A Study of Early Chinese Armor Author(s): Albert E. Dien Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 43, No.

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ALBERT E. DIEN

A STUDY

OF EARLY CHINESE Stanford University Introduction

ARMOR

For

Part I, Prolegomena many years Berthold Laufer'spioneering study, Chinese ClayFigures,

on the subjectof the ontheHistoryof Defensive was the chief sourceof information Armor,

Chinese defensive armor.I The pottery figurines on which researchabout this topic was primarily based were limited to pieces found in museums or private collections scatteredabout the world; rarelywas there any informationas to provenanceor date. Other works touched on the subjectin a peripheralthough sometimes enlightening way. As it was the only major study on the subject, Laufer's work was generally accepted and his conclusions repeated, perhaps too uncritically.All this has changed over the last decade or two as a remarkablerecord of archaeologicalwork has opened many vistas and provided a great wealth of carefullyexcavated and fully-annotatedmaterials.Also, a number of important articles, notably by Liu Han and Yang Hung, provide a new basis for approachingthe subject. Liu Han's article,"NorthernDynasties Tomb Figures of ArmoredHorse and Rider,"z made the point that the intensificationof warfarefrom the Wei-Chin period on, coupled with ad-

and higherlevels of production, vancesin metallurgy providedthe basisfor furtherdevelopments in weaponry and armor. He traced the emergence of metal plate armor to the Western Chin and fully armoredcavalry to the Northern Wei. The invention of the stirrup, which he creditedto the nomad invadersof NorthernChina,enabledthe cavalryto become more effective, and this also led to heavier armorfor both rider and horse. Of course, he added, infantryand light cavalry still remainednecessary. Yang Hung, in his "Concerningthe Questions of Iron

in generalacceptedLiu'sdevelopmental schemebut Armor,HorseArmorand the Stirrup,"3 for example,that iron armorcertainly existedby the emendedsome statements, maintaining,
Han and may have originated as early as the Warring States Period, and that defensive armor for

the horse had its origins in the Han. He did concur, however, that there was a phenomenal increasein the use of armorfrom the fourth centuryon. Yang also made trenchantremarkson early Japanesearmor and the early evidence for the stirrup. Finally, he wrote a detailed and systematictwo-part article that treated armor from its first appearancein the Shang down to I Field

Museum of Natural History, Publication I77: Anthropological Series, vol. 13:2, Chicago, I9I4. Chinese Weapons (Shanghai, I932) is a pastiche of translations, without analysis or organization. 2 K'ao-ku (hereafter KK) I 9 5 9. 2, pp. 97-Ioo.00 3 KK I 96 . I2, pp. 693-6.

E.T.C. Werner,

and Sung. This is a most important study of the subjectand is writtenwith greaterudition insight.4
The present study is based very much on the work of these two scholarsand is intended as a survey in greaterdetail of defensive armorof the earlyimperialperiod, from Ch'in to T'ang, offering a typology and nomenclatureof armorialdevelopment.I shall conclude with some

remarks of thesedevelopments aboutthe possiblesocialandpoliticalconsequences speculative in defensive armorandmilitary techniques.

i. EARLIEST EVIDENCE

of armorin Chinaat the earlieststagesas an It will be useful to surveythe development

introduction to the topic under study. The first evidence of armor in China is from Shang
tomb I004 at An-yang where an elaborate design, in black, red, white and yellow remained visible in the earth although the leather itself had rotted away.5 The largest of two pieces

arefrom The nextrecoverable to have been a kindof one-piece examples breastplate. appears later. and Warring Statesperiods,almosta millenium the areaof Ch'u,from the Ch'un-ch'iu leatherplates,joinedby leatherthongs. One may gain an idea of the Theseare of lacquered fromthe samearea(Fig.I).6 fromwoodenfiguresrecovered of sucharmor overallappearance
A tomb at Sui-hsien, Hupei, just north of ancient Ch'u, and to be dated 433 B.C. or shortly after, has revealed twelve suits of lacquered leather armor, many with helmets, of a more sophisticated construction, one which obviously is a forerunner of the Ch'in armor to be described

below (Fig. 2).7 Thus, as Yang Hung concludes, leather armor was the chief body armor from the Shang through the Warring States Period, and such armor was an effective defense against the bronze weapons of that period.8
4

"Studies on the Ancient Chinese Armour," K'ao-ku hsueh-pao (hereafter Yang, (hereafter KKHP) I976.I, pp.I9-46 "Studies," I) and KKHP 1976.2,pp. 59-96 (hereafterYang, "Studies," II). A brief summarywith some criticalcomments by this writer appearedin Early China3 (Fall, I977), pp. I05-I07. Yang's two articles have been reprinted,in revised and

expanded form, in his Chung-kuo kuping-ch'i lun-ts'ung (Peking, 1980), pp. I-78. 5 Hayashi Minao, CbugokuIn-Shujidai no buki (Kyoto, I1972), p. 404 and Fig. 472; and Liang Ssu-yung and Kao Ch'ii-hsiiun Hou-chia-chuang(An-yang Hou-chia-chuangYin-tai mu-ti), No. 5: Tomb 1004 (Taipei, I970), p. 3I and p. 32, Fig. 16. Cheng Te-k'un, Archaeologyin China, vol. II: Shang China, p. I 68, in a list of the bronzesmith's repertory, has k'uei "armour plate," but the graph means helmet. 6 There have been at least four examples found thus far. I) Tomb I, Liu-ch'eng-ch'iao, Ch'ang-sha, late Ch'un-ch'iu, KKHP 1972.1, pp.66-67, Fig.II.2 (not available to writer); 2) Tomb I, T'eng-tien, Chiang-ling, perhaps dating after 334 B.C., Wen-wu (hereafter WW) 1973.9, p.9, and Fig.4, p. Io; 3) P'ai-ma-shan, Chiang-ling, perhaps after 337 B.C., KK 1973.3, p. 160; and 4) Tomb I5, Tso-chia-kung-shan, Ch'ang-sha, late Warring States, KKHP 1957.1, p. 96, P1.2.7. There is no description or photo of the P'ai-ma-shan suit; that from Tso-chia-kung-shan is too wrinkled to make an examination possible; the plates from T'eng-tien are said to be rectangular of two layers with some of the original thongs remaining in the holes. There is more detail known only about the Liu-ch'eng-ch'iao example, for which see Yang, "Studies," I, p. 2I, and P1.I.3. For the wooden figures, see Mizuno Seiichi, "Chosha shatsudo no mokugu ni tsuite", Tohogakubho (Kyoto) 8 (I937) 226-241; Hayashi, p.4I0, Fig.46. Another example is in the Cleveland Museum of Art; in Wood: China and Japan (Portland, I976), pp. 24-25. see David Jenkins, Masterwvorks 7 KK I979.6, pp. 542- 5 3. The site is at Lei-ku-tun, about 3 km northwest of Sui-hsien, and is to be associated with the ancient state of Tseng; cf. IDW 1979.7, p. I. In addition to the human armor, two chanfron and assorted plates of horse armor were also recovered. 8 Yang, "Studies," I, p. 45. There is some evidence for the use of bronze armor during the late Warring States period and early Han in Yunnan, both of sheet and plate, and some plate of a later date in Inner Mongolia, but there is as yet

While defensive armor for the body was made of leather, bronze helmets were used from the earliest times. Those of the Shang are particularlyinteresting, decorated with elaborate animal head motifs.9 Helmets become much simpler, one might even say more functional, in

Chou.The boss at the top, for attaching some sort of plume,was retained but in a different There are textual the to in references of use iron texts,l,but the only complete shape.lo pre-Han of armor of thus far made iron discovered a helmet at I-hsien,Hopei,of the Late is found piece
WarringStatesperiod (ca. fourth century B.C.). It is composed of 89 plates of iron, the average

sizebeing 5 cm x 4 cm, lacedtogetherthroughpairsof holesplacedat the edgesof the plates

(Fig. 3).I2 The use of metal for helmets may have been based on the considerationsof costeffectiveness,that is, the more critical need to protect the head and the smallerarea to be encased, and perhapscurrentmetallurgicaltechnology could only produce body armortoo bulky

andheavyto be effective. The appearance, in the Warring however,of ironandsteelweaponry changesin defensive body armor.
States period, which led to the iron helmet just mentioned, also in time produced significant

2. CH'IN ARMOR Until recently,nothing was known of the armor of Ch'inwhich made all the more astonishing the discoveriesnear the tomb of Ch'in Shih-huang-tiof pits filled with life-sized pottery repreof warriors sentations and realweapons, (5' II" - 6') and horses,wooden chariots, including crossbows, swords, and spears.One estimate is that the total numberof warriorsand horses in All figures of men, with or withjust one of these pits will come to about six thousand (P1.I).I3 out armor, wear a long-sleeved robe that reaches to the knees. The men have a thick roll of cloth at the neck; for those wearing armorthis kerchiefprotects the neck from abrasion.Under the robes appearshort trousers and a variety of footwear. None of the figures wears a helmet, but some small caps and a number of hair styles are shown.I4Armor, where depicted,is worn over the robe. The Ch'in armor as shown in these pottery figures, can be divided into eight styles, only the first three of which appearin the first pit. Style III is describedfirstfor convenience.
no evidence for central China. See Yang, "Studies," I, p. 26. Yang Hung, in a more recent publication, "The Chariot in China," China Reconstructs,Dec., 1978, p. 52, mentions the discovery of bronze armor used by a Western Chou charioteer at Hsi-an in Shantung, but I have not been able to identify this excavation in the more specialized literature.

9 Hayashi, pp.406-407, Fig.473, and Yang, "Studies," I, p. 24, Fig. 5. 10 Yang, "Studies," I, p. 25, Figs. 7-8.
I

Yang, "Studies,"I, p. 27, gives references to Chan-kuo ts'e 25.525 (Shih-hsieh ts'ung-sbu ed.) and Shih-chi 69.9a (citations to the standard histories are from the Yi-wen yin-shu-kuan ed.), both of which mention t'ieh mu; and to Han-fei-tzu 9.Is5b (Pai-tzu ch'iian-shued.) where mention is made of 'ieh shih, which may refer to metal armor. More clearly to the point, there is a citation to Lii-shih ch'un-ch'iu 2.I6b (Pai-t.u ch'iian-shued.) that tells of a mighty warrior (or warriors) who

dressed in iron armor (t'ieh-chia)and fought with an iron bar to resist an invasion.
12 13

KK I975.4, pp. 228-40 and Yang, "Studies," I, pp. 27-28. For the first pit, see WW 1975.1 1, pp. 1-18. This writer's English translation is in Chinese Sociologyand Anthropology IO:2 (Winter, I977-78), PP. 3-50. Other early reports were Chinese Literature I975.II, pp. I02-3; New York Times, Nov. 30, 1975; and Archaeology 28.4 (1975), pp. 267-69, the latter by R.C.Rudolph and based on two brief reports in Chinese and Japanese. For the second pit, see W7 1978.5, pp. I-19. A translation of this article appears in Clinese Studies in Archaeadds to our information concerning ology, i (Summer, I979), pp. 8-5 5. A report on a third pit, WF I979.I2, pp. I-I2,

Ch'in armor.

14 WV I975.1T, pp.6 and I6, Figs. 5, 23, 24, and PI.IV and V.

StyleIII (Fig.4):5s This was the most commonin the firstpit. It is a short mailjacketor and upperarm construction16 coveringthe upperbody, with shoulder habergeonof lamellar made is of some The armor attached. or 7.5 cm X up rectangularplates, guards, "epaulires,"
8.5 cm, some 10.5 cm X 7.8 cm, which overlap so that the four highest rows overlapdownward and the four lowest ones overlap upward, the fourth row from the bottom being covered at top and bottom edges. This gives the habergeona slightly bulging effect.The platesalso overlap laterallytoward the sides, both front and back. The plates are connected by some sort of thong, of a knot of the thong as the numberof points of attachmentbeing indicatedby the appearance it emergesfrom the undersideand re-enters.The numberof knots in eachplate differsaccording

arealmostsymmetrical. The top to the positionof the plate.The two sides of the habergeon in the armor It that the on is clear the outside. front,to opens edgeis boundby doublethongs the right;the thongsalongthe top edge do not crossthat opening,and thereis some sort of
fastenerat the top just beyond the overlapping edge. The epaulieres,attachedto the shoulders, are made of four rows of plates overlappingupward; these are held by the same knots used for

horizontal linkagesin the rest of the armor,but verticallinkagesare madeby thongs on the
outside to supportand hold down the plates-that is to say, the verticallinkagesof the epauliNres

wouldbe. In somecases,allof theupperof thearmor elsewhere showus whattheundersurface

is attachedto the shoulder,in other cases the outer plates are not. The most row of the epauliere bottom rows of the body of the habergeonalso have the outside verticalthongs, for these plates The bottom of the habergeonis rounded,climbing also overlap upward,as mentionedbefore.17 over the hips on both sides. The materialfrom which the armorwas made may have been of

metal,but no metalplatesof this size fromthis or laterperiodshavebeenfound.Morelikely, leather. the armorwas madeof lacquered with platesof a smaller to be madeup of a foundation seems armor StyleII (Fig.5): This the plates.It is possible,of to frame so as to allowthe foundation sizethanin StyleIII attached
course, that what appearsto be a foundation is an overlay of some sort, but only examination

that. The openingof the armorat the top right is very of an actualexamplecan determine the size of the platesis not given.I8 clearhere.Unfortunately, only the frontand giving the protecting StyleI (Fig.6): This is the simplestsort of armor, to of a size similar The platesareapparently chestprotector. catcher's of a baseball appearance
those in Style III. In some mannernot easy to determinefrom the availabledrawings,a border of some materialframesthe armor.Crossedstrapsand a belt at the back hold the equipmentin

15 W I975.11, p. 10I (p.34 of the translation); Yang, "Studies," I, p.3 1 (the numbering is based on Yang). The descriptions of the armor are based in part on first-hand examination of figures seen at an exhibition in Kyoto, at the Historical

Museum and Ku-kung in Peking, and the Provincial Historical Museum, Sian.
I6

Lamellar or plate armor is composed of rectangular pieces, of whatever material, joined together horizontally into rows, the rows then being joined vertically to form the armor. This differs from scale armor in that the scales are attached at one end to a backing, and the individual scales are not mutually joined; cf. Laufer, p. 2 58, notes I and 2. See also Bengt Thordeman, Armour from the Battle of Wisby i36I (Stockholm, I939), Chap.VII: "History of Lamellar Armour," and

H.Russell Robinson, TheArmourof ImperialRome(New York, I975), pp. I62-63.

I7

Yang, "Studies," I, p. 3 I, contrasts a stiffer linkage of plates on the upper torso with the plates connected by the outside

thongs to make the articulation more flexible, but see discussion below.
I8

WW 197 5. I, p. I (p. 34 of the translation); Yang, "Studies," I, p. 3 I.

StylesI and II are known only from the drawings,and some detailsof their construction place.9Is

arenot clear.
In the second pit, only some twenty metersfrom the first, was found a militaryformationof

even greatercomplexity than that of the first.It is estimated to containeighty-nine wooden

chariots, 261 charioteers,356 chariot horses, 562 infantrymen,and a category not found in the first, 116 cavalrymenwith their mounts. Only the pottery figures from a small portion of the site haveactuallybeenuncovered,but amongthesearefour stylesof armornot found in the firstpit.

and coveredmoreof the body StyleIV (Fig.7): This was worn by the driversof chariots

than any other type. The bottom edge is curved in front but straightin the back; it possesses a

kindof collaror neckguard,7.5 cmhigh,andmostdistinctive of all,articulated, lamellar armor

for the arms extending to the wrists, with attachedplates to protect the hands as they hold the reins. There are 323 plates in these suits, those on the upper body being 7 cmX 6 cm while the lower ones are 9 cm X 6.5 cm. Those for the armsare 4-7.5 cm in length and 4 cm high. Except for the protection of the arms, the greaterlength, and the collar, the constructionof this armor is the same as that of Style III, especiallyin terms of direction of overlap of the plates and the use of thongs on the outside to provide verticallinkage of plates imbricatedupward.20 Style V (Fig. 8): One officer was found clad in this sort of armor, which has a distinctive appearancelent by a tasseled cape worn over the upper part of the armor.From the published
drawings, it would appear to resemble armor of Style II, that is, a foundation garment with reveals that the plates attached only to the lower torso, but first-hand viewing of the figure upper portion overlays the armor plate, which must cover the entire torso. This style of armor

also differsfrom that of Style II in that it lacks epatliures, possesses a long, pointed apron in front (I08 cm), and is shorter in back (62 cm). There are 250 plates (I92 in front and 58 in back), in seventeen rows in front and seven in back. The rows imbricatingupwardwith outside
linkages number ten in front and two in back. The plates are smaller than heretofore, being only 4.2-4.8 cm X 3.5 cm vertically and horizontally respectively. The method of linking the plates

on the upper body is differentfrom the previously describedarmor in that in addition to two knots (called"nails"in the reports,see below) at the upper and lower cornerson the sides which horizontallinkage,there is a "V"-shaped overlapthe plateto the side andwhich ought to represent where on the outer surface.These thongs ought to be the verticallinkage, design thongs emerge elsewhere simply representedon the upper plates by a single knot on the middle of the lower edge of each plate. What these "V" shapes may indicate is that vertical linkages are actually diagonalin direction,or as is more likely, zigzag, and one sees in effecta stitching effectrunning diagonallybetween the rows. This would also explain the fact that in the lower plates there are two vertical thongs, that is, these are the continuations of the two diagonals or zigzags that converge on each plate in the last row of upper body plates. It would not be surprisingif in fact the actual linkages were even more complicated than these traces on the outer surface
would indicate.21
19 WW I975 *I I, p- I0 (pp. 34-3 5 of the translation); Yang, "Studies," I, pp. 30-3 I . W I1978.5, p. 10 (p. 3 3 of the translation). This style shows most clearly the derivation from the Lei-ku-tun armor of the

20

21

preceding period, especially in the protection for the arms and the high collar. For this reason, it may indicate that the Sui-hsien armor was also reserved for use by charioteers. The drawing reproduced in Fig. 2, showing the warrior holding a spear or other long-handled weapon, may thus be misleading. WV I978.5, pp. I 0-I I (pp. 33-3 5 of the translation).

wornby the cavalry, its designbeingespecially StyleVI (Fig.9): Thiswasthe styleof armor
suited to the activity of mounting and riding. It is short, only 55 cm in front and 49 cm in back, reachingto the belt, with eight rows (as comparedto the fourteen/eleven of style IV above), and lacks shoulder guards. Each suit contains I25 plates, which are generallyrectangularand 8 cm X 5.7 cm in size. The robes worn under the armorare also a bit different,being shorter,

to facilitate the horse,andwith tighter sittingastride havingthe overlapto the front,perhaps a a and small with boots wore sleeves.Finally,cavalrymen strapunderthe chin.The total cap
effectwas one of trimnessand fighting efficiency.It is believed that these men were armedwith
bows.22

Style VII (Fig. I0): This suit, found depicted on another officer,is very similarto Style V above, except that the upper cape includes shouldercovers, perhapsover epaulires, and the suit is a bit shorter, 97 cm in front and 55 cm in back. There are 160 plates (i I I in front and forty-

nine in back),in seventeenrows in front and six in back.Of those, nine in front and five in
back cover the upper torso. The plates are small,4 cm square,as in Style V above. One finds the same sort of "V" linkage on the upper plates and double vertical thongs below, also as in

StyleV.23 of the vehicle.Two of the othersin thisgroup(nos.43 and44) wear the driver haverepresented
and each differsfrom the other in minor details;thus one might similararmorbut with epaulieres, number these as VIIIA, VIIIB and VIIIC. The armoris 66 cm long, and made up of 14 rows of plate in front and I in back, 178 in all, excluding epaulire plates, which means the plates Style VIII (Fig. 11): This style is found on one (no. 46) of the group of four figures which were placed behind the chariot in the third pit. From the position of the arms, this figure may

thanusual,beingclosein size to thoseof styleIV.24 weremuchsmaller still speakof nailsor rivetsas joiningthe plates. authorities The descriptions by the Chinese
Since one sees these "nails" only on the upper torso plates, these plates are calledfixed. The plates of the lower part of the armor have a combination of "nails" and vertical thongs and are
called flexible.24 This opinion was confirmed by the discovery of one knob with a shank which

of joiningplatesseemsmost unlikely Sucha manner fittedinto a hole of one of the plates.25 of the plates and the outside vertical betweenupwardimbrication the perfectcorrelation wheretheseconnections areactually thatthe "nails" emergeas they passin andout of closely
spaced pairs of holes. The lower plates, those lapping upward, have the vertical thongs on the
that is, the direction the platesthe were to flex both at lower torso and on the upper arm was

since fixed plates would have hindered bodily movement, and further it would not explain

thongs. It seems clear to this writer that all plates are joined by some sort of cord or thong and

of the body, movement of imbrication The direction outsidesurface. maywell havefacilitated

22

WV 1978.5, pp. 8 and I I (p. 35 of the translation). 23 WW 1978.5, P. II (p. 35 of the translation). 24 The very brief description, with no mention even of number of rows, is found in WW I979.I2, p.9. Sketches of the three pottery figures wearing armorVIII A, B, and C, that is, nos. 43, 45 and 46, are to be found on pp. 6-7 of that report, ku ping-ch'ilunFigs. 7 and 8. A depiction of the same armor, with epauliere, apparently appears in Yang, Chung-kuo the first (WW the third found in the other Of new in his 2.2 pit, styles arrangement). ts'ung,p. 17, Fig. I3.I (as Style and the third a of differ sides a variant is the second III, as our same the is bit) (the I4) III, (Fig. p. 9, Fig. 13) I979.I2, (Fig. 15) is largely the same as our I. 25 Yang, "Studies," I, p. 31, and WW 1978.5, p.II and Fig. 20.
IO

fromthe bottomup. It is interesting to note thatthe samedirection of imbrication at appears the sameplacesin European sheetarmor of a laterdate.The placingof the vertical cordson the
outside would avoid the need of the cords to stretchas the plates flexed. The outside cords over

platesimbricated upward mightalsoact to preventanygapscausedby gravity.

