences in socio-cultural practices. The earlier type of CPG structures was essentially empty and used primarily for communal ritual and ceremonial gatherings (Section 7.2.3). The later addition of rooms probably did not impinge upon the basic symbolic significance of the enclosures, although it strongly suggests permanent habitation and changes to the settings of gatherings. This transformation of the basic architectural plan - including the layout of the patio area - indicates substantial changes in the practices through which collective social identities were generated, negotiated, and maintained.

Second, the remodelling of CPG following an orthogonal plan probably dates to the second half of the MH, and may draw its inspiration from the northern highlands of Huamachuco. Other rare or hybrid patio group plans, such as the oval patio group with rooms at Yangn or the D-shaped enclosures at Pogtn (Chapter 6), may similarly emerge as local attempts to reconcile tradition and innovation. This situation stands in contrast to that proposed for the neighbouring Callejn de Huaylas, where vertical southern highland (Wari) linkages have been proposed as the political driver for the construction of square patio groups with rooms dated to the first half of the MH (Section 7.3).

Finally, the addition of irregular single room structures - the latest pre-Columbian use to which CPGs were put - probably dates to the LIP. The paired arrangement of domestic rooms and the construction of a central room opposite the access at Markajirka de Juncay, suggest that people continued to attach symbolic significance to these enclosures centuries after their partial collapse. This enduring memory of places points not only to the liminal quality of circular enclosures as built spaces, but to the pivotal importance of specific places, such as mountains and necropolis, for the assertion of collective social identities. 7.2.3 Civic architecture at Gotushjirka: excavations

Eleven circular kancha patio groups stand dispersed along on the horizontal section of the prominent ridge, that descends from the base of the cliff face of Turriqaqa to the shores of the Yanamayo River at Yangn. Results from survey and excavations in structures E-IV, E-V and E-VIII shed light upon this type of architecture as a setting for structured social practices, on the one hand. On the other hand, a sample of the 230

material culture used in carefully orchestrated gatherings, by highly differentiated social groups linked through mortuary ritual, was recovered.

Most of Gotushjirka site is presently used for cultivation, an activity that has seriously affected the later (LIP) occupation, which included domestic structures and burials (Section 5.2.5), and possibly a small chullpa tomb in sector A (Appendix C). The plain between the paired (northwest and southeast) summits is rich in surface finds, including scatters of fine pottery wares, percussion stones and flakes and burnt pieces of animal bone. Rare fragments of worked marine shell indicate participation in coasthighland networks of interaction186, followed by re-use for scraps at a later date (Fig. 7.8).

Figure 7.8: Scallop shell (Agropecten purpuratus) with inlay cavities found on the surface of E-V at Gotushjirka (SN-6B); note cuts on upper edge indicating use for scraps (actual size).

Patio group E-V: Excavation trench P-1 (5m x 2.5m) was laid across an alignment of large stones on the northeast section of structure E-V (Fig. 7.9). Its main aim was to explore the possibility that rooms were arranged around the central patio. Results showed, however, that the stone blocks between the inner and outer ring were laid down intentionally, yet never formed a standing wall (Appendix C).

Two main phases of occupation were determined, the earlier associated with the monumental walls. The later occupation, which has been largely ploughed through,
Marine shells found at Gotushjirka include both tropical (e.g. Pinctada mazatlanica, Spondylus spp.) and subtropical species (Agropecten purpuratus).
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probably post-dates collapse of the enclosure walls. Finds from the latter include a stone-lined posthole, at the base of the outer CPG wall, and a cache of guinea pig bone at the base of the interior wall. It is probable that the wall foundations of the CPG were used to support lighter constructions, and that this occupation is associated with agricultural use of the surrounding area, possibly including the interior of E-VIII.

Figure 7.9: Plan of CPG E-V showing location of cut P1 (box); in situ stones blackened.

The circular walls of large cut stone blocks are associated with an occupation layer, which lies over the foundations of the inner wall, construction fill and a basal lining of light coloured clay laid on sterile soil and bedrock. A stone slab was found in the patio area, vertically anchored in parallel to the inner wall, suggesting a second less substantial concentric ring, marking a 1.1m wide path on the outer edge of the patio floor. Finds pertaining to this earlier phase include fine mid-EIP jars and bowls and Gotush-style fragments that suggest an early MH terminus post quem.

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Radiometric assessment on charcoal of a sample taken from the base of the inner wall, yielded a calendar date of AD 586 +/- 58 cal. (BP 1495 +/- 90 uncal.; appendix C). This result strongly suggests that the inner wall was built at the beginning of the MH, making E-V contemporary with Menzells phase 1A of the Middle Horizon in the Ica Valley. Patio group E-IV: The straight section of the elevated bench (h= 53cm) was investigated through excavation of trench P2 (2m x 1.5m), dug at the southeast end of CPG EIV (Fig. 7.10). The terracing wall facing the patio was found to stand 40cm higher than the floor of the bench, indicating that the view from the patio towards the bench was curtailed. Only one phase of occupation was encountered in this excavation, and the floor surface was found clean. Domestic debris included in the construction fill below points to an earlier occupation at Gotushjirka, but no clear indication was found to suggest its date (Cut P-2; appendix C).

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Figure 7.10: Plan of CPG E-IV showing location of cut P2 (box); in situ stones blackened. Note arc wall extending east suggesting pairing of enclosures.

Patio Group E-VIII: Excavation trench P-6 was laid across the patio of enclosure E-VIII (Cut P6; appendix C). Wall segments describe two concentric semicircles within, forming a D-shaped patio with a raised bench opposite the access (Figs. 7.2 and 7.11).

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Figure 7.11: Plan of excavation trenches in CPG E-VIII.

Two distinct phases of occupation were ascertained beneath modern and ancient plough horizons187. The substantial thickness of the latter plough zone, which includes wall rubble from the enclosure wall, suggests that these outer walls served as foundations for a tower-like adobe superstructure of uncertain elevation. The height and thickness of the visible foundation walls makes it most unlikely that the circular kancha included rooms suitable for domestic use, although small bins may have been present188.

The occupation history of E-VIII began with the laying of a massive cut-stone plinth as an access threshold, construction of the exterior circular wall, and the laying of stone slabs on a lining of white clay on sterile bedrock. This flagstone floor in the
Phase 1 includes floor fill (unit 6.03). Phase II includes the flagstone floor (6.05), its basal fill (6.14) and the basal white clay lining (6.24, 6.29, 6.30). See appendix B. 188 The exterior wall has a maximum width of just over 2m on the eastern side, and stands to a height of just under 1m. Given the mean wall thickness of 40-50cm, these spaces in the hypothetical superstructure cannot have been deeper than 1m.
187

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central patio indicates it was designed to support protracted use, and suggests the patio area may have been unroofed and used during the rainy season. The transition between the earlier and later occupations is marked by the removal of many slabs from the flagstone floor and the subsequent infilling of the central patio area189. Excavations confirmed that the concentric inner walls retain low rising, stepped, ramps probably built in parallel with the outer enclosure walls190.

Pottery Decorated bowls are the most prevalent finds in the thick layers of fill, associated with occupation of the circular kancha. They provide a sensitive chronological marker, on the one hand. On the other hand, they embody meaningful symbolic information about the people who made, brought and used them. The great variability of decorated bowls excavated at Gotushjirka suggests that these vessels were brought in from multiple points. The significance of drinking vessel ownership in LH ritual etiquette is highlighted by eyewitness Cieza de Len's in his Crnica del Per 191.

The earlier occupation includes many fine pieces of white caolinite, painted with classic mid-EIP designs (Fig. 7.12). The earliest pottery fragments recovered from the excavation, at the base of the access plinth, include a short-necked olla found together with a hemispheric EIP bowl (Fig. 7.12), which can be cross-dated to early EIP (Quin period) pieces from Pashash (Grieder 1978: Fig. 34i,t). This suggests that construction of E-VIII is earlier that the MH date ascertained in E-V, but was not begun before the mid-EIP. A conservative assessment would point to AD 300-500 as an estimated date of construction.

It seems intriguing that scavenging was partial since stone slabs are rare in the area and were probably sought after. Perhaps, major refurbishment was forced by an earthquake that affected the (presumed) adobe superstructure. 190 An indication to this effect is that no slabs are found below the ramp (Appendix B). 191 As the Canchis learnt of the coming of the Inka they decided to join up and take up arms to defend passage across their land; and being informed he [the Inka] sent messengers to tell them they should desist from their purpose, since he did not want to anger them in that way, but wanted to have them as friends; and that if his principals and captains came to him he would give them to drink with his own cup (Cieza de Len ([1556] 1986: XLII, 124). After their rebuttal, the Inka fought and defeated the Canchis in a major battle at Combapata.

189

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Figure 7.12: A sample of pottery associated with construction and first occupation of CPG E-VIII (phase 1).

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The latest finds in the earlier assemblage can be cross-dated to the later third of the EIP and first half of the MH at Chinchawasi (Lau 2003: Fig 5-6), suggesting that infilling occurred towards the EIP-MH transition, probably around AD 600-700192. The later phase pottery assemblage (Fig. 7.13) is dominated by bi-chrome pottery in the local Gotush-style, which can be cross-dated to late MH Tuscan phase in Huamachuco (Thatcher 1972: Fig. 47-53).

Recurring decorative themes on Gotush-style bowls, which are predominant in the find assemblage and change little from one phase to the next193 (presumably local), include triangles and rectangles, which spiral inwardly or outwardly, often imperfectly (Fig. 7.13). Where both the interior and exterior surfaces are painted, the contrast between the interior and exterior is accentuated: contrasts in vortex direction are often apparent; the horizontal arrangement of the design bands on the exterior may contrast with a vertical or radial arrangement of undulating lines or design bands on the interior; or differences in colour hue may be apparent. Designs on the mouth or shoulder of constricted neck jars or the inside of spoons, are similar to those on bowls, but the complexity and range of variability are less (Fig. 7.14).

The only figurative design found on Gotush-style bowls is a linear depiction of a leftfacing creature with a large mouth and long ears painted inside hemispheric bowls (Fig. 7.13). This motif, found only in the later phase of occupation, is strikingly similar to rock art found at the contemporary necropolis of Pitakilla, which overlooks the site (Fig. 7.15). Gotush-style bowls found intact at Pitakilla, were probably brought as offerings from Gotushjirka (Fig. 7.16; appendix A).

No fragments earlier than the latter half of the EIP were found in the younger phase deposits. The earliest are hemispheric bowls with incised lip dcor lobules, similar to Chinchawasi pottery (phases 1 and 2) from the Cordillera Negra (Lau 2003: 3, 8). 193 A tendency towards finer lines, lessened overall care in execution and the presence/absence of certain rhomboid designs, suggest that seriation of a larger sample will permit teasing apart temporal phases.

192

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Figure 7.13: Hemispheric Gotush-style bowls associated with the later occupation of E-VIII; note contrasting interior and exterior designs (scale 1:2; the unnumbered piece is a surface find).

239

Figure 7.14: A sample of decorated jars and spoons associated with later occupation of CPG E-VIII (phase 2).

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Figure 7.15: Zoomorphic rock art motif at Pitakilla (Sector C).

Figure 7.16: Gotush-style bowl found in Pitakilla ossuary (Scale 2:3).

Discussion: Excavations at Gotushjirka confirm the long occupation span, broad contemporaneity and structural homology of circular kancha. The earliest CPG enclosures at Gotushjirka were probably built sometime between the IV and VI centuries. Earlier 241

monumental enclosures and simple circular oval rooms associated with rectangular stone-lined hearths - the earliest dating back to the Initial Period - were identified in a test cut into summit platform E-XIV (cut P-4; appendix C), however. This suggests the distinct possibility that the standing CPG pertain to a millennial tradition of ceremonial enclosures construction (and use) at Gotushjirka.

The structural importance of the ramp and stage set up can hardly be underestimated, since this layout indicates that the architects were concerned with the orchestrated movement of people, set in clear relation to the landscape dominated by the imposing mountain of Turriqaqa. Upon crossing the tall threshold ledge, people would either step into the open central area or move up towards the bench along one of several lateral ramps. The ramps that surround the circular patio channel movement towards the mountain following a narrow, pre-set range of parallel alternatives. The pairing of ramps of different size and height indicates that dual and hierarchal principles, are embedded in this architecture194.

