Candidate No.

35512

Anthropology of Economic Processes

A Transnational Labour Force: Mexican Immigrant Gardeners in Los Angeles' Informal Economy
Introduction Suburban maintenance gardening is a growing sector in the United States. It is an occupation which is increasingly associated with Mexican immigrant men and this essay looks at the experiences of the jardineros in Los Angeles. First, it will be necessary to place the pattern of migration from Mexico to the United States in its historical context by mapping the development of the age of transnationalism. Mexico's push factors and the United States' pull factors will be considered in line with increasing immigrant labour in the United States and, more specifically, in Los Angeles' informal gardening sector. The implications of these historical developments on the working lives of jardineros will be explored. Of interest here, is the construction of the jardinero identity; an identity suffused with localised constructions of masculinity which are indelibly connected to their subordinate status in the United States racialised citizenship hierarchy. It will be argued, however, that despite the perceivably exploitative nature of this occupation, jardineros are able to realise a level of socioeconomic mobility unavailable to them in the formal economy. This complex issue raises questions which require serious attention from anthropologists and policy makers alike. From Modern Era Capitalism to the Age of Transnationalism The nation state was the driving force behind modern era capitalism because it served to distinguish the colonial powers from their dependent colonies; it is this distinction that "provided the poles along which an axis of extraction and accumulation was constructed such that net economic value flows from the latter to the former" (Kearney, 1991, p. 54). This facilitated an international division of labour between the powerful core and the powerless periphery. Initially taking on the traditional industry/agriculture binary, a worldwide crisis of capitalist accumulation - often associated with the post-Vietnam decline of United States imperialism (Dixon, et al., 1982, p. 102) - saw this binary shift to skilled/unskilled. Labour in the world economy was no longer divided in terms of what was produced but, rather, how it was produced. Subsequently, labour-intensive, low-skilled jobs were relocated to peripheral economies where there were lower labour and production costs. Significantly, this production made little or no contribution to the local economies, as its main function was to fulfil the needs of the parent companies within the world market. Under the capitalist directives of powerful core states, peripheral governments were left with little choice but to adhere to these prescriptions, adopting the character of "cheap-labour havens" (Dixon, et al., 1982, p. 103). The upshot of this was a competition between these 'havens' to supply the cheapest labour and the most favourable conditions (i.e. tariff and tax exemptions) for foreign corporations, in the hope of obtaining their investment. The footloose and extractive nature of these corporations, however, meant that the host countries were left with a "surplus proletariat" (Dixon, et al., 1982, p. 104) which their economy was unable to absorb. This forced the excess labour to migrate to the core. Kearney (1991) suggests that this peripheralisation of the core signifies the end of the 'modern age' and the beginning of the 'age of transnationalism'. 'Transnationalism', he proposes, "implies a blurring, or perhaps better said, a reordering of the binary cultural, social, and epistemological distinctions of the modern period" (1991, p. 55), and nowhere is this more evident than in the United States-Mexico border area. The longstanding and unequal exchange between the United States and Mexico had left Mexico with a massive surplus of labour and growing investments from United States-based transnational corporations had a "suctionpump" (Cockroft, 1982, p. 54) effect on the Mexican economy. Unable to sufficiently supply their
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Anthropology of Economic Processes

population with jobs, the Mexican government promoted emigration as a solution for their impoverished masses, creating a situation whereby the United States became their "safety valve" (Dixon, et al., 1982, p. 106). It is here that we see the formation of a transnational labour force. This pattern of migration has become a growing public concern in the United States, dubbed the "illegal alien problem" (Rosenblum & Brick, August 2011, p. 5). Attempts have been made either side of the border to address this issue and, yet, between 1986 and 2011 the unauthorised population in the United States, of which Mexicans account for 60%, tripled in size (p. 6). The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), introduced in the mid 19990s, set out to reduce illegal immigration into the United States by increasing employment opportunities in Mexico. While it is agreed that Mexico's economic situation would likely be worse without NAFTA's involvement, Audley et al. (2004) suggest that:
NAFTAs' economic effects have been dwarfed by much more powerful and enduring forces: robust demand for Mexican workers in the United States, enduring and deeply rooted social networks that promote migration, a demographic boom that is still several steps ahead of the employment creation capabilities of the Mexican economy, and an economy that, like those of many developing countries, has, over the past two decades, suffered repeated grave crises and a painful process of readjustment. (p. 53)

