Você está na página 1de 35

"

HISTORY OF CATHOLIC ANTISEMITISM: DARK SIDE OF THE CHURCH By Robert Michael Professor Emeritus of European History University of Massachusetts Dartmouth Graduate Faculty, Florida Gulf Coast University
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, April 2008) 2008 by Rober Mic!ael

TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication Preface

2
Acknowledgements Introduction: The Catholic Church and the Jews 1: Pagans and Early Catholics 2: Value Inversion and Vilification 3. Roman Law 4. Medieval Deterioration 5. Crusades and Defamations 6. Papal Policy 7. Germany 8. France 9. Poland 10. Papal Policy During the Holocaust Postscript: Catholic Racism

DEDICATION I dedicate this book to the patience and inspiration of my wife, Susan, and my children, Stephanie, Andrew, and Carolyn. To my parents, Gilbert E. Friedberg and Jeanne Greene Friedberg. To my brother, Stephen H. Friedberg. When Steve and I were children, our second mother was Ruth Mary Hubbard Miller, a Roman Catholic. This loving person, married to a Protestant, expressed no prejudice toward us or our Jewish family. Not until researching the earliest origins of the Holocaust did I discover the Church Fathers, and from there the whole sorry history of Catholic antisemitism. This book is also dedicated to Ruth Mary Hubbard Miller. Finally, I want to dedicate my work to my late friend, the

Reverend Father Edward Flannery, a human exemplar of the kind of Catholic who followed the tradition of authentic love for Jews his whole life long.

PREFACE The search for truth is imperative if Catholics and Jews are to be reconciled. This search requires us to remember and not forget the bitterest facts. For without memory, past evils will replicate themselves in new forms. Without memory, we cannot complete a healing process that requires us to understand the dark side of things we cherish. Without memory, there can be no solid foundation for a compassionate and productive relationship between Catholics and Jews, in which human similarities override human differences. As the Ba'al Shem Tov has indicated, without memory there can be no redemption.

INTRODUCTION: THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE JEWS: "In the last analysis, antisemitism is not only an isue of physical life and death for the Jews, it is also a spiritual problem for Christians." Jacques Maritain

CATHOLIC ANTISEMITISM It is almost impossible to find examples of antisemitism that are exclusively racial, economic, or political, and free of religious configuration. The infamous, secular, and "racial" Nuremberg Laws of 1935, for example, employed the religious affiliation of Jews in order to identify them for discrimination. What else could they do? There is no such thing as race and so there was no authentic scientific way to detect the racial nature of a Jew.i So the Nazis had to resort to using birth and baptismal records (seven of them, for 4 grandparents, 2

parents, the person him/herself) to establish who was a Jew, who was not. Many lay Catholics and widely respected Catholic writers still hesitate to come to grips with the two millennia of Catholic antisemitism that prepared Catholics not only to perceive Jews in a negative way, but also primed them to accept the anti-Jewish aspects of secular ideasand to take action on them. Catholic, as distinguished from Orthodox and Protestant, refers to those Christians in communion with the Holy See of Rome, with the whole ecclesiastical structure of the Church, with the popes at the top of an extensive episcopal hierarchy.ii "Catholic antisemitism" refers to the anti-Jewish elements in the theology of the Church Fathers, both Latin and Greek, the pronouncements and actions of the papacy and Catholic orders, the teachings and actions of clerics, the content of canon law, the laws and

behaviors of secular Catholic princes, as well as the works and behaviors of secular Catholic faithful, including writers and artists. This definition does not deny that some Catholics have thought positively of, and acted benificently toward, Jews--especially since Nostra Aetate in 1965 offered official sanction to such humane and philosemitic behaviors. Nor does it deny that official Church doctrine, based on St. Augustine, regarded the Jews as suffering witnesses, not to be murdered--though this restriction was violated by Catholics time and again. But until 1965, the Catholic Church's "dark side" in regard to the Jews, Jewishness, and Judaism was predominant. According to some authors, the early Church's hostility to Jews grew out of a Gentile antisemitism that converted pagans carried into the Church.iii These writers take into account neither the positive pagan attitudes, nor pagan indifference, toward Jews, nor the qualitative

