_______________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________

Report Information from ProQuest

February 28 2012 10:19

_______________________________________________________________

Document 1 of 1

Art Imitates Architecture: The Saint Philip Reliquary in Renaissance Florence

Cornelison, Sally. The Art Bulletin 86.4 (Dec 2004): 642-658,640.

_______________________________________________________________
Abstract
Between 1422 and 1425 a new reliquary was made for the prestigious Florentine relic of Apostle Philip's right arm. Although it was kept at the baptistery of S. Giovanni, the form of the Saint Philip reliquary was inspired by several key elements of Florence Cathedral's design and decorative program. This essay will argue that this was done in order to present the reliquary as a potent and explicit symbol of the bond between the protective power of the saint whose relic it contains and the city of Florence-a symbol whose meaning was fully realized only through ritual performance. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

_______________________________________________________________
Full Text
Public ritual in late medieval and Renaissance Florence was largely dependent on the cults of the city's patron saints, relics, and sacred images.1 For example, each time a new bishop entered Florence to take possession of the bishopric, on his way from the church of S. Pier Maggiore to the cathedral of S. Maria del Fiore he would pause in the Borgo degli Albizzi. There, he would kneel and pray before a stone plaque situated where it was believed Florence's first sainted bishop, Zenobius (d. ca. 424), resurrected the son of a French pilgrim during the late fourth or the early fifth century.2 This was only one of several monuments in the city associated with Saint Zenobius. On his feast day of May 25, the members of the Girolami family, who counted Saint Zenobius among their ancestors, celebrated and advertised their familial ties to him with a procession that began at their twelfth-century tower, located near the Ponte Vecchio in the Via Por S. Maria, and ended at the St. Zenobius Chapel in the cathedral.3 Moreover, on the January 26 feast of Saint Zenobius's translation, Andrea Arditi's enameled and gilded silver reliquary bust (1831), which contains a fragment of the saint's skull, was carried to a cippolino marble column near the northwest wall of the baptistery of S. Giovanni (Fig. 1). The column was erected during the Middle Ages in order to mark the spot where a leafless elm tree flowered when Saint Zenobius's relics passed by it during their legendary translation from S. Lorenzo to S. Reparata in January 429.4 All of these celebrations and rituals took place within the perimeters of Early Christian Florence on sites that-as the Lives of Saint Zenobius inform us-were closely associated with the saint both during his life and after his death. As a result, it appears that the devotional practices particular to Saint Zenobius's cult, simply by virtue of the places in which they were carried out, reinforced his importance as an intercessor and as the spiritual founder of the Florentine church. The cults of saints not native to the city, lacking the numerous sites associated with the local cult of Saint Zenobius, gained prominence in other ways. The Apostle Philip had no hold in

Florentine worship until a relic of his arm was acquired in the Holy Land (Fig. 2). From the time it arrived in Florence in the spring of 1205, the apostle was embraced as a patron and protector of the entire city and its citizens. His arm, the oldest documented relic at the Florentine baptistery, rivaled the popularity of the Saint Zenobius reliquary bust in the frequency of its display. Between 1422 and 1425 a new reliquary was made for Saint Philip's arm (Fig. 3). Unlike the Saint Zenobius head reliquary, which is a so-called speaking, or body-part, reliquary that reflects the type of relic it contains, the arm of Saint Philip is housed in an elongated ostensorium, a monstrance reliquary that shelters the precious relic in a glass, crystal, and gilded silver architectural frame.5 The design and ritual use of the reliquary, a superb example of microarchitecture, further promoted the saint's importance, through the power of his arm relic, as an intercessor for the Florentines. The literature on this object is, for a work in precious metal, relatively extensive, but discussions of the reliquary have rarely gone beyond issues of style.6 Although Saint Philip's arm belonged to the baptistery, we shall see that its fifteenth-century reliquary is composed of a combination of architectural and ornamental elements that are based on the dome, lantern, and sculptural program of the adjacent Florentine Cathedral. The formal connection between the Saint Philip reliquary and S. Maria del Fiore has been noted in the literature, but the extent and symbolic implications of their structural and decorative similarities, especially for Florentine ritual, have not been fully explored.7 This essay will show that, because it emulates S. Maria del Fiore's architecture and decorations, the Saint Philip reliquary was an innovative, potent, and explicit symbol of the bond between the protective and healing power of the apostle whose relic it contains and the city of Florence. It was a symbol whose local and regional significance was advertised and reached its full potential each time the reliquary was displayed in the baptistery and cathedral and carried in procession through the city streets. Thus, rather than being associated with specific sites, like the cult and relics of Saint Zenobius, the Saint Philip reliquary became an effective and portable testament to the arm relic's significance for Florence and its citizens through ritual performance. The Translation of Saint Philip's Arm to Florence The civic and episcopal promotion of Saint Philip's arm as one of the most important and powerful of all of Florence's relics began with a detailed account of its translation from the Holy Land. Commissioned by Giovanni da Velletri, the bishop of Florence (1204-30), shortly after the relic was placed in the baptistery, the traslatio text is preserved in two manuscripts, one at Florence's Biblioteca Riccardiana, the other at the Opera del Duomo, and the event was noted by virtually all Florentine chroniclers.8 The relic's history received its most extensive treatment, however, at the hands of the antiquarian Giovanni Mariti in the late eighteenth century.9 The arm of Saint Philip boasted an especially illustrious provenance in that it had belonged to Maria Komnenos, niece of the Byzantine emperor Manuel T and widow of the king of Jerusalem and Cyprus. It was through the efforts of a rather remarkable number of highranking Florentine ecclesiastical officials in the Holy Land that the relic was obtained and