The materialout of which the armor was made is of course a matter of conjecture. The

Chinese authorities in StylesI, II, V, andVII mayhavebeenof leather saythatthe foundations of VII are said to havebeenof leather) but the platesthemselves (theepaulihres Style specifically
in all these styles of armorare believed to be of iron. Thus the term k'ai is used in referenceto the armor,and referenceis made to the passagein Lii-shih that speaksof iron armorin ch'un-chiu the late Warring States period.26The only trace of actual iron armor in the pre-Ch'inperiod,

above.Thesuitsof ironarmor fromtheHanperiod,described however,is thehelmetmentioned not wornby officers is StylesV andVII). Thethe platesof those stylesof Ch'inarmor intermediate betweenthe earlier WarringStatesleatherarmorplatesand the lateriron ones.
Nothing is said in the published archaeologicalreports about the thickness of any of these
examples. As of now there is no reason to assume that the armor of the ordinary soldier of the Ch'in was of iron. Most likely the armor was made of lacquered leather but the question must be left open. However, the small size of the plates in the suits worn by the officers (Styles V and VII) may indicate that iron was employed, and this may be a precursor to the use of the metal for such purposes in the Han period which followed.

below, are made of plates that are smallerthan those of most of the armorof the Ch'in (except

3. HAN ARMOR To judge from the stone reliefs found in Han tombs, it might be assumed that armor was

largelydispensedwith. Whetheras guardsat the tomb doors, in processions,or even engagedin

combat, the warriors are depicted as wearing long, foinng robes; except for occasional bucklers

-and perhaps hard helmets, rather than caps-there is no sign of defensive armor.27 The tomb of the Han is not that of a civilians and animals are warrior; usually typical figure portrayed. In the past the rare occurrence of an armed figure, whether from Lo-yang or from Szechwan, proved to be no more enlightening than the wall reliefs.28 That the use of armor was carried on into the Han is shown by a find in I965 at Yang-chia-

wan near Sian.29 In a series of thirteen pits situated before a burial mound was found a very
large number of figurines of warriors, approximately 44.5-48.5 cm in height, in such excellent state of preservation that the details of their armor are still discernible (Fig. 12). The foot soldiers,
26 27

28

WV 1978.5, p. I4 (p.44 of the translation); for the Luii-shih ch'un-ch'iupassage, see note I I above. See for example KKHP I964.2, pp. 107-I26, Wen-wu ching-hua, no. 3, p. 5, and Chiang-sutHsi-chou Han-hua hsiang-shih und Motivindex der Han(Peking, I959), p]. 34. Useful for surveying the Han material is Kate Finsterbusch, VTerzeichnis Darstellunzgen,2 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1966 and I97I). Laufer, p. zo20I, spoke of the failure of Han sculpture (that is, stone reliefs) to provide adequate information about defensive armor. There is of course textual evidence for the use of armor; for example, Tung-kuanHan-chi tells of the surrender in 27 A. D. of 200,000 "Red Eyebrow" rebels whose arms and armor (ping-chia), piled up, equaled a mountain in height; T'ai-p'ingyu-lan 3 5 5 .7b. KK I957.3, PI. 6, Fig. 3 (this piece also appears in Shen Chung-hsiieh et al., Ssu-ch'uan Han-tai t'ao-yung (Peking, I963), P1. 27); WW I973.2, p. 54, figS,I5-i6. These are Eastern Han.
I96I.3, pp.I-5

29 VW'

and plates; WW

I977.1I0,

pp.io0-I6

and pp.22-26.
II

One is a altogethernumberingapproximately2,000, wear a number of sorts of plate armor.30 kind of lamellararmorwhich resemblesthat of the Ch'in, but it is tied around the body with and once carriedminiatureweapons and shields, cords. These foot soldiers also have epaulieres some of which were also found on the site. Another is a simplertype, giving less protection to

In all cases,the armor is black the upperbody, andis supported by cordsover the shoulders. the lamellae of which in white.One figure,depictedin scale-like with detailsrendered armor, however were laced together, seems to representan officer(Fig. 13A). Mounted riders, 583 in
number, were also included. A few of the cavalrymenare said to be depicted wearing armor nor the styleis clear(Fig.i4).31 but neitherthe number

of this find.Of the seventy-two detailed Therehas beenno satisfactory figures description of in have seven in Museum in in the armor, Peking 1978,thirty-six History placed exhibit whicharethe simplestkind.As in the Ch'incaseall the figureshaveheavycollarsand robes, but the robesof the Han are of a wrap-around type, coloredred, white or pink, and belted. fromthe scale,is The figureswearcapsbut no helmets.The lamellar armor,as distinguished lappedupwardwith two knotsplacedat the upperend of eachplate.Red lines drawnacross
the body representcords that support small quivers on the backs. All figures which have an open fist held in the air were once equipped with miniature crossbows and have quivers. None of the horsemen displayedin the Peking Museum wear armor, but some carry quivers.

of betweenarmorandweapon.The shields,aboutone-third Thereseemsto be no correlation designsin black shapebut are paintedwith different body height,possessthe sameintricate andred.
From the Yang-chia-wanfind we are informed somewhat about the appearanceof Han armor, but it remainsto determinethe materialused. An important development during the

is signalled of metalarmor.This innovation Han was the appearance by a seriesof entriesin

A.D. The traditionalwords for armor were chia chieh-t,u the dictionary of Ioo00 the Shuo-wen to armor made of leather,32but in Shuo-wen which probablyreferred and chieh, primarily one finds a series of graphs relatingto armorthat have the "metal"radical.The first, k'ai, is

texts. Han commentators It does not appearin the classical definedas chia"armor". began
are ban to use k'ai to gloss or to define other words for armor. The other two in Shbuo-wven "brassart" andya-hsia"nape protector"or "gorget" (it is not clearwhich).33

30

The exact number is I965 but is said to include figures of dancers, musicians and civil officers as well, WV 1977.10, p. o, which have never been shown. Interestingly enough, there is an account in Han shu40.28a, about a man from this same areain which the tomb was found being accused of planning a rebellion on the basis of a report that he was buying up a large amount of arms; he responded to the charge that the arms were of the sort used in burials and were meant for his father's tomb. The anecdote is cited by Laufer, p. 206, note 2, from Wieger, Texteshistoriques, p. 448. It is found on pp. 372-373 of the second edition, (Paris, I922-23). 31 IFIV 196I.3, p. 5, and WWI977.I0, p. I0, p. 25 and p. 28. The cavalry makes up 2i% of the force but only eight percent wear armor; (WW I977. I, p. 28); is the percentage that of the cavalry or of the whole force? The only depiction, Fig. i, p. 29, does not so much resemble the description in the text (p. 29), which claims this style to be a prototype of liang-tang, to be described below, but rather is close to a type worn by the infantry. 32 Laufer, pp. 174-i 83. 33 Shuo-wen chieh-tgu ku-lin,pp.6327b, 6328a and 6328b (Kuo-min ch'u-pan-she ed., I960). Another graph used to indicate metal armor by using the metal radicalwas chia*,which occurs in Chin rhu I I6.3a, in reference to an incident of the midfourth century.
12

The use of metalarmoris substantiated in the Edsen-gol by a numberof references slips34 and by the excavation of actualarmor.One such example is the burialof a manin iron-scale
armor discovered near Lo-yang and dated as late Former Han. Some 328 complete pieces of plate were recovered; despite the rusted condition of the find one can still trace the method of connecting the pieces with hemp string. At the waist was a copper belt hook and by his side an iron sword.35 A second find of iron plate was made at Erh-shih-chia-tzu,near Huhehot, in Inner Mongolia.36One complete suit, one damaged suit, and some 303 miscellaneousplates have been found thus far. The complete suit consisted of a row of plates designed to protect the

neck,four or five rows of platesfor the chestandback,joinedalongthe sides,shortsleevesto protectthe shoulders,and finally,threerows at front and back forminga kind of tassetor andthighswere smaller andlappedupward(Fig.I 5). thigh guard.The platesat the shoulders
The suit was composed of some 5 lamellaeand estimatedto have weighed twenty-two Ibs.37 00oo A suit of armor depicted in the reliefs of I-nan is similarin constructionbut differssomewhat

in the shoulderguardsandtassets(Fig.I6).38
Yang Hung has classifiedthe Han armor into two types, primarilyon the basis of the size of the lamellae (Fig. I7).39 That of the officer (Fig. 17, Type II.2 and Fig. I3A) appearsfor the most part to resemblescale ratherthan plate armor,although its mannerof constructionis not by scales. If so, then it may reflectinfluencesreceived from the northernnomads for the Scyth-

ians were using bronzeand iron scalearmorfrom at leastthe fifthcentury B.C.40 TheChinese
describethe Hsiung-nu warriorsto have been armored,but there is no exact information as to the type of armorused.4I Lauferis probably correct that chiain the descriptionrefers to what
34

Cited by Yang, "Concerning," p. 693. Note the use of t'ieh-k'ai. The Edsen-gol area now is part of Inner Mongolia. 35 KKHP I963.2, pp. 34-35. The English resume speaks of "iron armor sheets," which is misleading. 36 KK I975.4, PP. 249-5 8. Earlier references were WW 1959.59,pp. 7 and 20-25, WW 1961.9, p. 23, and Yang, "Concerning," p. 69 3. Huhehot, or Koke Khota, the capital of Inner Mongolia, is the former Kwei-hua, capital of Sui-yuan province. 37 The full suit of armor, especially that worn by a general, must have weighed more, otherwise there would be little point to the anecdote about Ma Yuiian who in 48 A.D., at the age of sixty-two (sui) demonstrated to the emperor that he could still sit on a horse fully accoutered and so was able to lead a proposed campaign; see Hou Han shu 24. IIb. Other

finds of Han iron armor plate have included: I) near Ch'ung-an-ch'eng, Fukien, mid-Western Han, thirty-six iron plates (KK I960o.o, p. 7). 2) at the Pu-lung-cho site, Inner Mongolia, several tens of plates (KK 1973.2, p. 98).
3) at the Pao-erh-hao-t'e (or T'u-ch'eng-tzu) site, Inner Mongolia, (Yuii-hiin of the Han) a large number of lamellae,

of some ten or so sizes, similar to those of Erh-shih-chia-tzu (oral report of an excavator).

4) at Man-ch'eng, Hopei, in the well-known tomb of the Western Han Prince Liu Sheng, along with many weapons, a suit of iron armor, rolled up and rusted together, and a helmet were found (KK I972.I, P. 13), and Cbung-kuo ku

ping-ch'ilun-ts'ung, p. 22, fig. I6. The very small lamellae were bound like plate (Fig. 13B). 5) at the site of some Han beacon-towers on the Ko-chi-na River, Inner Mongolia, one plate was found (B. Sommerstrom, "Archaeological Researches in the Edsen-gol Region, Inner Mongolia," 1956-57, passim). These citations are from Yang, "Studies," I, pp. 33-34. 6) Finally at Site No. I of the Han armory at Sian, plates which made up several fragments of iron armor were of three sizes: I) I I cm x 2 cm, with holes on two sides; 2) S cm x 2-3 cm, rectangular, with rounded corners, holes on all four sides, and 3) 2 cm X I.5 cm, with six holes on the top edge only, resembling scale armor (KK 1978.4, PP.264-5).
1956), p. I5, PI. 31. There is some question whether these reliefs are late Han or early Chin; Hsio-yen Shih, "I-nan and Related Tombs," Artibus Asiae 22 (1959), P. 3 10, proposes 280-3 IO AD.. and more recently, A. Soper, Artibus Asiae 36 (I1974), p. 265, concurs. 39 From Yang, "Studies," I, pp. 36-39. 40 B. N. Grakov, Skify, p. I 37; M.V. Gorelik, "Rekonstruktsiya dospexov skifskogo voina iz kurgana y g. Ordshonikidze," in Skify i Sarmaty (Kiev, I977), PP. I46-1 5 I. The representations of Sarmatians and their horses completely covered by suits of scale on Trajan's Column date from the early second century A. D. 41 Shih chi I Io. 2a; Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian of China (New York, 1961), II. I 5.
38 I-nan ku-hua-hsiang shih-mufa-cbihueh pao-kao, (Peking,

I3

he terms a leather cuirass.42 However a most unusual piece in the History Museum, Taipei, points to possible awarenessof foreign scale armor. The figure, said to be of the Han period,

in helmetand suit of scaleholdinga shieldreversed is obviouslyof a non-Chinese beforehim that the Han armor"bedecked with copper and iron laminae (P. II).43Laufer'sstatement fromthe metalscaleandplatearmors receivedtheirimpetusfromthe West,morespecifically but that is not to say and Scythian worn by the Iranian cataphracti" (p. 232) is too extreme thattherewas no interaction andpossiblysomeadaptation.
Lauferproposed a sequenceof leatherscale armorbeing replacedby bronze in the third and second centuriesB.C. and that by iron in the first and second centuriesA.D.44 Bronze does not seem to have been used generallyfor this purpose,4sand the transitionto iron, as we have seen, must be given an earlierdate. It is also clear that leather continued to be used together with

metal.A badlydamagedsuit of lacquered leather,to be datedno laterthan the end of the In the LaterHanstarving FormerHan,has been found at Ch'ang-sha.46 troopsundersiegeat and their leather corselets to cooked and eaten Kuchaare said have stringsfrom theircrossbows.47 Later, in the second half of the third century, a Chin military force prevailed in ravines

of the far north-west because it was equipped with rhinocerousor leather armor (the sources
differ), while lodestones hampered the movement of the enemy, who wore iron armor (t'ieh-

k'ai).48Armor laminae of lacqueredleather of the third and fourth centuries have also been
found along the southern Silk Road in modern Singkiang at Miran and Niya.49 Thus depictions of armor cannot always be assumed to represent metal armor. Leather must have continued to be used, in lamellar form and perhaps in other ways.
42 Laufer, p. 223 -4.
Sylvia Fraser, "Tomb Pottery in the National Museum of History, Taipei," Arts of Asia Jan-Feb, 1978, p. 56, describes the armor as being lamellar, but I do not agree. The basis for the dating seems to be stylistic. There is a door guardian incised into stone of a tomb of 582 which depicts a foreigner in almost the same armor; WW 1966.1, Fig. 44, and Yang, "Studies," I, p. 71, Fig. 3 1:2. Mr. Liu P'ing-heng of the History Museum provided the photograph of the Han piece and informs me that it will soon be published by the Museum. 44 Laufer, p.2I3. also cites Cheng Hsiian (127-200 Laufer, p.209, A.D.) as saying that the ancients had used leather for armor but that metal was used in his time. The source of this citation, according to Shuo-wenchieh-tZuku-lin, p. 6327b, is Hsuii Hao (I810-I879), Shuo-wen chieh-.zu chu-chien,which in turn cited a passage from Cheng Hsuiian's commentary to Chou-li: "chia is the present day k'ai." The T'ang exegesis by Chia Kung-yen then expanded the statement to explain the transition from leather to metal. The source of Hsuii's quotation is not clear since the Chou-li passage, in the Ssu-chia section, with its commentary, is missing from the present text; cf. Chou-li 32.4b (the classics are cited from the Shih-sanching chu-su printed by Yi-wen yin-shu kuan). K'ung Jung (I S53-208) also made the comment that the sages had used leather armor (ko k'ai) but that now iron armor (t'ieh k'ai) was used, which far surpassed that of antiquity: cf. San-kuo chih: Wei I2.4a, in P'ei Sung-chih's commentary and T'ai-p'ingyii-lan 356.3b. Yang, "Studies," I, p. 32, took the phrase ku shenyiian to mean that the present, on the contrary, was far behind the past. chuiieh Kwang-chih Chang, The Archaeology of Ancient China (New Haven, rev. ed., 1977), p. 2, cites a developmental scheme of stone to bronze to iron for the manufacture of weapons, ascribed to the late Ch'un-ch'iu period by Yuiian K'ang (fl. chuehshu II.4b-5a (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an ed.). 40 A.D.) in his Yiueh 45 Bronze lamellae of Western Han date have been found at Li-chia-shan, 80 km. south of Kunming, but the site is identified as belonging to the Tien culture; KKHP I975.2, pp. 147, I52, and I55-6. Laufer, p.2i4, Fig. 34, has drawings of bronze scale of the Han but gives no source; I have not seen other examples cited in the more recent archaeological literature. See also note 8 above. 46 WV9 I6956.I 0, p. 38-9, and Fig. I 6, p. 4I. 47 Hou Han shu I9.I 5a; cited by Laufer, p. 189, note i. 48 Chin shu 57.5sa. This anecdote is cited from Chin shu in T'ai-p'ingyiu-lan 355.8a and from the Chin shu of Wang Yin at
43

49

355.8b. Aurel Stein, Serindia(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1921),

Schafer.

vol.4, P1.L. This was kindly pointed out to me by Prof.Edward

I4

Thereis little archaeological evidencefor armorin the LaterHan period.Yang cites such itemsas tiny figureson a potterywatchtower,50 a brickrelieffromChang-lou-ts'un, Honan,sl
and a stone lintel from Shih-li-pu, Kiangsu,52but these give unsatisfactoryevidence for armorial style and material.One should note the guards depicted with pointed, plumed helmets in the Holingol mural from a late Eastern Han tomb; this is the same casque-typeof helmet which will be seen later in the Chin, but the figures are clothed in long, nondescript robes
(Fig. I 8).53

4. LATE HAN TO CHIN In the late Han and early post-Han period, that is, third and early fourth centuries,the level of warfarewas high and armorwas obviously an importantconsideration.As one might expect, a number of references to quantity and quality appear in the literary sources. The written materialis too scanty to make possible a coherent or detailed account, but the following items are cited for the general impression they present. Around I50 A.D., Ts'ui T'i said that the

Chinesecontrolof the northern nomadswas due to armorand the crossbow,and yet, as he

bitterly complained,the avariciousnessof officialswas resulting in the manufactureof inferior

was beingtempered so as to causeit to be brittleor easilybent, andthe suits weaponry--iron

made too small to be worn.54 Ts'ao Ts'ao, (I 55-220) founder of the Wei kingdom, spoke of of his rivalYan Shaoand but ten havinga meretwentysuits of armorto matchthe 0,000ooo suits of horse armorto match his enemies' 300oo, yet he won victory exactly because Yuan Shao underestimated him.s5Yuiian Shang, Shao's son, believed that his defeat by Ts'ao Ts'ao was due to the inferior armor of his own forces56and Ts'ao Ts'ao's report on that victory records the capture of 19,620 helmets and innumerableweapons, but no armor, however, is mentioned.57
23

A reportof A.D.

suits of "darkarmor"(hsiian-k'ai) and speaksof the captureof ,ooo000

indicatethe numbers claimed at the time.