differences between pagan and early Catholic antisemitism. Of the approximately twenty-five percent of pagan writers who disliked the Jews, almost all of them felt Jews were an annoying people who ate differently, wasted time on the Sabbath, believed in a ridiculous invisible God, and so forth.iv But the earliest and strongest Catholic charge against the Jews was "Christ-killer" and the charge exploded beyond Jesus of Nazareth's generation of Jews when Catholics cited holy writ: "Let his blood be on our heads and the heads of our children." (Matthew 27) Other authors argue that Christianity taught contempt of Jews only during the medieval period and that modern antisemitism is essentially secular. Such writers find no definite connecting link or continuity between Christian antisemitism and Nazism.v Still other scholars dismiss the continuing power of Catholic

antisemitism; instead, they believe modern antisemitism originated in the "secular" Enlightenment period.vi Robert Wistrich argued that if modern Catholics were antisemitic, then Jews would never have been granted any civil rights or other freedoms in modern Christian society. Wistrich assumed that Christian antisemitism was unambiguous and could not be hidden, disguised, or modified, and he ignored the fact that, based on St. Augustine's Witness-People dictum, many Catholic antisemites treated Jews like Cain, degraded them but did not set out to kill them all. Wistrich also observed that Hitler's "either-or" policy of destruction of the Jews did not reflect the essential beliefs of Catholic orthodoxy but followed instead the path of Catholic heresy.vii But Catholic anti-Jewishness has been the predominant position on the Jews, as this book will show, not the product of heterodoxy. Michael Marrus believes that the causes of the Holocaust have no roots earlier

than the nineteenth century. In discussing Uriel Tal's analysis of nineteenth-century antisemitism, for example, Marrus misses Tal's point that even when racist antisemitism is theoretically anti-Catholic, it involves crucial elements of Catholic beliefs and of Catholic culture. Marrus mentions Peter Pulzer's analysis of Austrian antisemitism at the turn of the century but omits Pulzer's recent appreciation of the continuing importance of religious factors in modern antisemitism. Pulzer's point is similar to that of Tal's: "I am more strongly convinced than I was when I wrote the book that a tradition of religiously-inspired Jew hatred . . . was a necessary condition for the success of antisemitic propaganda, even when expressed in non-religious terms and absorbed by those no longer religiously observant."viii Marrus writes as though the Nazis were the first to demonize the Jews and ignores the crucial importance of Christian antisemitism in their

mentality. St. Augustine, for example, called all Jews Cains, St. Jerome saw all Jews as Judases, St. John Chrysostom regarded all Jews as useless animals fit for slaughter. Catholic ideas such as these are not the kind that exist in a detached Platonic realm, but ides forces ideas with emotional punch affecting the real world.i# "Ideas, endlessly repeated, furnished justification for the vilest acts."# James Parkes, John Gager, Robert Willis, and Alan Davies have all made provocative statements concerning the enduring negative effects of Catholic-Christian theology. Robert Willis concluded that "There are obviously, political, social, and economic factors that must be taken into account in assessing the causes of the Holocaust. What is at stake is a proper understanding of the contribution of theological antisemitism to the creation of a social and moral climate that allowed the 'final solution' to become a reality. . . . It is necessary . . . to

appreciate the cumulative impact of a centuries-long tradition of hostility towards Judaism and Jews within the church as a crucial condition enabling [Hitler's] mobilization [of public opinion] to take place."#i