eventually sent to Tuscany.10 The Florentine patriarch of Jerusalem, Monaco di Mompi di Riccomanno de' Corbizzi, a former cleric at the baptistery of S. Giovanni, is the primary protagonist in the story of the relic's translation.11 Inspired by a desire to honor the city of his birth with an impressive gift, he informed Maria Komnenos that it was not permissible (lecito) that a layperson, especially a woman, possess such an important relic, much less keep it among her secular treasures.12 The queen apparently took the patriarch's words to heart and promptly handed the relic over to him. Once news of this transaction reached Florence, the city's bishop, Piet.ro, wrote numerous letters to Monaco de' Corbizzi requesting him to send the relic to Florence. This, however, did not happen until 1203, when the patriarch, who was near death, commissioned a certain Ranieri, another Florentine and the prior of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, to transport the arm of Saint Philip to Florence. With the support of Gualterotto, the Florentine bishop of St. John at Acre, and with permission to remove the relic from the Holy Land from the new patriarch of Jerusalem, Alberto da Vercelliwho was also from Florence-Ranieri set off for the Italian peninsula.

The traslatio text describing the relic's arrival in Florence and its subsequent placement in the baptistery closely follows the typology of the late antique and medieval relic adventus, the ceremony celebrating the arrival of holy remains. By involving all of a city's citizens, adventus ceremonies were orchestrated to show that the new relic would aid and protect the entire community.13 The Florentine adventus took place on March 2, 1205, and began with the synantesis, the reception of the relic by high-ranking civic and ecclesiastical officials. This part of the ceremony was led not by Bishop Pietro, who had worked to secure the relic for Florence, but rather by his successor, Giovanni da Velletri, and the podest, or governor, Count Rodolfo di Capraia.14 Together with the cathedral clergy, they met the relic at the city's south gate, the Porta S. Pier Gattolino (the present-day Porta Romana). Giovanni da Velletri then carried it in procession (the propompe) to the Piazza S. Giovanni, accompanied

by the sound of the Florentine people singing hymns in honor of the apostle. The translation ceremony concluded with the apothesis, or deposition, of the arm of Saint Philip in the baptistery of S. Giovanni. At this time, the relic was probably placed inside the block altar in the baptistery's chapel, or scarsella, the rectangular apse on the west side of the Romanesque structure whose construction had been begun just two years before Saint Philip's arm arrived in the city (Fig. 4).15 The relic's power was revealed almost immediately, for it performed several miracles, which included healing an ailing goldsmith and preventing a little girl from drowning in the Arno-thus providing timely proof of the saint's efficacy as a protector of Florence and its people. It was also significant for the Florentines that the acquisition of Saint Philip's arm coincided with the Western victory over Constantinople, something that was noted in the traslatio and that certainly added to the relic's prestige.16

Fourteenth- and fifteenth-century documents indicate that when it arrived in Florence, the arm of Saint Philip was kept in a gilded and enameled silver reliquary casket, forzerino.17 The Florentine relic had (and still has) further decorations that were apparently attached to it prior to its arrival in Florence. The earliest of these ornaments is a silver plaquette, probably dating from the twelfth century, that is embossed with an image of the saint and inscribed with the words "Philip Apostle" in Greek (Fig. 5). A band of gilded silver inscribed with Gothic lettering that reads BRACHIUM S. PHILIPPI encircles the wrist of the arm relic.

