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Anthropology and Society in the Andes : Themes and issues

Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui Critique of Anthropology 1993 13: 77 DOI: 10.1177/0308275X9301300104 The online version of this article can be found at: http://coa.sagepub.com/content/13/1/77

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Anthropology and Society in the Andes

Themes and issues Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui History Workshop, La Paz

Andean Oral

In 1973, the Maoist group Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) broke away from the Peruvian Communist Party, Patria Roja (Red Nation), and announced its preparation for a prolonged peoples war. At the time the intellectuals and political leaders of the Peruvian left wing considered the event to be inconsequential. Seven years later, the Senderistas carried out their first armed attack: a symbolic sabotage of the May 1980 presidential elections in a small, isolated settlement in the Ayacucho highlands. Bewilderment, disbelief and even scorn were the initial reactions to the event from the majority of the left wing. At the time the main political parties were engaged in the electoral contest, following drawn-out Frentista negotiations and more than a decade of discussions with the reformist military governments. During the course of the 1980s, the violence arising from the guerrilla presence and the efforts to repress them has increased in a geometric curve. Violence has extended geographically and demographically to affect diverse regions. Violence reaches from areas of traditional life-style, such as the Ayacucho highlands (the initial epicentre of guerrilla activity), to areas given over to trading, such as the Mantaro Valley and agricultural zones bordering the Peruvian Amazon. Paradoxically some of these regions figure among the most well-known and heavily studied areas in anthropology which, with other related disciplines, has enjoyed a long history in Peru, as witnessed by the number of excellent published texts that are not to be found in any of the other Andean countries. The problem this situation raises for Andean studies could not be more acute, as it calls for an examination of the very meaning behind our work. Distanced as we may be from applied anthropology or state policy imposed on the indigenous population, we cannot deny that anthropology has a diagnostic role to play when it comes to the conflicts and problems experienced by that community. Even disciplines which appear to be far

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removed from the present such as Andean ethnohistory and archaeology raise valid questions about todays world. We only have to mention John V. Murras work to see that this is the case. His work on the high productivity levels of Andean agriculture with its original solutions to the challenges thrown up by altitude, climatic instability and the distribution and circulation of produce continues to furnish us with useful insights and could inspire creative solutions to todays serious problems of ecological imbalances, falling productivity levels and rural impoverishment. Up until the appearance of the Senderista phenomenon, few would have dared question that anthropology and other related disciplines had accumulated sufficient knowledge of Andean reality to fully understand the motivating forces and tendencies of the historic denouement of the region. By 1980, the national tradition of research stretched back half a century and anthropology had been established at university level for at least 40 years. Peruvian anthropology was the unquestioned doyen among the regions disciplines. Bolivian anthropology was the least advanced of all and it was not until the 1970s that research in the territory came into the hands of nationals. It was as late as the 1980s before the first Department of Anthropology at university level was opened. At this stage in the development of Bolivian anthropology, the work of Peruvian colleagues was a constant source of inspiration and instruction. Nevertheless, today we are still asking ourselves: what was the hidden malaise brewing within Peruvian society during the 1970s which the social sciences failed to identify? Which aspects of the situation were passed over or misinterpreted ? What can we learn from the Peruvian case, beyond the brilliant academic school that has given so much to scholars of the Andean world? This paper is an attempt to answer these questions, highlighting some of the issues concerned with understanding the relationship between the sociopolitical context and anthropological work in Peru and Bolivia. From this comparative and thematic standpoint I also hope to identify the deficiencies in research and interpretation which exist in anthropological studies in both countries, and to indicate some key issues for a future

agenda.
I do not intend to produce a systematic bibliographic essay on the anthropological output of the last two decades, but instead wish to concentrate on certain significant problematic issues in order to understand the interaction between anthropology and society in both countries. Furthermore, I must point out that I will not be limiting myself solely to the field of anthropology. I intend to take into account studies from historiography and other disciplines which I see as important for the illustration of each theme. This unorthodox point of departure allows me to place the