Just as the Catholic attitude toward the Jews was bipolar, so Catholic antisemitism was not without exception. Indeed, had the Church attempted to eradicate all the Jews, as it did the heretics, Jews would have disappeared by the fourth or fifth century, when Catholicism came to dominate the Roman Empire, or certainly by the High Middle Ages, when at times the Church's influence was almost totalitarian. Let us briefly examine the contradictory attitudes and actions of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (d.1153)#ii--certainly the greatest spiritual figure, and perhaps the greatest historical figure, of the twelfth

century. He was the Church's most respected and influential cleric, the leading figure of the Latin Church, its greatest writer and preacher, a reformer of the powerful and prestigious Benedictine order, confidant of Pope Innocent II, and teacher of Pope Eugenius III. Like the popes, Bernard believed that religion should control every aspect of society. He was one of the founders of the Cistercian monastic order, encouraged the cult of Mary, and contributed to popular piety. We shall see in chapters 4, 5, and 6 that Bernard wrote against the Jews as deicides, slaves, and racially evil. But the case at hand is his relationship to the French Cistercian monk Rodolphe and the Second Crusade. Rodolphe was believed to perform miracles and attracted enormous crowds; he preached that the Jewish enemies of God must be punished.#iii His preaching was followed by massacres in Strasbourg, Cologne, Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Wrzburg, and in other

French and German cities#iv to the Crusader cry of HEP, HEP (Hierosolyma est perdita, Jerusalem Is Lost).#v His demagogy was finally terminated by St. Bernard, who spoke out against the murder of Jews in England, France, and Germany. Bernard warned the English people that "the Jews are not to be persecuted, killed, or even put to flight."#vi An adherent of St. Augustine's precept about the Jews as the Witness People, Bernard traveled to Germany in late 1146 both to preach Crusade and to hush Rodolphe, "It is good that you go off to fight the Ishmaelites [Turks]. But whoever touches a Jew to take his life is like one who had touched the apple of the eye of Jesus; for [Jews] are his flesh and bone. My disciple Rodolphe has spoken in error--for it is said in Psalms [59:11], 'Slay them not, lest my people forget.'"#vii The psalm continues, "My God will let me look in triumph on my enemies. Do not kill them, or my people may forget; make them totter by your

power, and bring them down, O Lord . . . consume them in wrath, consume them until they are no more." [Psalm 59:11-13]--words themselves quoted earlier by St. Augustine. Yet Bernard's motives were not clearly mercy, charity, or human decency. He told the Archbishop of Mainz that Rodolphe's murderous preaching against the Jews was the least of his three offenses, namely, "unauthorized preaching, contempt for episcopal authority, and incitation to murder."#viii Again following St. Augustine, Bernard held that "the Jews ought not to die in consequence of the immensity of their crimes, but rather to suffer the Diaspora."#i# Bernard recalled to his English audience that Jews must "remind us always of what our Lord suffered." Bernard also noted that at the Second Coming of Christ Jews already dead would remain in hell.## Likewise, he called the Jews hard-hearted and regarded the synagogue as a "cruel mother" who

had crowned Jesus with thorns.##i He used the servile condition of the Jews ("no slavery is as demeaning as that of the Jews"##ii), along with their lack of kingdom, priesthood, prophets, and temple, to demonstrate that the Jews were being punished for history's greatest sin, the crucifixion of Christ. For Bernard, the Jews were venomous vipers whose bestial stupidity and blindness caused them to "lay impious hands upon the Lord of Glory."##iii Bernard also wrote that a Christian who neglected Christ's sufferings was "a sharer in the unparalleled sin of the Jews."##iv He commended the Abbot Warren of the Alps for attacking the indiscipline of churlish monks as "destroying those synagogues of Satan"--a phrase from Revelation. Following St. John Chrysostom, Bernard condemned the Jews as ever ungrateful to God and as always resisting the holy spirit, calling them the minions of Satan. He preached that "The Jews, ever mindful of the hatred

wherewith they hate his Father, take this opportunity to vent it on the Son . . . these wicked men . . .." and that "Judaea hates the Light."##v The intimate connection between Judaism and Catholicism has motivated authentic Catholics--those who follow theologia crucisxxvi within Catholic thought--to treat Jews decently, and in every generation they have genuinely respected Jews. The Roman Catholic Church's historical prohibitions against Catholic-Jewish fraternization presumed the existence of social relationships between Catholics and Jews. Catholic theologians continually complained about the faithful who grew too close to Jews or treated them as human beings rather than as theological types. In every era, some Catholics steadfastly taught their children to respect other human beings, Jews included. "For most rescuers [of Jews during the Holocaust,] helping Jews was an expression of ethical principles that extended to all of humanity . . .."##vii