3,I00 crossbows.58The numbers are not necessarilyreliable; rather they are repeatedhere to

50 Liu-chia-ch'uii, near Shan-hsien, Honan, KKHP I965.I, pp. I35-36; p. 138, Fig. 27; p. I39, Fig.28; and Pi. V1.2. 51 KK I964.2, p. 9I, Fig. .2 and p. go. 52 KK I966.I, p.69 and p.7o, Fig.4.I. 53 IW and p. 6, Fig. 8. Ix974. I, p.5 54 The passage in his Cheng-lun "Discussion of Government"; see Yen K'o-chiin,Ch'iian HouHanwen appears 46.6b,in his

58San-kuo chih: Shu5.I4a,in a passagequotedfromthe Han Chin This termhsiian-k'ai ch'un-chiu. or hsiian-chia is foundin the

san-taiCh'inHan san-kuo Ch'iian shang-ku wen,as cited from Chiin-shu liu-ch'ao chih-yao. T'ai-p'ingyii-lan 356. 3a has a slightly abbreviated version; the passage does not occur in the Cheng-lun included in his biography in Hou Han shu 52.I4ff. For the process of tempering by quenching, see Joseph Needham, TheDevelopment in China(Camof Iron andSteel Technology bridge, I 964), p. 25. 55 San-kuowen3.4a, gives this as the only source. T'ai-p'ingyii-lan 356.3b. Yen, Ch'iian 56 T'ai-p'ingyii-lan355.7b. 57 T'ai-p'ingyii-lan 356.8a-b; cited by Yen, Ch'iianSan-kuowenI.gb-Ioa, and by Hui Tung in his commentary to Hou Han shu 74.B.6a. Han sources also. Yang, "Studies," I, p. 32 cites Shih-chiI I I.I4b which tells of a troop clad in hsiian-chia that accompanied Ho Ch'ii-ping's body to his tomb; for Eastern Han, T'ai-p'ingyii-lan Han-chiwhich reports another 356.5a cites Tung-kuan honor guard of 400 men in hsiian-chia; a variant is given in T'ai-pingyii-lan,355.7b. For references in literature, Yang mentions Pan Ku's "Feng Yen-jan shan ming" which has the rays of the sun flash off hsiian-chia (Wen hsuian 56.5a); I5

Various types of armor are also mentioned. Ts'ao Chih (I92-232) cited petition:

catalogs them in an often

The Previous Emperor presented your vassal with armor (k'ai), to wit, a suit of "black-brilliant" and a suit of "double-faced"(liang-tang) and one of "bright-brilliant"(ming-kuang) armor, (hei-kuang) but now that the present age is peaceful and the weapons and armor (pingko) are not of use, I request leave to turn them all over to the Armor Board (k'ai-ts'ao) to be taken care of.59

The kinds of armor mentioned by Ts'ao Chih recur in the texts. Troops wearing "double armor" (liang-k'ai rather than his liang-tangk'ai) are reported for the same period.60 The terms

and may have referenceto the seem to denote especiallyfine armor61 and ming-kuang hei-kuang
steel from which they were made, since decarburized steel is said to be pure and gleaming, and when polished it becomes intensely blue-black.62 Finally, Ch'en Lin (d. 217) one of the chief

literatiat Ts'ao Ts'ao's court, perhapshaving in mind a scene similarto that in the I-nan relief,
described the armor in the Imperial Armory as follows :63

in a poeminspired the samephrase into the post-Hanperiod,Ts'aoP'ei usedbasically by a reviewof troops extending as "ironarmor" is defined As Yangsays,hsfan-chia of P'ei Sung-chih). chih:Wei2.25 b, commentary in 225 A.D. (San-kuo of the darkcolor of iron. Yangthencites to Shih-chi, II I .I4b, because (T'ang)in his commentary by ChangShou-chieh as beingmade was meantto be represented thatthe armor as indicative the blackcolor of the figuresof Yang-chia-wen either black dark brown(WF or armor colored clad in were The Ch'in of iron ("Studies," I, pp.32-33). potteryfigures
1975. I, p. 6); since it is doubtful that their armor was made of iron, the color alone is not adequate indication of the

material.
59

For Ts'ao Chih and his legend, see Hans H.Frankel, "Fifteen Poems by Ts'ao Chih: An Attempt at a New Approach," Society84: I (I964), pp. I-I4. The petition was addressed either to his brother Ts'ao P'ei Journalof theAmericanOriental and referred to a gift from Ts'ao Ts'ao, their father, or as is more likely was addressed to his nephew (reigned 220-26) and the gift was from Ts'ao P'ei. The passage is cited from Ch'en Ssu-wang chi I.5 Ia in Han Ts'ao Jui (reigned 226-239), chi (Chung-hua shu-chu, I962 ed.) 22.536-7 has slight Weiliu-ch'ao chi pai-sanming-chia (Tien-nan, I877 ed.). Ch'u-hsiieh

andone of chainmail(huan-so variants. textual k'ai).As Laufer, T'ai-p'ingyui-lan 356.3baddsto thelist a set of horsearmor beforetheT'ang,but Laufer sincechainmailis not employed the latteris obviouslyananachronism p. I74, n. , observes, a of chain mail as specifically beforethe T'ang. Thereis a description errsin sayingthere are no textualreferences
Central Asian or Iranian type of armor in the account of a campaign in Central Asia in 384; Chin shu i22.3a. See also No.7 (Berkeley, I959), p. 33 and note 74. R.Mather, Biography of Lu Kuang, ChineseDynastic Histories Translations, A.D., San-kuochih: Vei I8.I3a (cf. Tu-chih t'ung-chien [Ku-chi ch'u-pan-she ed.] 53.I955), and for 208 A.D.,

weremisunderstood termsin Ts'aoChih'spassage Certain I, p. 36. Yang,"Studies," by Laufer, p. 174,n. I, andWerner, in the the list as it occurs seems to and variants textual the of mention not does T'ai-p'ingyii-lan. accept problem p.43
60

For

I94

chih:WuIo.9b. San-kuo
61

62

63

For example, in 222 Ts'ao P'ei presented Sun Ch'iian with a set of ming-kuang k'ai; see San-kuo chih: Wu 2.1 Ia and T'aip'ingyii-lan 355.8b. Needham, p. 34. The fact that hsiian-chiawas said to reflect the sun's rays (see above) may indicate that the Han armor had some of these qualities too. I do not agree with Yang that the term refers to the type of armor which I prefer to call plaque armor (see below) because: I) his identification does not explain the term bei-kuang; and 2) there is no evidence of plaque armor until two or more centuries after Ts'ao Chih's statement was made. Unfortunately the term ming-kuangis now being used in site reports to refer to plaque armor; see KK I979.3, p. 236. Prof. Oba Osamu of Kansai University and Dr. Miyazaki Takashi of the Nara Museum have recently kindly referred me to a discussion of hei-kuang and ming-kuang by the late Komai Kazuchika in his Chugoku kokogaku ronso (Tokyo, I974), pp. 59-6o, in which ming-kuang is said to refer to metal lamellae armor and hei-kuang to lacquer lamellar armor. I am inclined to agree with Prof. Komai, but if both varieties of armor prove to be metallic, then my suggestion above may provide an explanation for the terms. T'ai-p'ingyi-lan 356.3b, citing Ch'en's "Prose-poem on the Armory (Wu-k'u fu)".

i6

of the Eastern Barbarians, As for the armor (k'ai) then like that of Ch'iieh-kung64 It is made of the finest steel refined a hundred times; 65 The armorer66 has plied his hammer, The leather-worker67 has made the stitching; [Adorned with] dark feathers the flashing armor (chia) Gleams and shines, throwing off light.

After readingsuch referencesin the texts of the period, one might expect that the archaeological

evidenceto roundout the picture,but suchis not the case evidencewould provideadditional thus far. Thereareno findsof actualarmorof this period,and the funerary do not figurines a greatdealto a studyof this topic. contribute fromHanto earlyChin,justas was truefor most of the Hanperiod,there In the transition
are few funerary figures that clearly represent warriors, but a new type of figure appears, a rather fierce one, which calls to mind the exorcist described in the Chou-li.In that work, the exorcist is said to wear a bear-skinmask with four golden eyes, black trousers,and a red jacket. Armed with a spear and shield, he accompaniesthe coffin to the tomb where he enters first to strike the four corners with the spear to chase away the evil spirits.68 The associationwith this

in museums character fearsome areoftenlabeled as shamans, whythesefigures explains probably

but it should be rememberedthat at least several centuriesseparatethe Chou-lidescriptionand the figuresthemselves. Although many of these figures do not exhibit armor,they are described below because they obviously depict a martialfigure, and further, they provide a context for

thosewhich do weararmor. A. EarlyTomb Guardians andSpear Brandishers to be the earliest Whatappears has not yet been authenticated type unfortunately by scientific
excavation. This type is characterized by a small shield, perhaps made of wicker, a large head with high cheek-bones, and some sort of flat headgear (P1.III and Fig. IgA). Aside from the The pose is static, but a related sort, shield, there is no further indication of arms or armor.69
also wearing the flat cap, introduces movement by raising the arm as if holding a spear-none

64

Ch'uiieh-kung (anc. k'wt-k'iwong) is the country said to have produced the armor worn by King Wu when he conquered the Shang; Tso-chuan, Duke Chao 15 (576 B.C.), 47.Iia; James Legge, The Ch'un Ts'ew with the Tso Chuen (Hongkong 1872), p.66o. The commentary gives no further information about its location but Ch'en here places it among the Eastern Barbarians. This touches on the possible foreign influences in the development of Chinese armor. Ch'en's identification of Ch'uiieh-kung with the Eastern Barbarians may indicate that quality armor was being produced at this time in

stateof the artin the fourthcentury A.D. Korea;thereis evidence,citedbelow, of an advanced

65

Needham, p. 3I, where the same terminology (pai-lien) is used to describe the direct decarburization of steel. See also pp. 3 3-34 for Sung discussions of the process. Yang, "Studies," I, p. 42-3 cites some archaeological evidence that sub-

the processherementionedby Ch'enLin. stantiates 66 Chou-li for han-shih. 4o.igb has han-jen
67
69

68 Chou-li 3i.I2a-b;

Chou-li40.24b has the heading wei-shih but the text is missing.

Laufer, pp. I98-99. it is also to be seen in his Kan-rikucho no dogu, P1. I: "Han, warrior, grey pottery, 30 cm, Kyoto, Musee Cernuschi has two examples, one very similar to the Waseda piece (Fig. IgB) but unglazed and back of the head; the other has a black glaze over the head and torso and a white slip over the legs, red pottery may be seen.

In addition to the Waseda piece in PI.III (Fig.IgA) see also that in Sato Masahiko, Chugoku no dogu(Tokyo, I965),
PI. 9 and pp. 6 8-69; private collection." with a mask on the through which the

I7

has beenfoundwith the spearintact-and in some caseswith the appropriate bodilyposition

for throwing the weapon (Fig. zo20A-B).70 There are also a few who wear a helmet7iratherthan a flat cap and whose faces seem more benign (Fig. 20C). Other brandishersof spears, while related in period and pose, clearly fall into another two categories: those clad in a tunic and having a cone or corkscrewheaddress(Fig. 20D); and those wearing a spiked helmet and scale corselet (Fig. 20E). One of the figures of the first type, with the peculiarcone-shapedobject on

the only armed in a group the head,wasfoundin a ChintombnearLo-yang, figurementioned if of eight graves.Its positionin the tomb andits stanceconvinceone of its role as guardian,
not of the Chou-li exorcist.72 Similarfigures are found in a number of collections73 (PI.IV) and in other WesternChin tombs near Lo-yang.74 Descriptions of these finds emphasizethe highcheeked face and large, protrudingeyes, provoking the comment that these may be huor nonChinesesoldiers. Figures of the same facialtype and adornedwith either the same spiraledhair or a smooth conical cap occur in four jolly, kneeling bronze figuresin the Brundagecollection,

but believedto represent said to be late Chou or earlyHan and to come from Ch'ang-sha, of opinionaboutthe natureof the cone on Thereis some difference northern "barbarians".7s as a "snail-like, the headof the laterfigures,variouslydescribed high tuft of hairheld by a conehelmet".78 hair"or "segmented and"screw-shaped a "cone-shaped hucap,"77 hoop."76
There is some question whether the spear-wielderswear armor. One piece in the Tenri

of the samepiecespeaks but another is saidto be wearing in Japan Museum armor, description

70 There are a number of examples that might be considered as being of this sort; that is, they wear flat headgear and arc

lofting or throwing a spear. These include: I) an excavated piece from an early Western Chin grave near Lo-yang, KKHP I957.1, P1.III.4, grave 19, no. 5; 2) a similarexample in the Cernuschibut with the right hand not raised (there is
another in that collection more clearly hoisting a spear and placed on horseback); 3) Chugoku no dogu, P1. IO, and Kan-

rikuchono dogu,Fig.8, from the Waseda University collection; 4) one in the Brundage collection (see B.Smith and taikei (Tokyo, 2nd ed., I966), vol.7, W.Weng, China: A History in Art, New York, 1972, p.7I); 5) Sekai kokogaku p. 72, Fig. 208. The latter three are kneeling on one knee. The University of Oregon Museum of Art has an example that holds what appearsto be a jade tablet in the left hand ratherthan the more usual shield.
71

72 73

KKHP 1957.I, P1.II.7, grave 12, no. 3. The Musee Cernuschi has a standing figure in similar garb. In neither of these examples are the details very clear. KK 1959.1 I, P1.4, no. I and no. 5. The tombs, on the western outskirts of Lo-yang, are not dated. Tenri has two pieces: I) Exhibition of Burial Clay Figures of Ancient China in Tenri University Museum (Tokyo, 1963), Fig. 5; Kodai Ajia bijitsuten, a catalogue of an exhibition of Tenri material held in Tokyo in 1966 under the sponsorship of the Nihon keizai shimbun, Fig. 84 (in both cases it is identified as a Han figure); Tenri sankokan Zuroku: Chugoku hen (Tokyo, I967), Fig. ii9, text, p.4I, which says it is of the Wei-Chin period; and 2) Kodai Ajia bijutsuten, Fig. 8 ; Tenri no dogu, sankokan zuroku:Chugoku hen,fig. I I 8, text, p. 41; Chugoku p. 69, Fig. I I *. The pose of this figure, with legs bent

at the knees and wide stance, may indicate it was originally placed on a horse. The piece is said to be from the Eastern
Wu area of Chiang-nan; cf. Tenri sankokan Zuroku: Chugoku hen, p. 41. Other examples are Laufer, P1. XVII and p. 199; no dogu, P1. 12; and the Philadelphia Museum, no. 23-21-208. ChugokuZ 74 I) Chung-kuo ku-wven-wu (Peking, I962), pp. 163-64 (also in KKHP 1957.I, Pl.III.S5, grave 54, no. 24); 2) KKHP I95 7.I, and 3) KKHP I957.1, P1.II.7, grave 26, no. 7, and text on p. 177. no. I; P1.III.6, grave 7, 75 China: A History in Art, pp. 62-63. The statement that the "triangular caps and bare shoulders are typical of the northern tribes" is not supported by documentation. This identification may have something to do with the "pestle-type hair-do" (ch'ui-chieh) ascribed to a number of foreign peoples in the Han: southern-most China and northern Vietnam, Han shu 43.5 b; the Western Jung, Shuo-yiianI I.5 a (Pai-tzu ch'iian-shu ed.); and the Hsiung-nu, Han shu 54. I 5b. Fu Wen, a second century commentator, said that soldiers of his time used this hair-style; cf. Han shu 43.5b and 54.I 5b. The term is probably vague enough to include any clumping of the hair. See also Chugoku no dogu, p. 2 5, for another example and discussion. 76 Laufer, p. I99. 77 Sato, in Chugoku no dogui, p. 70. 78 Mizuno, in Tenri sankokan zuroku: Chugoku hen, p.4I.

I8

Another Tenri exampleis said to be wearing armorperhapsmade of leather.80 only of a jacket.79

Most of these pieceswear a beltedjacketwith the left lapel over the right and no apparent indication of armor.The example in the FieldMuseum wearsa one-piecegarment with scales indicated In this regard, it resembles morecloselythe garbof the secondgroup by blacklines.81 of spearwielders. B. Scale andPlumed Helmets Jerkins
As for the second group, while the pose and fierce demeanor resemble those just described above, they are clearly differentiated by their helmet and garb (Fig. zo20E). They wear a tightThere is no obvious opening, and so it may have been drawn on over the head. Lauferbelieved

fitting,almostsleevelesscorseletthat is coveredwith scalesratherthan plate,and is belted.

the material to be leather,but thereis no proof of this.82 The helmet,madeof strips,has a

that is met laterin anothergroup of figures,but the knob or spike is distincgrooved appearance tive. A fragmentof this kind of figurewas found nearLo-yangin a gravedated287A.D.83Others, undated,but of this sameperiod, have been excavatedfrom Lo-yang and the Chengchowarea.84

worn by the Yang Hung tracesthis type of scalearmorbackto the late Han,to the armor

crossbowmen on a model tower excavatednear Shan-hsienin Honan.85 The semi-lunarscallops

on thosefiguresmayindicatescalearmor,andthereseemto be half sleevesas well (Fig.2iA). The helmetsare very different from the spiked ones of the Chin. He also finds this armor
depicted in a wall painting from Yunnan of the Eastern Chin period (Fig. 2IB).86Here too is shown a pointed helmet with plume and a short-sleevedcorselet; the cross-hatchingrepresents some sort of armor, and may be scale. One can see similar figures in other Chin scenes. The

'Wei-Chin tombs at Chia-yu-kuan, Kansu, contained painted bricks, one of which depicts parading cavalry. The armored cavalrymen again wear the plumed helmet and scale corselets we have seen before (Pl.V).87 The foot soldiers portrayed on another brick have plumed helmets

and carryshields and weapons but one is not clear about their armor (P1.VI). The same is true of the two guards at the tent of the commanderin the scene of a night encampmentshown on still another brick.88 Finally, some of the foot soldiers in the procession from the muralin the
79

jacket and trousers.

80

Tenri sankokan Zuroku: Chugoku hen, p. 4I and PI. II8; Sato Masahiko, in Chugoku no dogu, pp. 69-70, speaks only of short

83 KKHP

82 Laufer, p. 199. 1957. , Pl1.III.7, grave I, no. I5. 84 From Lo-yang, KKHP I 957. I, PI.III.6, grave 34, no. 6; from Chengchow, KK I957.1, p. 39 and P1.I 4.3. Other examples

the Han, which is unlikely. 81 Laufer, P1.XVII and p. I 99.

Tenri sankokan zuroku: Chugoku hen, p. 4I and P1. II9. In some Tenri publications these two pieces are said to be from

of this type are to be found in the Field Museum, cf. Laufer, P1.XV-XVI; at Waseda University, Kan-rikucho no dogu, nodogi, P1.72 and pp. 93-94; still others are shown in TheHorizonBookof theArts of China,p. 92 p. i0, Fig. 8 and Chugoku and in Sekai kokogaku taikei,vol.7, P1.54 (both labelled as Han). Those unpublished include one in the Mus6e Cernuschi, Paris, the British Museum (no. I91 2-I2-33I 54), and the History Museum, Taipei (no. 9.206). Edmund Capon comments on this type in his review of Ezekiel Schloss, AncientChinese Ceramic Sculpture: from Han through T'ang(Stamford, I977), in OrientalArt 24 (1978) Spring, p. 89.