The stage-like bench dominates the enclosure structurally, not least, because of the elaborate masonry backdrop and its placement between the access and the necropolis of Pitakilla above. To people in the patio area, anyone (or anything) standing on this stage would have almost certainly commanded visual attention, even though the lower legs were not visible. The singular acoustic properties of CPG E-VIII highlight the level of concern for a setting propitious, to achieving heightened dramatic effects. On the one hand, sounds made at waist-height near the centre of this circular enclosure produce a reverberating or fluttering echo195. It is impossible to prove that this acoustic property is the product of intentional design and common to all circular kancha enclosures, but it correlates with the structural emphasis on liminality suggested by such features, as the tall threshold and tall walls that forcefully mark the difference of the internal space. On the one hand, ankle rattles or similar leg instruments used on stage would remain invisible to the public in the courtyard, allowing for a dramatic recreation of a sense of liminality. Thus, the orchestrated
The pairing of triple ramps at Warijirka further suggests a threefold principle. It seems worthy of note that social organisation in the Callejn de Huaylas, during the XVI century, was structured according to a combination of dual and ternary principles. 195 Resonant echo that occurs when sound reflects back and forth between two parallel, reflective surfaces.
194

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soundscape of circular enclosures, like their visual prominence in the landscape, is likely to be a product of intentional design.

Excavations also revealed a preponderance of decorated bowls over all other vessel shape classes196, indicating that the consumption of special foods was probably one of the main activities conducted within the circular space over centuries.197 The ubiquity of decorated jars and large serving spoons (Figs. 7.14 and 7.17) further suggests that liquid foods were served in public to many people, while bone beads (Fig. 7.18) suggest that some participants wore ornaments. Long-term continuity in these activity patterns is indicated by the similar proportions of vessel shape-classes in the pottery assemblages, associated with the earlier and later phases (Fig. 7.17).

80 63 60
Percentages

30 Phase I 93 Phase II CPG total

40 23 20 6 10 3 13 0 Serving bowls Constricted Open vessels vessels (jars) (cooking) Serving spoons Spindles 6 1 7 1 0 1 29

Figure 7.17: Percentage distribution (by phase) of vessel shape classes recovered from excavations in patio group E-VIII at Gotushjirka (SN-6) (n= 143).

Mortuary associations between the consumption of special foods from ornate bowls in CPG enclosures and the mortuary structures at the base of Turriqaqa, are made manifest in two ways. First, the kancha are orientated towards the mountain into which the contemporary necropolis are built. Second, not only is the same pottery used, but the same figurative icon is found on bowls from enclosure E-VIII (Fig. 7.13) and on the wall besides machay tombs at Pitakilla (Fig. 7.15).
Hemispheric Gotush-style bowls account for over two thirds of all diagnostic vessel fragments excavated. 197 Faunal remains are rare in comparison to pottery; their analyses remain preliminary.
196

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Figure 7.18: Bone beads recovered from later occupation layers in CPG E-VIII (actual size).

The disproportionate number of collective tombs to enclosures, and the monumentality of the enclosures themselves, suggest that groups of mortuary communities shared use of each CPG enclosure (and memory of the symbolic meanings of the activities conducted therein). Over ten such groups of mortuary communities, each sharing a distinct social identity, probably held feasts side by side at Gotushjirka, and at least twice as many at Warijirka. Social integration at this level of the necropolis and ceremonial centre - larger social aggregations - probably included common worship of the free-standing wanka stones encountered at both sites, possibly conceived of as ancestral representations. Finally, a paramount level of social identity probably encompassed all mortuary communities participating in ritual or ceremonial feasts that shared Turriqaqa, as their central unifying landscape feature.

In summary, the civic and mortuary architecture and the mountain are structurally interdependent: place, practice and belief interact to generate social identity at multiple, interrelated, scales. Common ancestor veneration is the most plausible overarching interpretation for the manifold activities conducted in each of the enclosures, and it is possible that Turriqaqa was conceived of as sacred place of origin, similar to XVI century pacarina.

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7.3

THE CALLEJN DE HUAYLAS VI-X CENTURIES AD

In this section, I focus upon the role of civic architecture and mortuary architecture for the generation, maintenance and defence of socio-political integration in the Santa Valley. I discuss the controversy surrounding the hypothesis of Wari state control of the Ancash highlands, in light of my survey in the Callejn de Huaylas and excavation results from central Conchucos. The extent of the Wari/Tiwanaku impact in the Callejn de Huaylas remains an unresolved matter of archaeological debate (Isbell 1989, 1991; Jennings and Craig 2001; Tello 1929, 1956, 1960; Fung & Williams 1977; Tschauner 1988, 2003). Partly, this is due to the paucity of published research in the area, but it is also true that the three main lines of evidence feeding into the debate (portable material culture, mortuary architecture, and civic architecture), appear to point in opposite directions.

Communal mortuary architecture of monumental proportions is also a hallmark of the archaeology of the Callejn de Huaylas. These large and prominent freestanding monuments, often referred to as temples, include the paramount mortuary structures at Keushu (Yu-16), Honco Pampa (Isbell 1989, 1991; Tschauner 1988, 2003), Willkawan (Bennett 1944) and Katiam (Zaky 1978)198, which were most probably in use and may have been built or substantially refurbished during the MH. At Keushu, Willkawan and Honco Pampa, they stand prominently amidst clusters of collective tombs, accompanied by rectangular patio group architecture and circular or D-shaped enclosures. While there is no argument regarding the local antecedents of MH mortuary architecture in Ancash, broad similarities between civic structures in the Callejn de Huaylas and the site of Wari have been interpreted as evidence of Wari conquest (Isbell 1989, 1991). There are exceedingly few items of south highland origin, for which a convincing case of displacement into the Ancash highlands during the MH, can be made (e.g. Bennett 1944: Fig. 10f).199 This is not to say that complex

198 Steven Wegener has drawn attention to a site similar to Honco Pampa in Ushkush (Curwas) (quoted in: Paredes et al. 2000). As will be shown, the enclosure of Pariamarka, near Katiam (Kinzl 1935a; Tschauner 1988) deserves urgent exploration. 199 Two sherds are reported from Honco Pampa: a Viaque style sherd was reportedly found by Hernn Amat in the largest chullpa and a second badly eroded sherd that may also be an importa from Huari (Isbell 1991: 34), but neither these, nor the local copies of Huaris Chakipampa and Viaque styles (loc. cit.), have yet been published (cf. Tschauner 1998: 301-307).

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social interactions did not take place between distinct socio-political formations, across the c. 600km separating the area of study from the Wari heartland in Ayacucho, however. Unlike in central Conchucos, three kinds of portable item in local collections exhibit unequivocal evidence of interaction, between the Wari/Tiwanaku sphere and the Ancash highlands: square four-cornered hats, snuff trays and mould-impressed pottery.

Four-cornered hats are a highly elaborate kind of headgear, considered a distinct south highland garment commonly associated with Tiwanaku and Wari (Frame 1990; Rowe 1996). Such square hats, known only from collections of artefacts looted in the southern Andes, are invariably woven very finely (Frame op. cit.; Rowe op. cit.). They are too narrow for an adult skull, however, strongly suggesting that cranial deformation that resulted in an elongated, tapering skull - such as frontal and occipital flattening or annular deformation200 - was a pre-requisite for wearing such a garment. These intrinsic qualities suggest that wearing a four-pointed hat was a privilege and sign of special power, perhaps even a function of an institutionalised socio-political role.

Only two modelled representations of people (men?) wearing four-cornered hats are known from the Callejn de Huaylas (for Huamachuco see: Topic & Topic 19831985: Fig 6.). The first was excavated outside a small chullpa tomb at the site of Yarcok (Ponte 2000: 240-242, Fig. 24), and shows the bearers hands tightly tied behind the back, suggesting a captured warrior or dignitary. The second, in the collection of the Caraz municipal museum, depicts a person holding a shield in his left hand and a large bowl or cup in his right (Fig. 7.19).

These locally made vessels demonstrate that potters working in the Callejn knew of, and had possibly seen, people wearing four-pointed hats, presumably foreigners. Both representations clearly evoke a scenario of conflict and organised violence, perhaps even warfare (Topic & Topic 1987). The first adds the dimension of triumph: the taking of prisoners and - perhaps - their sacrifice in a manner that is reminiscent of Moche practices (cf. Bourget 1997). The shield held by the second figure also points
200 Two human skulls deformed in this way are known from the periphery of the study area (see: Pr-2 and Kinzl 1935a: 320).

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to armed conflict, but the significance with which the lifting of the cup is portrayed in the Caraz piece also suggests ritual consumption of liquids. This link between the spheres of conflict and ritual consumption of drink, raises the distinct possibility that the local population and people wearing four pointed hats shared in ritual practices involving the consumption of drink, possibly in purpose-built structures such as the patio group enclosures at Gotushjirka (Section 7.2.2).

Figure 7.19: Representation of a person holding shield and cup and wearing a four-pointed hat; Caraz Regional Museum (Scale = 5cm).

Shared ritual practices involving consumption are further put into evidenced by a unique, intricately carved wooden snuff tray (Fig. 7.20). Snuff trays of very similar dimensions carved with Tiwanaku iconography, are found with a large percentage of the mortuary population in MH cemeteries in San Pedro de Atacama, where they are

247

linked to the inhalation of psychotropic snuff201 (Torres 1994, 2000). Snuff trays are also known from the central and south coasts of Peru (e.g. Crdenas 1995; BeresfordJones pers. comm. 2004), however, suggesting that use of such trays for the inhalation of snuff was a widely shared practice during the MH202. The end piece of the Caraz tray has two felines in profile with front-facing heads sculpted in the round, an iconographic motif found repeatedly on carved stone lintels from the Huaraz museum collection, thought to come from mortuary structures in the area (cf. Schaedel 1952). The replication of a feline motif associated with mortuary structures underlines the pivotal importance of local mortuary practices. The Caraz tray suggests a shared ritual technology, which may have been acquired through direct emulation.

Figure 7.20: Carved wooden snuff tray with paired, front-facing felines; Caraz Regional Museum.

Chiefly made from the bean of Anadenathera sp. See: Llagostera 2001 and Pochettino et al. 1996. An extensive, but not comprehensive, bibliography can be found at: http://www.samorini.net/archeo/ archeo.html (accessed 28.9.2004). 202 The practice of inhaling psychotropic snuff in the Ancash highlands dates back to EH, at least, based on depictions of mucous emanating from the nostrils of anthropomorphic stone sculptures at Chavn de Huntar. W. Diessl (1988) has suggested that the recurrent horizontal S-volute motif, found as pelage markings on some Chavn felines, may represent stylised cross sections of the Ananadenathera pod. Similar motifs are found on the Yauya stela and a polished blackware vessel excavated in Gotushjirka (mound M1).
201

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Excavations undertaken over the last decade have helped establish that mouldimpressed pottery, of probable coastal origin, is one of the most important vehicles for the MH iconographic cluster in the Callejn de Huaylas (Lau 2001; Paredes et al. 2000; Ponte 2000; also: Tschauner 1988: 291-307). It is only on such pottery that complex depictions of a frontal square-headed anthropomorphic figure with extended arms are found, that evoke the staff god on the gateway of the sun at Tiwanaku (Lau 2001: Fig 9.7; Ponte 2000: 242, Fig. 26). Strong similarities between the iconography found on pottery excavated from chullpa tombs in the Callejn de Huaylas and from cemeteries in the adjacent coastal valleys indicate close, but as yet poorly understood, links between both areas between MH1B and MH 3, suggesting that long-term patterns of displacement of people and vessels (or both) became stronger during this period. Notwithstanding, Paredes and colleagues (2000) have argued that the distribution of coastal pottery in the highlands is best explained as a function of sociopolitical unity, a suggestion that resonates with the Casma regional polity of the late MH and LIP, alluded to in the previous chapter and discussed in section 7.5 below. 7.3.1 Settlement strategies

Evidence of human settlement during the MH was found at 33 sites in the Callejn de Huaylas study area of the Ancash axis (Map 7.1)203. Most of these sites were settled previously, but some, especially lower lying sites on the western valley half, are abandoned in large measure during the MH. At the same time, settlements are established - or substantially enlarged - on high altitude hilltops. These changes suggest a significant re-structuring of the prevalent modes of agro-pastoral production during the MH.