Even though the Church has often sought to preserve Jews--at least a remnent thereof--and Judaism as historic forebears of Christianity,xxviii most Catholic writers, thinkers, theologians, politicians, and prelates have expressed a profound hostility toward Jews, and their attitudes have incontestably influenced average Catholics. In the earliest centuries of the Christian era, a relatively bland pre-existing pagan antagonism toward Jews was replaced by historical and theological beliefs that the Jewish people were abhorrent and that any injustice done to them, short of murder, was justified. Jews became the archetypal evil-doers in Catholic societies. This anti-Jewish attitude was a permanent element in the fundamental identity of western Christian civilization--and, for the purposes of this book, in the national identities of countries with large Catholic populations like Poland, Austria, and France. Catholics who took this antagonistic position

toward Jews adhered to triumphalism, or theologia gloriae.##i# The Churches' predominant, normative theological position in regard to the Jews has been called theologia gloriaeaccording to James Parkes, an "inbred religious paranoia [that] has been a perversion of everything Jesus meant."### This antisemitic theology of glory, this dark side of the Church, generally holds that: 1. The Christian Church, the new Israel"ordained and sanctioned by God himself"has triumphantly succeeded the cursed and rejected old Israel morally, historically, and metaphysically. 2. Jews denied the true Messiah, the Christ, and murdered him, for which all Jews were forever collectively guilty. 3. The Jews were paradigmatic evil-doers even before their atrocious act of deicide 4. Jews were not to be totally exterminated since they adhered to the Law and gave Christianity the history that it needed to legitimize itself.

Moral perception and behavior are shaped by the society into which we have been socialized and even more by the community we acknowledge as our own. What the Church thought about Christ and itself as an institution determined what most Catholics believed about Judaism and Jews. Anti-Jewish theological defamations, communi$ cated and empowered by the Church, justified most Catholics in their antisemitic ideas. Moreover, this anti-Jewish repugnance has not been restricted to the realm of ideas; like any ideology, it has boiled over into contemptuous feelings and behaviors. Tragically, to love Christ for many if not most Catholics came to mean hatred of his alleged mur$ derers. How could Catholics have ever learned to love the Jewish people, asked Pierre Pierrard, when favorable religious ideas about Jews "were lost in the blood of Calvary. 'The History of the Church' made [Jews] appear only as an antithesis of the glorious epic of the

Roman Church."xxxi Until 1965 and beyond, the most significant ideology about Jews within the Church, the theology of glory, has encouraged Catholics to view Judaism as little more than the work of Satan and the Antichrist, and to regard Jews with sacred horror. This anti-Jewish theology has been so pervasive that even decent Christians have sometimes uttered the most "factually untrue and grossly libelous" statements about Jews.xxxii Moreover, these negative perceptions have existed independent of what Jews themselves have actually done, or, indeed, of a Jewish presence at all. In their ideological assault on the Jews, the Fathers of the Church, for example, never cited the misdeeds of their contemporary Jewish neighbors. It was mythical Jewish actionstheir alleged deicide and later medieval defamationsthat stood as the basis of resentful Catholic misperceptions.xxxiii God was always pictured