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anthropology of our countries within the context of the present crisis of rural violence which affects Andean agronomy. It also enables me to interpret anthropology as a science which not only helps us to understand Andean society in the past and in the present but which will also give us the means to envisage a less catastrophic future for these communities.
1. Andean achievements and the recovery ofAymara

autonomy
One of the most outstanding elements of Andean ethnohistory is the way in which the originality and creativity of precolonial Andean societies is related in positive terms. John V. Murra made great advances in his studies of the multicyclical organization of food production created by the Andean communities (ranging across several ecological levels and subject to sui-generis, non-mercantile, circulation mechanisms). His work formed the basis for the development of a series of studies aimed at investigating the technological and agronomic aspects of these systems as well as their ideological and organizational mechanisms. The functioning of the vertical control of multiple ecological levels system in the past and present, and the study of the conditions of its breakdown or continuation formed the main body of Murras work. In particular, his fresh studies brought to light something that neither the state bureaucrats nor the developmentalist anthropologists of the preceding decades had perceived. Namely, that in many Andean regions, despite the centuries of outside aggression and destruction, Andean peoples continued to use these systems to confront the risks posed by an agriculture weighed down by the limitations of the Andean environment and the negative effects of a fundamentally unequal market. These findings implicitly or explicitly questioned the predominant view that mercantilization and specialization of peasant production were the only ways to overcome rural underdevelopment and misery. The research carried out in Peru and Bolivia during the 1970s on the vertical control of multiple ecological levels system and other themes related to the organization and internal rationality of Andean societies has two very distinct patterns of development in the two countries. In Peru a much greater volume of work has been produced which has had wider geographical distribution and a stronger academic resonance. In contrast, in Bolivia the impact of ethnohistoric findings is felt more on the social level rather than in the academic sphere. In order to explain this situation I must digress here and refer to the context in which this research was carried
out.

In both Peru and Bolivia the early 1970s was a time of fundamental social

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shifts and transformation. In Peru, the military regime of Velasco Alvarado had just passed one of the most radical, long-awaited and controversial agrarian reform acts the continent had ever seen. This resulted in a diversified and multifarious left wing finding itself in control of practically all the popular and peasant organizations and groups that were to participate in the process - either in support of the reforms or in opposition to them. In the face of heated controversy over the fate of the agrarian question, ethnohistory was totally marginalized and at times directly accused of serving the enemies of the people. Having been condemned to the sidelines, the field of ethnohistory went through a period of exuberant expansion. New research projects grew up which attempted to refute the verticality system and establish its limitations. A whole new school of anthropologists and ethnohistorians emerged dedicated to the analysis of the rich universe of Andean ideology. The paradox here was that the Peruvian left wing wasted no time in making a great show of its enormous sensitivity towards the Andean world and the genuine preoccupation it felt in connection with the exploitation of the Indians. Nevertheless, during the 1970s there was a prevailing split between the rhetoric surrounding the Andean world and the actual practices of the left wing in those areas of popular life subject to its influence. In the case of Ayacucho, Flores Galindo conceives this split as a contradiction between the regions economic backwardness and the flowering of intellectual life in the University of San Cristobal de Huamanga. It can also be added that the dominant Marxist current tended to subordinate and reduce the ethnic problem to a class analysis, concealing a subtle form of usurpation of the Andean subject who was converted into a mere object of discussion and political manoeuvring. The dominance of the capital city and its physical distance from the Andean reality also affected a good part of the politico-academic discussion, since Andean was never considered to be anything more than a rhetorical element in the theories and characterizations of the country, and underwent interminable discussion as to its correct Marxist interpretation. The Bolivan context differs radically in this sense from the Peruvian one. In 1971 a bloody coup ddtat killed left-wing hopes for an imminent social revolution, and inaugurated a dictatorial regime that was to last until 1978. Having been forced into hiding, the left-wing leaders and cadres had little time to discuss something so apparently irrelevant to their immediate preoccupations as the technological and organizational advances of prehispanic Andean society. Indeed, this is an issue which has hardly been a subject for discussion in Bolivia to this day. The Bolivian Marxist