Efforts to curb illegal immigration from Mexico through policy reform in the United States have also continually misfired. The main thrust of these policies, ranging from the Immigration Reform and Control Act in 1986 through to the current policies under the Obama administration, has been to fortify border enforcement with increased funding, and to penalise or criminalise employers who hire unauthorised workers (Rosenblum & Brick, August 2011, p. 6). Despite investment in border enforcement, surveys indicate that 97% of people who attempted to enter the United States illegally between 2002 and 2009 succeeded on the first or second attempt (p. 13). Moreover, the effectiveness of worksite enforcement as a deterrent is undermined by numerous factors, namely; the absence of a reliable system for employers to differentiate between legal and illegal workers, and the dearth of legal visas provided to lowskill foreign labourers in spite of their high demand in the United States labour market (p. 13). The overall effect of immigration enforcement in the past decades has thus been, not the prevention of growth in the unauthorised population, but worsened conditions for unauthorised workers (p. 22). The Border Patrol acts as a Foucauldian state apparatus of power; they inscribe in the criminalised immigrants a fear of apprehension, thereby disciplining them to work hard in often hostile conditions and accept low wages (Kearney, 1991, p. 61). Concurrently, employers' fear of apprehension means that they account for their risk by offering unauthorised workers such meagre compensation. The Demand for Immigrant Labour Global economic restructuring has seen a diversification of labour migration; immigrant workers from around the world now earn a living by providing services to the host countries' more fortunate members. "Cleaning, caring, tending, selling, fixing, serving, and servicing" (Ramirez & Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009, pp. 71-2) are common sources of income for immigrants in cities and suburban areas. Shifts in United States consumption patterns are reflected in the patterns of migrant labour. The growing number of "time-squeezed dual-career families" (p. 72) has seen an expansion in the market for domestic services, as families find it more and more difficult to tend to their homes or to be around for their children. Mexican immigrant female domestic workers, or domesticas, are now commonplace in many United States households and provide paid substitute labour for the tasks previously performed by the mother. In the same way, jardineros offer something of a substitute service by maintaining United States residents' gardens; a responsibility traditionally assumed by fathers and sons.