as "in there punching" on the side of Catholicism and Catholics against Jews and Judaism.xxxiv These religious antagonisms, elaborated by the theological and popular writings and preachings of the Church's great theologians and popes, exploited by Catholic authorities, enhanced by the liturgy, art, and literature of the Church, created in most of the faithful an automatic hostility toward Jewishness. This diabolizing of the Jews has continued into the modern period with only minor deviations.###v Just as Catholic theology denied Jews salvation in the next life, so it disqualified Jews from legitimate citizenship in Christendom. In a sense, Jews were ostracized from full human status. Some protective Roman legal traditions, some Catholic feelings of charity, and the Jews' ambivalent role as suffering examples of the consequences of offending God provided Jews with a precarious place within Catholic

society. But until their emancipation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuriesand to this day, for someJews had only a very tenuous legal and moral right to exist, let alone act as citizens. The Jews had to plead with Catholic authoritieskings and princes, bishops and dictators, popes and presidentsto protect them. Sometimes this worked. Other times the authorities turned their backs on the Jews or collaborated with those Catholics who were intent on cursing, expropriating, expelling, or murdering them. Despite the close theological relationship between Judaism and Catholicism, despite Jesus' commandment about love of neighbor, despite the modern Roman Catholic Church's insistence on "justice and charity" in the treatment of Jews, despite the Church's emphasis on caritas (love within families that extended outward toward neighborhood, city, and nation) and agape (the self-sacrificial love

taught by Jesus on the cross that extended to love of enemies), most Catholics found it impossible to love Jews. When Catholicism was a new religion and had to fight for its own individual identity, churchmen and theologians found it necessary to distance themselves from Jews. Furthermore, humane behavior toward Jews required Catholics to follow the difficult moral precepts of Jesus as expressed in the Gospels. Although the Church professed the same moral precepts, it usually followed anti-Jewish policies. Some Catholic writers called on the faithful to love Jews but only as a first step toward converting them, that is, this kind of love was meant to precede the elimination of Jews as Jews.

The Dark Side of the Church will summarize and analyze the

history of Catholic antisemitism, a set of beliefs creating a climate of opinion that led to untold suffering and millions of Jewish deaths before the Holocaust,xxxvi and not only made the Holocaust possible, but likely. What does it take for a nation's workers, middle class, aristocracy, artists, and intellectuals in a few years to collaborate in the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of its Jewish neighbors and fellow citizens, and millions of Jewish coreligionists outside the national borders? As historian Walter Zwi Bacharach wrote, "no human being gets up one fine morning and sets out to kill Jews, just because he is ordered to do so."###vii This comment was mirrored decades later by James O'Gara, editor of the Catholic Commonweal: "Could the Nazi horror have sprung full-blown out of nowhere, without centuries of [Christian] antisemitism to nourish it and give it strength."xxxviii It takes centuries of preparation, tradition, and religion to enable people to see others as

inhuman monsters and act on this perception. Gordon Allport points out that Christianity stands as the focus of prejudice because "it is the pivot of the cultural tradition."xxxix Catholic theological and Catholic racist antisemitismxl prepared, conditioned, and encouraged Catholic antisemites, and others, to collaborate actively and/or passively with
xli

individual and institutional antisemitic behaviors--avoidance, antilocution, discrimination, expropriation, physical assault and torture, murder, and mass murder.xlii This Catholic antisemitism paved the long via dolorosa that led to Auschwitz and beyond.

Catholic antisemitism has been exported to the Middle East where Christian Arabs were the conduit for entry, so that traditional antisemitism has been grafted on to pre-existing Muslim Jew-hatred

and portends a grave danger for Jews in the future. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion (translated into Arabic by a Lebanese Christian) in the early 1920s), Hitlers Mein Kampf, and Fords International Jew are readily available all over the Muslim world. Mel Gibsons antisemitic film, The Passion of the Christ, gained instant popularity in the Middle East.xliii Neither Arab immigrants to Europe nor reactions to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict explains "the resurgence of European antisemitism after the Holocaust." On the contrary, explains Manfred Gerstenstein, the facts suggest that continuing antisemitism "is integral to European [Christian] culture." Leftists, Rightists, and in between express hatred of Jews. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, most European nations are exhibiting significant levels of antisemitism. The doublethinking European Union attacks Israel and at the same time seems to oppose traditional antisemitism.xliv (In 2005, the