It is necessary to point out the poor preservation of the archaeological heritage, which is linked to the modern settlement pattern in the Santa Valley. Destruction has been particularly intensive on the more densely settled western flank of the Cordillera Blanca, a regional breadbasket, thanks to the year-round availability of irrigation water (Section 3.4.3).
On the western slope of the Cordillera Blanca (19): Ra-1, Ra-3, Ra-4, Ra-5, Ra-6, Yu-1, Yu-3, Yu-4, Yu5, Yu-10, Yu-11, Yu-12, Yu-13, Yu-14, Yu-16, Yu-19, Yu-24, Yu-26. On the eastern slope of the Cordillera Negra (14): PL-1, PL-3, PL-4, PL-8, PL-9, PL-11, PL-14, PL-15, PL-16, PL-18, PL-20, PL-21, PL-22, PL23.
203

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The most obvious difference between settlement patterns on the eastern and western flanks of the Santa Valley is that sites are larger and more numerous to the east. On the western half of the valley, in the Pueblo Libre survey area, the four most extensive sites with MH occupation are found near the kichwa-suni ecotone, like PL-14, or below like Huntar (PL-4), PL-8 or Cerro Rinconada (PL-1), which overlooks the valley floor. Yet, despite long trajectories of previous occupation, these larger settlements close to the valley-bottom came to be abandoned in large measure. The absence of Pueblo Libre and Casma incised pottery at the lower lying sites - which generally yield richer surface collections than sites above the modern limit of cultivation - suggests that this occurred around the mid-MH. At the same time, the earliest evidence of sedentary settlement at the lower edge of the puna, at Maweqotu and PL-18, dates to the late MH, suggesting that colonisation of the higher reaches of the cordillera occurred at around the same time (Section 7.4).

The socio-economic and ideological drivers of this shift in settlement pattern are not immediately apparent, but it seems likely that colonisation of the upper reaches of the cordillera and abandonment of the lower slopes are interrelated processes. During the EIP and early MH, larger sites in the Pueblo Libre survey area are spread across the vertical gradient with the largest sites at mid-elevation in the kichwa zone, strongly suggesting a vertically-integrated socio-economic organisation centred on agriculture. From a long-term perspective, the prevalent LIP pattern of hilltop settlement can be regarded as the outcome of a process of change that began during the MH. The trend towards higher elevation suggests an important shift in economic focus, from agriculture to herding, which is further intensified during the LIP and LH. It may also suggest a higher incidence of conflict204.

It is worthy of note that high elevation settlement appears not to occur simultaneously across the region. In more southern parts of the Cordillera Negra, earlier (EIP) occupations have been excavated at sites such as Chinchawas (Lau 2000, 2000b, 2002) and Chonta Ragra Punta (Ponte 2000). Sculptures from the Aija area suggest EIP occupation in that area (Schaedel 1952), and EH occupation is probable for the

204

The perimeter walls and moats of Maweqotu and PL-18 have yet to be dated directly.

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uppermost reaches of the Casma Valley (Meja Xesspe 1941). The late colonisation of the uppermost reaches of the Pueblo Libre Valley suggests that the pass of Tinku only became an important route of coast-highland transit in the MH.

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Map 7.2: MH sites in the Callejn de Huaylas study area, including distribution of early LIP coastal pottery and late pre-Columbian corrals and dams.

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On the opposite eastern side of the Santa Valley, the steep topography and glaciers restrict the elevation span available for human occupation, forcing denser settlement to between 2200-3500m. The uppermost valley terrace, which broadly coincides with the effective edge of cultivation, is the main focus of settlement throughout the MH and LIP. The three largest and most important sites, Pueblo Viejo (Yu-5), Keushu (Yu-16) and Collpacatac (Yu-14), stand at the foot of Huandoy glacier. As at most sites marking the uppermost edge of settlement on the eastern flank of the cordillera, the mortuary component, discussed below, is particularly prominent.205 The location of the three paramount necropolis and ceremonial centres, adjacent to the intakes of the principal irrigation canals feeding the valleys of Huarca, Waytapallana and Mrap today, suggests forceful symbolic claims over irrigation water rights, indicating its paramount socio-economic importance during the MH.

A second concentration of larger MH sites, which prominently overlook the valley floor, is found at mid-elevation, between 3000 and 3300m.206 Their preservation is poor, however, as they are located within the principal area of modern rural settlement. Surface finds indicate that three of these four sites were settled previously, but that only one (Ra-6) remained settled during the LIP. Overall, the proportion of MH sites that remain settled into the LIP is similar on both sides of the valley, between one third and two fifths. The changes in settlement patterns during the MH sketched above remain insufficiently accurate to either accept or reject warfare and conquest as causative factors. 7.3.2 Civic architecture

Enclosures with a central patio and - especially - collective tombs are pervasive at Middle Horizon (MH) sites in the Callejn de Huaylas, as is the case in central Conchucos. I have argued that circular patio groups served as theatres of reciprocity: places where political and ideological negotiations were hosted and played out by specific, tightly knit groups of mortuary communities. Thus, while roads and paths materialise patterns of interregional social interaction between different social

205 At Pata Pata (Yu-3), Huandoyqotu (Yu-12), Oqtawan (Yu-13) and Casca (Yu-27) only mortuary architecture was encountered, although the former may be associated with nucleated settlement Yu-4. 206 Sites Ra-5, Ra-6, Yu-10 and Yu-11.

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formations (Section 5.2), the spatial relationships between patio group architecture, tombs and landscape features informs both about the symbolic construction and the socio-economic base of collective social identities in the Ancash highlands.

From a global perspective, the number of enclosures with rooms organised around a central courtyard along the Ancash axis, declines markedly from east to west. Irrespective of shape or size, only a tenth of the number of patio groups found in central Conchucos was encountered during survey in the Callejn de Huaylas (Table 7.2). Unlike the sharp differences in architectural plan in both samples, however, this is probably due in large measure to poor preservation.

Site Keushu (Yu-16) Puntacorral (Yu-10) Wishqash (Yu-23) PL-8 PL-8 Quichiuqotu (PL-22) Huandoyqotu (Yu-12) TOTAL

Number of patio groups 3 (12?) 1 (2?) 1 1 1 1 1 9

Type SPG SPG SPG SPG ? CPG ? CPG ? CPG?

Diameter
(max. in m)

Occupation EIP-LIP LIP ? EIP-LIP EIP-MH MH-LIP

14.5 59 22 15 15 20?

Table 7.2: Patio group enclosures in the Callejn de Huaylas study area (SPG - square patio group; CPG - circular patio group; all site descriptions in appendix A).

Circular enclosures: The sample of patio group architecture from the Callejn study area is not only much smaller than that from central Conchucos, it is also significantly different. Circular patio-groups, the overwhelmingly dominant type in eastern central Conchucos, are notoriously absent. Remains of curving buildings organised around a central space were encountered at three sites207 (Fig. 7.21), but all three appear to have had rooms along the sides. This type of architecture is more similar to the gallery rooms of MH Huamachuco (e.g. McCown 1945; Topic 1986; Topic & Topic 1983-1985) than to the CPGs of the lower Yanamayo Valley. The poor preservation of these sites, however, precludes definitive discussion.

207

Sites PL-8, PL-22 and Yu-12.

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Figure 7.21: Sketch plan of curving, gallery-type rooms around a central patio at site PL-22 (terraces below correspond to post-occupation agriculture).

Orthogonal enclosures: The sample of square patio groups (SPGs) in the central portion of the Ancash axis includes two distinct types, none of which finds direct parallels in the central Conchucos sample. The first type of SPG was encountered at Puntacorral (Yu-10), the highest MH site on the western valley side, which stands on a flat hillock overlooking the entrance to Llanganuco gorge, the only path across the Cordillera Blanca in the area (Fig. 7.22a). The site includes a large, slightly trapezoidal enclosure with rounded corners (59.3m x 47.3m) and rows of small square rooms along the sides (Fig. 7.22b). Puntacorrals location raises the distinct possibility that this structure served as a way station en route to the Llanganuco pass.

Modern use of the standing enclosure as a corral raises the possibility that it may have originally served this purpose. The keeping of camelids in these enclosures can probably be tested directly by analysis of faecal spherulites from excavated soil samples (cf. Canti 1998, 1999).208

208 Pilot micromorphological studies of soils from modern alpaca corrals, such as conducted at the McBurney Laboratory at the University of Cambridge, hold much promise in this respect (see: Lane 2000).

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Rows of aligned, similarly sized, rooms executed in similar double-faced fieldstone masonry, were detected in prominent location at two further large209 MH hilltop sites in the eastern Santa Valley: Chunganaqu (Ra-5) and Ra-6; and they were probably present at Inkapacollcn (Yu-11) as well. At the former site, two paired rows of aligned rooms stretch along the ridge crest, while similar single room structures, interpreted as dwellings, are dispersed on small terraces on the lower slopes. This separation and the prominent ridge-top placement of the rows of rooms suggest that they may have served some special purpose.

The SPG type exemplified by Puntacorral is dated to the MH by association with the chullpa tomb in sector B. Surface finds at sites with similar architecture in the area (sites Ra-5, Ra-6, and Yu-11) support this interpretation. The only parallel for such a large patio group in the Santa Valley is the enclosure known as Palacio del Inka, at the site of Pariamarka (Borchers 1935: 320; Tschauner 1988: 85-88; Williams & Pineda 1985: 60; cf. Raimondi 1873: 85). This hitherto unique site (cf. Tschauner 1988: loc. cit.) is found at a similar elevation and in comparable location to the four MH sites mentioned above: on the edge of the terrace moraine at the northern exit of Quebrada Santa Cruz, north of Llanganuco. The Pariamarka enclosure, however, is over 20% larger210 and more strictly rectangular in plan. The plan made by Williams and Pineda (1986:60) on the basis of an aerial photograph, clearly shows a row of small, bin-like rooms in the southwest corner, and a row of larger rooms (c. 5m x 10m or more) standing between them and the patio. A similar arrangement can be made out in the southeast corner of Puntacorral (Fig. 7.22b).

Over 1ha in extent. Kinzl (1935a: 275) states dimensions of 90m x 40m (= 3600m), whereas Puntacorral measures c. 2200m. Williams and Pineda (1986:60) provide dimensions of 120m x 80m, but their estimate is based of an aerial photograph and is thus considered less reliable.
209 210

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a)

b)
Figure 7.22: Puntacorral (Yu-10). a) Location on hill overlooking the entrance to Llanganuco gorge (A). b) Plan drawing of patio group enclosure in sector A; rectangle at centre denotes modern corral.

Based on the available evidence, I propose that the rows of similarly sized rooms at Chunganaqu, Ra-6 and Incapacollcn, formed part of rectangular enclosures similar to those at Puntacorral (Fig. 7.22). The available evidence is insufficient to determine whether the gallery-like corridor on the northern end of Pariamarka was subdivided into rooms, or if the modern corral at Puntacorral obscures a second row of larger rooms. Nonetheless, there are evident similarities between these structures, which set the Puntacorral/Pariamarka group of square patio enclosures apart from formally structured SPGs, such as those at Keushu. These enclosures, therefore, probably belong to the same tradition of civic architecture. Similarities with the architectural complex on the summit of Awkismarka (Fig. 7.23), which most probably dates to the EIP, suggest that this tradition was local.

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Figure 7.23: Sketch plan of enclosure on the summit of Awkismarka (Yu-5, sector A); note small, bin-like rooms along the edges.

The second type of SPG in the Callejn de Huaylas survey area is found exclusively at the site of Keushu (Yu-16), which extends around the seasonal lagoon at the centre of the morainic plain north of Llanganuco gorge. To the east, on the summit of a tall mound at the base of the Cordillera Blanca, stands one of the four largest multi-storey chullpa tombs in the Santa Valley (sector B; Figs. 3.1 and 7.24a). Across the plain, a row of six smaller chullpa borders the southwest edge of the plain, overlooking the valley below. The patio groups form part of an architectural complex bordering the western wet season shoreline (sector A; Fig. 7.24).

At the centre of the poorly preserved complex stands a circular enclosure, which is actually square with rounded corners. Its masonry is of large, roughly coursed blocks fitted with pachilla chinks. Abutting wall segments show that this enclosure is younger than the row of orthogonal enclosures, with a central patio that extends along a raised terraced on the lagoon side (Fig. 7.24). The standing examples have rectangular rooms of fieldstone masonry elevated around central patios. Accesses onto the lakefront terrace suggest it was used for transit (Fig. 7.24b). Remains of two such patio groups can clearly be discerned, but short wall segments and rubble along the length of the lakeshore terrace suggest that 12 or more SPGs lined the lakeshore.