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sociologist Danilo Paz was an exception. He worked on the Inka State for his doctoral thesis but only in order that he could continue the debate which started in the 1930s between Jose Antonio Arze, founder of the PIR (Partido de Izquierda Revolucionario - Revolutionary Left Party), and the French researcher Baudin (1908) on the socialist or communist nature of the Inka Empire. In spite of prevailing repression during the mid-1970s, a series of immediate and long-term historical circumstances led to the emergence of an autonomous indigenous movement in the Aymara highland plains. The movement, later referred to as Katarism-Indianism, remained almost invisible until its emergence in 1977. Since its beginnings the movement had an urban component, principally in La Paz and Oruro, which served to break its isolation and connect it with new currents of thinking. Thus in the Katarist-Indianist movement various groups came together, linking up cultural and political elements as well as rural and urban unions. In the course of its development and consolidation the movement formulated a programme of economic and cultural demands on behalf of the peasantry, which they classified as an exploited class and the largest ethnic group to suffer colonial oppression. The Katarists were able to formulate this programme without the intervention of any external forces. The magnitude of the movement, particularly among its union sources, was put to the test in 1979 with the foundation of the largest peasant organization in contemporary Bolivian history: the CSUTCB - Confederaci6n Sindical Unida de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (the United Union Confederation of Bolivian Peasant Workers). Until recently, Katarist hegemony within the confederation was indisputable. A few months later, the Katarists launched an important national mobilization against neoliberal economic measures that affected peasant production. Food supplies to the largest cities were paralysed for more than two weeks, bringing back the memory of Tupac Kataris 1781 siege of La Paz for both the Katarists and their oppressors, the Qara minority. The interpersonal channels of influence between the few individuals interested in Andean issues in Bolivia and the Katarist leaders came in the form of a systematization of ideas from their own experience. Thus, for example, the leader Simon Yampara, a sociology graduate, had as a child personally experienced the itinerant migration to the valleys on the Pacific Coast where his family and community maintained links with relations and where previous generations had owned land. Later, from his post as Director of the National Insitute of Colonization and as Minister of Agriculture during the Siles Suazo government (1982-5), he tried to influence a change in orientation of state policy, which had never

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recognized the double land tenancy held by Aymara settlements in the subtropics. The same is true of Mauricio Mamani, the Aymara anthropologist who was given a post in the Ministry of Peasant Affairs. As a minister
he tried to sensitize the State on the issue of traditional use of coca leaves. These links demonstrate the significant path which the scant but valuable knowledge of Andean societies (both precolonial and contemporary) acquired by anthropological science was to take. First- or secondgeneration Aymara migrants, with university educations, taking an active part in the organizational and political revitalization of the Indian movement, were in a privileged position to facilitate constructive exchanges and adaptations to research projects in the interests of the people involved, and not solely to serve the purposes of the academic community (which in any case was in too weak a position to impose any demands). Aymara intellectuals thus played a decisive role in the learning process of academic investigation, being involved as much in the academic world as in the political and trade union spheres. In this way, not only the verticality theory but many other connected issues such as ethnic hierarchy systems, symbolism and ritual calendars had direct and immediate channels of ideological circulation, breaking down the barriers between lay knowledge and academic knowledge. Although the findings of Andean ethnohistory reached the rural Aymara people in a poorer form due to inevitable translation problems, there is no doubt that these findings fell on fertile ground, being incorporated into the Aymara social utopia which, nourished by its past, reaches into the future, using anthropological concepts and findings as intercultural mechanisms of communication and legiti-

mization. ll. Andean uprisings: Part of the National Question or lifeblood of a multi-ethnic plan?