It is likely that from the beginning, the relic of Saint Philip's arm had more than just local significance for Florence and its citizens, as its acquisition heightened the city's status in the region of Tuscany. Indeed, it was probably no coincidence that the relic arrived in Florence only a few decades after Bishop Atto (1133-53) of the nearby town of Pistoia acquired for that city's cathedral a fragment of the head of the Apostle Saint James from Santiago de Compostela. By 1174, the Pistoiesi had established the Opera di S. Jacopo at their cathedral for the purpose of safeguarding the relic and seeing that it was housed in an appropriately appointed chapel.18 Pistoia's location near the pilgrimage and trade route, the Via Francigena, ensured that its relic of Saint James became an important stop for pilgrims traveling that road to Rome and, for some, on to the Holy Land.19 More important for this study, the relic of Saint James attracted pilgrims from closer to home as well, for after it healed several Florentines, their compatriots began to travel to Pistoia. A papal bull of 1145 encouraged this kind of regional pilgrimage to Pistoia by urging Tuscan bishops to promote travel to the relic.20 The consistent flow of devotional traffic to Pistoia helped fund the execution of the silver altar of Saint James (now located in a chapel off the right aisle of Pistoia's cathedral of S. Zeno). The splendid altar, begun in 1287, was expanded from 1361 and worked on throughout the fourteenth century by silversmiths from Florence, including Filippo Brunelleschi, and possibly the young Donatello.21 Given the strained and often hostile relations between Florence and Pistoia in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, it is likely that the popularity and power of the relic from Spain did not sit well at all with Florentine secular and ecclesiastical officials, and it surely fueled Bishop Pietro's desire to bring the arm of Saint Philip to Florence.22 Moreover, just as the Pistoiesi's acquisition of a relic of Saint James may have led the Florentines to procure their own relic of an apostle, it is probable that the Pistoia altar inspired the 1366 commission for a silver altar for S. Giovanni in Florence.23 Although Florence was known more for its economic prosperity than for its devotional attractions for pilgrims, the acquisition of Saint Philip's arm in the early duecento put the city in a position to pose a devotional challenge to Pistoia and to make an especially prestigious addition to its roster of saintly protectors.24 As one of Christ's apostles and one of the earliest Christian martyrs, Philip was a saint whose status was equal to that of Saint James, a fellow apostle. There are no known records to suggest that the arm of Saint Philip was ever as effective in drawing pilgrims to Florence as the relic of Saint James was for Pistoia, but it did become a consistent and prominent feature of public ritual. The Florentines saw their relic of Saint Philip's arm as the physical embodiment of his saintly power and authority working on their behalf, and their ritual use, celebration, and veneration of the relic was directed at a citywide audience. In the Florentine calendar, the May 1 feast of Saints Philip and James the Less was treated as a major feast, a precipua jesta, whose status was commensurate with those of Florence's other patron saints, such as Zenobius and John the Baptist.25 We shall see below that on that day, the relic of Saint Philip's arm was exhibited in the cathedral and the baptistery of S. Giovanni. It was also displayed in the