8s KKHP I965.1, p.I39, Fig. z28; Yang, "Studies," I, p.4I, Fig. i6. 86 WW 1963.12, P1.IV.2; Yang, "Studies" II, p. 59, Fig. 19.2. The figures from this site which are depicted as riding armored

horses, WW i963.I2, 11.2, will be discussed later. 87 Jan Fontein and Wu Tung, Han and TangMurals Discovered in Tombsin the People'sRepublic of Chinaand Copiedby ConChinese Painters(Boston, 1976), no. 93, p. 72, and p. 66. temporary 88 Ibid., no. 95 and no. 96, p. 63 and comments, 6o. p.

I9

tomb of Tung Shou at Anak in Northern Korea, to be dated 3 5 7, wear a similargarb (Fig. 22).

wearhelmetswith a small Foot soldierscarryshieldsand hold swordsover their shoulders, by stripeswhich plumeand a sleevelesscorselet,and lack leg armor.The armoris indicated
does not allow the specific kind of lamellae to be determined. Some infantrymen,without

otherscarrya reflexbow and an axeover theirshoulders; shieldor body armor, seemto carry of thisperiod.89 of the military conception equipage gives one a splendid quiver.Theprocession one of which of somegravesnearCh'ang-sha, One needsalso mentionherethe excavation thosefromthe was dated302. Amongthe figures foundwerea number resenting warriors; datedtomb hold smallshieldsandweara pointedhelmet,but the detailsof theirbody armor that canonly makeout the high collarof some sort of jacketandmarkings arenot clear. One
perhaps indicate that they were barefooted (PI.VII).9oAn undated grave of the same group contained similar figures but with even fewer discernible details.91There is also one piece shown holding a sword but wearing formal court headdress.92 Unfortunately,the modeling resemblesfigures made of playdough and only the casque helmets are clearlydiscernible. One may thereforeagreewith Yang that the sleeveless,or shortsleeved,corselethad become but whetherthis was alwayscovered by by the WesternChin an importantpiece of armament,93 scales or whether plate was also used is not clear. Further, I am not able to follow Yang's

nor can I identifyit with the nameof this type of armor,94 suggestionfor the contemporary at Sian, at Ta-t'ungor thatat Ts'ao-ch'ang-p'o-ts'un armorof the tomb of Ssu-ma Chin-lung
both to be described abandoned descriarmor The below. The armor was gradually abandoned and replaced by other styles, some centuries later, in the tomb of Li Ho who died but the scale corselet surprisingly r peppears in 582, shown to be worn by one of a pair of tomb guardians incised on the stone doors (Fig.23).95 The face is that of a foreigner, recalling to mind the strange Han piece from the Historical Museum in Taipei, mentioned above. The relationship of the scale armor worn by these two foreigners to the scale armor of the Chin needs further study in the light of the use

of scale armorin Inner Asia.

89

Koguryo in 336, where he served until his death although he continued to hold Eastern Chin titles; he is mentioned in 95.3005-6 and in Cbinshu Io9. a, where his surname is given as T'ung, but the inscription in his tomb t'ung-chien TZu-chih has Tung. For a discussion of the attribution of the tomb, see Hung Ch'ing-yi, in KK 1959.I, pp. 27-3 5. Other literature
concerning the tomb is in Wen-wu fs'an-k'ao ftu-liao, hereafter WWTKTL, 195 2.I, pp. 9I-IOI (translation of a Korean published article) and pp. I01-I04, and VWI 957.1, pp. 53-5 5. A more recent publication ofthis tomb is KonghwagukSahoe, under the auspices of the Choson Minjujuui Inmin, P'yongyang, I966. There is an admirable discussion in K.H.J. Gardiner, The Early History of Korea (Canberra, I969), pp. 52-5 9. The other armor and that for the horses will be discussed below. Note the unarmed bearers of insignia which are the same as in the Yuiinnan murals, WW I963.I2, PI. II.2. 90 KKHP I959.3, PI.VII.I and 2. 91 Ibid., PI. VI.2.

Tung Shou was a north Chinese military figure who had fled from Mu-jung Huang, the ruler of Former Yen (298-349), to

92 Ibid., PI.VI. . The mounted figures are shown with an elaborate helmet but the details are not clear. These will be mentioned again below in the discussion of horse armor. 93 Yang, "Studies," II, p.60. 94 Yang, "Studies," II, p.60 has identified this scale armor with the "pipesleeve armor" t'ung-hsiu k'ai mentioned in the histories. Sungshu 76.8a and 86.2b record the imperial presentation of "Chu-ko Liang's pipe-sleeved armor" in the 46o's. However, the term t'ungin referenceto clothing seems to indicate long rather than short sleeves; see Daikanwajiten 26062.2. For this reason I do not adopt Yang's terminology. The presentation armor, entitled "Chu-ko Liang's pipesleeve armor," and said to be able to withstand the dart of a crossbow of twenty-five "stones" must have been special armor of some antiquity; in fact, it may have been the same suit in both cases.
95 WW 966. , p.42, Fig. 44.
20

5. THE EARLY SIX DYNASTIES

PERIOD

Widespreadwarfarecontinued in Chinaas the north fell to the foreign invadersand the Chinese states in the south resisted or counter-attackedas circumstancesallowed. Huan I, one of the

his property of Ioo suits who servedat the Fei Riverbattlein 383, bequeathed Chingenerals
of foot armor to the emperor, explaining in his testamentthat he had of horse armor and 5 00oo acquired this equipment by having damaged armor discardedby the enemy at the battlefield leader Shih Hu was said to be guarded by a Earlier,the barbarian gatheredup and repaired.96 myriadof warriorsclad in fine five-colored armor (wu-sehsi-k'ai), which was so dazzling as to armor mentioned in the earlierperiod, which This calls to mind the mning-kuang blind the eye.97

iron armor(t'ieh-k'ai) to be used. In 543a suit of ming-kuang continued marked Ts'aiYu, the him to be an "irontiger".98 Wei general,in battle,andhis foe declared when Western Earlier, a set of "fine"mingan Avar chief enteredthe NorthernWei courtin 5I 8, he was presented
armorand six sets of iron armor (t'ieh-k'ai),both sorts for rider and horse.99 Yin Chungkuang Referenceto caparik'an (d. 399) expressedhis gratitudefor a gift of horse armor (ma-V'ai).100 soned horses by the phrase "iron horses" occurs in the poetry of Lu Ch'ui (470-526) Io and Yii Hsin (5I3-5 8 ).1ozThis at least had some semblanceof reality,but Yen Chih-t'ui(53I-59I ?)

as a "rhinocerous in referring to armor choseto use an archaism envelope"(hsi-han).1o3 to wear their armorlightly continuedto be The abilityof vigorousbut elderlywarriors
Huai in 504, Liang T'ai (fl. 57-65) and Ho-jo I, who died during the Sui, are all cited. Yuiian
mentioned.I04 In the case of Liang it was said that he could even vault onto his horse without

e armor which Yuan Huai carried so well was a suit of "fine armor" use of the stirrup. The

(hsi-k'ai) given him by the emperor.An emperormight also make a bestowal of his own armor as a special mark of favor on the battlefield;the southern Liu Yu gave his to Liu Huai-shen,Ios while the northern Yi-wen T'ai gave his to T'ien Hung in 534106 and that of a fallen enemy general to Li Pi in 537.I07
Finally, it was recognized that if one were to be effective in battle, one needed to pierce the

armor of the enemy. Yen Chih-t'ui, in discussing the inadequaciesof the elite of his day, said

b and T'ai-p'ingyii-lan 3 5.8a. For Huan I, see M.Rogers, The Chronicle of Fu Chien: A Case of Exemplar History, Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations, No. IO (Berkeley, I968), p. 576, note 65 I, and passim. Note that the armor when first gathered up was described as "broken and split, not adequate to be strung together". 97 Ch'u hsiieb chi 22.5 36 and P'ei-wenyiin-fu I794.I, both citing the Yeh-chungchi by Lu Hui of the Chin. 98 Chou shu 27.6b and Pei shih 6 5.I Ia. The term meng-c'in in the Chou shu text was a euphemism for the T'ang taboo on hu "tiger." 99 Wei shbu Io3.I3a-b and Pei shih 98.I3a. This was mentioned by Laufer, p. 307 and note 2. IOO T'ai-p'ingyii-lan 356.3b and Ch'iian Chin-wen I29.6b. IOI Wen-hsiian 56. 2a. I02 Yii TZu-shan chi I 3.29b. 103 Pei Ch'i shu 45.I9b. 104 Wei shu 41.gb; Chou shu 27.1 5sa;and Sui shu 39. 15b. This is also the point to the anecdote about Yao I-chung (280-3 52) who responded to a gift of a barded horse from Shih Hu by saying, "See whether or not this old Ch'iang can defeat the enemy," donned his armor (chia*, mentioned earlier), and without leave, rode his horse out of the court to lead an attack on the enemy; cf. Chin shu II6.3a. os0 Sung shu 45.I3a and Nan shih I7.7a. xo6 Chou shu 27.IIa and Yii TZu-shan chi 14.2a. This was called t'ieh-chia. 107 Chou shu 15.4a.
96 Chin shu 8I.I
21

In a passageimportant that some could not piercearmorplate (ha) when they shot an arrow.Io8 for the history of steel making in China,referenceis made at this period to a blade able to cut through thirty plates.os0

armorbut is merelya selectionof rethe material This by no meansexhausts concerning

ferences contained in various dictionaries and florilegia, as well as instances encountered in
reading the sources. While not complete, they serve adequately to indicate the kind of occur-

of the time. As can be seen,no clearpictureemergesof the rencesone findsin the literature
arts and archaeological armor in actual use, and for that, one must turn to representational

finds. out ephemeral statesand as the various northern led to a periodof muchwarfare powerscarved of the time,thereis a dueto the disorders for supremacy. Perhaps amongthemselves struggled Whenthey do, it is with a hiatusof over a hundred yearsbeforethe tomb figuresreappear. of military they exhibit,theirpose, figuresinto typesbasedon the sort of armor largenumber schemeis impliedhereby the orderin whichthey aretaken and so on, but no developmental so stated. up, unlessspecifically A. TheUnarmored Infantry
When we turn to the militaryfiguresamong the tomb figurinesof the post-Chinperiod, we find new vigor, variety and realismnot achievedbefore. It is convenient to continue to separatethe As one may infer from the passagesjust cited, the retreatof the Chin from the north (317)

of armorsincethese figuresdisplay a group that perhapsshouldbe excludedin a discussion

little armorbeyond a shield and an occasionalhelmet. Yet these must have been the infantryof

turnedback, the time,making up the bulkof the troops.Theyweara tunic,with lapelsusually

a belt or cord at the waist, baggy trouserstied just below the knee, and what often appearsto

be some sort of leathershin guardswhich might providesome protectionbelow the shield this maybe In some casesthereseemsto be a kindof cloth aroundthe shoulders; (Fig.24).I?1
long enough to have the ends tucked under the belt. Those without helmets may wear the hair in two horns, although at times the arrangement appearsto be a cap ratherthan hair.IIIIn one

in a varietyof shapes:the with courtwearoccurs.The helmetappears case a cap associated kind with and fastenedunderthe chin; a more substantial shell-type,which is close-fitting
straight ear-flaps;and a grooved one, which reminds us somewhat of the Chin spiked helmet

one for In some casesthe figureholds a shield,eithera smallor medium-sized seen earlier.,I2
108

S.Y.Teng,

transl., Family Instructionsfor the Yen Clan, Monographies

du T'oung Pao, vol.IV, (Leiden, I968), p. 52.

109Pei Ch'i shu49.7b; translated in Needham, p. 26.

110 Grave of YuiianShao *, dated 528, in KK I 9 7 3.4, P1.VIII. 5. Other examples are in the Royal Ontario Museum; see China: A History in Art, pp. 90-9I (those of this type can be distinguished by the hair-do); Harada Yoshito and Komai Kazuchika, Shina koki Zuk6: Heikihen, (Tokyo, I932), vol. I, P1. 30.3; Hamada Kosaku, Shina ko meiki deizo Zusetsu (Tokyo, 1927, 2 vols.), Pl. I3; tomb of Fan Tsui, dated 575, WW I97z.I, p. 53, Fig. I 3. I I Tenri sankokan zuroku: Chugokuhen, P1. 180 and I82; see also the pair in Chugokuno dogu, Fig. 96, p. I04. Sato believes the
112

fierce faces and jutting beards mark them as huor northern nomads. the Ages (New York, I969), p.43; this piece is in the Arms and Armor through and WForthies: Helmut Nickel, Warriors no dogu, PI. 86 (or the very similar Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. For the three types of helmets, see Chugoku
o8 (Brundage Collection); and finally, piece in the British Museum, ace. no. 1973-7-26-1 80); China: A History in Art, p. I0 Chinese Tomb Pottery Figures (Chinese title: Ming-ch'i t'u-lu; Hong Kong, 195 3), D. 4.
22

those without helmets or an almost full-length one for the helmeted soldier.113 Usually there is a clenched fist with a hole for the lance or other weapon which has disappeared.In some cases There are a number of pieces which closely resemble the soldier wears a quiver at his back.114

It is in dressandstylewhoseroleseemsto be ensignbearer, thesesoldiers groom,or attendant.

impossible to draw an absolute line unless one leaves out all those which at present bear no

that obviouslyaretoo evidenceof armsor armor,but such a coursewould excludeexamples to be anything but warriors. fierce-appearing ChinContinuation B. EarlyCavalrymen-The with armorsuffers of the post-Chin to be the earliest Our knowledgeof whatappears figurines

near Sian,apparentlyof from ratherinadequatepublication.A tomb at Ts'ao-ch'ang-p'o-ts'un,

a number contained Weiperiod,thatis, latefourthor earlyfifthcentury, the veryearlyNorthern Here there their of because interest of of military realism.IIs apparent great figurines especially
is no question of any possible shamanisticelement. The warrior wears a close-fitting helmet, fastened under the chin, and a habergeon or jacket of heavy materialwith a high collar and From one exampleon exhibition at the HistoricalMuseum, Peking, flaredbottom (P1.VIII).II6 it would seem that there are shoulder guards of lamellae, a kind of narrow chest-protector worn over the jacket, and a full skirt, all of lamellae (Fig.2 5). Some figures are depicted as wearing chaps with a circularcut; such chaps would give adequateprotection when mounted and so there was no need to cover the inner surfacesof the legs. The chaps are clearlymarked

a lamellar construction. to indicate thata plumewas indicates tomb(Fig.22) at Anak.We cansee the samehelmet,but the painting
set into the knob on top. The jacket with its high collar correspondsto that of the figurines, and we can understandbetter the armorfor the lower part of the body from the figurines.Each Similararmorfor cavalrymenappearsin the wall painting of the processionin Tung Shou's

with the samebow and quiversbut with a roundedheaddress is armedwith a lance.Archers

ratherthan the casque-helmetsof the painting were also found in the Ts'ao-ch'ang-p'otomb.117

113

There is such a piece in the Royal Ontario Museum (Croft's 1422) clearly showing leather shin-guards. Other pieces very similar to this are in the Musee Cernuschi, Paris, cf. The Horizon Book of the Arts of China (New York, I969), p. 86, and Other shield-bearing pieces are KK I977.6. p. 393, Fig. 3:3 and PI.VIII in the British Museum (acc.no. I925-I9-I5-1). (547); WW I972: I, p. 53, Fig. I3 (575). A kneeling soldier with shield appears in Schloss, Ancient Chinese Ceramic Sculpture, P1. 3 30. Note that here the leggings are clearly tied above the knee. The same type also appears in Kobayashi Taiichiro, Kan-To koZoku to meiki dogdi (Kyoto, I947), Plates I9-20. One shield bearer dispenses with protective covering to the extent of having a bare right shoulder; KK I 977.6, p. 38 5; Fig. 5: 6 (576?). Such an outfit is also seen, though without shields, in the figures shown in T'ai-yiian Kuang-p'o Pei Ch'i Chang Su mu wen-wu t'u-lu (Peking, I958), p. 15, in a report

on a tomb dated 559.

WW 1972.I, P. 53, Figs. Io-I2 (575); KK I977.6, p. 392 and Fig. 3.6 (547). II5 KK I959.6, PP. 285-87 and WWTKTL I954.I0, Ps. 49-5 i. The tomb, which had been robbed, was discovered in I953. Of the 124 figurines, half were of warriors: twenty-four
I16 114

were armored men, fourteen cavalrymen and twenty-seven

archers. Arts of China: RecentDiscoveries (Tokyo and Palo Alto, 968)),Figs. 334-3 35 ; these are clearerthan the photographs in
the original publications. Such auxiliaries as musicians wear a headdress with a higher crown, perhaps of a softer P1.6o. I954.I0, material, and do not wear chaps; cf. Arts of China: Recent Discoveries, Figs. 340-34i and W7TKTL KK 1959.6, Pl.III:3-4.

I7

23

Variants C. Korean
The Tung Shou tomb fortunatelycan be dated but other Koguryo tombs with interestingma-

nevertheless terialsarenot providedwith such usefulinscriptions; they are thoughtto be of

the fifth century. Most noteworthy are the dismountedwarriorsfrom Tomb No. 12 of T'ungkou (Fig. 26: I) and the Three-Chambered Tomb (Fig. 26: 2), both just west of the middle Yalu River, which displaylamellararmor-in the first case fully sleeved and in the second, sleeveless, but in both instances with the legs encased in trousers of some sort of lamellararmor rather than protected by chaps as in the Ts'ao-ch'ang-p'ocase. The other warriorsin the paintings

are mounted(Fig.26:3-4) and do not add any information about this feature.,18. For this thereis no archaeological evidenceyet in China. of armor, trouser-style Lamellar D. LaterDevelopments-The Corselet
The Northern Wei tomb of Ssu-maChin-lung,dated 484, produceda large numberof military mounted out of 367),but againthe ds details the of thearmor as figures(22 on foot andeighty-eight published are not clear. The men wear a pointed helmet, a long, narrow long-sleeved robe reachingbelow the knees, with tight collar,and boots beneaththe hem of the robe (P1.IX).The

bodiesof

of

horses the caparisoned

in stripes as well)arepainted of white

and olive green, which the report claims represents(plate?) armor (k'ai-chia). The armor apparentlyis worn over the robe, extends to the waist and covers the upper arm as well.IIsThe striped coloring contrastswith the solid one of civilian figures and so probablydoes represent some sort of mail, but its exact natureis not clear from the photographs. We may see a resemblanceto these figures in a fragmentdating a hundred years later, from Here the archaeologistshave provided us with a detaileddrawing the tomb of Li Ho of 582.I120 of the armor,not at all obvious from the photography.Notable are a helmet with a boss, coifed and ear flaps, lamellar in backand furnished armor the upperbody,withepaulires with covering extending almost to the elbows (Fig. 27). It is this armor that appearsto be widely used by cavalrymenin the sixth century. The construction of the lamellarcorselet can be seen more clearly in pieces dating from a tomb of 567, that of Han I (P1.X).I2I Here, too, the lamellae overlap upward and not, as would seem more naturalfor that part of the body, downward. Unfortunately,overall construction of the armor is obscured by a cape or hood thrown over the shoulders. E. CapesandHoods The lamellarcorseletappearsalso on a figure that is depicted wearing a long cloak drapedover the shoulders,a large roll about the back, and the sleeves hanging empty at the sides. He wears
1I8 For Tomb no. 12, T'ung-kou,

see KK 1i964.2, p. 72; Tomb no. i, Ma-hsien-kou, KK I964.10o, p. 528; Three-chambered "Kao-chii-li Tomb, Yang Hung, pi-hua shih-mu," WW 195 8.4, pp. I 2-x6. The armor in Fig. 26: I is described as being

119 I20
I2I'

fish-scale (KK I964.2, p. 71) but seems rather to be lamellar. WW I972.3, p. 32, Fig. 18 and p. 33, Fig.23, and p. 23. WI7 I966.I, p. 30, Fig.6.i.
VW 1975.4, PP. 64-70.