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This estimation would suggest that the majority of patio groups in the Callejn de Huaylas concentrates at a few nearby locations, as is the case with the CPG enclosures in central Conchucos.

a)
Figure 7.24: Keushu (Yu-16). a) View across lagoon towards the Cordillera Negra (WSW): the multi-storey chullpa (A) stands on the mound; the row of SPGs (B) lines the opposite shore; while a row of tombs (C) extends along the ridge (vertical line c. 2m); note field boundaries in foreground. b) Opposite view showing detail of blocked SPG access (scale = 1m).

b)

Integration of an earlier circular enclosure at the centre of a later larger orthogonal complex at Keushu parallels the sequence of civic architecture construction discussed for the site of Quishuar, on the opposite, eastern slope of the Cordillera Blanca (Section 7.2.2). Access to the earlier circular enclosure at Keushu may have been channelled through the later part of the complex, as at Quishuar (Fig. 7.25), thus mediating access. At these two sites, therefore, the socio-historical significance of the

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old enclosures appears to have been recognised and attempts made to integrate, and perhaps appropriate and transform them. To approach the identity of the sociopolitical actors, a brief comparison of Keushu and Quishuar will be made with the alleged Wari provincial capital at Honco Pampa.

Figure 7.25: Sketch plan of room complex at Keushu (Yu-16, sector B), showing rounded enclosure and square patio groups. Lakeshore reflects water levels at the height of the 2000 rainy season.

SPGs at Keushu and Honco Pampa: Close and important parallels exist between the architecture at Keushu and at the above-mentioned nearby site of Honco Pampa (Table 7.3). First and foremost, both sites represent substantial aggregations of collective mortuary structures and enclosures, including multi-storeyed chullpa and patio group architecture, at critical landscape junctures. Both sites stand on morainic plains on the uppermost valley

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terrace and are associated with bodies of water. Their paramount position within their respective sections of the Santa Valley suggests an association with control of water. It is most likely that the main intake of the ancient MH canal for the Huarca area stood north of Keushu, where water now is diverted to Yungay, and that it continued, as today, to the east of the site towards Llanganuco.

Architecture Square patio group enclosures (SPGs) Circular enclosures Chullpa tombs of which multi-storey Machay tombs D-shaped Enclosures

Keushu 12 (estimated) 1 9 or 10 2 1 0

Honco Pampa 15 15 or 16 3 2

Table 7.3: Civic and mortuary architecture at Keushu (Yu-16) and Honco Pampa (data for HP from: Tschauner (1988)).

At the architectural level, an important parallel is linear disposition. Thus, the linear arrangement found at Keushu is similar to the 80m-long row formed by patio group enclosures (AC-6, AC-7, AC-8 and AC-9), at Honco Pampa. A second parallel is the serial arrangement of the longer rooms around the patio area211: the walls delimiting the rooms from the patio area are built one after another, like many at Honco Pampa (e.g. AC-5).

The most salient difference between these sites is the lack of the characteristic access corridor of Honco Pampa patio groups. This feature is found in the remodelled circular patio group at Quishuar (Ya-21), however, on the opposite side of the cordillera, but is not visible at Keushu. A second important difference is the distribution of masonry styles. At Keushu, the masonry of the earlier rounded enclosure stands close to that of the chullpa mortuary structures nearby, whereas that of the later SPG does not. At Honco Pampa, the masonry style is linked to a long-

211 Serial arrangement can be seen in the southwest corner of E-II and the southeast corner of E-I (cf. plans in: Tschauner 1988).

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standing north highland tradition (Tschauner 1988, 2003), and is similar to the chullpa mortuary architecture nearby. The double-faced fieldstone masonry of the Keushu SPG is more similar to that of the enclosure at Puntacorral. This signals that the enclosures were built faster than the tombs, and perhaps later. Many of the issues above will only be resolved through excavation, but it is probably fair to say that homogenisation of civic architecture, following a loosely orthogonal pattern, occurred across the region during the MH (cf. Jennings & Yepez 2001). Some circular enclosures were remodelled and integrated into orthogonal complexes. The great variability between patio groups at nearby and contemporary sites suggests that many ancient architects were engaged in the construction of similar enclosures, but did so differently and did not follow a rigid, pre-determined, imported plan. 7.3.3 Mortuary architecture

In this section, I discuss the spatial relationships between necropolis in the Callejn de Huaylas, and explore spatial relationships among individual collective tombs. I aim to show that the patterned disposition of tombs is intentional and meaningful, at both the regional and local scales. In previous sections, I suggested that the abutment of later, smaller, mortuary structures on earlier, larger and more elaborate, chullpa tombs indicates a manipulation of ancestral ties. More specifically, they indicate attempts by later (LIP) mortuary communities to make trans-generational relations manifest in the landscape. This strategy probably sought to establish or highlight symbolic relations with descendants of earlier mortuary communities and thus appropriate, and perhaps re-negotiate, the symbolic claims and social history of rights established by and embodied in the original collective tombs.

The construction of highly visible mortuary monuments can be said to have peaked, both in terms of size and number, during the MH (e.g. Bennett 1944; Lau 2000; Paredes et al. 2000; Ponte 2000). Many, if not most, above-ground tombs continued in use for centuries, however, but below-ground machay tombs were probably also built and used during the MH in the Cordillera Negra. The transition between subterranean and above-ground collective mortuary structures is thus irreducible to a temporal sequence, although it highlights a crucial change in mortuary practices: the perceived necessity to monumentalise ancestral relations more visibly in the landscape. It is probable that the areas painted in red above machay tombs, which 262

significantly increase their visibility (e.g. Figs. 6.13 and 6.21), are a different response to a similar perceived necessity.

Of the 316 collective chullpa tombs recorded in the Santa Valley survey area, less than a sixth - a total of 40 - stand on the western side of the Callejn de Huaylas (Table 7.4). None appear to have had multiple floors and even the most elaborate are nowhere as monumental as the large tombs on the opposite side of the valley. Despite this clear difference on both sides of the valley, over half of all tombs cluster at a single site (Table 7.4). Such clustering is repeated on the opposite side of the Cordillera Negra and in central Conchucos.

The tomb cluster at Kunkash (PL-15), for instance, stands at the centre of the Acoll pocket, above the agricultural area and overlooking the full course of the Washka (Pueblo Libre) River. A further eight chullpa are found near Huntar (PL-4 and PL9), the most extensive MH site in the valley (Section 7.3.1), while three stand at Wanshakoto (PL-11). Like the trio found at PL-21, the latter overlook the confluence of a major seasonal ravine with the main body of the Washka. This close relationship between mortuary architecture and sources of water suggests that the construction and siting of necropolis was intended to express and ancestralise claims over the water used for irrigation.

West Site PL-15 PL-4 PL-9 PL-11 PL-21 Count 26 5 3 3 3 Site Yu-5 Yu-14 Yu-3 Yu-16 Yu-12 Yu-13 Yu-27 Yu-1 Yu-9 Yu-10 TOTAL

East Count c. 150 58 27 11 10 9 3 1 1 276

TOTAL

40

Table 7.4: Comparative distribution of collective chullpa tombs in the Santa Valley study area.

The vast majority of the 276 standing tombs recorded in the eastern Callejn de Huaylas are grouped in five necropolis, on the slopes of the Cordillera Blanca: 263

Awkismarka (Yu-5), Collpacatac (Yu-14), the adjacent sites of Oqtawan, Huandoyqotu and Casca (Yu-12, Yu-13 and Yu-27) and Pata Pata (Yu-3) (Table 7.4; Map7.2). These five necropolis can be segregated in two overlapping groups, gauging by their visual impact on the landscape. At the two largest necropolis, Awkismarka and Collpacatac, the chullpa line the uppermost eastern basins of the Huarca and Huandoy ravines, and are not visible from the main body of the Santa valley. At the remaining three sites, in contrast, highly visible rows of chullpa stand aligned along prominent ridges (Fig. 7.26).

Figure 7.26: Aligned chullpa tombs at PataPata (Yu-3), looking south.

Within each of these linear necropolis, the most prominent place in each respective row, either at the top or at the bottom, is taken up by a slightly larger tomb or by a pair of tombs sharing the same platform (Fig. 7.27). The serial arrangement of likesized tombs is found at Keushu (Yu-16, sector C), but the two largest tombs (T1, sector A and T9, sector B) take up a more secluded location and face each other across the plain. A similar opposition of collective tombs was encountered at the upper edge of the northern half of Awkismarka necropolis. In two instances, a pair of dolmen-like structures was found standing on either side of a large chullpa, with multiple accesses above and behind the entrance to underground galleries with lateral chambers. The open rectangular space in front of the main tomb is enclosed by smaller chullpa standing on three sides, thus forming two opposing pairs. It seems plausible that the galleries and chullpa held human remains, offerings, and ritual paraphernalia, while the central open area was used as a stage for mortuary rituals.

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The dolmen-like structures probably housed anthropomorphic stone sculptures, such as are frequent in local museum collections in the area (cf. Schaedel 1952).

Figure 7.27: Plan of paired chullpa tombs at site PL-9, in the eastern Cordillera Negra; note jetty-like terrace to the northwest with stone-lined cist and slab lid.

At regional scale the paramount importance of Awkismarka, indicated by the unique concentration of tombs, is comparable to that at Gallarpana in central Conchucos suggesting that both locations were of comparable regional importance. The distribution of larger necropolis, at the intakes of major canal systems, on the headwaters of the Ancash and Huandoy rivers strongly suggests that people sought to establish ancestral rights over water for irrigation, since the largest necropolis (Awkismarka, Collpacatac and Keushu) are directly associated with a major stream, fed by water from the Huandoy glacier. This situation is repeated, at a much smaller scale, in the Cordillera Negra.

In summary, the internal structure of necropolis is suggested to embody enduring relationships established between and among mortuary communities and groups thereof. Their chief socio-economic link was the distribution of water for irrigation agriculture. Symbolically, however, the glacier of Huandoy may have been the central unifying point in the landscape.

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7.3.4

Discussion

The regional picture emerging from the above discussion of settlement strategies, and the distribution of civic and mortuary architecture, is one of inter-related socioeconomic and symbolic interactions at multiple scales. The broad distribution of mortuary monuments, on the one hand, maps ancestrally legitimated claims over the main source of socio-economic power at the local level: water for irrigation. The micro-regional differences, on the other hand, may be tied in large measure to the local productive base and - to a smaller extent - to the intensity of more recent occupations. The upward shift in settlement patterns, and the increased size and visibility of tombs, suggest that control of the irrigation system was increasingly perceived of as important, probably because of more intense competition over the means of landed production.

Economic interdependence of farming communities sharing the same canal system, makes complex negotiations necessary at multiple levels, especially in areas with erratic hydraulic regimes. On a broad temporal and regional scale, these relate to the construction and maintenance of the different segments of the canal system. At the more immediate and local scale, the quantity and timing of water allocation are crucial to each individual farming plot. The location of the most important necropolis in the Callejn de Huaylas study area (Awkismarka, Collpacatac and Keushu)212 near sources of water, and the investment of collective labour in mortuary architecture, on both sides of the Santa Valley, indicates the existence of a well-developed system of irrigation agriculture. On the one hand, this suggests a strong conceptual link between the ancestral dead and irrigation agriculture (cf. Gose 1993). On the other hand, it points to the importance of irrigation farming, as the economic base for social integration in this area. In this scenario, groups of mortuary communities built tombs near the particular source of water on which their canal system, and thus their livelihoods, depended in large measure. Thus, like huaca shrines along the Inka ceque system (Section 2.2.2), the specific spatial arrangement of tombs may indicate the temporal order in which water was distributed among communities, sharing in an ideologically-integrated socio-economic system (cf. Sherbondy 1986). Socio-political integration beyond the scale of the individual canal system transcends economic
212 Of all collective tombs surveyed on the western slopes of the Cordillera Blanca, 85% are found at these three necropolis.

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integration, however, and it is probably at this level that the power of religious institutions, such as oracles and cults attached to ceremonial centres, acted.

The main differences between the western and eastern sides of the Santa Valley include availability of water for cultivation, and the altitudinal gradient available for human exploitation. The eastern slope is constantly fed by glacial melt water and can support intensive agriculture, including double cropping of maize. The opposite side is far dryer, more dependent on seasonal rainfall for successful agriculture, and has access to extensive pastures. It is useful at this point to recall that the availability of pastures in the Cordillera Blanca is less than one third of that available in the Cordillera Negra or in central Conchucos.213 Economic dependence on irrigation water from major canals was not universal, therefore. In some areas of the Cordillera Negra puna, for instance, there is a strong correlation between tombs and dry season bofedal pastures, both natural and artificial (Lane et al. 2004). Thus, although the cultural logic for the distribution of collective tombs remains similar - to express claims over the most important means of production through mortuary practices and the construction of mortuary architecture - its specific characteristics also embody the prevailing local economic conditions.