European Union Monitoring Center on Racism and Xenophobia established a "Working Definition of Antisemitism."xlv) Unanswerable questions remain. Can the Churches truly eliminate the anti-Jewish elements in their teachings? Can the Church admit to the mythic nature of the Gospel stories, which may contain some fact but more fully convey the authors' (antiJewish) perspectives and the Church's (anti-Jewish) interpretations--especially the Crucifixion story, which fixes on the Jews eternal responsibility and collective guilt for the murder of God?xlvi A final question is whether the Catholic Church can give up its anti-Jewish position and remain as an intact institution.

INTRODUCTION Lolly O'Brien, quoting Shirley M. Tilghman, the director of the Lewis-Sigler Institute for

Integrative Genomics, in "Of Genetics, race, and evolution: What the director of Princeton's new institute for genomics has to say" (Oct. 25, 2000) <http://www.princeton.edu/~paw/web_exclusives/features/features_05.html>
ii

In this book, "Catholic Church" and "Roman Catholic Church" refer to the "One, Holy,

Catholic and Apostolic Church" mentioned in the Nicean Creed and the "Holy Catholic Church" [sanctam, ecclesiam, catholicam] referred to in the Apostles' Creed. Before the EastWest Schism of 1054, both Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic held that they belonged to the same One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church. It was with the great schism of the 16th century that the Protestant Churches broke away from the mainline Holy Catholic Church, which became identified as the Catholic Church or the Roman Catholic Church (in full communion with the Bishop of Rome), the single strongest, best organized, and most influential of the Christian churches, with 1,098,366,000 members in 2004, one-sixth of the world's population.
iii

Marcel Simon, Verus Israel (Oxford 1986), 231-2; also Robert Wistrich, Antisemitism: The

Longest Hatred (London 1991), xvii-xviii; F. Lovsky, Antismitisme et mystre d'Isral (Paris 1955); James Parkes, The Conflict of Church and Synagogue: A Study in the Origins of Antisemitism (New York 1979); Jules Isaac, Gense de l'antismitisme (Paris 1956); and Jean

Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire romain (Paris 1914), among others, who take the position that Christian theology provided a quantum leap into a qualitatively new kind of antisemitism.
iv

Menachem Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism (Jerusalem 1984), 3 vols.,

has collected and translated all the relevant primary sources.


v

Simon, Verus Israel, 397-8. E.g., Arthur Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (New York 1968), 10, 313;

vi

Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York 1963), 297.
vii

Wistrich, Antisemitism, xvii; Wistrich, Hitler's Apocalypse: Jews and the Nazi Legacy (New

York 1985), 29. Manuel, Broken Staff, 296, also blames "rogue elements in Christianity" and calls Nazism "a Christian heresy."
viii

Peter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Antisemitism in Germany and Austria (Cambridge, MA.,

1964, 1988), xxii.


ix

Alfred Fouille, Morale des Ides-Forces (Paris 1908), 353.

Eugen Weber, Action Franaise: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth-Century France

(Stanford 1962), 463.


xi

Robert Willis, "Christian Theology After Auschwitz," Journal of Ecumenical Studies (Fall

1975), 495. See also Parkes, The Conflict of Church and Synagogue, 376; John Gager, The Origins of Antisemitism: Attitudes Toward Judaism in Pagan and Christian Antiquity (New York

1983), 13; Davies, Antisemitism and the Christian Mind: The Crisis of Conscience After Auschwitz (New York 1969), 39.
xii

Otto of Freising indicates that Bernard finally silenced Rodolphe by invoking monastic

discipline. Chazan, European Jewry, 177-8.


xiii

Rabbi Ephraim bar Jacob of Bonn, in Neubauer and Stern, eds., Hebrische Berichte, 187-8.