Candidate No. 35512

Anthropology of Economic Processes

Discernible here is the emergence of gendered occupational niches, where gaps left by economic restructuring and shifting consumption patterns are filled by immigrant workers. While the work done by domesticas is inherently feminine and confined to the private sphere, the jardineros are outside in the masculine domain doing hard physical labour; carrying heavy machinery and operating loud, dangerous tools. The proliferation of these workers appears, too, to have increased demand for these types of gendered labour. In 1980, there was an estimated 8,000 Mexican immigrant gardeners in the Los Angeles-Long Beach metropolitan area, compared to 31,000 in 2000 (Ramirez & Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009, p. 72). With this service now being provided to a far wider range of social classes - maintenance gardening was previously reserved for the rich elite - United States consumers spent $45 billion on lawn care in 2006 - a $20 billion increase from that spent in 2001 (p. 73). Whilst the demand for Mexican immigrant labour power is patent, the people, or bodies, which possess the labour power are not desired by the state; indeed, "the task of effective immigration policy is to separate labour from the jural person within which it is embodied, that is, to disembody the labour from the migrant worker" (Kearney, 1991, p. 58). Stripped of the rights afforded to native citizens, marginalised within the labour market, and branded as illegal workers, Mexican immigrants are controlled as commodities (Alvarez, 1995, p. 458). Such assertions of state power are characteristic of the historical shift from the era of the nation-state to the age of transnationalism. Where nationalism was formerly expressed through colonial expansion, we now observe a defensive nationalism. Territory is no longer the site of contestation, instead "personal identities and movements of persons, and cultural and political hegemony of peoples" are being contested (Kearney, 1991, p. 58). Needless to say, this is most prominent in the United States-Mexico border area; a liminal region where criminalised immigrants are reduced to the level of non-humans, or 'aliens'. Identity (Re)construction: Masculinity in the Workplace Forced, through economic necessity, out of their homeland and denied social and cultural incorporation into the United States, 'alien' Mexican migrants find themselves constructing "a new identity out of the bricolage of their transnational existence" (Kearney, 1991, p. 62). It is the objective of many migrants to leave their sweat in the United States and bring back the fruits of their labour to Mexico. At the same time, however, they do not, nor indeed would anyone else, wish to exist purely as worker robots. Therefore, a constant negotiation takes place whereby Mexican immigrant workers seek to reinstate themselves as human beings with human identities. Given that a significant proportion of their life is spent labouring, it follows, albeit ironically, that the identities they strive to construct are largely established in connection with their work and the workplace. The jardinero identity is bound by notions of masculinity which is closely tied to their work as gardeners. As Ramirez (2011) stresses, the masculinity under discussion here cannot simply be interpreted under the veil of machismo: a cultural stereotype of Latino masculinity which focuses mainly, but not exclusively (Gutmann, 1996), on male assertions of dominance over women and other men. In actuality, jardinero masculinity is a nuanced process arising from "the interplay between very specific localised cultural constructions and deployment in the context of racialised nativism and citizenship hierarchy in the United States" (Ramirez, 2011, p. 98). In the early stages of his fieldwork, which entailed participant observation research with a group of jardineros, Ramirez (2011) feels disheartened by the reticence of his participants. Upon further reflection though, he deciphers their "measured talk" to be a pivotal component in their masculine make-up. The quiet intensity they exhibit is necessitated by the sheer volume of work that must be completed each day and showing industry is a clear indicator of one's masculinity. Drawing from literature on men's communication, Ramirez discusses how male bonding tends to be based on shared activities rather than conversation. This is mirrored by the jardineros who "cultivate a closeness primarily by working long hours together under the sun,
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Anthropology of Economic Processes

day in and day out" (2011, p. 102). Unsurprisingly then, it is only when Ramirez himself begins to show a real willingness to work hard, that the jardineros begin, in some measure, to open up to him. Just as Ramirez was required to, new members must also demonstrate their commitment to hard work if they are to be accepted by their more experienced co-workers. This is illustrated by a conversation between five jardineros during which Carlos, a newcomer to the group, proclaims, "As long as there's work, I'm good... I came to work hard, not to be lazy" (2011, p. 104); a statement which is met with nods of approval all round. Such proclamations serve not only to solidify one's standing within the group, but also to justify to oneself the decision to come to the United States in the first place; a decision which often involves leaving one's family and embarking on a treacherous journey across the border. For Mexican men, this decision is born, by and large, out of the need to provide for their families. Israel, one of Ramirez's participants, was earning only 92 pesos (less than 10 dollars) a day working at a foundry in Mexico, making it nigh on impossible to support his wife and two young daughters (2011, p. 107). Control over subsistence and being an effective breadwinner is a source of pride and honour, and this could easily be read in traditional machismo terms. However, as Ramirez points out, these terms also prescribe that "one who is truly "manly"... will not accept affronts to his pride or challenges to his authority" (2011, p. 108) and this is where jardineros deviate, perhaps through necessity, from traditional notions of machismo. Occupying the lower rungs of the socioeconomic ladder, Mexican immigrant men's authority is greatly limited. For jardineros, this is manifest in their interactions with interfering homeowners who frequently try to supervise their work, showing little respect for the skill required in their occupation. Interactions between homeowners and jardineros encapsulate their dominant-subordinate power relationship:
an older blonde lady, dressed in business attire, comes out and sees that work has begun. Without the pleasantry of a "good morning," she stands above the guys, who are crouched down below, and immediately (and quite brusquely) barks out orders... The men nod slightly and continue working. (2011, p. 108)