previous analysis deals with other important themes related to the understanding of Andean societies such as uprisings, mobilization and Qhichwa and Aymara resistance movements against colonial or republican oppression. As with the theme of Andean achievements in which ethnohistory has realized its major advances, the issue of rebellion has generated a much greater volume of studies and published works in Peru than in Bolivia, in both anthropology and history. The early periods of resistance have been analysed only by Peruvian researchers. The great rebel period of 1780-82 sees an impressive profusion of studies, although in
Bolivia the national research tradition is on a much smaller scale. Nevertheless, of the two countries, it is in Bolivia that the Tupak Amaru,

The

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Tupak Katari and the Nicolas and Damasco brothers rebellions have an ongoing significance for the indigenous peasantry. The oral tradition, coupled with the massive diffusion of historical research and ideological
criticism and reflection among Indianist thinkers have contributed to create a lasting image of the 1780-82 movement, and one which takes on new meaning in the face of present struggles. An important implication of this phenomenon is that the emergent cultural and unionist organizations among the Aymara peasantry incorporated the historic connotations of the Katari anticolonial struggles into their demand platform, to such an extent that the official ideology of the state Revolutionary Nationalism came under fierce criticism. This situation has not arisen in Peru, although this cannot be taken as an indication that the indigenous peoples in that country are less subject to mechanisms of oppression and colonial domination. For one thing the organization of the Peruvian peasantry had none of the autonomous characteristics of the Aymara movement, nor did it succeed in incorporating anticolonial and ethnic dimensions into its struggle to any real extent. This was due largely to the nature of its leadership, which was, to a great extent, subject to external control by individuals linked to the Marxist parties and dominated by urban middle-class cadres. Furthermore, criticism of the nationalist ideology of the state was little short of impossible given that these very parties and left-wing ideologies are, even today, responsible for its continuation. The legitimacy and significance that Peruvian intellectuals conferred upon the so-called national problem is proof of this and contrasts sharply with the scant attention given to this issue in Bolivian intellectual political debate. Seen from the classic perspective, Bolivia is much less a nation than Peru, despite, or perhaps because of, the fact that the social dimensions of its national revolution have always run deeper and had more lasting social effect. The most explicit example as regards the differences of emphasis in research is that of the study of 19th- and 20th-century uprisings. For some years now, in Peru, a debate has been unfolding surrounding the indigenous movements of the Peruvian highlands which emerged when the War of the Pacific was in full force. The debate is between, among others, Heraclio Bonilla and the historians Nelson Manrique and Florencio Mallon. The argument in brief is that, according to Manrique and Mallon, the ideology of the peasants who fought in the war against Chile took on proto-national characteristics as a result of the Chilean invasion and the organization of the indigenous guerrillas under General Caceres. Thus Manriques (1981: 381) central aim is to explain the nationalist conduct of the Indians which would appear to contradict the widely held premise that

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the Peruvian nation was inexistent. Bonilla, on the other hand, supports the idea that indigenous peasants are incapable of formulating any truly universal ideology, and that they can perceive conflict only at the local, village level. This debate has no bearing on Bolivian reality for two reasons. First, the studies done on 19th- and 20th-century Andean uprisings by anthropologists and other social scientists give a great deal of support to a school of thought critical of nationalism, the official historiography of which had eliminated from the scene those autonomous Andean uprisings that predated the formulation of the first unions in the 1930s. Secondly, the nationalist arguments (which since the 1950s employed Lenins diatribes against the Narodniks to invalidate indigenous struggles) turned out to be anachronistic reworkings of the most reactionary tendencies. Meanwhile the Katarist-Indigenous movement was planning the struggle for a multinational, multilingual state. This was to be the basis for its political platform and it was one which overcame the usual western models for the so-called national question. The Aymara plan for a multinational state focused on the one hand on a problem of democracy and human rights and in this sense addressed itself to the liberal elements in the institutions of the country. Furthermore, it had an unintentionally postmodernist tone incompatible with nationalist and Stalinist formulations. And finally, it explicitly raised the problem of decolonization that in my opinion constitutes the crucial element that differentiates between the Bolivian and Peruvian cases. The implications these facts have for research cannot be ignored. So, despite the fact that studies on the indigenous uprisings of the 19th and 20th centuries are noticeably fewer in Bolivia, the social impact of these studies and their connections with the ideological dynamic of the indigenous movement are very much in evidence. Furthermore, there is considerable involvement of researchers of Aymara origin. Their work shows fertile crossovers between a solid academic training and an ethnic identity firmly committed to the recovery of an autonomous vision of the