latter on June 23 and 24, the vigil and feast of Saint John the Baptist; on November 6 in honor of the anniversary of the baptistery's dedication; and on the January 13 feast of the baptism of Christ, popularly known as the Festa del Perdono.26 According to Florence's statutes of 1325, all civic officials-the podesl, captain of the people, priors, and the gonfaloniere, the standard bearer of justice, as well as the twenty-one Florentine guilds-left offerings at S. Giovanni in honor of Saint Philip on his feast day.27 These offerings were, as Diana Webb has noted, to be spent on images (picturae) to decorate S. Giovanni.28 The apostle's feast was especially significant for the members of the Arte dei Calzolai, the Shoemakers' Guild, who, for reasons that are obscure, claimed Saint Philip as their patron. In addition to the offering they left at S. Giovanni on May 1, they also celebrated the saint's feast with a procession to their tabernacle on the north side of Orsanmichele. From 1412, Nanni di Banco's marble statue of Saint Philip filled the tabernacle (Fig. 6). Mary Bergstein has observed that there existed a visual dialogue between the statue, which turns toward the Via Calzaiuoli, and the shoemakers who plied their trade in the piazza of Orsanmichele. Moreover, a direct, albeit brief, interaction took place between the statue and the relic of Saint Philip's arm when the latter was periodically carried past Orsanmichele on this major processional route.29 The Saint Philip Reliquary and Its Sources The pan-Florentine devotion to Saint Philip must have contributed to the decision to commission a reliquary for the arm relic whose design echoed that of S. Maria del Fiore. By 1340, the Saint Philip reliquary casket was in need of repair,30 and in 1422 the Opera di S. Giovanni commissioned a new container for the prestigious relic. A document of that year records that "[a] reliquary is being made for the arm of Saint Philip,"31 and in 1425 the goldsmith Antonio di Piero del Vagliente received the substantial sum of 350 florins for his work on a gilded silver reliquary for the arm relic.32 The same document shows that the casket in which the arm of Saint Philip had been kept up to that time was sold, probably in order to help finance the new reliquary. The Saint Philip reliquary is one of the best preserved of the reliquaries from the Florentine baptistery, but its original appearance has undergone a significant transformation. As it appears today (Fig. 3), the ostensorium consists of parts of two different reliquaries that were

made almost three decades apart. They were fused together when the Saint Philip reliquary was restored sometime around 1720 during a comprehensive campaign to alter and repair the reliquaries at Florence's cathedral and baptistery.33 The earlier part of the Saint Philip reliquary is its late trecento gilded silver base, which also serves as a container for relics.34 It has a rather lengthy inscription stating that the relics it houses came to Florence from Constantinople in 1394 during the reign of the emperor Manuel II Palaiologos (1391-1425) and that they were placed in the reliquary in 1398.35 The upper portion of the Saint Philip reliquary, the part Antonio del Vagliente made between 1422 and 1425, consists of an elongated glass cylinder that reveals the arm bone, which is almost entirely encased in silver, and the hand, which is covered with a piece of red silk (Fig. 2). The relic and its protective glass cylinder are framed by a gilded silver aedicule, or tempietto, consisting of six elongated Corinthian colonnetics. These are supported by small round-arched and fluted flying buttresses topped by figurines of scroll-bearing prophet.36 The colonnettes rest on a plain hexagonal base, and their capitals uphold a twelve-sided entablature comprising an architrave, a frieze, and a cornice decorated with dentils, egg-anddart, and bead motifs.

The most distinctive part of the reliquary is its cupola, a small ogival crystal vault divided into six sections by ribs decorated with crockets (Fig. 7). A tiny winged dragon ornaments the base of each of these ribs. The dragon motif was not unprecedented in contemporary Florentine metalwork, as it appears on the reliquary Lorenzo Ghiberti and his workshop made for the arm of Saint Andrew at Citt di Castello in about 1420. A dragon with open wings also formed part of the gold mount that Ghiberti created in about 1428 for an ancient cornelian depicting Apollo, Marsyas, and Olympos.37 The presence of the fierce little dragons on the baptistery reliquary, however, probably has an added iconographie significance, for it may be