A traditional machista would not tolerate such displays of disrespect, certainly not from a woman. However, jardineros have an acute awareness of their lack of leverage in situations such as this. Rather than retaliate and risk potentially losing their job, they choose instead to feign ignorance and vent their frustrations out of the homeowners' earshot. Their construction of masculinity is enmeshed in, and moulded by, their working context; by compromising their masculine pride and authoritative stature, they are able to continue to provide for their families. The subjugation jardineros experience in the localised work context is reflective of their subordinate status in the broader societal context. Jardinera is routinely characterised as "dirty work" and jardineros have been assigned by some the label of "Brown Dirt Cowboys" (Rommelman, 2004). The words "dirty" and "dirt" are generally associated with pollution. Mary Douglas' definition of "dirt as matter out of place" (Douglas, 1966, p. 36) certainly rings true in the deployment of the "dirty Mexican" stereotype which, historically, seeks to neutralise the perceived threat posed by non-White Mexican immigrants to Los Angelean racial hegemony by painting a picture of their racial inferiority (Ramirez, 2011, p. 105). As we have seen already though, jardineros find ways to justify their unfavourable position in society by constructing an identity which is closely aligned with the masculine nature of their work. Jardineros construe their "dirty work" as a source of pride. During one lunch break, there is discussion about a remark made by the Mexican President, Vicente Fox, in which he describes Mexican immigrant workers as being vital to the United States economy because they are willing to "do the jobs that nobody else will do, not even the Blacks" (2011, p. 106). The jardineros unanimously agree with this; the dignity they derive from providing what they truly believe to be a valuable service "blunts the stigma of dirty work" (p. 106). In their ready acceptance of President Fox's sentiments, the jardineros simultaneously acknowledge their low status within the United States racial hierarchy while extracting a sense of self-value from the "manly", courageous nature of their "dirty work".
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Candidate No. 35512

Anthropology of Economic Processes

What is it that makes this work "dirty" and why is no else willing to do it? Jardineros must spend long, strenuous hours labouring often in scorching heat, all the while receiving relatively modest remuneration. In addition, it is one of the most hazardous occupations in the United States (Hamilton, 1999). Back pain is the most common complaint amongst gardeners who, in a typical day, will visit between fifteen and twenty homes lugging heavy equipment in and out of their trucks at each stop (1999). Furthermore, the fact that they are operating within the informal sector means that they "do not receive the legal protections and benefits afforded to most workers in the United States, such as minimum wages, workers' compensation coverage, work safety rules and health insurance" (Huerta, 2008). Consequently, many of those who pick up work-related injuries are reluctant to seek help owing to the high cost of treatment as well as their precarious citizenship status. The element of danger with which their work is associated is another constituent in the construction of jardinero masculinity. Such is the case that even when protective equipment is made available to the jardineros, as observed by Ramirez, they opt against using it (2011, p. 106). This is all part of an embodied toughness. The work they do shapes and scars their bodies; masculinity is quite literally inscribed in their physical form. This is something which jardineros are well aware of and embrace. When Ramirez shows Saul, one of the crew members, his blistered and burnt hands, Saul responds with a small laugh and explains, "It's good, so that they can become 'man hands'" (2011, p. 107). For the jardineros, callused hands are a symbol of masculinity and a job well done. We have so far seen one side of the jardinero story. However, to portray jardineros merely as exploited victims in the United States capitalist system, who anaesthetise the symptoms of their subjugation with self-reassurances of masculinity, would be to overlook the entrepreneurialism of their endeavours. Accordingly, the following section will explore the ways in which jardineros are able to achieve socioeconomic mobility by leveraging their social capital in Los Angeles' informal economy. Converting Social Capital into Socioeconomic Mobility With low levels of literacy, limited English fluency, and lacking in formal qualifications, many Mexican immigrant workers come to the United States ill-equipped to obtain a job in the formal economy (Ramirez & Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009, p. 70). Most therefore end up working in the informal economy as manual labourers. Ethnic enclaves are a common phenomenon amongst immigrant workers in the informal economy and "sectoral specialisation" is a key feature of this (p. 75): "the skills that ethnics bring with them, the opportunities available in a particular context, the legacy of longstanding activity in a sector, and the structural barriers set by hosting societies" (Kaplin & Li, 2006, p. 3) represent some of the factors which determine ethnic specialisation. The vast majority of jardineros have a background in rural, peasant farming; only one of Ramirez & Hondagneu-Sotelo's 47 interviewees had no prior agricultural experience (2009, p. 78). This kind of experience serves as a form of positive human capital for Mexican immigrant workers as it facilitates their entry into the gardening sector. As alluded to earlier, maintenance gardening has a reputation for being physically demanding. Compared, however, to peasant cultivation, jardineros unanimously agree that it is menos matado, or less back-breaking (p. 78). Similarly, working outdoors in the Los Angeles sun is a less daunting prospect for those who are accustomed to working in the Mexican aire libre (open air); in fact, this is preferred to other more "stifling work sites" such as factories, sweatshops or restaurant kitchens (p. 78). Finally, the organisation of maintenance gardening in the United States bears a striking resemblance to peasant farming back in Mexico where, generally speaking, they operate "in small crews of brothers, sons, and fathers" (p. 78). Social networks are central to jardineros' navigation of the informal economy. Out of the 47 participants, Ramirez & Hondagneu-Sotelo found that 37 had acquired their first gardening jobs through family connections (2009, p. 78); a mode of recruitment which benefits both
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Anthropology of Economic Processes