Otto of Freising quoted in Chazan, European Jewry, 170.


xiv

Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, 69-70.

xv

Graetz, History of the Jews, 3:351-2; Vamberto Morais, A Short History of Antisemitism (New

York 1976), 104.


xvi

The document is translated in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle Ages, 101-4. Rabbi Ephraim bar Jacob of Bonn, in Neubauer and Stern, eds., Hebrische Berichte, 188.

xvii

See also Henry Hart Milman, History of the Jews (New York 1939), 2:310.
xviii

Bernard's letter to the Archbishop of Mainz, in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the

Middle Ages, 104-5.


xix

Bernard of Clairvaux, "Epistola CCCLXIII (946)," in PL, 182:567.

xx

"Bernard's Letter to the People of England," in Chazan, Church, State, and Jew in the Middle

Ages, 101-4.
xxi

Bernard of Clairvaux, St. Bernard's Sermons for the Seasons and the Principal Festivals of

the Year (Westminster, MD, 1950), 1:379.

xxii

De Consideratione I, 4, quoted by Torrell, "Les juifs dans l'oeuvre de Pierre le Vnrable,"

342 n58.
xxiii

Bernard, Sermones super Cantica Canticorum, 60.4, in David Berger, "The Attitude of St.

Bernard of Clairvaux Toward the Jews," American Academy for Jewish Research, Proceedings (New York 1973), 96.
xxiv

Bernard, St. Bernard's Sermons, 2:149, in Berger, "The Attitudes of St. Bernard of Clairvaux

Toward the Jews," 104.


xxv

Berger, "The Attitude of St. Bernard of Clairvaux Toward the Jews," 101-2. See below this chapter. Samuel and Pearl Oliner, The Altruistic Personality: Rescuers of Jews in Nazi Europe (New

xxvi

xxvii

York 1988), 170.


xxviii

See chs. 1 and 2, below.

xxix

Luther, "Heidelberg Disputation," Article 21, in Luther's Works, 31: 40.

xxx

James Parkes, "Antisemitism and Theological Arrogance," Continuum (Autumn 1966), 413. Pierre Pierrard, Juifs et Catholiques Franais (Paris 1970), p. 298. James Parkes, "Attitude to Judaism," The Journal of Bible and Religion (October 1961), p.

xxxi

xxxii

300.
xxxiii

Bernard Glassman, Antisemitic stereotypes without Jews: Images of the Jews in England,

1290-1700 (Detroit 1975).

xxxiv

Rosemary Ruether, Faith and Fratricide (New York 19674), 147.

xxxv

Frederick Schweitzer, "The Tap-Root of Antisemitism: The Demonization of the Jews,"

Remembering for the Future (Oxford 1988), 879-90.


xxxvi

In The Last Three Popes and the Jews (New York 1967), Pinchas Lapide estimates that

more than six million Jews were murdered by Christians in the centuries before the Holocaust.
xxxvii

Walter Zwi Bacharach, Anti-Jewish Prejudices in German-Catholic Sermons (Lewiston,

NY, 1993), 46.


xxxviii

May 1961, quoted in Cohen, Christ Killers, 170. Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, (New York 1988), 446.

xxxix

xl

See Postscript below. Not just Protestants but Muslims as well. Based on Gordon Allport's list in his Nature of Prejudice (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), 14-15. See Robert Michael and Philip Rosen, Dictionary of Antisemitism (Lanham, MD, 2006); Cohen,

xli

xlii

xliii

Christ Killers, 117.

xliv

Manfred Gerstenfeld, "Antisemitism: Integral to European Culture," Jerusalem Center for

Public Affairs (30 March 2004).


xlv

Working Definition of Antisemitism, EUMC. Discussion Papers--Racism, Xenophobia,

Antisemitism, March 16, 2005. <eumc.eu.int/eumc/index> See Robert Michael and Philip

Rosen, "Introduction," Dictionary of Antisemitism (Lanham, MD, 2006).

xlvi

See Jeremy Cohen, Christ-Killers (New York 2007).