24

Two similarpieces from the tomb of Yuiian Shao* of 528 are said to be wearing armorin addition to the cloak or mantle, but the illustrationsare not clear enough to confirm the statement in any great detail; what does stand out is that one of the figures wears chaps similarto those mentionedearlier.123 The Sacklercollectionscontaina piecealmostidentical to it (P1. XI).124 In other cases, only the helmet and sword identify the figure as a warrior,I25 or even, in one instance, it is only the helmet which reveals a militaryaspect.I26 The fierce face, with splayed beard, and the smoothly rounded appearancemake these some of the most impressiveof the

a helmet,of a curious"hot-cross bun"shape,andholds a long swordbeforehim (Fig.28).I22

Six Dynastyfigures.

a curious bulbousappearance, andno armor, attendants or servants. This evidently representing

is a common garment of the north and found in tombs dating from the fifth century into the The identification of this garment as being of Persian origin and the same as the T'ang.127 a ridingcloakof the T'ang,is not yet well demonstrated.128 mu-li,

Figures with cloaks are generally shown wearing a helmet, albeit at least five styles of headgearare represented.The empty-sleevedmantle also occurs with a hood, frequentlywith

6. THE LIANG-TANG

(DOUBLE-FACED) ARMOR OR CUIRASS

The armor most closely associated with the Six Dynasties and probably most frequently seen in the tomb figurinesof this period is called the liang-tang. cites a poem that Yang appropriately mentionsthe armor:129
The men wish to be stalwart soldiers Uniting with comrades they need not be many. When the sparrow-hawk flies through the air, The flocked sparrows break to either side. Letting loose the horses in the great marsh,

122

Fig. 44 in Ezekiel Schloss, Foreigners in Ancient Chinese Art (New York,

I 969),

which is ascribed to Northern Wei. The

description refers to chain mail, but it is obviously lamellarplate. I23 KK I973.4, Fig. 3: I, P1.VIII.4, and p. 220, where it says the armor of the two has slight differences. 124This has been published in Annette L.Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties: Centuries andInnovation of Change (New York, [I975]), no. 3o, P. 55. Except for a slight difference in the helmets, the two seem identical. 125 The Victoria and Albert Museum has a magnificent example; no hands appear but the sword is clearly held in front. Musee Cernuschi,the British Museum, the Nelson Galleries, and the Shanghai Museum (Chung-kuo ku-wen-wu, p. I I9), also have examples of this type. A livelier example, which has wildly flying sleeves, appears in Kan-rikucho no dogfi, no. 5Ia, and Chutgoku no dogu,Fig. 89 and p. Ioi. 126 Tenrisankokan hen,PI. I98 and p. 62. guroku: Chutgoku
I27

for pieces from disturbed graves of the late sixth century, see KK I957.3, P1.I2.5; the latter two also figure in Arts of China: RecentDiscoveries, pp. 236-7; for T'ang, see KKHP I955.9, P1.IX.3 and KK I955.4, p. 56. 128 J.G.Mahler, The Westerners amongthe Figurinesof the T'ang Dynasty of China (Rome, I959), Pp.48-49 and p. o8. The identification of the figure wearing such a cloak, and seemingly identical to the piece from the Feng tombs, KK 1957.3, P1.X.6 and Arts of China: RecentDiscoveries, Fig. 344, as being a Tocharian is not supported by any evidence. 129 Yang, "Studies," II, p. 60; Yiieh-fu shih-chi 25.2b (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an ed.). As Yang says, this is a northern nomadic tune adopted by the Liang as martial music; cf. 25.ia-2b and Hsin T'ang shu 22.6b-7a. I take u* to be an error for chii

484: IFI 1972.3, p. 23 and 32, Fig. i6; 566: WW 1973.II, P. 34, Figs. 7-8; 575: WW I972.1, p. 52, Figs. 6-7; 576(?): KK I977.6, p.385; 576: KK I964.9, pp.482-4, and Pl.io.6; 584: KK 1973.4, p.233, Fig.3a; 608: KK I959.9, p.47I;

to be usedfor its homonymmou2. "steel",see Morohashi, 40286,andmoul Daikanwa-jiten 25

The foraging is good, the horses have grown fat. armor, They bear shields and iron liang-tang With helmets and pheasant tail plumes. From the front ranks one looks to the rear ranks. All wear iron liang-tang [armor]. From the foremost ones one looks to those in the rear, All wear iron helmets.

armorby Ts'aoChihwas cited above.130 It was basically of a to liang-tang An earlyreference in and one which we call in front one that will back, construction, is, piece breastplate "jumper"
and backplate,orplastronand dossiere, joined by straps over the shoulders,and a skirt attached

to the shoulders. below.The backplateis oftenhigherthanthe frontone, affording protection to the backof the shield of the back at the lamellae a few Sometimes top edge plate jutupward on this styleof armor.131 of variations neck.Therearea number Archers A. Pug-nosed
facial One group that immediatelyattractsnotice is that of archerswho possess a characteristic
type and helmet (P1.XII and Fig.29).1I32 The face is pug-nosed, with frowning brows coming

down low to meet the nasalbridge, while the mouth has a peculiarsnarlingeffect.The helmet is made of vertical slats and shaped like a crown, with the largest and longest slats at the center,

armor in size as they come aroundto the rearof the head.The types of liang-tang decreasing worn by such figuresdiffersomewhat,the Toronto pieces being completelycoveredwith In all casesthe it afforded. for whatprotection of leather below-the skirtin this caseis perhaps
under-shirtwas long-sleeved, and in the Toronto and Victoria and Albert examples, reaches laminae, the Boston pieces having plate on top and some sort of round plates on the lower portion, while the Victoria and Albert example has large, peculiar laminae on top and none

tied at the knee,havebeenseenbefore.The Bostonpiece over the hands.The baggytrousers, bucklewhile the Torontofigureshave a diagonalbelt to hold the quiver. has an interesting
Notable too is the projection of laminae at the back of some examples to afford protection to
of the shoulder because in the Yang-chia-wan of thisarmor seestheprecursor armor, at Yangthe he that are different. armor the of format and of but the Also, says cavalrymen very type strap supports, not so deon exhibitin Pekingand Sianwere perhaps with this armor,but the examples were all equipped chia-wan observe them throughthe glass of the cases.Finally,Yang, "Studies," II, p.6i, cites picted.Of course,I could only

130 Cf.p. 14.Yang,"Studies," II, p.6,

I3I

132

the mention of liang-tang armor made of rhinocerous hide that Yu I (305-345) sent to Mu-jung Huang, ruler of the Former Yen, saying that while it was not of fine workmanship, still it had curiosity value i-wu and so might serve as a gift; cf. Ch'u-hsuehchi 22.5 37, and with a slightly different name for the original donor, T'ai-p'ingyii-lan 3 56.3b-4a. Yang uses this passage to demonstrate the rarity of this type of armor at that time; I take the passage to mean that the style or origin was the basis of its rarity. The term liang-tang, according to the Han dictionary Shih-ming, 5.2a (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an ed.), referred to a garment which covered both the chest and back. Tang, written with the cloth radical, also means "the seat of the trousers" which misled some early translators. There is a term liang-k'ai which referred to a kind of armor used at the turn of the second century; cf. note 60. Perhaps the two converged and liang-k'ai became liang-tang k'ai. See for example, Nickel, Warriors and Worthies, p. 43 (belonging to the Metropolitan Museum) and Shina koki xuk6: Heikihen, vol. I, Pl. 30, nos. 1-2. Most collections have examples; these include the Victoria and Albert, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, and the Royal Ontario Museum. An example in the Philadelphia Museum of Art has a more conventional helmet but otherwise resembles very closely the others.

26

the neck.l133 These men probablyheld bows that no longer survive. Thus far none of this type has been found in controlled excavations.It would be interesting to know if these figuresrepresented men from a specific area or tribe noted for their archeryor if the facialtype and helmet

were only artisticconventions. B. Other Liang-tang Types of Warriors The remaining warriors clad in liang-tang armormay be treatedas a group,with distinctions
based primarilyon finerdetails, such as the type and location of the armorplate. There are some But the instancesof the laminaebeing placed on the apron of the liang-tang armor(Fig. 30A).134 largernumberhave plate on the top, which must seem more reasonable(Fig. 30B). One example, somewhat damaged, was found in a tomb dated 524 in Ch'u-yang, Hopei.135 Another of the same type but in good condition, even preservesa small shield in the left hand. The right hand,
given its position, probably held a sword (P. XIII).136 In another case, the very exaggeration

of the laminae emphasizes a point that has been made earlier, namely, that the laminae are renderedmost frequentlyas being imbricatedupwards.137 The upward direction occurs so frequently as to preclude the possibility of artistic license. Yet the utility or advantage of the

is not clear.Examples of the two typesof overlapping, anddownwards, arrangement upwards areto be seen in the figuresdepictedon the doorsof Li Ho's tomb, northof Sian,dated582
The figure to the right, a non-Chineselarge-nosedperson, with a scaled, sleeveless (Fig. 23).I38 corselet, has been mentioned earlier(p.20). The other, with daintierfeatures, wears the liang-

sincethereis tang armor,with the platesimbricated upwards.Scalemust overlapdownward

only one edge attached to a backing, but plate armor can as well be overlapped upward as

down.In both casesthe apronseemsto be of a soft, flowingmaterial suchas cloth,but a closer

examinationor more detailed reproductionmay change that judgment. The helmets are closefitting with a point at the forehead and extended somewhat in the back; this seems generally to occur with those figures in liang-tang armornot wearing the archer'sheadgear.
133

Boston archers described above. Note also the same pattern carried on to his helmet. While the shape is that of scale, there is no overlapping; it may be a schematic design or isolated bits of plate. There is a fine pair in the Nelson Gallery of Art, Kansas City, without helmets (nos. 32-37/1-2). The large oval markings on the chest plastron may indicate some early form of the breast plaques, to be discussed below. The details of the armor are very clearly shown in this pair. One may note the lower border of some sort of quilted undergarment or aketon, as well as the belt with ends simply tucked in and leather gaiters on the lower legs. For a similar marking of plaques on a liang-tang plastron, see Yang "Studies," II, p.69, Fig. 28.5 and note 4. 135 KK 1972.5, P1. X.I. The coloring is said to be red for the helmet and armor while the inner garments are blue and green, (p. 33); see also Yang "Studies," II, p. 62. 136 Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties,no. 28, p. 53. I agree with Dr. Juliano that these figures represent dismounted cavalbut not her statement that most cavalrymen of the period were archers. The use of stirrups had already made rymen cavalry charges possible. Other examples of this type are illustrated in The D. David Weill Collection:Catalogue of Fine Ceramics andSilver, Sotheby and Co., Catalogue 29, Feb. 1972, Figs. 4a-b (here Early Chinese Bronzes, Jades,Sculptures, the colors mentioned are red pigment for the faces and coats, the remainderhaving traces of white slip); Shinakoki zuko: Heikihen,vol. I, Pl.29.2 (also reproduced in Sekai kokogaku taikei, vol.7, p. 5, Fig.7); Schloss, Ancient ChineseCeramic P1. 3iA. Sculpture, 137 Kan-rikucho no dogu,P1.55c; this is in the Waseda University collection. It is also pictured in Chtbgoku no dogu, Fig. 94 and p. Io3, and Sekai kokogaku taikei, vol. 7, P1.196.
138

134 Chtgokuno dogu,Figs. 89, right, p. IoI and P1. 9I. For the latter, the attached scale resembles closely the aprons of the

The Victoria and Albert figure and that shown in Shinakoki Zuko:Heikihen,vol. i, P1.30, nos. 1-2.

WV I966.I, p.42, Fig.44.

27

The trousers thus far have been of cloth; one interesting example seen in the collection of

the NankingNormalInstitute hasthe righttrouser rolledup exposingthe leg. Professor Jiang

Zenchu (Chiang Tsan-ch'u) of Nanking University suggested that this was meant to indicate disdainfor the enemy. There is a remarkable piece in the National Museum, Tokyo, which very clearlyhas trousers,of full chaps, of heavy, stiff leather(P1.XIV). Surprisingly,too, the face is

described as being a maskwith gilded eyeballs,but ProfessorSato, evidentlynot agreeing, remarks diver.I39 only on the thickhelmet,almostlike thatof a deepsea
One may also find lamellarplate both on the top and bottom parts of the armor(Fig. 3oC). These figures seem more heavily armoredthan usual, for they also possess elaboratehelmets composed of plate, with a solid top-piece and lamellarshoulder guards. The shoulder guards,

an to the elbows,maybe sometimes the frontandback descending byplates-surelfy overlapped difficult.140 of the armsunnecessarily thatwould makethe movement arrangement madeonly of leather armor therearethosepieceswhichseemto represent liang-tang Finally,
(Fig. 30D). Some rathercrude exampleshave been found in a tomb near Sian, dated 520,141but for the better pieces, one must rely againon museumcollections. Most of these have apronscut straight across the lower edge, but there is a hfine piece in the Royal Ontario Museum that displays a "V" shaped apron (P1.XV). One should note here also the height of the rear plate, which serves to protect the shoulders. The buckles and straps over the shoulders are very clearlyshown. The lower leg guardsalso appearto be made of leather,but the bagginess of the upper leg garment leads one to suspect cloth, despite the stiff striations. The armor itself apparentlyis made up of strips of leather sewn together or the lines may representseams in a padded garment.The ferocity of the face is unusualeven for this genre.I42

as Formal C. Liang-tang Wlear The Northern armorwas apparently not justworn on the battlefield. Ch'igenerals Liang-tang were instructed when on court duty always to wear liang-tang armor.I43 In the Sui, when in
attendance, some officers wore a flat turban-cap,purple shirt, flared trousers and liang-tang armor decorated armor decorated with gold and tortoise-shell. Other officers wore liang-tang When one turns to the funeral pieces, one finds the liangmerely with gold or with silver.144 tangarmorwidely used on figures that appearto representeither militaryofficersor guards at the court (Fig. 3I1).These pieces are not equipped with helmets; ratherthey are shown with the
139

Yearsof OrientalCeramics (New York, [I96I]), p. 38 and opposite plate. Fujio Koyama and John Figgess, Two Thousand no dogu,Pl. 52, Sekai no dogu PI.93 and p. 103. The piece also appears in Kan-rikucho Sato's description is in ChTgoku kokogakutaikei, vol.7, P1.9 5 and Shina koki zuko: Heikihen, vol.i, PI.29. and p.29. Masks nevertheless may well

140

have been used at the time; there is a reference to an iron mask used in battle in 307-3I3, cf. Chin shu 8I.I2b. There is an example in the Philadelphia Museum of Art on which traces of red paint still adhere to the armor. There is a quiver strung on the back, which is rare for figures of this sort. Another example of fully lamellar liang-tangarmor with high shield before it, similar to a type to be discussed below, is in a catalogue of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York by M. Hearn and W.Fong, The Arts of Ancient China (n. d.), no. 78. A duplicate of this latter was seen at a dealer in Taipei. There are doubts as to the authenticity of the New York piece. 141 Arts of China: Recent Discoveries, Fig.327 and WWTKTL 1955.I2, p.63, P1. I. 142 Other examples, all exceptional, are in Kan-rikucho no dogu, P1. 5 Id, 4a, and 5 5d (for the latter two, see also Figs. I13-I4 on p. 14). 143 Sui shu I 2.3 oa-b.
144 Sui shu I2.7b-8a.

28

usual officialcaps of the period. Some hold before them a long sword. The best known of this sort may be the Sui piece (from a tomb dated 595 in the Anyang area),which was in the recent exhibit of archaeologicalobjects from China(P1.XVI). It is a ratherschematizedpiece, and the In general,those who are strapsholding up the armorseem about to slip over the shoulders.I45 full than at the knee. It may be that this armed a wear rather tied not with sword robes trousers was the appropriatedress uniform for the civil officialsat a time of extensive militaryactivity, were martialtitles.146 In these examplesone sees when the terms used for official graderanking or backplatewas often a bit higher than the shoulder and that the very clearlythat the dossiere strapswere fastenedto the inside of that plate and came over the shouldersto be buckled to the outside of the plastronor frontplate. Sometimes realism is carried to the point of providing buckle holes on the strap. Since the apron does not have slits, the materialmust have been of flexible nature, but the upper portions may have been of a harder, more rigid material,either lacqueredleather or attachedmetal plates. A border along the sides and top of the breastplate may have been more than of artisticintent; also, in some cases the frontplateis incised to indicate that it may have been made up of a numberof largerplates.I47 The liang-tang worn by these apparentcivilians may not have been functional armor, and there is the possibility that it sometimeswas made of a soft material.A T'ang figure in the Field but that articleitself is molded with Museumhas some rows of small plates across the liang-tang,
folds where the left arm pushes against it.I48 For the earlier period, Yang cites the anecdote

145

Chung-huajen-min kung-ho kuo ch'u-t'u wen-wu chan-lan chan-p'in hsuan-chi (Peking, I973), P1. 04 (or Historical Relics Unearthed in New China (Peking, 1972), P. 140). Other examples of this type include painted tomb guardians from Tenghsien, WF I 95 8.6, p. 5 ; Tenri sankokan Zuroku, PI. I 99; Kan-rikuchono dogs, P1. 54b; there is a fine specimen, rather more realistically rendered, in the Ostasiatiska Museet, Stockholm, which has the hands folded above the ring pommel of the sword. The chest armor has inset pieces which resemble the breast plaques which will be described below; Art of the Six Dynasties, Figs. 23-24, pp.48-49; KK I957.6, Pl.ii, Fig.i and pp. 32-33, from a Sui tomb. Yang, "Studies," II, p.62 and note 5, and Fig.20.5, reports an example from a tomb of 528 which was not included in the report; KK

146

I973.4, pp.2i8ff. and 2). The wearing of armor without The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, has two fine examples (22.54.I carrying a weapon or wearing a helmet introduces a note of ambiguity as to the identity of the figure. In the case of an example from the Feng family tombs, it is identified both as a civilian, KK I957.3, p. 32, and as a military officer, Arts of China: Recent Discoveries, Fig. 346, p. 237. I47 Other examples include Chinese Art in the Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto, I972), Fig. 84; Shina ko meiki deiZo zusetsu, P1. 12; Mario Prodan, The Art of the T'ang Potter (New York, I960), Fig. 24, p. 36; Foreigners in Ancient Chinese Art, Fig. 53 (said to be Khotanese!) and R. L.d'Argence, The Avery Brundage Collection of Chinese Ceramics (San Francisco, I967), Plate XVIIA (Mongol or Turkish stock!). The Metropolitan Museum, New York, has a relief depicting a procession of donors from Lung-men which includes a figure in this outfit holding an insignia of some sort (no. 3 5 .I46). figure from Tun-huang; cf. "Studies," II, p.62 and note 3, Fig. 22.3. Yang cites a simrnilar The rule about weaponless figures wearing skirts rather than trousers is not without exception, for there are a number depicted wearing trousers: no. 1I 801 7 or 1 8, Field Museum; no. B6oS498, Brundage Collection, and at least one in the Royal Ontario Museum. One may even find a figure in robes without the liang-tang armor but holding a sword: Shina ko meiki deizo zusetsu, PI. 84. Finally, there is a fine example of an official wearing liang-tang armor and mounted: Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties, Fig. 3 3, p. 5 7. 148 Laufer, Pl. 30 and pp. 276-77. One should also note the figure of an attendant shown from the back in a mural in Cave 156 at Tun-huang, whose liang-tang is rendered so as to indicate folds; see Yang, "Studies," II, p.63, Fig.22.3. More of the mural is depicted in China Reconstructs 27.I0 (October, I978), p. 13. The same scene is reproduced in Arts of China: Buddhist Cave Temples - New Researchesby Terukazu Akiyama and Saburo Matsubara, translated by Alexander C. Soper (Tokyo and Palo Alto, I969), PI. 39, but the details are not clear. There it is identified as being from Cave 220, dated 642.