As might be expected, the ceremonial enclosures in the Callejn de Huaylas area are generally larger than those in central Conchucos. They remain less well understood than the empty circular kancha of eastern central Conchucos, but the structural homology of circular and square kancha with rooms, is congruent with findings suggesting the rooms were probably used for dwelling. The differences between kancha with and without rooms are highly significant, because they suggest that access to these enclosures was regulated differently, possibly through the full-time presence of religious specialists in the former case.

213 Pasture areas are larger and more continuous in the Cordillera Negra than in Conchucos. The main expanses of pastures relevant to this study in the former are the ridge between Sechn and Pinkulluyoc ravine (Pichiu and Pisha survey areas in appendix A) and the upper Chaclancayo drainage (Lane 2000; Lane et al. 2004). In the latter, they include the puna separating central and southern Conchucos, which extends into the Yauya and San Nicols areas (Yauya and San Nicols survey areas, in appendix A and Herrera 1998a), as well as San Luis Banda and Pumayucay survey areas (Herrera 1998a) and the long broad puna ridges on the eastern side of the Cordillera Blanca (Yanama, Tomanga and Llumpa survey areas in appendix A; Herrera 1998a).

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The interpretation of square enclosures such as Puntacorral (Yu-10) and Pariamarka, as way-stations on paths crossing the Cordillera Blanca, is consistent with the increase in long distance social interaction during the earlier part of the MH. The data are inconclusive, however, since temporal placement of patio group enclosures at key sites in the area, including Llanganuco gorge, cannot be adequately resolved as present.214 Nonetheless, the aggregation of enclosures and collective tombs at Keushu supports the suggestion that this site was the paramount ceremonial centre of a unified polity during the MH215. Differences in architectural detail between the homologous sites of Keushu and Honco Pampa, cast doubts over the Wari imperial conquest hypothesis in the region. Significant differences exist between the architecture at Keushu and Honco Pampa, including access patterns of SPG and the paramount chullpa tomb, the presence of earlier rounded enclosures and the lack of D-shaped enclosures at Keushu. The association of Honco Pampa and Wari, like that of many sites across the northern Andes, is based on formal similarities in civic architecture, specifically on the presence of similar SPG and D-shaped buildings at Honco Pampa, Wari, and other south highland sites (Isbell 1989, 1991). Tschauner216 (1988, 2003) has convincingly argued (2003: 214-217), however, that the formal elements shared by Wari and Honco Pampa architecture do not extend to the level of the structural principles governing Wari architecture. These, he concludes, are dissimilar to those found at Honco Pampa, and the SPGs at Honco Pampa probably represent elite architecture pertaining to a local MH polity. The inescapable monumentality of mortuary monuments at Keushu, Honco Pampa, Willkawan - and other centres mentioned in the introduction to this section - suggests that five or six economically independent and internally hierarchical polities, thrived in the Callejn de Huaylas valley during the MH217.

214 Surface visibility is poor and finds absent at Llanganuco 1 (Yu-21), Yurakcorral (Yu-22) and Wishqash (Yu-23). Excavations in the Yuraccorral area by R. Matsumoto of Tokai University of Japan may provide additional data in due course, however. 215 This is not to say this was not the case before, although Awkismarka (Yu-5) was probably also an important ceremonial centre during the EIP. 216 Tschauners mapping and excavation work at Honco Pampa was conducted in 1987 under the auspices of William Isbell. 217 It will be interesting to pursue, from a long term historical perspective, the waranqa mentioned in the XVI century accounts (see previous chapters), back to the unprecedented levels integration occurring between the VI to X centuries AD, although this is beyond the scope of the present study.

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These larger socio-political - and possibly ethnic - units shared an ideological framework, bringing together clusters of independent, semi-independent and interdependent mortuary communities. The communities whose canals were fed by melt-water from Huandoy glacier, and whose dead were housed in necropolis at the base of the glacier, for instance, probably shared a belief in this mountain as their paramount pacarina place of common mythical origin. The unrivalled monumentality of the largest chullpa tomb at Keushu suggests that its architects (and their descendants) claimed a paramount social place. The single access to the megachullpa is a feature found neither at Willkawan nor at Honco Pampa. It evokes unity in a way that other similar monuments do not. This indication of socio-political unification of the western valley side during the MH, correlates with the concentration of patio group enclosures.

7.4

CORDILLERA NEGRA

Colonisation of the Pinkulluyuq survey area for permanent settlement probably begins in the MH, but the provenience of settlers and the historical process of settlement remain poorly understood. No indications of settlement in this study area were found to pre-date the MH, unlike immediately to the south in the Casma Valley (e.g. Meja Xesspe 1941; Lau 2000, 2002). Yet, a similar situation is found in the Chaclancayo basin, immediately to the north (Lane et al. 2004). A resist-decorated EIP vessel in a local private collection in this latter area, however, reportedly from a cist not associated with human skeletal remains, suggests transit possibly following a similar coast-highland route to that of the Inka period (Section 5.3.2).

In the previous chapter, I argued that the mountain of Pukagaga was probably the most important landscape feature in the upper Ro Loco Valley during the LIP, possibly the apical pacarina in the Pinkulluyok section of the valley. Mortuary communities on the southern side of the valley laid claim to water used for irrigation by communities downriver on the opposite side. Many of the collective machay and chullpa tombs in use during the LIP were probably built during the MH, possibly by the first generations of settlers. Interaction between communities in the Pinkulluyuq section of the upper Ro Loco and in the upper reaches of the coastal valley, is 269

suggested by the remains of LIP pottery and textiles, of coastal origin, in looted tombs at Paucarms necropolis (Pi-1). No material culture sharing in the Wari/Tiwanaku sphere was encountered, but there are manifold links between the late MH Pueblo Libre-style and the Casma Incised-style, which have been discussed in section 6.3.1.

An indication of close interaction between people in the upper Nepea and the Pinkulluyuq Valley is provided by telling notched appliqu bands along the rim of very large open vessels, found at the hilltop site of Qeqerajirka (Hu-3), at Cerro Cruz Punta 1 (SR-2) on the opposite margin of the valley, and at the eastern edge of the Moro pocket (Fig. 7.28). The large size of these vessels suggests that they were intended for underground storage. They are unlikely to have been carried far, and were probably made independently at these two nearby locations, by potters inserted in closely related traditions218.

Figure 7.28: Very large open vessels with incised appliqu band, possibly intended for underground storage, found at Qeqerajirka (Hu-3) and Cerro Cruz Punta 1 (SR-2) (not to scale, note diameter).

The closest local parallels to the Qeqera ware are the incisions on raised appliqu dots found on Casma incised pottery, which dates to the MH. This coincides with the associated find assemblage at Cerro Cruz Punta 1. The association with Akillpo style pottery at Qeqerajirka, however, may suggest that it continued in use into the LIP.
218

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7.4.1

Settlement strategies

Against initial expectations, no evidence of high elevation settlement was found to pre-date the MH on either side of the Cordillera Negra. MH sites differ markedly in size, those on the upper western slopes and puna of the Cordillera Negra being more numerous, smaller and lower.219

The five largest settlements in the Pinkulluyuq section of the Loco River cluster in the suni ecozone.220 This suggests a mixed productive base that complemented agriculture with herding. Only the highest settlement, Cabraqotu (Pc-4), standing at the lower edge of the puna, has easy access to extensive pastures. Its hilltop position, overlooking the pass of Tinku, suggests that visual control of Tinku pass was also an important concern, however.

In contrast, there is a much stronger emphasis on large high elevation settlements on the eastern side of the cordillera, towards the Santa Valley. The location of sites PL17, PL-18 and Maweqotu (Fig. 7.29) suggests that the local economy was squarely based on herding. The lack of large herding sites in the higher reaches of the western slope may suggest that the puna pastures were used mainly from the high elevation settlements on the opposite (eastern side).

Sites Pi-1, Pi-2, Pi-3, Pc-1, Pc-2, Pc-3, Pc-4, Pc-5, Hu-1, Hu-2, Hu-3, Oc-1 and Oc-4; see also: PL18 and PL-25 on the eastern slope. 220 Sites at Qeqerajirka (Hu-3), Ichic Oncipuquio (Pc-5), Oqshapampa (Oc-1), Rinro (Pc-3) and Pircapunta (Pi-3).

219

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Figure 7.29: Maweqotu (PL-25) as seen from the Cordillera Negra (looking northeast); note modern corrals (centre right) and fields (bottom right).

7.4.2

Civic architecture

Architecture of communal or civic significance was encountered only at Paucarms (Pi-2). It was expected at larger MH settlements in the Pinkulluyuq survey area, notably at Qeqerajirka (Hu-3) and Piaspunta. Yet, it would thus appear that no formal spaces were built elsewhere, or they have fallen victim to poor preservation. The ridge-top settlement of Paucarms borders the paramount regional necropolis by the same name. Near the intersection of both sites, at the upper southwest edge of the site, stand five large circular enclosures. Each measures approximately 13m in diameter and is built with double-faced masonry of mid sized, roughly cut stone. There are no indications of use as dwellings and they may thus be hypothesised to have had a civic function, possibly associated with mortuary practices at the nearby chullpa tombs.

A second type of civic structure is found at the centre of the ridge-top settlement, where two square open spaces are partly delimited by very large standing stones. Their use evokes a civic function, but it is unclear if the wall segments denote plazas

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or square patio groups. The latter scenario would point to closer ties with the Callejn area, the former might indicate a later date for the site that the latter. Other alternatives might include a coastal or local type of civic architecture. Poor preservation makes the evidence inconclusive, however. It seems likely that both the enclosures and the plazas continued in use into the XVI century. 7.4.3 Mortuary architecture

Initial colonisation of the Pinkulluyuq section of the Ro Loco may have gone hand in hand with the construction of collective mortuary architecture, during the MH. I have argued in previous chapters that their construction was linked to symbolic claims over water for irrigation of the basins at Pisha and Pichiu, on the one hand, and Carampa on the other. The aggregation of 30 of the 41 collective mortuary structures in the survey area around Cerro Pukaqaqa, overlooking the irrigable hollows to the east and west, was seen to suggest that mortuary communities collectively articulated claims with reference to this prominent landscape feature (Table 7.5). It is probable that the many communities who built these mortuary structures, shared belief in Pukaqaqa as their pacarina origin place, and were thus identified as ethnically distinct. The presence of three distinct types of mortuary structures at the paramount necropolis of Paucarms, however, suggests the existence of different social identities.

At the site of Paucarms Necrpolis, seven above-ground chullpa cluster by the nearby settlement. The same number of below-ground machay tombs is found dispersed on the slopes, generally below large rock outcrops, and a unique mortuary platform (T3) stands roughly at the centre of the necropolis. Disarticulated human remains, looted mortuary bundles and attendant finds are abundant only in machay tombs.

North Site Hu-5 Hu-1 Pc-5 Oc-1 Oc-4 Hu-2 Hu-3 Count 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 Site Pi-1, Pi-2 Pc-2 Pc-1 Pc-4 Pc-3

South Count 15 7 4 3 1

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Hu-4 TOTAL

1 11 TOTAL 30

Table 7.5: Comparative distribution of collective tombs (chullpa, machay and other), in the Pinkulluyuq survey area. All tombs in the southern basin cluster around Cerro Pukaqaqa, the remainder are dispersed.

This square platform (4.9m x 6m) stands raised on a low terrace (21.6m x 12.5m) and has four circular stone lined cists on top (c. 2.7m in diameter). These were found empty, but were most probably intended to hold mortuary bundles. Similar patterns of single burial are known mainly from the central coast of Peru, where they post-date phase 2A of the MH (Menzell 1964: 70)221.

Three diverging scenarios can be suggested prior to further exploration of this singular edifice. First, it was built by the first generations of permanent settlers practising irrigation agriculture in the area, to house the bodily remains of lineage founders. Second, it was built at a later date, either by a local mortuary community (or group thereof), emulating a coastal practice. Third, it was built by members of a coastal (yunga?) socio-political formation, to ensure rights of access to water for irrigation below.

The equal numbers of above and below-ground tombs at Paucarms suggest that this pattern was intentional, linked perhaps to a dual, or moiety-based, social structure. This would point to contemporary use, but it is at present simply not possible to ascertain if chullpa tombs in the Cordillera Negra were built earlier or later than machay, although there are some indications to the latter effect. Their systematic destruction suggests that they remained in use into the LH and were destroyed during the colonial campaigns to extirpate idolatry. The infilling of chullpa tombs is substantial and responsible for the lack of diagnostic finds in above-ground tombs. Their clustered distribution near the settlement of Paucarms (Pi-2) is also worthy of note.