indigenous past.
///. Indians in cities
The Indian presence in the city of Lima is a subject which has received scant attention in anthropology. With the notable exceptions of Altamiranos (1984) thesis, the oral histories recorded by Matos Mar (1986) and a recent study by G61te and Adams (1987) suggestively entitled The Migrants

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Horses of Troy, Perus research tradition, so strong in other anthropological and ethnohistoric areas, is relatively poor when it comes to considering the ethnic identity of migrants and the cultural conflicts experienced by them. In contrast, this represents perhaps the only area of study in which Bolivian anthropology comes out ahead. Two underlying phenomena here demonstrate the interaction between anthropology and society. On the one hand, in accordance with the tendencies of dominant thinking, this factor points to the prevalence of supposed integrationists, something which calls for more detailed investigation. The usual identity attributed to a peasant/indigenous person who has moved to the city is that of migrant or slum-dweller. So most attention has been focused on the development of this new identity, through studies on the formation of neighbourhood movements, action taken to change the distribution of urban land and the organization of the settlers (see Matos Mar, 1984). Nevertheless, it is also known that these migrants form residents&dquo; associations - in Lima as well as in La Paz and other Andean cities - which is proof that the previous identity had not been totally abandoned. This line of investigation has nevertheless been practically abandoned, which to my mind indicates the underlying belief in the inevitable assimilation of the migrants into the melting pot of a single dominant creole culture (see Degregori and Blondet, 1987; Matos Mar, 1988). This point is well illustrated by the anthropologists Degregori and Blondet who view the shift of squatters from Limas slums to citizens (that is, integrated into the national polis), as a fundamental process that shapes the identity of the rural migrants to the city. In contrast to the Bolivian case, the predominance of the integrationist interpretation in opposition to those interpretations which reaffirm the existence of distinct ethnic identities in Lima is partly due to the very different urban configurations of the two countries. The strong AfricanAmerican cultural presence and the Asiatic population on the Peruvian coast, in conjunction with the colonial tradition so sharply depicted in Salzar Bondys memorable essay, have generated a situation in which actual ethnic suppression is the norm. Thus there is widespread loss of the mother tongue, internalization of a devalued image of the culture of origin, and a predisposition towards all that is urban, in other words all that is an approximation of the dominant western cultural model. However, since most researchers are actually members of this same dominant culture, the suppression of this issue in research studies may also be conditioned by the unequal relations between the two subjects. It is certainly the case that the ethnic identity of the migrants in Lima seems to be relegated to the farthest reaches of their consciousness, and that this is reflected in the migrants

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way of

organizing and programmes of demands, as well as in the relationships they develop with researchers and other outside agents. I am convinced that the presence of these forms of ethnic suppression and repression is actually a substantial component of the problem of internal

colonialism that exists in relations between the dominant culture and the dominated native ethnicities and cultures, which it is the anthropologists task to unravel and explain. In La Paz the very opposite is true. Ever since its foundation it has been a city of two parts - one Indian, the other Spanish. Its history shows a permanent contradiction between the imported city model and the communal Andean model which structures both the communal activities and communal perceptions of its inhabitants. Right up to the present half the population uses the Aymara language, and a growing revitalization rather than a breakdown of Andean cultural expression is evident in the life of the city. Naturally enough this situation led to a greater number of studies being carried out with the aim of focusing on this reality. Those who took part in the research, having suffered less cultural conflict, did not feel the need to camouflage their ethnic identity. The pride of the urban Indian in La Paz has few parallels in Latin America. The subtle cultural counter-hegemony that this implies must affect all spheres of collective behaviour, including anthropological and social thinking. However, it has yet to be seen how common is this phenomenon to cities in the Peruvian highlands. This would help to explain why the relationship between the local intellectuals and the population being researched differs from region to region. Similarly, we would have to take into account the extent to which the prevailing attitudes behind research - so often obsessed with the notion of nationhood - create obstacles to the recognition of the complex elements, at times hidden and underground, that make up the ethnic identity of a given population, and the no less hidden and explosive colonial conflicts that these very elements bring to light.