employer and employee. As concerns the employer, he need not spend time and money recruiting through conventional streams such as classified ads. Moreover, accessing his strong ties enables him to assemble a "trustworthy and loyal workforce" (Huerta, 2008, p. 14) which is particularly essential given the prominence of tool theft and client stealing in his profession. From the employee's perspective, such an arrangement allows him relatively easy entry into the United States labour market, regardless of his qualifications or documentation. Having successfully secured a job as a maintenance gardener in the United States, can one reasonably expect any occupational progression? If so, how is this achieved? To the casual onlooker, the cohorts of jardineros driving around Los Angeles in pick-up trucks may appear as non-descript "Brown Dirt Cowboys" fulfilling a "monolithic occupation" (Ramirez & HondagneuSotelo, 2009, p. 85). Such a perception, though, underplays the system of stratification which organises residential gardening. Ramirez and Hondagneu-Sotelo (2009) identify three main categories of garden worker: ayudantes, independent gardeners and landscape contractors. These roles all have varying degrees of informality and formality, and are, interestingly, determined not so much by tasks performed, but by occupational social relations (p. 77). A Mexican man entering into Los Angeles' informal gardening sector will generally assume the post of ayudante. He is a waged employee who works for an independent gardener with whom there is usually a social tie, often familial. Ayudante translated literally means 'helper' and the pay he receives for his 'help' is correspondingly humble - $450-480 for a six-day workweek on average (p. 77). He is paid in cash and informality characterises his work. While not all look back on their ayudante days fondly, most appreciate the importance of this experience. It is described as an "active apprenticeship" (p. 79); an ayudante learns the requisite skills on the job, working alongside his brothers and uncles. These skills are a necessity should he have aspirations of becoming an independent gardener. Independent gardeners maintain their own route of regular customers and so the potential for higher earning is far greater; a strong route can yield in the region of $5,000 a month. Making this transition requires "human capital, social capital, legal capital (legal status and attendant papers), and a modest amount of financial capital" (p. 79). Human and social capital will have been steadily accumulated over time as an ayudante and it is often the case that family members and friends will offer their support and lend equipment during the start-up period. The most vital element as regards income is the route of regular customers. This is either bought from an existing independent gardener or, on certain occasions (Huerta, 2008, p. 15), it will be handed down to an ayudante as a token of appreciation for their dedication and loyalty. Independent gardeners straddle the boundary between informality and formality. The manner in which they hire and pay their ayudantes is decidedly informal. However, unlike ayudantes who are almost exclusively undocumented, independent gardeners have generally obtained permanent legal resident status in the United States. As such, they hold valid driving licenses and pay insurance on their pick-up trucks. Also, they submit monthly bills to their customers who pay by cheque rather than cash. These cheques are redeemed at a bank and income tax is paid on this. Nonetheless, it is still the case for some independent gardeners that informal extras - "seasonal pruning of trees, laying sod, cleaning brush on hillside, putting in sprinklers or walkways, or planting annual flower beds or bulbs" - are where the "real money" is earned (p. 83). Of course, extra jobs like this are easier to obtain when you have a formal route of regular customers. As the formality of their work increases, so does their interaction with clients. This enables independent gardeners to form what Granovetter (1983) calls weak ties acquaintances where there is no social involvement. Where there are strong ties between two parties, particularly familial ties, there tends to be a Venn diagram-type overlap between their respective social circles. So, by accessing these weak ties, independent gardeners expose themselves to otherwise remote client-bases; it is common for a satisfied client to recommend "their gardener" to other members of their own social network. Thus, clients represent not only a source of regular monthly income for the independent gardener, but also an opportunity to enlarge one's route through referrals (Huerta, 2008, pp. 14-15).
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Anthropology of Economic Processes