221

To my knowledge, no similar mortuary platforms are reported from highland areas.

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The earliest find in machay at Paucarms, a double tapestry weave fragment with an interlocking serpent head design, provides a post quem date for construction, during or after the late EIP. Pottery and textiles dating to the LIP, were also found in the same tomb, however, indicating that it was used for mortuary practices for about nine centuries (c. AD 600 - AD 1500).

Notwithstanding the ambiguities in the data, some general remarks on identity and territory in the Ro Loco during the MH can be put forward based on mortuary architecture. First, its construction is probably linked historically to the initial establishment of an irrigation system in this area. Second, the presence of three types of tombs around Cerro Pukaqaqa may reflect distinct social identities. Third, a moiety-based social structure may be in evidence. Fourth, the presence of a coastalstyle mortuary platform may suggest initial colonisation of the area from the Nepea Valley. 7.4.4 Discussion

The issue of collective social identities in the Cordillera Negra survey area during the MH, cannot be resolved conclusively with the archaeological data at hand, although some general observations and suggestions can be put forward. The contrast in the distribution of high altitude settlements and tombs on the eastern and western puna edge of the Cordillera Negra, indicates the existence of a boundary between communities tied to social formations, whose ceremonial centres stood on opposite slopes. Furthermore, they suggest that the communities based on the eastern sunipuna ecotone exploited the high pastures more intensely than their western neighbours.

The lack of mortuary structures on the eastern puna edge and the lack of machay type structures west of the watershed, strongly suggest that the focal points for the integration of the farming and herding communities settled on the eastern slope of the Cordillera Negra, were the necropolis at the head and nodes of the irrigation system of the Pueblo Libre survey area (Section 7.3.). To the west, in the Pinkulluyoq section of the upper Ro Loco, mortuary communities built collective tombs around and into Pukaqaqa mountain, suggesting it may have been conceived of as a pacarina place of ethnic origin. The site of Paucarms was 275

probably the paramount civic and ceremonial centre of this local MH social formation. The distribution of three different types of tomb in the vicinity of an important source of water, may signal claims over irrigation water, as expressed by three distinct social segments.

The long-term relationship between the Pukaqaqa social formation in the highlands and its lowland neighbours to the west, differs from that on the opposite side of the mountain range. The construction of a coastal-style mortuary platform at Paucarms, during MH 2, suggests a special ancestralised coast-highland relationship, which may reflect asymmetrical relations with the multi-valley Casma polity (Section 7.5). Ethnohistoric sources (e.g. Rostworowski 1978) point to the crucial importance of irrigated fields in the yunga ecozone during the early XVI century, and may suggest that coastal claims over water for irrigation were materialised through the construction of mortuary structures during the MH. This special relationship was probably impacted upon by the Chim and Inka conquests, since both states may have forcibly moved populations into and out of this area.

From a slightly broader perspective, the high elevation of the lowermost chullpa type mortuary architecture recorded in the Pinkulluyuq area, at 3110m (Hu-1), contrasts with the situation in the neighbouring Sechn branch of the Casma Valley to the south, where chullpa tombs are found in Wampuqotu, well within the yunga zone at c. 1000m (Fung & Williams 1977). Similarly, in the neighbouring Jimbe branch of the Nepea Valley, to the north, the remains of stone chullpa tombs are found as low as 600m222. This divergence in the distribution of MH mortuary architecture in three neighbouring valleys, raises the distinct possibility that different local-level arrangements were reached between the socio-political factions interacting in each. Coastal pre-eminence in this particular area of transition, can be suggested on the basis of the size of the irrigable basins in the upper Ro Loco, much smaller than those to the south, north and west.

222

A row of two and possibly three chullpa tombs was noted on the ridge, leading up to the EH site of Allpaqotu (Siete Huacas) in 2001. They are not mentioned in previous reports, and it is possible that they became visible as a result of the 1998/9 ENSO rains.

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7.5

THE NEPEA VALLEY

Perhaps more so than in the Callejn de Huaylas, the MH is thought of as the epoch in which the Nepea was conquered from centres at Huari and Pachacamac (Proulx 1973: 31). This view is enshrined in the names of the MH pottery style called northern Huari (Proulx 1973: 13, 39-41), and partly derived from Colliers (1962: 412, Fig. 1) three-phase classification for the neighbouring Casma, defined by reference to Tiwanaku. MH polychrome vessels similar to the classic MH wares of Wari and Pachacamac are, however, rare in the Nepea Valley, both in local collections and in the field (Proulx 1973: 39, Pl. 7a-c)223, suggesting that few such vessels were in circulation. Tello recovered some fragments from a cemetery area near Manchn, in the Casma Valley (Tello 1956: 302, Fig. 135, also: 316, Fig. 153c). The two fragments found in the Moro survey area, at Vinchamarka (Mo-11) and Carmen Alto (Mo-2), are also thought to stem from looted tombs. These highly disperse mortuary associations parallel the distribution of Inka pottery beyond the area of direct state control (Section 5.3.3), raising the possibility that these areas did not come under direct control of the alleged Wari state.

In contrast, fragments of pottery made with moulds are frequently found both at MH sites and in local collections (Proulx 1973: 40). This ware, together with the Casma incised style (Section 6.3.1), defines the second phase in Colliers sub-division of the MH. The ubiquity of modelled pottery is a corollary of broader developments across the central and north coasts, discussed below, which saw the adoption of serial production of more canonical, even standardised motifs and shapes, a process that continued and intensified reaching a climax with Sicn and Chim blackwares. As Tabio (1977: 66) remarks, elaborate press-moulded MH vessels from the north central coast, often combine iconographic themes known from the north coast, such as scenes of copulation, with themes from the south highland, such as a central figure holding staffs (cf. Carrin Cachot 1959).

Over 150 vessels were inspected in collections held by the municipality, the parish church and several private individuals in Moro, 55 of which were photographed. The only non-local vessel identified, yet reportedly found in the valley, is a complex Nievera style bottle, possibly from the Rimac valley (see: Shady 1982).
223

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A complex interplay of social forces in the upper Nepea Valley during the MH, irreducible to a scenario of conquest and population replacement, is indicated by the predominance of several local and regional styles that integrate elements from the north, south and east. The Nepea Black-White-Red (NBWR) style (Proulx 1973: 41, 183-184; 1985: 246-259), for instance, is a painted tri-chrome ware closely related to Tellos Santa style (Collier 1962; Thompson 1961; Tello 1956). It is thought to date to the latter third of the MH, even though the iconography found on several examples is more closely associated with the EIP. One of the vessels presented as type examples (Proulx 1973: Pl.16a) has a double-headed serpent motif, most familiar in EIP wares such as Lima or Recuay. A second vessel in a private collection in Moro bears a moon animal motif (Olsen- Bruhns 1976) that has pelage markings identical to Moche style feline depictions (Fig. 7.30).

Figure 7.30: Middle Horizon jar with moon animal depiction in the Nepea Black-White-Red style, from local collection in Moro.

This disjunction may suggest that a) the NBWR style dates (not only) to the late MH; or that b) it represents an instance of late MH archaism, whereby historically

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meaningful representations are integrated in novel contexts to legitimise a new social situation in a familiar local idiom (Patterson 2004; Rowe 1971). This quandary cannot be resolved with the data at hand, although it seems likely that potters in the upper Nepea continued working within the local tradition, yet made their own colour schemes similar to those used in Pachacamac and Wari pottery.

Rather than assume imperial expansion following a blanket territorial model, therefore, the hybrid iconographic manifestations are perhaps better understood, as local interpretations and manipulations of broader - political or religious - ideologies. The production of complex, ideologically-laden representations suggests attempts to channel or manipulate the construction of social identities: religious, political, or otherwise. The more rigidly canonised iconography, produced in series and thus more prone to institutional control, suggests the political establishment of a collective social identity in the upper Nepea Valley in the latter part of the MH. Cerro Limojirka (Fig. 7.31) was probably the principal focal point in the upper Nepea Valley landscape of a broader, institutionalised collective identity, which was conceptualised through the metaphor of the house. 7.5.1 Settlement strategies

Prior to the Chim conquest of the north central coast, the regional Casma social formation flourished on the north central coast of Peru (Section 6.4). The location of larger LIP sites at the neck of the Ro Loco Valley, has been taken to suggest contestation of access to this area, possibly because this was an area for retreat. Survey results suggest the presence of an important centre, linked to the political and ideological landscape of the Casma social formation at the eastern edge of the Moro pocket, whose abandonment may be linked to the impact of the Chim expansion.

Of the 29 sites recorded in the upper Nepea survey area, evidence of MH settlement in the form of surface pottery, was found at 26 (Map 7.3)224. These findings coincide with studies in both Nepea and Casma that suggest dense occupation of the middleand upper-valley sections (Proulx 1973: 31-33; cf. Collier 1962; Wilson 1995, 1997).

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Sites Mo-1, Mo-2, Mo-3, Mo-4, Mo-5, Mo-7, Mo-8, Mo-9, Mo-10, Mo-11, Mo-12, Mo-13, Mo-14, Po-1, Po-2, Po-3, Po-4, Po-6, Po-7, SR-1, SR-2, SR-4, SR-5, SR-6, SR-8 and SR-9.

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It is necessary to note, however, that looting of mortuary sites has been intensive in the area,

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Map 7.3: MH settlements and necropolis in central Conchucos.

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particularly at low-lying sites. Erosion has additionally affected the visibility of architecture on the surface.

With the notable exception of site Po-4, larger sites stand on hilltops or ridges close to the valley floor, and lack any evident defensive features - apart from their hilltop location or tall terracing walls in the case of ridge-top settlements such as Pocn Huanca (Po-7). A segment of a transverse wall was found to the north of the Ro Seco (Santa Isabel) ravine, however. It appears to have cut across the ravine, like similar walls reported for the northern Nepea tributaries (Raimondi 1911: 79).

The construction of walls during the MH in the Nepea (Proulx 1973: 31-33), as well as in neighbouring valleys (e.g. Kosok 1965; Wilson 1988, 1995, 1997), is a strong indicator of organised violence at this time, and suggests the existence of centrally organised, regional systems of defence. The wall in Ro Seco ravine was probably part of such a system, intended to separate the Ro Loco Valley from Quebrada Salitre.

Anomalies linked to the concentration of MH sites on and around Cerro Limojirka are readily discernible in the sample of surveyed sites. First, most MH sites are found on the northern bank of the Loco River, and five of the eight largest sites are found on Cerro Limojirka with a sixth nearby225. Second, over 20 of the sites occupied during the MH have evidence of earlier occupation,226 but nearly half of the latter appear not to have been settled only during the EH and MH, but not in the intervening EIP. In fact, the only location on Limojirka mountain at which EIP material culture has been found - a handful of Moche imports227 - is the heavily looted cemetery Cerro Limojirka 3 (Mo-7), on the lower western spur. Rather than assume widespread population replacement or forced resettlement following a blanket territorial model (Proulx 1973: 31), I would suggest, as Fung and Williams (1977) have done before me, that the apparent absence of EIP sites is the result of a strong local cultural tradition that successfully resisted the Moche political and ideological expansion, a tradition anchored in the landscape to the mountain of Cerro Limojirka.
Sites Mo-4, Mo-5, Mo-8, Mo-9 and Mo-10 and Mo-1, respectively. Sites first settled in the MH include Mo-14, Po-2, SR-4, SR-9 and probably SR-6. 227 A Moche I stirrup spout bottle in the Pamparoms parish museum collection is said to have been looted from this cemetery.
225 226

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7.5.2 Civic architecture The best preserved civic architecture in the upper Nepea survey area was encountered on Cerro Limojirka or Chakwascucho, which towers above the confluence of the Ro Loco to the south and the dry bed of Quebrada Chumbe (Fig. 7.31). The modern track linking this area to the Cordillera Negra (areas of Huatta and Pamparoms), follows the latters course. The monumental EH site of Limojirka (see: Mo-1, Mo-4) stretches immediately to the south (Map 7.3).

Four discrete MH sites were found on Cerro Limojirka, all characterised by orthogonal civic architecture.228 This planned pattern of construction is shared with the larger sites in the lower Nepea Valley (Kosok 1965; Proulx 1973, 1985) and in Casma (Thompson 1964: 95-96), but it is very different to that found at highland sites.

Figure 7.31: Cerro Limojirka as seen from Vinchamarka, showing EH Limojirka (Mo-4) and MH sites (looking NNE).