29

about the southern Sung general Shen Yu-chih who kept an importantdocument stuck in the cornerof his liang-tang, but given our ignoranceof the constructionof the liang-tang armorthere is no reason why armor made of hard materialmay not have possessed such a receptacle.I49 It shirt or shan,a term which appearsin the sources, may be, as Yang suspects, that the liang-tang
is to be identified as this soft
liang-tang.is0

Apparently he means that there was an undergarment

of the same cut as the armorthat was worn in addition to the long-sleeved shirt, the purpose armor.I would believe ratherthat the liang-tang being to prevent discomfortfrom the liang-tang shirt was that long-sleeved garment, perhaps with some adjustmentsto adopt it to that style of armor.In two early songs collected in Yueh-fu there are referenceto a brocadedand shih-chi, to an embroideredliang-tang. What other evidence there is for liang-tang of a soft materialseems to refer to its use by women.s151 Only in its ceremonialuse in later times does there seem to be some evidencefor believing that the liang-tang itself had become so non-functionalas to be made of cloth. In the T'ang one troop in the entourageof the empresseswore the usual flaredtrousers and deep purple colored liang-ta,ng, but one of the emperor'spersonal guard units wore deep In general,for the Six Dynasties period, one cannot assume purple silken (fei-shih)liang-tang.I52 that any lianzg-tang depicted without plates is of a soft material,even when worn by an obviously non-militarytype. D. "Jumper" Armor There seems to be a variantof the liang-tang armor,a type of "one-piece"jumperarmor,which extendsto leggings and somehow even a hood, though it is not clearhow it was put on (Fig. 32). The fastenings at the shoulder are increasedto two or three, and there are even such straps along the side under the arms. The striations on the armor may be meant to convey some rougher materialthan buff but it is not clearwhat it might be.153

I49 Yang, "Studies," II, p. 63, note I, cites Nan Ch'i sbu I.I2a. o50In 450 Hsieh An-tu, enraged by enemy attacks, cast off his and his horse's armor and, clad only in his red rough cotton

liang-tang shirt for greater agility, rushed on the enemy; Sung shu 88.4a. Yang also cites the Code of the Ch'en, which directed that various military officers when in attendance were to wear red shirts, but when in the entourage were to wear liang-tang shirts; see Sui shu II.IIb. 151 Kobayashi, Kan-To koZoku to meiki dogu, p. 3 58, says that the liang-tang was originally an article of feminine apparel, and refers to Chin shu 27.z27a which cites as a portent of the fall of the Chin that in the Yuiian-k'ang era (291-99) women began wearing their liang-tang, an undergarment, as an outer one. After this, one has its mention in various songs as shih-chi 25.6b). Kobayashi then completes his being embroidered ( Yueh-fushih-chi45.4a and 25 .3a) and brocaded (YiiYueh-fu argument by referring to a T'ang figurine of a woman in a liang-tang garment, P1. Ioo, and describes a garment called a liang-tang which is worn by females in certain traditional dances. The use of the term liang-tang to refer to an article of feminine apparel is confirmed by inventory lists found in the tombs of women dating from the Chin; see KK I974.6, p. 375 and WWTKTL 1955 .I I, pp. I34-I36. However, the brocaded liang-tang mentioned in the poem in Yueh-fu shih-chi 25.6b seems to be one worn by the male: "I think of my lord's brocaded liang-tang." Perhaps the use of the term liangtang in Japan, where it is pronounced uchikake and refers to an outer garment worn at court ceremonies by military men over their armor, may point to a solution to this problem. 152 Hsin T'ang shu 23.B.2a and 23.A.ib. I53 One of these is in the Cleveland Museum of Art and has been published by Sherman E. Lee, A History of Far Eastern Art (New York, [ I 964]), p. 260, Fig. 3 3 1 and Schloss, Foreignersin Ancient ChineseArt, Fig. 47. The other known to me is in the British Museum (no. I1973 7-26 I 8 I).

30

7. LIANG-TANG

ARMOR WITH PLAQUES

The armorof the second half of the sixth century as representedin art is a continuationof the that we have seen, but with new featuresand increasingelaborationof construction. liang-tang In time, the armor became the standardapparel of the lokapala(Buddha guardians),but it is hardlybelievablethat armorof such ornatenesswas ever actuallyworn on a battlefield. A. Plaques Another possible variantof the liang-tang armoris a type that has plaqueson the chest and sometimes on the back as well; one supposes that the circularpieces were meant to representmetal reinforcementsattached in some way to the body of the armor when it was made of buff or lacqueredleather (Fig. 3 ). In describing these breast plaques as they appearin a T'ang piece, Laufer expressedthe opinion that the figure was wearing iron sheet armorover which a jerkin was thrown, with two circular spaces cut out on the thorax exposing the iron plastrons or The shoulder strapsindicatethat the materialmust be sturdierthan a cloth jerkin, frontplate.l154 but it is true that the round pieces do seem at times to be recessed. Whateverthe mannerof insertion, it does not mean that the plaques representedvisible parts of some sort of sheet armor,for there is no evidence that solid armorof that sort was used in China. One has a very clear view of this armor on a beltless figure in the Royal Ontario Museum. Given the flexibility requiredof the apron, it would seem to indicate that in this case, at least armor was made of of some sort (P. XVII and Fig. 33B).Iss55 the body of the liang-tang In this handsome piece one may also note the curious helmet that appearsto have some sort of twisted knot at the front, one of a number of styles found with this type of armor. Shoulder guards also make an appearance;these may number from one to three layers, and it has been This type of warriorseems most often to suggested that they were made of molded leather.Is6 have been armed with sword and shield and to have had leather guards on the lower part of the leg. B. Bearers of LargeShields A ratherlarge subset of the warrior figures dressed in this sort of liang-tang armor is further characterizedby a large shield and special stance, at attention, right arm hanging down and hand positioned as if holding upright a lance, shield resting on the ground at the left side and left hand placed on top of the shield, the fingers often spread (Fig. 34). The shield, over half the height of the warrior, has a slightly triangularcross-section and may have the head of a
I54 155

I56

Laufer, Chinese Clay Figures, P1. XXXII and p. 278. This piece has been published a number of times, most recently in Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties, no. 29, p. 54. Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties, p. 54. In the example from the Royal Ontario Museum shown in P1. XVII, the shoulder plates overlap the plastron and dossiere, but in other examples (such as one in the Philadelphia Museum and another very similar one in the Royal Ontario Museum, both of which preserve parts of the sword hilts) the shoulder plates are inside the body plates. The shoulder plates are also overlapped in the cases of two fine pieces in the Ostasiatiska Museet, Stockholm; here, the shoulder plates are single, one over and one under the upper arm, forming a kind of short sleeve. This pair is also distinguished by a boat-shaped helmet (cf. the catalog Chinese Artfrom the Collection of H. M. King Gustaf VI Adolf of Sweden,British Museum, Jan. 2 I-March 5, 1972, no. I04, P . 77). The example from the Feng family graves, Arts of China: Recent Discoveries, p. 237, no. 345 (and KK I957.3, PI. XII.6), wears a cape which conceals some of these details.

3I

monsteror a lion as a boss.157 The armor,otherthanthe plaqueson breastandback,is plain,

indicatingthe materialis of leather.Excavatedexamplesdate from 528, 575, 582, 592, and 600; there are also a number in museum collections.158 The helmet has a full nape guard, with addi-

tionalpiecesresembling it is often pinchedin front,andthe crownmaybe rounded ear-flaps;

or indented something like te hot-cross bun shape that occurred earlier. The figure may also appearwith a lamellarapron (P1.XVIII). This is the type describedby R. Groussetas follows:I59
What we have here are not Chinesetypes, nor do they conform to the native canons of art. Wearing a sort of helmet cap well pulled down on the head in such a way as to cover the ears and nape of the neck, close-fitting jerkins of cir bouillishaped like a corselet, and long, full breeches, and protected by a rectangularshield adorned with a gure a of a monster, they are indeed the true forerunners of the gure Turkish hordes which were so often to overrun Asia.

These figures are all so similar as to appear to be from the same mold. The face of the warrioris glowering, bearded,and pug-nosed, leading to Grousset's ascriptionof non-Chinese

Somefiguresin this pose origin.Theremaybe plaquesat the backas well as on the chest.160
with the large shield also appearwith chaps(Fig. 34C).In one casein the RoyalOntarioMuseum, the apron is unmarked,indicating its materialis buff, but the shoulder guards and chaps are covered with lamellarplates. This figure possesses the same front-knobbedhelmet, beard, and pug-nose seen above. In anothercase, from a tomb of 547, the apronand chaps are covered with upward imbricatedplates. The helmet again closely resemblesthe one just mentioned, but the nape guard is more complicated; unfortunately,details are not clear.I61The large shield with

animal-head heldby warriors cordandplaquearmor to be described boss alsoappears wearing below.

There is only one case seen thus far in which the shield is not supported by the figure'sleft hand; this occurs in a matching, symmetricalpair found in a tomb of 586 at Ho-fei. From the

the pieces seem to be depictedin a full-crested helmetwith close-fitting napephotographs,

guard, and a long cape falling over the shoulders. With some differencesin the helmet, these

resemble above,but here closelythe type wearingcapesand holdinglong swords,described the capesareopenedenoughto revealbreastplaques.I62
157 Suishu20.33arefersto certain in the entourage officials of the Sui emperor lion-head military holdinggold-decorated
158

shields; cited by Yang, "Studies" II, p. 70, n.4. 538: KK I973.4, P1.VIII.I; 575: WI I972.I, p. 52 and Fig.45 (Yang, "Studies," II, p.70, n.3 and Fig.2g.2); 582: WW I966.I, p. 3oand Fig. 6 (Yang "Studies," II, p. 72 and Fig. 32); 592: unpublished material,cited by Yang, "Studies," chien-hekung-c'engchung chan-lan fu-lu, P1.7I.I Ch'iian-kuo cV'-t'u wen-wu II, p. 72 and n. Ix Fig. 33.I, p. 71; 600oo: chi-pen koki II, p. 72 and n.4; Fig.33.4, p. 7I); Prodan,TheArt of theT'angPotter, Fig. I9 and p. 35; Shina (Yang "Studies," no dogu,P1.5Id. Museet, Stockholm. See also Kan-rikucho CiviliZations of the East: China(New York, 1934), p. I28, Fig. 87. The comment describes a piece in the Musee Guimet

in the RoyalOntarioMuseumand the Ostasiatiska vol. I, P1. Heikihen, 29.3-4 andp.40; therearealso examples Zuko:

I59

in Ancient have beennoted in Kan-rikucho nodogu, and VignierCollection. Otherexamples Fig. 5oa;Schloss,Foreigners Chinese Museet,Stockholm,has a fine Art, Fig.46; Juliano,Art of theSix Dynasties, p. 52, Fig.27; the Ostasiastiska no. IOI9. An earlier by Groussetof whatmayhavebeenthe samepiece or those like it speaksof description example, on the breastandbackwith metalplatesanda pauncher of leatheror metalscales; reinforced armorof waxedleather,
cf. In the Footstepsof the Buddha(London, 1932), pp. 17-18.
160 Shinakoki zuko: Heikihen,vol.I, PI. 29, Fig. 3-4 andp. 30. 16I KK 1977.6, p. 392, Fig. 3.8 and P1. VIII.3. I62 KK 1976.2, PI.X.3-4 and p.I36-7; these are dated 586. See also Yang "Studies II, pp.72-3 and Fig. 34. We know too

of the leggingswhatthe battleformation littleaboutbattletacticsto judgefromthe manner mayhavebeen. 32

C. Miscellaneous Types The leg protection has been called chaps since the armor appears on the side and, as will be discussedbelow, would seem to be most useful when mounted, although the size of the shield would seem ill-suited for mounted warfare.In other cases, the lamellarleg protection is at the What seems to be fancifront, thus perhapsserving to guard againstthrustsunder the shield.163 ful and lively renditions of this armor, with breast plaques, and lamellar shoulder guards, pauncheror midriffguard, and thigh guards, are to be found incised on stone on a mausoleum dated 529 (Fig. 35), which helps to indicate that the dating is not secure.164 The apron of this type of armoris generallyshort, certainlyending above the knee, so as to permit easy movement and even riding on horseback. There is one sort that possesses a very long apron, extending below the knee, with a seam or overlay along the right side, as if this were a wraparoundskirt, so that the legs could move, but equestrianactivity would obviously The shoulder strapsare attachedto the inside of be impossible for anyone clad in such garb.I165 both the front and rearplates.In generalthis depiction inspireslittle confidencethat it reflected armoractuallyin use. The belt is supplied with holes but no buckle, and there are nondescript knobs occurring at various places on the armor.

8. CORD AND PLAQUE ARMOR What we have called "plaques",that is, the pairedcircularpieces that gave additionalprotection to the chest and back, appear at the end of the Northern Wei. Cords for fastening the armor also appear at this time, and the conjunction of the two, cords and body plaques, forms the distinctivefeaturesof the basic armorof the Sui and earlyT'ang period. There are two dramatic pieces that demonstratevery clearly the method by which the strands of cord came around both sides of the neck, were knotted in an elaborateway, were then drawn taut through some sort of loops, were knotted again at the waist, and then circled around the waist a number of
times (P1.XIX).I66 Sato describes the warrior as wearing an exact-fitting garment in place of

163 KK Ig76.2, p. I37, Fig.3.I-2

i64

i65

166

and description, p. I36. Kojiro Tomita, "A Chinese Sacrificial Stone House of the Sixth Century A.D.," Bulletin of tbe Museum of Fine Arts 242 (1942), p. 99, Fig. 3a-b; Yang "Studies II," p. 69, Fig. 28.4, and his note 3 which is a reference to KK 1960.4, p. 3, Fig. i, but the illustration there is very unclear. Chinese Tomb Pottery Figures, D8. This piece lost its head and had a female head joined to it, but an undamaged example is in this writer's collection; the head has helmet and splayed beard quite similar to cape and hood figures, such as seen in P1. XVIII. Koyama and Figgess, Two Thousand Years of Oriental Ceramics, plate opposite p. 41. It is also shown in Kan-rikucho no dogu, P1. 5 3, Chugoku no dogu, P1. 92, and Sekai kokogaku taikei, vol. 7, p. 4, Fig. 6. In addition to this piece, which was on display in the National Museum of Art, Tokyo, there is another example of this type of cording published in Ch'en Wan-li, T'ao-yung (Peking, 1957), P1.20. A further example, excavated from a tomb at Shan-hsien, Honan, dated 583, is not very clearly pictured in KK I957.4, Fig. 3, pp. I4-I 5. In most cases the top part of this cord and plaque armor is covered by a broad neck-cover, the nape guard attached to the helmet, the shoulder guards, or a combination of these, or even a flowing beard, so that the exact construction of that part of the armor is not clear. There is however one figure at the Freer Gallery (no.68.4I) that clearly shows the plaques, an elaborate arrangement of cords, and most interesting for our purposes, straps over the shoulders, attaching a backplate to the plaques, creating a kind of liang-tangarrangement. The cords then could serve to hold the armor as a whole more securely to the body. Unfortunately, the piece is dated

33

In fact, the purpose of the cords in these two pieces is armor, with his chest tightly bound.167

down the chestthatmightrequire not clear,sincethereis no obviousopeningof the garment

this sort of fastening. It is, however, in conjunction with the plaques that the cords seem to serve a function, since they would help support and to hold them in place. The earliestdated

is to be foundas partof the costumeof fourdevason combination of the cord-plaque example NewYork,dated533-543(Pl.XX).168 stelein theMetropolitan thebaseof the Triibner Museum, andPlaque A. Cord in the recentarchaeological exhibit,and ChangSheng'stomb of 595,at Anyang,was included
armorwith plaques.169 resemblesvery much the style of liang-tang Apparentlythe additionof the Thus far, three types of cord and plaque armor have been observed (Fig. 36). The first, from

cords was to removethe necessityof the strapsused heretofore,or to provide additional the shoulder for the weightof the plates.Unfortunately, guardsandotherpartsof the support is represented to thecords,thefigure In addition details. theimportant serveto obscure equipage witha belt,shownwitha buckleandwithbeltbuckleholesalongits length. Shields andPlaque wvith B. Cord Large aboveas the armoron figuresdescribed The secondtype of cordandplaquearmorresembles

resting their left arm on large shields (Fig. 36B). In this case, too, the high neck-piece or menthat seems to accompanyuse of the cords conceals the exact constructionof the armor. tonniere the righthandis heldparallel in the fourdatedexamples,of 566, 596, 6 o, and6I5,I7? Curiously to the ground, ratherthan hanging stiffly at the side as was the case of the earliercited largeshield warriors.I7I
C. "Cuirassiers"

The third type of cord-plaquearmoris the very common armor of the Sui and T'ang, what I call the "cuirassier" guardiansof style, and in fanciful elaborations,it is the garb of the lokapala

the detailpainted the Buddha(Fig.36C).A few piecesof the cuirassier style have preserved
eighth century and the armor is so ornately developed as to render it suspect as a source of information about actual armor. Another pair, also from the T'ang, but rendered only in the essentials, also clearly indicates plaque armor and shoulder straps (Laufer, PI.XXXII). Thus one may tentatively see the cord and plaque armor as a further elaboration of the liang-tang type. Laufer's description of the armor, cited above, as being iron sheet armor over which was thrown a jerkin with two circularspaces cut out on the thorax exposing the iron plastrons (p. 278) of course is not accepted.
I67 Chtigoku no dogu, p. I02.
I68

I69
170

See also a more elaborateuse of cords and what may be plaques worn by similarfigures in a cave relief of the Northern Ch'i, in Yang "Studies" II, p. 70, Fig. 30. KK I959.IO, PI.IX, nos.4, 6, 7, and the catalogs of the exhibit. 566: WW I973.1I, p. 34, Fig. 6 (the shield in addition to a monster head boss displays figures said to be in t'ai-chi-ch'uian I956.6, p. 7I-2 (the photograph is very indistinct but Yang "Studies," II, p. 71, postures, p. 28); 596: K'ao-kut'ung-hsuin
Fig. 33.3 has a line drawing); 6Io: WW 1959.8, p. 6, Fig. 8; 6I5: KKHP I956.3, p. 52 and Fig. 19.

171

There are interesting examples with the hand held as in the earlier style of warriors with large shields: I) the British Museum has two, both with lamellar chaps (1952-IO-28-I4, I5); and 2) Juliano, Art of theSix Dynasties,no.54, p.84.

This last is also shown from the rear, allowing one to see how in this case the cords are simply twisted, the end of the cord left to hang loose. This same piece and another like it appear in Schloss, Ancient Chinese Ceramic Sculpture, P1. 58A and B.