A small number of independent gardeners choose to take the step away from maintenance gardening by becoming landscape contractors. To become a landscape contractor it is necessary to gain a contractor's license; a process which involves passing a "rigorous" written examination, a fee of $400, submission of a valid social security number and a criminal background check (Ramirez & Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009, p. 84). Their work tilts almost entirely into the formal arena, performing big one-off jobs which include "installing new lawns, irrigations systems, hardscape walkways, or covered patios, and planting mature trees and entire yards" (p. 84). It is not uncommon for a contractor to maintain a route on the side as this creates yet more opportunities for new business through referrals. Maintenance work brings in comparatively small sums of money though because homeowners are willing to invest vaster amounts on one-off improvements. One participant describes landing contracts worth between $70,000 and $80,000 (Ramirez & Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2009, pp. 84-85). He had been working independently for 30 years and obtained his contractor's license after around 16 years; this had enabled him to generate enough income to raise six children in an upper-middle class neighbourhood in Los Angeles and to put each one of them through college. While this level of success may not be the norm for jardineros, it certainly demonstrates the entrepreneurial possibilities in jardinera and how internal occupational mobility can beget intergenerational socioeconomic mobility (p. 85). Conclusion Jardineros are an indispensible cog in Los Angeles' informal economy. They provide a valuable service to homeowners, particularly those for whom garden maintenance is beyond their temporal means, and to the populace by contributing to a "greener, cleaner, and more beautiful environment" (Huerta, 2008, p. 16). Few occupations in the United States post-industrial economy present Mexican immigrant men with the opportunities available to jardineros. With no formal qualifications and limited English fluency, a shrewd jardinero is able to command a six-figure salary by following the path, or 'route', from ayudante to independent gardener or landscape contractor. By accessing their social capital and networks, jardineros have carved out a gendered occupational niche which makes socioeconomic mobility, something unattainable to them in the formal economy, a reality. This is no mean feat and one cannot underplay the strategic savvy and uncompromising industry entailed. Jardineros walk a tightrope, though, between entrepreneurship and servitude. Ayudantes and independent gardeners alike spend long, gruelling hours in the sun doing hard, manual labour without physical or legal protection. Though diligence, dirt and danger may be what comprise jardinero masculinity, from which great pride and honour stems, it is a masculinity enmeshed in relations of ethnicity and class, and it is reflective of their socially subordinate status as transnational aliens in the United States citizenship hierarchy. The experiences of jardineros bring to light a number of issues regarding immigrant labour in the United States. Are immigrant workers better off in the informal economy given their formal limitations? Would government intervention benefit workers in the informal economy by providing them with protection? Or, would it place more obstacles in front of their socioeconomic mobility? Should immigration policy makers be held accountable for the degradation of immigrant working conditions? If yes, then what changes can be implemented? While these questions are beyond the scope of this essay, they demand serious consideration if the current situation - where decent, hard-working immigrants are marginalised and scapegoated - is to see any change.

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Anthropology of Economic Processes

Bibliography
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