Site Mo-5, for instance, is a single structure site standing on the steep, lower southern slope of Cerro Limohirka (Fig. 7.32), overlooking the massive EH site below (see: Mo-4). This trapezoidal compound consists of five ascending terraces, surrounded by 2m thick double-faced fieldstone and rubble wall foundations, with abutting rooms at
228

Sites Mo5, Mo-8, Mo-9 and Mo-10.

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either end. Its location away from direct sunlight suggests this building was not intended for permanent residence. It may have served for storage, but no indication to this effect was found.229

Figure 7.32: Plan of rectangular enclosure on the lower, south-facing, slope of Cerro Limojirka 1 (Mo-5).

A similar trapezoidal structure is found on the prominent terraced summit of the southwest spur (Fig. 7.33). A single room structure standing by the access path at the base, C-shaped in plan (7.6m x 7.6m), suggests the intention was to restrict or control access. This enclosure is built on three ascending levels with two small rooms visible inside. A terracing wall parallels the main structure on the northwest and west, then projects in a curve creating a semicircular terrace on the southern valley side.

The largest enclosure stands on the summit (Mo-10), with a terraced platform (Mo-9), possibly mortuary, below. Both have been plundered and are not well preserved, but the similarities in plan, masonry, and surface finds are evident.

Insights into the civic nature of the enclosures at Limojirka in general, and of Cerro Limojirka 2 in particular, are provided by a chance find of a Nepea-moulded blackware bottle. It was found in the fill of the valley-side wall (Fig. 7.33), partially exposed by the ENSO rains of 1998/9. The vessel is in the shape of an anthropomorphic house, with press-moulded depictions of sexual intercourse
229

No storage vessel fragments were found (Appendix A).

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surrounded by serpent rays shown to take place inside, while demi-human attendants stand by (Fig. 7.34). This bottle was found facing the course of the lower valley, towards the sea. It was clearly laid down intentionally during construction of the perimeter wall, and dates construction of the site.

Figure 7.33: Sketch plan and section of enclosure at Cerro Limojirka 2 (Mo-8); dot indicates location of vessel deposition in wall fill.

In the only major study of mould-impressed iconography, Carrin Cachot (1959) suggests that the union of the deified couple expresses the fusion of cosmic forces favourable to fertility (op. cit. 16-18). She draws parallels between the attendant demi-human figures and XVII century myths, which relate how animals construct irrigation canals on the behest of supernatural beings. Drawing attention to similar,

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but more detailed, Moche representations (Carrin Cachot 1959: Fig. 4), she suggests the union depicted is that between a human woman and a fanged supernatural being.

The deposition of the anthropomorphic house vessel links construction of the civic MH architecture on Limojirka, to an important foundational mythical narrative. From a political perspective, the representation may well evoke the founding act of a lineage linking humans and gods. The overarching metaphor linking this ancestral or cosmogonic myth to the deposition at Mo-8, the Supe burial and other similar contexts, is provided by the metaphor of the house.

Figure 7.34: Anthropomorphic bottle in the shape of a gabled house (Nepea Moulded-style), from wall fill at site Mo-8. Mould-impressed dcor on either side shows a copulation scene surrounded by rays. At the front and back, demi-human attendants hold bowls and stand by; note pierced lug at rear (scale bar= 10cm).

7.5.3 Discussion The association of civic architecture, including enclosures, tombs, platforms and possibly plazas, strongly suggests that Cerro Limojirka housed an important local MH

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ceremonial complex. This ceremonial centre, established in MH 3, formed part of a broader network for the distribution of an ideologically heavy standardised material culture, associated with the Casma socio-political formation, which stretched across the north-central coast before the Chim expansion.

Limojirka mountain may represent a regional pacarina and was probably associated with a specific cult or oracle. It was probably a key locus in the creation, negotiation and maintenance of social identities, in the upper Nepea during the EH and EIP as well. A strong local tradition and identity are suggested by the resilience in accepting foreign hagiographies during the EIP. Proximity to ideologically meaningful locales can be expected to bring about a strong local tradition in material culture (e.g. Vasco Uribe 1992; but see: Jones 1997). Such centres, however, can also be expected to attract political or even military action. 7.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY

Settlement patterns of the MH across the Ancash axis indicate a major shift occurred during the VI-IX centuries. The territorial expansion of an imperialist pre-Columbian state cannot, however, be accepted as the primary driver. The elevation range of MH settlements across the survey transect, indicates that productive practices integrate all altitudinal tiers, but that major low-lying sites - with long trajectories of occupation are abandoned in favour of hilltop locations. This process was probably gradual and occurred at different paces in different regions. Newly established or greatly enlarged settlements tend to favour ecotonal locations as well as proximity to, and open view over locally important routes of interregional transit. Irrigation agriculture is intensified during the MH: yunga enclaves in central Conchucos are colonised, and ceremonial centres established at the intake of major irrigation canals on the western slope of the Cordillera Blanca. Herding is intensified earlier on the eastern edge of the puna of the Cordillera Negra, an area hitherto populated sparsely. Evidence for organised violence is more convincing in the surface archaeological record of the upper Nepea Valley. It is probably associated with the regional centre at Limojirka, which came to form part of the Casma social formation in MH 3, and was abandoned as a result of the Chim conquest.

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Investigation of civic architecture at Gotushjirka lays bare the fundamental importance of mortuary communities during the MH. The circular kancha enclosures of eastern central Conchucos are empty liminal spaces, designed to serve as theatres for social interaction: monumentalised spaces built to commune, negotiate intra- and inter-group relations, and re-enact the social order within a specific constellation of places (qua socially constituted landscape referents). The enduring significance of such spaces in the Cordillera Blanca area is indicated by their integration, during the later part of the MH, at the centre of large orthogonal complexes. Landscape orientation is maintained, but rooms are added that fill much of the open space, probably for occupation by religious specialists and/or political leaders. Of the different kinds of square patio groups found in the Callejn de Huaylas, the less formalised group probably evolved out of an earlier, local architectural tradition, dissimilar to that discerned in the upper Maran basin. The more rigidly planned type of square enclosure is found clustered at Keushu and Honco Pampa, two of a handful of paramount ceremonial centres on the eastern valley side, which are associated with the intakes of major canal systems on the western slope of the Cordillera Blanca, and probably embody socio-political unification. Differences in access patterns, masonry and layout, however, suggest local agency in construction drawing upon north- and south highland sources of inspiration, rather than external imperial imposition.

The clumped distribution of collective mortuary architecture and unambiguous association of tomb, clusters with highly prominent landscape features, thus linking mortuary communities to places and to each other, by virtue of their relational disposition. Paramount regional necropolis in and around Turriqaqa, Huandoy, Pukaqaqa and Limojirka indicate that these mountains were the chief landscape referents, for the construction and negotiation of social identities in their respective areas. Thus, it is at these locales that claims over the most important means of production, often irrigation water, are materially expressed. This pivotal preoccupation with water is found mapped in regional mortuary patterns of the MH, suggesting that water was perceived as scarce.

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CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS

The focus of this research has been the interrelated issues of territory and identity, during the first and second millennia AD, in the north-central Andes of Peru. Major long-term changes in economic and symbolic modes of landscape appropriation, along a transAndean survey transect, have been evaluated against the spatial and temporal patterning of domestic, productive, civic and mortuary architecture, as well as portable material culture. Its results demonstrate that these material expressions of overlapping collective social identities are tied to local histories of mortuary and productive practices, which are linked, in turn, to prominent landscape features imbued with meaning, such as rock outcrops, mountains and glaciers. From a theoretical perspective people-place relationships are inseparable from social relations between people about places (Hann 1998). Territoriality, for instance, is a form of classification by area, which is linked to particular forms of institutionalised political power (Sack 1986). It may become embodied in the mutually recognised differences between groups of people that share a common view of themselves as different and separate. People strategically deploy social identities during interaction, however (Barth 1969) and neither ethnicity, nor other forms of collective social identity, are inexorably tied to the existence of bounded territories, but only to the stability of relations between people sharing in distinct collective identities. In prehistory, however, only the material aspects of nominal identities (the aspects of social identity linked to naming) and of virtual identities (the experience of a given social identity) are readily accessible. To study how the historically contingent and relational aspects of material identities become intertwined in the construction and negotiation of social identities I have addressed the creation of places and the social memory embodied in ritual practices over one thousand years of prehistory in the rugged highlands of Ancash. Past investigations of social developments in the prehistoric Andes have been durably shaped by the picture of indigenous social formations in historical accounts by European colonisers, texts tainted by a double colonial gaze. On the one hand, the European colonisers confronted a world that was wholly new to them that they were not prepared

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to understand. On the other hand, many of the more accurate early historical texts are based on oral accounts provided by officials and retainers of the Inka state, the Andean colonisers par excellence. Despite their manifold differences, both perspectives embody imposed top-down systems of social and territorial categorisation, or pigeonholing. The outside adscription of categories of social identity (such as the Indians), and the classification of people by area (such as the arbitrary demarcation of provinces), negate discrepant experiences and alternative, people-landscape relations, meaningful for the creation, maintenance and negotiation of identities at the local-level. There is a need, therefore, to move beyond the vertical and blanket modes of social ordering that characterise imperial political projects, which remain embedded in archaeological practice. The broader chronological framework for archaeological study in the central Andes, for instance, is based on the assumption that changes in material culture will be uniform and proportional to the intensity of social interactions. This assumes the homogeneity of change across culture areas and seldom addresses directly the changes in the practices - and places - at which interactions occurred. The emphasis of past research concerning social interaction has often centred on the political economies of ancient states. Archaeological applications have tended to emphasise the economic aspects of social relations within, and interaction amongst, complex social formations, addressing issues such as primary and secondary production, surplus extraction, redistribution and storage (e.g. Earle et al. 1987; DAltroy 1981; DAltroy & Earle 1985; DAltroy & Hastorf 2001). The focus on large-scale social formations, which characterises top-down approaches, however, has led to neglect of the realm of ideas and beliefs - the different ideational glues that bind people together - and of inter-scalar linkages between larger and smaller social formations and their component communities. Ecological complementarity has long provided the touchstone explanatory framework model for the social organisation of vertical landscapes, especially from the XVI century onward. The long-term integration of multiple, ecologically similar, vertical gradients within common culture areas, however, cannot be explained solely through recourse to economic practices. Thus, the focus on the economic practices linking people to places needs to be extended to include symbolic practices as well, since the historical dialectic of economy and ideology plays a key role in the generation of distinct collective identities, at local, regional and inter-regional scales of social integration.

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This investigation has been guided throughout by three interrelated research questions: o Where and how did people negotiate social integration?; o How did prehistoric social formations claim and establish differential rights of access to widely dispersed means of landed production?; and o At what scale did collective identities crystallize and become archaeologically observable phenomena? Pioneering archaeological survey along a 150km transect across the western and central mountain ranges of northern Peru has allowed me to provide some initial answers that not only impinge upon our view of territoriality during later Andean prehistory, but have broader theoretical and methodological implications. In the case of the Inka state (Chapter 5) archaeological findings complement and challenge historically received accounts. The state fostered social integration of ethnically distinct local populations and displaced mitmaq retainers through construction of a statecontrolled network of civic-ceremonial centres along the Capac an road system. Inka centres were larger in size, and probably more impressive, than pre-existing centres, suggesting that Inka ceremonies congregated more people than local, ethnic, gatherings. High status goods redistributed at these centres included Inka pottery and gourd vessels, presumably filled with special liquids intended for consumption elsewhere. The distribution of such vessels, and emulations thereof, at non-Inka sites varies widely across the study area, suggesting that this strategy were more effective in such areas as the Culle-speaking corridor of eastern central Conchucos and the high puna of the Cordillera Negra, than in the immediate vicinity of the inter-Andean Santa valley. Settlement patterns in the study area suggest that imperial expansion was largely guided by the demand for cotton and camelid fibres, probably for textile production. The association of Inka material culture with mortuary practices, however, indicates that rights of access were claimed not only by military force, but by constant recourse to the symbolic associations embedded in a shared though probably contested- sacred landscape.