34

over the glaze and give some clues as to the constructionof the armor.The helmet has a rounded peak with a pinch at the front and hanging from it a nape guard enveloping the face and falling ratherlong at the back; there are separateear flaps added. There is a high neck-piece or mentonniere,from beneath which emerge the cords that hold the two breastplaques in position. In some of the earlierpieces one can see the knot in the cords at the neck. The two plaques have angularscalloped edges, a design that is repeatedat the back, though the back protector is not divided vertically.It is not clear if the back protector is one piece or divides above and below the cord crossing from the front. In the later, elaboratedlokapalafigures, the cord is made to hold down a single breastplate by simply passing over it, and the knot is made below the plate to enablethe cords to pass to the back. In the figuresrepresentingcuirassiers it seems ratherthat there is a loop connecting the two plaques through which the cords pass. Below the breast plaques is a slightly bulging pauncher, which is checkered in a diamond shape representing some sort of plate or scale-this is not at all clear. The figure then wears an apron, partedat the right side, and with some overlap, made of what appears to be small lacquer laminae, very much resemblinglater Japanesearmor.The shoulder guardsare made of the same material.The sleeves are long, and the legs covered by ratherstraighthanging trousers,indicating something heavier than cloth but too large to be boots. An example in the MetropolitanMuseum has an interestingdesign painted on the shin-guard.In all these figures, the left hand is slightly raised with clenched fist as if holding a weapon, the right hand is also clenched and held against the chest. Examples which have been excavated date from the late seventh century to the early
eighth.I73

The further development of cord and plaque armor is to be seen in the marvelous T'ang of lokapalas. These have been analyzedand classifiedby Yang Hung,I74 but it is representations difficultto believe that such ornate equipment could possibly reflect any mundanereality. The diagramsof armorfound in Sung writings indicate a much less complex construction.Another important development in the T'ang, portrayedin the tomb muralsand in the famous models from Astana, but evidently not in pottery, is the long skirted lamellararmor, which closely resemblesIranianand CentralAsian styles.175 This topic, however, must be reservedfor another time.
This description does not agree with that of Mahler, The Westernersamong the Figures of the T'ang Dynasty, p. 203, "Early T'ang warrior in sheet armor and plate mail skirt." 173 KKHP 1955.9, p. I12 and P1.IX.4, and KK I955.4, p. 56, P1. X.I; these were not dated precisely. This type of figure is those most frequently encountered. See for example A.M. Joseph et al., Chinese Pottery Burial Objects of the Sui among and T'ang Dynasties (London, I 970), Figs. I 8-22; Nickel, Warriors and Worthies, p. 43 (Metropolitan Museum, New York); Tenri sankokan zuroku: Chugoku hen, P1. 202 (also shown in Chugoku no dogu, P1. 09og,Sekai kokogaku taikei, vol. 7, P1. 237 and Kodai Ajia bijutsuten, P1. I I I); Mahler, The Westernersamong the Figures of the T'ang Dynasty, P1. 37C (Boston Museum of Fine Arts); Shina koki tukb: Heikihen, P1. 3 I.I (Kyoto University); A.W. R.Thiel, Chinese Pottery and Stoneware (Los Angeles, I9553), p. I 33, PI. 2 5. Other examples have been seen in the National Museum, Copenhagen; Field Museum, Chicago; Cernuschi Musee, Paris; Victoria and Albert Museum, London; British Museum, London; and History Museum, Taipei. There is a type deriving from the cuirassier that is usually smaller in size and much cruder in execution. The representations of the cords are brought down to the waist, and the apron in the back is divided into tails. Another variant, represented as being a magician, was described by Laufer in Chinese Clay Figures, pp. I99-200 and P1. XVIII. He described an interesting tiger-skin design on a cape around the shoulders but this is not apparent in the photograph. The breast plaques seem to have become floral designs on the chest. 174 Yang, "Studies II," pp. 77-79. I75 Yang, "Studies II," pp. 75-76.
172

35

9. HORSE ARMOR

in the fourthcentury,176 of the stirrup, The appearance madepossibleheavierarmor. probably The samedangersto which the rider'sarmorwas a response,as well as the expenseof the h warrior's of armorfor the horse worthwhile.But the equipm en madethe development
origins of bardings, or horse armor, can be traced back to a much earliertime, at least in the written sources. The Shihching three times, which is poem Ch'ingjen repeatsthe phrasessu-chieh translated by Legge as "The chariot with its team in mail".I77 The association of chieh with horses a numberof times. The most explicit is Tso,Duke Ch'eng, 2nd year occurs also in the Tsochuan (= 588 B.C.): "With this he galloped forward,without having his horse covered with mail (pu chieh ma)." 78 One cannot say how extensive the use of bardings was in the pre-Han period,

afterthe horsecameto be usedas a cavalry in 307B.C.Certainly mount,traditionally especially uncovered therehasbeenno traceof horsearmor thusfaramongthe potteryfgures of chariot and cavalry horsesfromthe tomb of Ch'inShih-huang. The warswith the Hsiung-nu during the Han were carriedout by light cavalry,and thereis no indication that heavyarmorwas the usedon eitherside.As Laufer pointedout, therewasno use for the tacticsof the cataphracti,
was effectiveonly as long Still, the cavalryman heavy mass charge on a slow-moving enemy.I79

of the cavalryman andthusasthe armor theanimal's as his horsesurvived improved, protection

too became a matterof concern.
Once the cavalry mount began to be armored, progress in this area was relatively swift. There is evidence of horse armor for the head and neck in the bronze figures of Chin-ning, Yiinnan, which date from the Western Han period,I80 but one finds evidence for the use of horse armor in China proper only at the end of the Han. The term k'ai ma occurs in a memorial by Ts'ai Yung (I33-I92).I81 The I-nan reliefs of late Han or early Chin seem to indicate some riddn sort of protection for the horses, whether ridden or pulling chariots. The armor apparently

consisted of protection for the top and undersideof the neck, extending to the chest, the two pieces being connected by straps; in some cases it would seem that the frontpiece extended
under the horse covering its belly. It may be that the head was covered by a chanfron such as is described in more detail below, but that is not clear. It may be too that some sort of artistic

stylization is involved instead (Fig. 37).I82 Ts'ao Chih, in his memorialcited earlier,spoke of a set of horse armor ma-k'aii-ling.Ts'ao Ts'ao, in recounting his battles with Yuiian Shao, mentioned having only twenty suits of armoragainsthis opponent's Io,ooo, and his not even having
Bivar, "The Stirrup and its Origin," Oriental Art I:2 (I95 5) 6I-65 . Legge, The She King (London, n.d.), pp. 131-132; Shih ching 4.2.I3a (Shih san ching chu-su ed.). I78 Tso chuan 25.Ioa; Legge, The Ch'un Ts'ew, p. 345. Some of this armor and two chanfrons seems to have been recovered from the tomb of the ruler of Ts'eng, at Lei-ku-tun, Sui-hsien, and to be dated 433 B.C. or shortly after; see note 7 above. We are also told that the bamboo slips found in that same tomb mention a variety of horse armor, such as redlacquered, decorated, plain and black-lacquered, but the texts are not given; see KK I979.6, p. 5 5 3. The authors refer specifically to chariot horses.
I76 On the stirrup, see A.D.H.
177 179 Laufer,
I80

p. 234.

Yiiun-nan pao-kao (Peking, I959), Pls. 50-5 1. Chin-ning Shih-chai-shanku-mu chiinfa-ciihueh 18I Hou Han shu 6oB. 8b. I82 Finsterbusch, VerZeichnis und Motivindex der Han-Darstellungen, vol.2, nos.28I, 3I3 and 314. See especially the horses to the extreme right of the last. A better reproduction of the lintel relief is to be found in Hsiao-yen Shih, "I-nan and Related Tombs," Artibus Asiae 22 (I959), Fig. 5.

36

ten sets of horse armor against 300.I83 A hundred years later there is recorded the capture of and and other terms such as "iron horse" t'ieh-ma armoredhorses,I85 5,ooo084and even o0,00ooo

havealso becomecommon. "ironcavalry" t'ieh-chi andOne-piece A. TheEarliest Evidence Bardings

If the texts indicate a rapid acceleration in the use of bardings, very little of the actual armor has been found. At Pei-p'iao, Liaoning, from the tomb of 415, some of the loose iron lamellae, because of size, are believed to be from horse armor.186In Japan, in the Otani kobunat Wakayama, from the fifth century, an iron chanfron or head-piece and some plate armor were found; these are believed to be closely connected to that ofChina.I87But generally, as with human armor,

of to tracethe historyanddevelopment on tomb figuresandpaintings one mustrelyprimarily it is horsearmorthatwe have--certainly, the earliest Probably depictionof post-Han bardings. from This consists the mostrudimentary-isthatfoundin a tombnearCh'ang-sha, 302. dating a of more some lamellae of but chest of likely quilted material merely protector,perhaps
(Fig. 38).I88 The next chronologically are the wall paintings from the tomb of Tung Shou,the local leader from near the Yalu River, who died in 357 (Figs.z22 and 39).189 Here one finds depictions of fully caparisoned horses and warriors in full armor, with plumed helmets. Similar horsemen of the same period are from a tomb at Chao-t'ung-hou-hai-tzu, Yuiinnan, dated

outline the characteristic rather one canrecognize schematically, 385-394.Althoughrepresented to us arenot adequately detailed andwe available The line drawings of the canfron (Fig.40).I90 for moreinformation. mustturnto othertombs,betterpublished,
There are a number of murals from the Koguryo period that have extremely interesting

thereis a fullyarmored of battlescenes.Froma tombof the fifthcentury, horse,with paintings in front,a plateneckguard,andfullchanfron Another whatseemsto be platearmor (Fig.26.4).I91
mural depicts two warriors on fully caparisoned horses engaged in a running battle (Fig. 26.3).I92 The caparisoned horses in China during this same period would seem to have closely resembled the Koguryo examples. One finds a close parallel in the figures from the Ts'ao-ch'ang-p'o tomb, Sian, in which the horses are armored almost exactly the same as in the Korean chase scene, down to the trefoil crest on the chanfron.The horse's armor is represented as running in rows interspersed with plain bands, but this may not be an accurate rendering of actual armor
I83 I86 I84 Chin shu I04.14a. I85 Chin shu I04.2Ib. T'ai-p'ingyii-lan 356.3b. WWR I 973 .3, pp. 7-8, and Yang, "Studies," II, pp. 67-68; Yang explains the material in detail even to the point of iden-

187

tifying the part of the barding from which the various plates derive. Art (Princeton, [I964]), P. 20oand p. i86. J.Kidder, Early Japanese
I959.3, PIs.XI-XII. Note in each case the different pattern incised on the chest protector. Another instance of

I88 KKHP

non-metallic barding occurred when Hsiao Tao-ch'eng, before he founded the Southern Ch'i dynasty in 479, once
found himself deficient in armor and arms which had been drawn off for another campaign; so he had the bark of the

coir-palm plaited in order to protect his cavalry; see Nan Ch'i shu I.6a.
I89 WWTKTL
190

1952.I, p. ioo and pp. Io2-4. 96 3. I 2, P1.11.2 and p. 3. In the cavalry as depicted in the Wei-Chin tomb murals at Chia-yii-kuan, Kansu, the horses do not appear to have any armor, but rather are equipped with the typical Chin saddle, which seems to have been molded to provide leg support. Once the stirrup became available, this saddle disappears. See Fontein and Wu, Han and T'ang VW
I

I91

Murals, P1.93 (p. 72) and p. 66. KK I964.Io, p. 523, Fig. 3.2.

192 WW 1958.4, Fig. I .4.

37

(Fig.4I).I93The armor of the rider was describedabove, under Section 5B, Early Cavalrymen (see Fig. 25). One sees what must be the same armorfor both horse and rider in the mural of

dated357, whichwouldindicate thattheChinese Tung Shou'stombat AnaknearPyong-yang, A NorthernChoupiece from Ti-changcentury(Fig42).I94 figuresare from the mid-fourth
wan, near Hsien-yangin Shensi, carrieson this type of armor;one can perhapssee more clearly

lamellae of a ratherlargesize, the neck apparently the upwardoverlapping madeof longer, lamellae,and some sort of cover with scallopededges for the mane.An inner rectangular or perhaps the backingonto whichthe platesarefastened,emergesaroundthe lower linining, of otherinstances of whatappear to be one-piece cover95 Therearea number edge (Fig.43). for the of are in horse the details construction not indicated the available but ings clearly photoAs far as one can make out, the riderswear a helmet with a knob or point, to which graphs.196

in some cases extendingto the elbows plumeswere attached,a lamellarcuirass,epaulieres

(Fig. 27), and chaps (Fig. 44)I97 Finally, there is the highly ornamentalcaparisonedhorse in the Boston Museum which perhapsshould not properlybe included here since it may have represented only some sort of fancy parade dress, if not a fancy of the artist.I98 B. Bardingsin SeparateParts Thus far the bardings depicted have been basically in one piece. Before taking up those suits

of horse armorthat are composed of more than one piece, it may be convenient to review the terms for the various parts. Horse armor, as it eventually developed, was generally made of
five pieces (Fig.45):199

ma-mienlien cbi-bsiang tang-hsiung ma-shen-chia ma-ta-hou

chanfron,or head mask crinet, or upper neck guard, and cuello,or under-side neck guard peytral (or poitrel), or the chest and shoulders guard (this seems to have been combined with the cuelloin the Chinese version) flanchards,or side armor crupper, or rump armor

193 This interesting P1.24;and Arts of China: figurehas been publishedseveraltimes: KK I959.6, P1.IV.7;T'ao-yung,

Recent horse from this tomb but without a rider,see KK I959.6. Discoveries, no.339 and p.236. For a caparisoned that one does not findin Chinathe highlydetailedrepresenPI.III.8 and WWTKTL1954.10,P. L. It is unfortunate armorof this periodin the reliefsat Taq-i-Bustan. tationthatone hasfor the Sassanid
See KonghwagukSahoe, p. 4I, Fig. 1 5.

194

chien-she wen-wu chan-lan Ch'uan-kuo t'u-lu, (Peking, 1955), Pl. I9. See also Sekai kokogaku kung-ch'eng chungch'u-t'u chi-pen taikei, vol. 7, p. 5 I . I have not found a citation for the report of this excavation; KK I 9 5 7.4, p. I4, indicates a date of 572. I96 For the year 484: WW 1972.3, pp.23 and 33, Fig. 23 (the problem of detail in the reports on Ssu-ma Chin-lung's tomb has been mentioned before); 528: KK I973.4, P1.X.2; 567: WW I975.4, p.66 and Fig."; 582: WW I966.I, p.35, Figs. 2 3-26; 583: KK 195 7.4, P1.VI. i and p. 14. An undated example is contained in the Kyoto University Archaeological Museum; see Shina ko meiki deiZo Zusetsu, PI. 89. 197 The example shown in Schloss, Ancient Chinese Ceramic Sculpture, P1. 38B, has the plate of the bardings clearly incised but the rider seems to wear plaque armor, which is unusual. An example from a Northern Ch'i tomb of 567, WW does not wear chaps. I975.4, p. 66 and Fig.ii, I98 For a color photograph of a piece like it in Paris, see D. Lion-Goldschmidt and J.C. Moreau-Gobard, ChineseArt, vol. I (New York, I960), P1.92. The Paris example is also shown in a catalogue, Collection Michel Calmann: Musee Guimet, [Paris], I969, PI. II. 199 The English equivalents are somewhat different from those given in Laufer, pp. 309-3I1 1. See also Yang, "Studies," II, p. 66 and Liu Han, "Concerning," p. Ioo.
I95

38

Bardings that display all of the parts named above appear early. One piece in the Tenri collection, the rider in the armor with epauliresand chaps mentioned above, has horse armor this is dated Northern Wei.200 However, clearly indicatingpeytraland crupper over flanchards; most of the horses with distinct chest and rump armor have riders who in addition to the close-fitting ear-lap helmet, some with a boss on top for inserting a plume, wear a long, flowing cape that conceals whatever armor they wear. None of this type is from datedexcavations.20IThere are a few examples in which the rider wears only a short cape over the left on the right and the armorare clearlyshown. The helmet is the same shoulder and the epaulihre
ear-lap sort just mentioned (Fig.46).2o2

The last group, which displays very differentarmor and which apparently dates from the Sui and earlyT'ang (Fig. 47) if one is to judge by the white pottery and creamglaze, is made up of bardings that possess a separatecrupper but of which the sides and front appearto be in one piece. The riders are all of the type described earlieras "cuirassiers".While dismounted cuirassiershave been found in recent excavations, none have been reported on horseback
(P1.XXI).203

in Battle C. Bardings One may see these troops, or those similarto them, in combat in the cave paintings at Mai-chishan and Tun-huang.At Mai-chi-shan,of the early sixth century, one sees both heavy and light cavalry-the light holding bows, and the heavy with caparisonedhorses and armedwith lances. The armorof the ridersis the liang-tang type, with a kind of lamellarpiece aroundthe hips, and with chaps. The horses of the heavy cavalryare completely covered with the lamellaeindicated by dots, with plumes attachedto the rump (Fig.48).204 Another battle scene, also of the early sixth century, is in cave 285 (P. 120 m) at Tunhuang. It depicts the story of the 5oo Robbers and shows both infantryand cavalry.The horse

200

20I

202

203

204

Tenri sankokan turoku: Chugoku hen, P1. I 84 and p. 8. I do not agree that he wears loose trousers; more probably, the depiction is meant to be of chaps. Among these pieces are a number in the Royal Ontario Museum (Crofts 1437 very clearly has the plates of the horse's armor marked); Philadelphia Museum (identified as being of the Three Kingdom's Period!); Metropolitan Museum (20.39.2, 20.39.3); Grousset, CiviliZation of the East: China, p. I 24, Fig. 84 (from the Musee Cernuschi); Thiel, Chinese and A.L.Hetherington, The Art of the Chinese Potter (New York, I923), Pottery and Stoneware, PI. 6; R.L.Hobson PI.VII, Fig. i; Schloss, Foreigners in Ancient Chinese Art, Fig. 5o. There is an interesting piece in the Musee Cernuschi that has the armor of both man and horse represented by strong horizontal slats, but it would seem to be more decorative than realistic; see D. and V.Elisseef, La civilisation de la Chine classique, Paris 1979, pl. VIII. There is another piece in the Royal Ontario Museum in which the rider seems to wear a coat rather than a mantle and a cap with the ear-laps raised a bit rather than a helmet; see Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties, no. 3 I, p. 56. The three examples thus far noted are all from excavations: 547: KK I977.6, Fig. 3.4 and p. 392; 540(?): KK 1957.3, P1. XIII (said to wear chain-mail!) and WW1I956.2, p. 66; 576(?): KK I977.6, P1.VII.4 and p. 386. There a number of these pieces in the Royal Ontario Museum, some of them said to be from Northern Ch'i. Those in the British Museum are dated as T'ang. See also that shown in Schloss, Foreigners in Ancient Chinese Art, Fig. 49, from the Philadelphia Museum of Art. That source has it that the horse is protected by sheet mail of the Sassanian influence, but I believe rather that the painted detail of lamellar plate has worn off. The example from the Nelson Gallery retains more detail than any other I have observed. Schloss refers to the depiction of the lamellae in that piece as "decoration". Laufer's description of this type, p. 308, is out of date. Mai-chi shan shih-k'u (Peking, I 954), P1. 4; this is a modern artist's rendition of the wall painting in cave I 27. According to Michael Sullivan, The Cave Temples of Maicbisban (Berkeley, I969), p. 52, the mural dates from the first quarter of the sixth century.

39

armor here seems to be of the one piece variety. The cavalrymenwear liang-tang armor, apof lamellae. The seem to be a coat at which the resembles front, infantry wearing parently open the simplest outfits of that type (Fig.49).205 These scenes may help us to visualize better an incident describedin the histories. Ts'ai Yu, one of the foremost generals of the Western Wei, took part in a disastrous campaign in 538 againstthe EasternWei. As describedin his biographyhe distinguishedhimself in battle:
Yu thendismounted andfoughton foot andkilledseveral menwithhis ownhands. Thoseaccompanying him urgedhim to remount to be prepared for the onpressing soldiers.Yu angrilyreplied,"Thechanme likea son, how canI thinkof my own fatetoday cellor(Yii-wenT'ai)raised I"He thenled ten or so of his followers,all giving a greatshout, and they killedand woundeda greatmany.As he had no himten or so deepandcalledto him,"Youappear the enemysurrounded to be a braveknight, back-up, if would but aside armor and be withoutriches can would believe Sir; you surrender, you your you put andhonors?" Yu cursed I I havetodaybutto take(your)headsandI willbe enfeoffed them,"Dropdead a duke,whathaveI to do with titlesfromyou falsebandits?" his bow to the full And so he stretched andstoodthemoff on all four sides.The Eastern Wei mendid not dareto presshimbut calledup one with heavyarmor andlong swordto advance andseizehim.Whenhe wasperhaps directly thirtypaces him fromYu, thoseabout "Ourlife rideson one arrow-how canI urgedhimto shootbut Yu replied, andwhenten pacesawayYu finally shootit in vainI"The enemyslowlyadvanced shothimrightin the face.He fell at the twangof the bow andYu thenuseda lanceto pierceandkill him.Theyfoughtlike thisfor several thenwithdrew a bit andYu slowlyleda retreat.206 bouts,onlylosingoneman.Theenemy

in the South D. Bardings Thus far the Chinese materialpresentedhas been primarilyfrom the northern states, the area under foreign rule. Southerntombs rarelyinclude militaryfigures.However, in a Kiangsu tomb of the second half of the fifth centuryone may see a relief of a cavalryman on a caparisoned horse, both with lamellararmor (Fig. 50).207Except that he wears no helmet, this cavalier differsin no essential way from his northern counterpart,down to the plume on the horse's rump, but there is a certain elegance that seems to outweigh the martial equipment. Again, in a brick from Teng-hsien in southern Honan, undated but ca 5oo A.D., one clearly sees again the the lamellar armor, quilted under-cloth, and the undoubtedly exaggerated crested chanfron, soaring plume attachedto the rump, all displayedwith much elegance (Fig. 5I). Certainlythe Such exampleswe have of foot soldiers do nothing to redressthis lack of militantfierceness.208 materialstend to confirmthe plaint voiced by Yen Chih-t'ui,a subject of the Liang in the face of the Western Wei invasion of 554, that he was "wretched at the southern songs not being aloneone might be led to believethat more vigorous."209 Just on the basisof the burialmaterials of Chinaby the northernarmieswas inevitable. the conquest of the south and the reunification
205

CaveTemples T.Akiyama,Arts of China:Buddhist (Tokyo, 1969),P1.22 and Elisseef, Civilisation, pl.VII. For closer seethe coverof Tun-huangpi-hua, Wei(Peking,I958),anartist's ofthe muralin cave285. no. 5: Northern detail, rendering 206 Choushu27.6-ab.
207

WV

I974.2,

p. 5 I. The tomb is near Tan-yang in Kiangsu.