Epilogue
We have seen how, in both Bolivia and Peru, the work of anthropology and related disciplines during the last two decades has been enriched and challenged by their historical and social context. In order to demonstrate the problems that presently confront anthropologists of the region we must begin with the Senderista phenomenon. Perhaps now we are in a position to set out some of the effects on anthropological thinking in our countries that have resulted from the emergence of the Senderistas. In the case of Peru, apart from the obvious fact that extensive areas of the interior are under

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inaccessible to both the media and on the social sciences has largely been of a positive nature (if I can use that term given the drama of the circumstances). A debate grew up during the 1980s, principally in connection with the historians Alberto Flores Galindo and Manuel Burga, surrounding the existence of an Andean utopia. This was based on a complex process of interaction between the memory of a prehispanic autonomous past and the conditions and realities of a colonial society. This school of thought in Andean studies puts a hitherto u ~heard-of emphasis on the problem of the formation of collective identities, and explores the role that historic memory and the remote Andean past play in this process. In this way, knowledge of Andean realities lights the way to a connection between the past and the present, the highlands and the coast, the countryside and the city, rediscovering in each case the political significance of culture and everyday life, the relation between academic knowledge and the lay knowledge possessed by those populations under investigation by anthropologists and historiographers. The image of a rural Peru criss-crossed by regional and class conflict thus begins to give way to another image in which ethnic conflict and colonial systems of dominance gain prominence. The manifestations of the latter elements may at times be less blatant but they are far more ubiquitous and

military

control and

as

such

totally

researchers, the impact of the Senderista phenomenon

quotidian.
These shifts in emphasis and outlook are apparent in Manriques (1988) reinterpretation of his own 1981 study on the indigenous uprisings during the War of the Pacific. In his first book the word indigenous seemed to be merely a euphemism and an adjective to describe the peasant identity of the Central Highland guerrillas. His greatest preoccupation was to understand how the peasants could formulate a national ideology. In his new (1989) study, on the other hand, Manrique points out his own change in perspective:
the issue of nationalism, which was central to the previous study, will play a less important part in the present study in which I wish to focus on the two issues of ethnic and class conflict within the landowning highland societies towards the end of the nineteenth century. (1989: xxx)
...

The result is that a more subtle, involved and complex analysis of ethni-class relations replaces what in effect constituted a reductionist interpretation of the indigenous peoples. This interpretation is not only to be found in Manriques previous book but dominated most of the Peruvian social sciences during the 1970s. It was in that study that Manrique first introduced the theme of colonial violence into his work, describing it as the

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definitive structural element in the shaping of Indian-Mestizo relations throughout history, from 1532 up until the present. This analysis is taken even further in his most recent work (1989) on the phenomena which characterize contemporary guerrilla conflict in Ayacucho and other

regions.
Alberto Flores Galindos analysis of the Sendero Luminoso links the present situation with a series of indigenous mobilizations of past decades which, despite being discussed in terms of class confrontation, hid an unresolved ethnic dimension that had to reappear later through armed confrontation (see Flores Galindo, 1987: 304ss). He describes the Senderistas
as:

youths of Andean origin, Westernised by their education and migration, contingents of new Mestizos who slot themselves into a much older history, which goes back to colonial times, and who since then, as suggested by Pablo Macera, speaking of Garcilazo, had been containing their frustrations. (1987: 325)
...