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Two scales of Inka corporate identity are identifiable in the archaeological record under scrutiny. On the one hand are the large ceremonial centres of regional significance mentioned above. On the other, a small-scale ceremonial centre of local significance, was identified at the saline spring site of Yangn, in eastern Conchucos. Historical and archaeological evidence point to it being built by -and for- mitmaq colonists resettled into the lower Yanamayo Valley to expand the agricultural frontier and intensify farming (probably of cotton and dies) in the riparian Yunga. The locations at which collective identities were materialised during the pre-Inka epoch of later Andean prehistory, the Late Intermediate Period and the Middle Horizon, draw upon long histories of landscape appropriation through mortuary practices. Regional necropolis across the area of study exhibit considerable time-depth. Their distribution indicates that certain mountains, including Turriqaqa in eastern Conchucos, Huandoy (Wanduy) glacier in the Callejn de Huaylas and Pukaqaqa in the upper Rio Loco (Pinkulluyuq) Valley, were probably conceived of as pacarina, dawning points of ethnic origin similar to those described by colonial clerics. The construction of later tombs onto (and into) earlier collective mortuary monuments suggests that the strategic appropriation of the lingering social memory attached to particular mortuary communities was a pervasive means of negotiating social integration and, possibly, gain access to historically legitimated rights over key means of production. The location of highly visible tomb clusters close to sources of irrigation water and, in the high Cordillera Negra, to patches of dry season pastures points to the pivotal role of mortuary practices in asserting collective claims. Andean territoriality is thus not primarily about bounded areas of land. Andean territories throughout later prehistory, instead, appear to have been structured by the perceived hydrological network. The pivotal role of the ancestralised dead, as agents upholding the flow of water at cosmic scale, becomes materially manifest at multiple scales. The scales at which the collective identity of mortuary communities crystallises archaeologically ranges from that of one or two tombs associated with a small farmstead or hamlet; to that of regional necropolis encompassing several score collective sepulchres, open ceremonial spaces and large settlements. This realisation was possible

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only through the unprecedented scale and comparative scope of the present research in historical landscape archaeology, however. The discovery at Gotushjirka of a type of building specifically designed for orchestrating gatherings which linked the living to the dead, for instance, led to the broader realisation that patio-group structures served as theatres of reciprocity, and were pervasive loci of social integration, across the northern Andes for over one thousand years. Distinct, but closely interlinked, traditions of patio-group architecture were ascertained in the upper Maran and Santa valleys. Excavations indicate that this tradition dates back to the EIP, but specific enclosures continue to be used and remodelled well into the LIP. Extant remodelling at well-preserved sites point to close links with the niched hall tradition of Huamachuco, to the north. No evidence was found to support the hypothesis of imperial expansion during the Middle Horizon in the Ancash highlands. Methodologically, the historical landscape approach I have employed to address social interaction, economic organisation and ethnic identity in prehistory integrates archaeological survey and excavation data with historical and ethnographic accounts. To focus on the beliefs and mentalits structuring social integration, at multiple regional scales, analysis proceeded backward in time from the contact period - for which both historical and archaeological data are available - into the archaeological past, where historical and ethnographic analogies aid the interpretation of material culture patterning. At the local scale, this approach centres on places and practices, on where and how people articulated social integration. At the regional scale, it seeks to understand how prehistoric social formations claimed and established differential rights of access to the means of landed production. The scales at which collective identities, such as ethnicity, crystallise in material culture, however, have also been subjected to scrutiny from the bottom up. Informed by historical sources, survey and excavation methods were designed to fit the multiple temporal and spatial scales at which social identities crystallise in the archaeological record. The culturally sensitive survey method integrated local knowledge, consulting with local populations and observing ritual etiquette during excavations (Lane & Herrera 2005) following traditional routes of transit along the 150km long survey transect. The area of study, located in the continental transition zone between puna and

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pramo Andes, crosses the western and central ranges of the Andes. The regional sample drawn upon thus cuts across four major adjacent watersheds (Nepea, Santa, Yurma and Yanamayo valleys), which represent much of the natural (ecological, climatic and geological) diversity of the central Andes. A total of 179 archaeological sites was surveyed (Appendices A and B), of which the saline spring site of Yangn and adjacent ceremonial hilltop of Gotushjirka (Appendix C) were chosen for excavation. The fourteen trenches excavated sought to approach the history of production and appropriation of salt. Research results on the archaeology of Inka colonisation in the north-central highlands (c. AD 1470-1530) can be summarily described as a discontinuous archipelago of productive and ceremonial enclaves, linked together by a road system. The Capac an was the main axis along which people belonging to different ethnic groups, often named in the historical documentation, were resettled. In the study area, relocation was aimed at intensifying production: increased cotton farming in the yunga of central Conchucos, and herding of camelids in the puna of the Cordillera Negra, indirectly suggesting increased textile manufacture. At a broad scale, legitimation of the Inka presence probably rested partly on successful intensification of production and partly on the concomitant redistribution of goods. Finds of Inka material culture at non-Inka settlements and cemeteries support historical accounts suggesting that, in some areas, colonisation led to enduring pockets of multiethnic settlement. Despite regional alliances between the Inka state and ethnic groups in the north-Andean Culle-speaking area, mentioned in historical sources (including Huamachuco and Conchuco), the enclaves settled by Inka retainers were both physically and symbolically segregated from adjacent irrigable enclaves. At Yangn, a ravine and two pairs of tombs stand between the sectors with standardised Inka architecture (C and D) and the saline spring and local agricultural area (sectors A and B). The tombs, which probably pre-date the Inka presence in the region, suggest territorial claims by local people, probably along ethnic lines, while the association of Inka civic architecture with prominent rock outcrops indicates a mode of territorial appropriation not directly tied to manipulation and emplacement of mortuary remains. Yet, although the state fostered a distinct sacred landscape, shared ritual practices are suggested by striking parallels between the burial of human foetuses and neonates

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excavated on the summit of Gotushjirka, and XVII century accounts of multi-ethnic Capacocha offerings during to the Late Horizon. Resistance to colonisation, in contrast, is indicated, on the one hand, by the fortification of the Inka enclave at Wampu, in the southern headwaters of the upper Nepea, as well as, on the other hand, by the distribution of Chim material culture. This situation is not mirrored in the Callejn de Huaylas or the Chaclancayo Valley, in the adjacent Cordillera Negra (Lane et. al. 2004), however. The presence of a small Inka agricultural enclave in the inter-Andean section of the Santa Valley suggests the early stages of colonial encroachment, a suggestion echoed by historical sources regarding the Huaylas macroetna. Historical data on local, pre-Inka, ethnic groups in the Ancash highlands, on the one hand, indicate that ethnic integration occurred at nested scales. They also demonstrate that inter-ethnic arrangements, leading to multi-ethnic enclaves, may pre-date the Inka expansion. Census accounts from the latter part of the XVI century AD mention a low percentage of villages (<10%) in which people serving two or more different caciques cohabited. On the other hand, regional archaeological settlement patterns point to a fragmented socio-political landscape during the LIP (c. AD 1200 -1570). The ethnic groups later recognised (and territorially defined) by the Spanish colonial authorities, may thus have coalesced as discrete entities only during the late XV century, under pressure from the Inka state. The presence of several types of enduring pre-Inka civic architecture at key nodes along the Inka road following the bottom of the Yanamayo Valley, however, suggests earlier inter-ethnic arrangements and multi-ethnic settlement. Excavation results from Yangn indicate that both rectangular and circular patio groups near the saline spring were built (or refurbished) during the latter part of the MH. Local mortuary practices during the LIP and the preceding MH (c. AD 500 - 1470) are chiefly associated with two kinds of collective mortuary structures - above ground chullpa and semi-subterranean machay. The chambers within these tombs are the minimal elements of a nested series of material identities, which visibly express the presence of distinct mortuary and mnemonic communities. The abutment of later (LIP) on earlier (MH) collective tombs evokes the enduring memory and symbolic power embedded in them. At the maximal end of the series regional necropolis embody a collective assertion of social identity at supra-kinship level. This is congruent with historical accounts of pacarina as pivotal places, ascribed importance as the mytho-historical location of ethnic

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genesis. The centennial or millennial stability of regional pacarina mountains, including Turriqaqa, Huandoy, Pukaqaqa and Limojirka, contrasts markedly with the short duration of the ceremonial network established by the Inka state. The settlement strategies of the LIP developed out of changes in economic strategies during the VI-IX centuries AD, which become manifest as a pan-regional upward shift in settlement focus that cannot be adequately explained as a result of the expansion of any single pre-Columbian territorial state. Evidence for organised violence during the MH (c. AD 500 - 1200) is most convincing in the upper part of the coastal valley-oasis of Nepea, where it is probably associated with the regional pacarina at Limojirka. This ceremonial centre came to form part of the Casma social formation during MH 3 and was largely abandoned, probably as a result of the Chim conquest, during the early LIP. In the adjoining highlands, to the east, individual items of material culture, including snuff-trays and four-cornered hats, indicate participation in the Wari / Tiwanaku interaction sphere, but the emplacement of larger settlements at ecotonal locations, close to routes of interregional transit, and the intensification of primary production across the region indicate that economic concerns, possibly triggered by climatic factors, were the primary drivers of settlement pattern change. The association of the largest tombs and necropolis with sources of irrigation water in the Callejn de Huaylas, coupled to the unparalleled monumentality of MH collective tombs, suggests increasing contestation of water rights (but not of territory). The relational order of such tombs, their size, orientation, elaboration and furnishings, as well as the order of construction, embodies the social histories of negotiations between mortuary communities, pointing to the internal organisation of the groups of communities participating in the construction of socio-economic formations. Structured sets of relationships between contemporary tombs suggest highly durable, and ancestrally legitimated, social relations linking people to sources of water through mortuary practices. Examples of the ways social identities interconnected with places through mortuary practices are found in kancha patio group enclosures, such as the late EIP - MH structures (c. AD 300 - 1000) excavated in at Gotushjirka. The tall circular structures, with lateral ramps and a central stage, served as theatres for orchestrated gatherings and feasting: spaces built for gatherings, communion, negotiation of intra- and inter-group relations, and re-enactment of the social order within a specific constellation of

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meaningful points in the landscape, including the ancestral tombs embedded in the mountain above. Similar theatres of social interaction are common across the study area, and were probably the loci for negotiations between mortuary communities sharing in structurally similar, and conceptually related, social identities. The great regional variability in kancha plans and sizes, and their aggregation adjacent to paramount regional necropolis, however, indicates that multiple modes and interrelated scales of social integration coexisted simultaneously. The enduring significance of such spaces in the Cordillera Blanca area is indicated by the integration, during the later part of the MH, of circular enclosures at the centre of orthogonal complexes. The latter pertain to an architectural tradition known from the north highlands of Huamachuco, and the Culle language was probably spoken in both areas at this time. The change from the earlier empty circular enclosures to the permanently settled rectangular kancha with rooms indicates a significant shift in late Andean prehistory. This transition, which probably began during the latter part of the MH, possibly around AD 800, indicates increased institutional control over the spaces, in which ritual interactions occurred. In sum, the social memory embedded in places and monuments, often materialised as representations of associated objects, such as sculptures, decorated vessels or cloths, probably acted as mnemonic devices for the validation of specific mytho-histories. The relational (spatial and temporal) disposition of ceremonial enclosures, collective tombs and settlements embodied the material expression of layered collective identities. Establishing how people built social difference and distance between mutually recognized social identities can thus provide a basis for assessing the potential force of social interaction as a driver of social change and increasing social complexity. Long-term changes and differences in regional developments in mortuary practices and settlement strategies have, I argue, shed light on the development of social complexity from the bottom-up. In this Andean case, the collective machay and chullpa tombs, kancha enclosures and the llajta ceremonial centres embodied overlapping material identities integrating communities through mortuary practices at varying, yet interrelated scales.

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Contextualisation of the archaeological record within specific regional historical trajectories allows analysis of indigenous means to classify things and people segregated from imposed territorial models, such as centred on bounded areas of land. The former symbolically related social identities to specific constellations of landscape features, ancestral monuments and means of landed production. These constellations, and the places in which their symbolic force was articulated in ritual social interactions, changed over time. From a long-term perspective, for instance, the decrease in size and elaboration of chullpa tombs after the MH was concomitant with an increase in the size of enclosures, and a decrease in their numbers. This may suggest, that centralization was occurring as social formations attempted to host ever-larger gatherings. The large plazas dominating Inka centres should therefore be seen as particularly inclusive theatres of social interaction. Future directions of research could profitably link this emerging picture of complex social developments in the Andes to those in Amazonia, by extending survey at the eastern end of the transect, for instance. Focussed, smaller-scale projects could address regional or local sets of mortuary and civic structures to resolve further the changing dynamics of social organisation. In this instance, trench excavations should be complemented by area excavations and combined with extensive soil sampling to obtain quantifiable material evidence for the activities structuring social interaction in enclosures and tombs. More light might also be shed on long-term human through excavation and archaeobotanical analyses of deeply stratified middens with good preservation, such as the dry caves and rock-shelters of the Maran Valley.

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