208 209

et al., Nan-ching Seealso WangChih-min liu-ch'ao t'ao-yung (Peking,1958), P1. 33. lack of competitiveness who saw defeatfor the southin the comparative in its songs and a mournful sound displayed of deathin them. 40
Pei Ch'i shu45.22zza. This is an allusion to Tso,Duke Hsiang I 8 (Legge, The Ch'unTs'ew,p. 479), which tells of a general

9. CONCLUSIONS

The developments in Chinese defensive armor describedabove bring us down to the Sui and early T'ang. It is convenient to end the survey here for a number of reasons. New styles of armor, derived from Iranianprototypes, seem to have become widely used, and it was some time before the more traditional forms reassertedthemselves. The unification of China, and therebya lowered level of internalconflict, no doubt had its effect-perhaps decreasedemphasis on heavy cavalry in the artistic representationsreflected a tendency toward lighter armor to better face the mounted nomads on the frontiers. One aspect of the subject of defensive armorthat deserves attention is the degree to which the development of Chinese armor was affectedby importations from the outside. There has been a tendency in the scholarlyliteratureto assume that Chinarelied on Iran or elsewherefor There is no doubt that there were such influencesat its advancesin the art of defensive armor.2Io0 work, but the wealth of new archaeologicalinformationnow makesit possible to traceinternal developmentsas well as to assess more preciselywhat the foreign imports may have been. It is a mistaketo see Chinaas a passive recipient of Westernmilitarytechnology-loans were made and incorporatedinto the militaryrepertory,but these were accepted and modified by the requirementsof society, technology and custom. It is as necessaryto considerthese factorsas it is simply to tracethe movement of styles and techniquesfrom one place to another. Finally,the invention of the stirrupand the rapiddevelopmentsin armorandbardingsduring the fourth to sixth centuries as traced in this paper have interesting social implications. Lynn andSocialChange, White, in his .Medieval Technology suggests that the feudalclassesof the European Middle Ages derived ultimatelyfrom the stirrup.After the arrivalof the stirrupin Europe by the eighth century, and the primacythis gave the horse and armor in warfare,the state made land grants in returnfor the pledge by armoredknights to provide service on horsebackwhen called. The eventual result was the distribution of land to vassals on condition of knight's service, and from this came the creation of a fighting elite, which had a profound effect on Westernsociety and history.211Thus, in Europe the introductionof the stirrupand the resulting technology made fighting a matterof class. In China,on the contrary,it can be arguedthat the effectof the new technology may well have been the opposite, that is, that it may have led to the of the Hsien-pei tribesmen as the military elite and to the unification of China disappearance
under Chinese rule.212 But discussion of this topic too must await another opportunity.
210

See for example the rather unsatisfactory treatment of the subject by Soma Takashi, "Koki-ko-Ansoku no kihei ni tsuite, "Kokogaku Zasshi 56.2 (1970) 83-97. One might also mention in this connection Laufer, pp.233-234, and

2 I White, pp. 28-38. 212 For some discussion of this topic, see Joseph Needham in Raymond Dawson, ed., The Legacy of China (Oxford, 1964),

M. Rostovtzeef, Iraniansand Greeksin SouthRussia(Oxford), 1922, p. 203.

pp. 269-270. My conclusions are rather different from his.

CHINESE CHARACTERS Aspirated initials as indicated in the Wade-Giles romanization follow unaspirated initials, umlauted vowels follow the vowel without umlaut, and vowel length (in Japanesewords) is ignored. Any entry over six characters in length is in a separatelist. cha ;L Chan-kuots'e I~R[mI
4I

Chang-lou-ts'unQS$t Chang Sheng &fi~

Chang Shou-chieh Kg!Ffii iV/ f Chao-t'ung-hou-hai-tzu NIA Hsiian ~3 Cheng Cheng-lunigSti Chi-an4t chi-hsiang lGa chia chia* Chia Kung-yen M]WS' Chia-yii-kuan d@ chiangshan tt Chiang Tsan-ch'u ~~j0 chieh/Chin shu ~ Chin-ning H: Chou-li)F Choushu fM no dogu*rMiOfA Chfigoku ku-wen-wu cPS~qt g Chung-kuo chuii chiiehku shenyiian ,E4ti Chiin-shu chih-yao] ~tM Ch'en Lin it Ch'enSsu-wangchi ~,~3i~E Ch'en Wan-li PX: Ch'iang3 s Ch'ing-jen < chi U8*JJ Ch'u-hsiieh ch'ui-chieh &M Ch'ung-an-ch'eng^~ Ch'ii-yang ffll Ch'iianChin-wen 5i: Ch'iianHou Han wen ' ^9? Ch'iianSan-kuowen _EMICi; EiN Ch'uieh-kung Erh-shih-chia-tzu -'-+:: Fan Tsui ,6$ fei-shih 3flt Fei River BE7 Feng Yen-jan shan ming lfifilllffi Fu Wen NBg HamadaKosaku iffl#tf han : Han Chinch'un-ch'iu Han-fei-tzu #-THan I mi 42

han-jen?A han-shih%gRi Han shu ~gf HaradaYoshito iffl.J Hayashi Minao EB3~A
~M hei-kuang Ho Ch'ii-ping -MA Ho-fei rlE Ho-jo'I tRHou Han shu ~l~ hsi-han]Xpa hsi-k'ai jM Hsiao Tao-ch'eng pAt2 Hsieh An-tu PiV5 Hsin T'angshu Vff iF Hsii Hao *N, hsian-chia ; 9 hsuan-k'ai ff hu M hu* S5 Huan I MM huan-soK'aiS1 Hui Tung 5?, Hung Ch'ing-yii ARf I-hsien B>0. i-wu ~q# Kan-rikuchono dogu ti at ffi Kao Ch'ii-hsiin Ko-chi-na Ug~f ko k'ai -i*. KobayashiTaiichir6 J\Ntit;-P zasshi tA,tS^^I Kokogaku Komai KazuchikaWIpljT -

k'ait k'ai-chia 0 4 k'ai-maj,, k'ai-ts'ao ~ti K'ao-ku ftf ;tJM K'ao-ku hsiieh-pao K'ao-ku t'ung-hsiin tW-aifR k'uei K'ung Jung YLfl Lei-ku-tun %t~ Li-chia-shan ^A dll Li Ho $~ Li Pi 4j

Liang Ssu-yung ,0,f7, ;. tang l ( ) liangLiang T'ai f--i Liu-chia-ch'ii gTJTf Liu-ch'eng-ch'iaoXl]$g Liu Han VOffA Liu Huai-shen flf-TV Liu P'ing-heng ?J9U Liu Sheng J.]g Liu Yii lJ1 Lu Ch'ui 1IN Lu Hui Rif Lii-shih ch'un-ch'iu9g5iWk Ma-hsien-kou ~/~'i ma k'ai i-ling |~--~ ma-mien-lien J?i? ma-shen-chia;E 3 ma-ta-houJA, Mai-chi-shan ~f ii Mai-chi-shanshih-k'uZT[L7;1M Man-ch'eng MiS Ming-ch'i t'u-lu ~J]ljf ming-kuang]NSf; Mizuno Seiichi *CT -moul i~
2 mou2

San-kuochih: Wu =3i: '. Sat6 Masahiko~tj,i~S shan r, Shan-hsien Rjr Shen Chung-hsiiehjitPfi Shen Yu-chih {tfJ4 Shih-chi i Shih-hsiieh ts'ung-shu ~~-~ Shih Hu ;'b Shih-li-p'u +-a Shih-mingSF chu-su+-'~il3 Shih-san-ching Shuo-wenchieh-tzueg~~i-TShuo-wenchieh-tzuchu-chienRI7-fOt I Shuo-wenchieh-tzuku-lin -;fl;g-m; Shuo-yiianMMYg Soma Takashi ;fn,,[R
Ssu-chia fP

Mu-jung Huang -i~: Nan-chingliu-ch'aot'ao yung i~/\|x Nan Ch'i shu ~tt Nan shih MijAt Nihon keizai shimbun[EXt7 rB fI pai-lien -~BJ Pai-tzu ch'iian-shu -'Qff t Pan Ku *ES Pao-erh-hao-t'e Mf S'tf Pei Ch'i shu ILWM Pei-p'iao iML Pei shih dgA

di

pingko ~gi
pu chiehma 7f'g Pu-lung-cho Wffk P'ai-ma-shanMJA lP'ei Sung-chih AtAl P'ei-wenyiin-fu gZffiE: San-kuo chih: Shu -g-9j^: g San-kuo chih: Wei= A _ A:%' 43

ssu-chieh SH Ssu-ch'uanHan-tai t'ao-yungE3sJII P1tFi Ssu-ma Chin-lung ~,[~i Sui-hsien lMOi Sui shu RF Sun Ch'iian ,jf Sung shu 5t W Tan-yang YItang-hsiung (S ) Teng-hsien WP~, Ti-chang-wan jS-iN Tien-nan MM Tso-chia-kung-shan2Ro iLI Tso-chuan ~t Tun-huang &f pi-hua i'j &it Tun-huang Tung-kuanHan-chi fiK" Tung Shou AW Tzu-chiht'ung-chien ??e T'ai-p'ingyii-lan -AkzFpi T'ao-yungFQfi T'eng-tien iJg t'ieh-chifi. t'ieh-chiatl~ t'ieh-k'aiMM t'ieh-ma wig t'ieh-muMg t'ieh-shihWi

T'ien Hung mEi] Tseng e Ts'ai Yu V. Ts'ai Yung WE Ts'ao-ch'ang-p'o-ts'unV:X:bA Ts'ao Chih Wt Ts'ao Jui ~W Ts'ao P'ei Wt Ts'ao Ts'ao WM Ts'ui T'i MI T'u-ch'eng-tzu t-Ai T'ung f k'ai M*Ift t'ung-hsiu T'ung-kou Xj Wang Chih-min ,,.fit Wang Yin EISi wei-shih$Xf Wei shu AX -z ~ Wen-hsian Wen-wuching-hua ; rqtgX Wen-wuts'an-k'aotzu-liao l: 00?f?Z Wu-k'u fu IlAtg Seven or more characters

wu-sehsi-k-'ai tBISO ya-hsia 5,IM Yang-chia-wan kH Yang Hung fgg Yao I-chung ;trto R chi Efi Yeh-chung Yen Chih-t'ui M;A Yen K'o-chiin WsqJ1 Yin Chung-k'anj{ftig Yii Hsin MfYii-htin %Yu I TAX Yii Tzu-shanchi j[I-4 Yii-wen T'ai -@tYiian Huai ,,,g Yiian K'ang .W Yiian Shang fi Yiian Shao 3.~ Yiian Shao* 5EBP Yiiehcdziieh shu M,gtYiieh-fushih-chieMg

Hsi-chou Han-hua hsiang-shih N, '[l i Chlang-su Chosha shatsudono mokuguni tsuite '/tk:1l c. fBi ,,VeC >M In-Shujidai no buki MeBff^ Chugoko s rons6o '? ;3 Chugoku rP4 kokogaku Chung-hua jen-minkung-hokuoch'u-t'uwen-wuchan-lanchan-p'inhsiian-chi ku ping-ch'ilun-ts'ungrp ~ ~tR"Chung-kuo Ch'iian-kuo chi-penchien-she kung-ch'eng chungch'u-t'uwen-wuchan-lant'u-lu Ch'uanshang-ku h hti_M-~ san-tai Ch'inHan san-kuoliu-ch'aowen { 37t Han Wei liu-ch'ao f f pal-san ming-chiachi J1k fi ---f Yin-tai 4R . Hou-chia-chuang (An-yang Hou-chia-chuang A&ft mu-ti) AW. ( % ) *fSI I-nan ku-hua-hsiang shih-mu r & F ;TM pao-kao fa-chiieh $iii T^tji Kan-To kozokuto meikidogui.F; i ir?fS Kodai Ajia bijitsuten 7 ~Y 7 Aq) Koki-k6-Ansoku no kihei ni tsuiteSTJj 0, ~ --, f ~!,t Sekai kokogaku taikei f~tA'-R-jc Shina ko meikideizo zusetsu5~P ~ EJ ie Shina koki zuko: Heikihen2t gXE : A3Tenrisank6kan zuroku: Chugoku hen 5QGt@ S : rp4 T'ai-yiianKuang-p'oPei Ch'i ChangSu mu wen-wut'u-lu 5 ^A;l W^^^^S; Yiin-nanChin-ningShih-chai-shan ku-muchiin pao-kao ^"^ E~lljQ$ggi2 3% fa-chuieh 44

Fig. I Wooden figure from Ch'ang-sha, Warring States Period

Fig. 2 Armor from Lei-ku-tun, Warring States Period

Fig. 3 Iron lamellar helmet from Yen-hsia-tu, Warring States Period

45

10

20.9t

Fig. 4 Ch'in Style III Armor

Fig. 5 Ch'in Style II Armor

Fig. 6 Ch'in Style I Armor

Fig. 7 Ch'in Style IV Armor

0 a 0

0
0

..
0 oo a1 o

-L-!-0 0 ,. 0

o 6 o
b 0 a

r?

"

O .

i,

..

O r

, . -O4 at* Fig. 8 Ch'in Style V Armor Fig. 9 Ch'in Style VI Armor

|?\

^mi
to

Fig. 10

Ch'in Style VII Armor

Fig. i i

Ch'in Style VIII Armor

46

Fig. I4 Cavalrymanfrom Yang-chia-wan

Fig. 12 Han infantry armor from Yang-chia-wan

Fig. I 3A Officer's armor from Yang-chia-wan

Fig. 13 B Armor from tomb of the Han Prince Liu Sheng, Man-ch'eng, Hopei

47

Al

"w

---OWN:^;;=====^.

armor (/s size) from Huhehot Fig. 15 Iron lameUlar Fig. I 5 Iron lamellar armor (I/5 size) from Huhehot

Fig. 16 Suit of armor from I-nan relief

48

Type I i. Yang-chia-wan (figure)

2. Yang-chia-wan

(figure)

3. Erh-shih-chia-tzu (actual)

I~~~~~

?J~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~?
Type II
I. Erh-shih-chia-tzu
rir

(actual)

2. Yang-chia-wan (figure)

?~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~%r:5.?
3. Lo-yang (actual)

" .*"*?~~~~~~~~~~~~~-''

(fragment) Fig. 17 Types of Western Han armor

(fragment)

Fig. I 8 Outline rendering of an Eastern Han mural from Holingol

49

A.
Fig. I9

B.
Late Han-Chin: Flat cap with shield

-I

.11

Fig 0Lat
A. B.
Fig. 20

ah C.

in i
D. E.

Late Han-Chin: Spear brandishers

Fig. 2IA

Eastern Han pottery figure

Fig. 2I B

Eastern Chin tomb mural

5?

Fig. 22 Procession as depicted in a mural from Tung Shou's tomb, A. D. 357

Fig. 23 Guardians from Li Ho's tomb, A.D. 582

5I

I-'-

Fig. 24

Unarmored infantry

Fig. 25 Hsien-pai cavalryman from Ts'ao-ch'ang-p'o-ts'un

Fig. 27

Lamellar corselet

Fig. 28

Capes and hoods

1.11

f
I. Tomb no. 12, T'ung-kou
2. Three-chambered Tomb, T'ung-kou

3. Three-chambered Tomb, T'ung-kou Fig. 26

4. Tomb no. I, Ma-hsien-kou

Koguryo tomb murals depicting armor

52

Fig. 29 Pug-nosed archer

A.

B.

C.

D.

armor Fig. 30 Varieties of liang-tang

\/1

Fig. 3I Liang-tang as court-wear

Fig. 32 "Jumper" armor

53

A.
with plaques Fig. 33 Liang-tang Fig. 35 Door guard from mausoleum dated 529

A.

B.
Fig. 34 Large-shield bearers

co

A.
Fig. 36

Big. 6 Cord e
Cord and plaque armor

C.

54

iojUl

.Y_.. Fig. 37 Lintel relief from facade of the tomb at I-nan

Fig. 38 Model of horse with rudimentary armor, A.D. 302

r1;11riT#

Fig. 39 Armored horse from Tung Shou's tomb, A.D. 357

Fig. 4o

Late 4th century bardings from Yunnan

Fig. 4I Armored horse and rider from Ts'ao-ch'ang-p'o-ts'un

Fig. 42 Armored cavalrymen from Tung Shou's tomb, A.D. 357

Fig. 43 Northern Chou cavalrymanfrom Ti-chang-wan

Fig. 44 Sui cavalry; I. A.D. 582; 2. A.D. 583

55

Fig. 45 Constituent parts of traditional bardings

Fig. 46 Cavalrymanof the late sixth century

Fig. 48 Cavalrymenfrom mural at Mai-chi-shan

Fig. 47 Cuirassierof Sui and early T'ang

Fig. 49 Battle scene from mural at Tun-huang

__to)

/r-

Fig. 50 Mounted warrior from the Southern courts

Fig. 51 Caparisonedhorse from the South

56

P1.I Ch'in, Terracotta Warrior from Imperial Mausoleum: ShensiProvincial Museum

PI. II Han, Foreign Warrior in Scale Corselet: National History Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China

P1.III Han, Warrior with Shield: WasedaUniversity

P1.IV

Wei-Chin, Spearmanwith Corkscrew Headdress: Tenri University

P1.V

Wei-Chin, Cavalry Procession from Chia-yii-kuan, Kansu (modern copy)

P1.VI

Wei-Chin, Military Procession from Chia-yii-kuan, Kansu

P1.VII a

P1.VII b Chin, Warrior from the Ch'ang-shaArea, Hunan

P1.VIII Hsien-pei Cavalryman, 4th-5th century

P1.IX

N.Wei, Troopers from Tomb of Ssu-ma Chin-lung, Ta-t'ung, Shansi

P1. X

Caped Warrior with LamellarArmor

H
iO

(T)
D

o
S' t-

ct o vt Gf 0 C/
co

sY 0

5. 2a <^ o ?e

,"^ 2: s=
o

P1. XII b

P1. XII Archer in Liang-tang Armor, front and rear

P1. XIII

Armor of the Sixth Century: Liang-tang C. C. VFang New York Collection,

PI. XIV

Warrior in Liang-tang Armor and Leather Chaps: TokyoNational Musezum

P1. XVI _, _,/ _ _ ...... !,~i:;i~i~ii!'~ PI. XV Leather Liang-tang Armor, Sixth Century: Royal OntarioMuseum,University of Toronto

Guard with Liang-tang Armor and Court Headdress: Sui.

o0uo:oj_Ljo AilTSJlATUf 'lznasnr o0.Iv,,u0 a,viCoy : ssnbuld t4. jou?TV IIAX 'Id 'u,z-puvz7

arsu ?pa.TtS

a/ o

,IIIAX 'IdI

P1. XIX

Armor with Cords: Tokyo .National Museum

-.K a.,,? -..ate' A",.

..

A /.G

PL XX

Mluseum of Early Fxample of Cord and Plaque: Base of stone stele, mid-sixth centlury: The Mletropolitan iArt, New York, Rogers Futnd, I930

(pFun_ uospNy) !unos-sI

'"C,DsvsuvX[ 'tzndsn?j szulzYI-d^ivadD3 uosIdAT : 009 Eo '-lpPI

pu-e 3;soH pQroru-Y

IXX 'Id