Many of them are the invisible urban Indians who have suffered a brutal repression of their very identities through western cultural oppression which turns them into individuals full of rage and frustration. They are conscious of the fact that it is necessary to destroy the system which is oppressing them but do not have a very clear idea of the nation they want for the future. The fact that the Peruvian intelligentsia was unable to detect the presence of the problems embodied by Sendero Luminoso leads Flores Galindo to directly attack the mainstream current of thinking which, while the Senderista phenomenon was unfolding, was outlining the image of a
more modern country, where urbanisation was irreversible and ... which confirmed the disappearance of all that was Andean (1987: 325). This indicates that the incapacity to realize the significance that the Andean past continues to have for Peru today is partly responsible for the monumental historical crossroads that is sinking this country into a future overshadowed

by uncertainty. Perhaps the earlier tendencies in thinking would not have made such headway in Peru had the catastrophic appearance of the Senderista phenomenon not come about. The Senderistas represent a questioning of the dominant western forms of political principles, which until now have largely escaped left-wing criticism. In the Bolivian case, there is a long history of such questioning, but the crisis of the 1980s has also manifested
itself in dramatic ways. On the one hand, the labours of the state and the left-wing parties, as well as the nationalist bias of the indigenous movement, have come together to provoke a profound decline of the Katarist-Indianist movement, as much in the political sphere as in union

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circles. Furthermore, the rejection of Marxism as the analytical paradigm of the social sciences, has led to a political re-evaluation of the issues and demands raised by the indigenous movement during the 1970s, but converted into an electoral gimmick or parliamentary rhetoric in the hands of non-indigenous sectors. Thus we find ourselves in an ever-worsening situation which is hardly the best of circumstances in which morally committed and intellectually solid anthropological work can flourish. Nevertheless, the ideas already put forward warrant a research agenda which responds to the challenges already discussed and which are, perhaps, relevant to both Peru and Bolivia. The first issue is that of internal colonialism (which calls for monographic works as well as theoretical reflection and interpretative essays). Another theme, ignored for so many decades, is that of the phenomena associated with Mestizos and the transformation of identities. Here it is evident that it is necessary to overcome the idea of gradual and painless integration and syncretism in order to show the colonial dialecticism that the State and dominant cultures propose to the dominated cultures as the framework for the formation of identities. Finally, the need for further study in all the areas mentioned (and in all areas, including the most obscure, which will further the development of our discipline) should not be incompatible with a move towards distribution oriented towards the needs of the actual communities being studied and the training of academics and intellectuals who will be able to systematize the thinking and social ideals that the struggle stands for. The recent happenings in Bolivia serve as a warning of the potential dangers of a superficial revitalization, complemented by neither a deepening of understanding nor by solid and long-term moral commitment. While the 1970s saw anthropological reflection complementing the formation of identities and the Indian autonomous mobilization, to some extent, the 1980s have produced an explosion of pro-indigenous treatises, accompanied by a rather more conventional course of action in the form of reinforcement of dominant western principles. The double moral standard that has historically characterized the colonial oppression of the majority of the indigenous population is being repeated in new variations on the peculiar discourse of today. Now not only the left wing, but the populists and the Bolivian right wing make a point of stating their intention to defend all that is Andean. However, in the sphere of institutional reforms de-

manded by the indigenous organizations - autonomy, bilingual and intercultural education as the minimum programme, and a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic state as the long-term plan - little or nothing has been achieved. We can thus affirm that today the field of Bolivian anthropology confronts a delicate dilemma: either it should serve as a legitimizing

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new forms of domination and co-option of the indigenous demands in the new plans of liberal politics and the dominant authorities; or it should systematize and offer instruments of analysis and confrontation to the indigenous populations towards which its actions are oriented. Although the advances made during the 1980s are few in number, and in many ways suffered setbacks, we can conclude that the option remains open and that the language of ideas and words has not yet been shut down.

instrument to

Translated by Jody Gillett

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