related to Saint Philip's principal miracle. According to the Golden Legend, the Apostle Philip had been preaching in Scythia when he was captured by pagans, who attempted to force him to make a sacrifice to a statue of Mars. A dragon emerged from the statue's base and proceeded to kill a priest's son and the two men who had arrested Philip and to sicken bystanders with its foul breath. Philip, however, commanded the dragon to abandon the city for the desert, which it promptly did, never to be heard from again. Once he had banished the dragon, the saint set about curing those the monster had made ill and resurrecting the three men it had killed.38 The story of the apostle's triumph over the dragon is subtly incorporated into the Florentine reliquary's design in that a gilded silver figurine of Saint Philip stands above the small dragons at the summit of its crystal cupola. This image of the apostle is stylistically related to the statue of the same saint that Nanni di Banco made for the niche of the Shoemakers' Guild at Orsanmichele; if anything, it is more animated than Nanni's relatively wooden figure (Fig. 6).39 Both the figurine of Saint Philip on the baptistery reliquary and the statue from Orsanmichele hold books in their left hands, attributes that refer to the saint's status as an apostle. Saint Philip is also often represented holding a cross and a stone, the symbols of his martyrdom, or, occasionally, a piece or basket of bread, which recalls his participation in the Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes.40 The decision to represent the saint with a book on the baptistery reliquary is probably not solely dependent on Nanni di Banco's precedent at Orsanmichele, as it must have been inspired by the silver plaquette attached to the arm relic (Fig. 5). This embossed image shows Saint Philip with his right hand raised in a gesture of benediction, while in his left he holds what appears to be a scroll. Even though documentary evidence links the production of the Saint Philip reliquary to Antonio del Vagliente, its authorship, especially of the figurine that serves as its finial, has been the subject of debate. Giulia Brunetti assumed that because the style of the Saint Philip figurine is markedly different from the prophet figures on the reliquary's buttresses, it must be by an artist other than Antonio del Vagliente.41 She was not the first to note that the statuette is reminiscent of Florentine figural sculpture of the 1410s and 1420s, as both Martin Wackernagel and Walter and Elisabeth Paatz likened its style to that of Donatello.42 Brunetti, on the other hand, despite observing its similarities to the princess figure in Donatello's relief of Saint George and the Dragon from Orsanmichele (ca. 1417) and certain figures in the same artist's Feast of Herod for the Siena Cathedral baptismal font (1423-27), thought the reliquary's date too late to attribute the statuette to Donatello. She therefore tentatively ascribed it to the young Michelozzo and proposed that the same artist may have designed the aedicule that houses the relic and that Antonio del Vagliente subsequently carried out his design.43 Brunetti's attribution of the reliquary to Michelozzo, while accepted in much of the literature, is far from certain. It was contested by the author of the entry for the Saint Philip reliquary in the catalogue for the 1977 exhibition L'oreficeria nella Firenze del quattrocento.44 The most prominent member of a family of goldsmiths, Antonio del Vagliente matriculated into the Arte

di Por S. Maria, the guild of goldsmiths and silk merchants, in 1414.45 Thanks to Alessandro Guidotti's archival work, we now know that by the time Antonio del Vagliente received the commission for the Saint Philip reliquary in the early 1420s, he had entered into a partnership with the prominent goldsmith Giovanni del Chiaro, whose workshop he inherited in 1424. Giovanni del Chiaro provided the baptistery with a number of important and expensive liturgical objects, including a basin and two silver ampullae (1419). He also made a gilded silver reliquary for the very important relic of Saint John the Baptist's right index finger (1421), which the former Pope John XXIII, Baldassare Cossa, donated to the baptistery in his testament of 1419.46 It is possible that Antonio del Vagliente's professional relationship with Giovanni del Chiaro may have led to his commission of about 1422 for the Saint Philip reliquary. But in the 1420s he also had personal and professional ties with other leading goldsmiths in Florence, as well as with Donatello, Luca della Robbia, Lorenzo Ghiberti, and Michelozzo.47 Thus, while it is not to be ruled out that Antonio del Vagliente executed the Saint Philip reliquary according to a design by Michelozzo or another of his more famous contemporaries, it is just as likely that the reliquary is an example of the goldsmith's own impressive standing in early quattrocento Florence and of his knowledge of current trends in sculpture and architecture.48 The Saint Philip reliquary has certain prominent structural and decorative elements that are readily recognizable, even if they are not exact, as having been derived from Florence Cathedral and its then-incomplete dome (Fig. 8). The reliquary's ogival cupola is hexagonal, not octagonal like the cathedral's dome, but its particular shape is an unmistakable reference to Brunelleschi's high-profile vault.49 The similarities between the Saint Philip reliquary and S. Maria del Fiore go beyond their respective domes, for the reliquary's round-arched buttresses resemble the more decorative ones on the lantern Brunelleschi designed in 1486 for the cathedral's cupola. Indeed, it is possible that, as Heinrich Klotz suggested, the reliquary reflects the architect's lost lantern design of 1418.50 In addition, the scroll-bearing prophets that stand atop the reliquary's buttresses must have been inspired by the decorative

program for the cathedral's exterior, for they recall the series of prophet figures that were to decorate the church's roofline, as well as the corners of the octagonal drum of its dome-some of which were famously commissioned from Donatello, Nanni di Banco, and Michelangelo.51

Brunelleschi's wooden model for Florence Cathedral's dome was probably Antonio del Vagliente's most important source for the Saint Philip reliquary, but certain elements of the reliquary's architectural and decorative vocabulary indicate that the goldsmith drew on two well-known fourteenth-century works that are also closely related to the dome of S. Maria del Fiore and the history of its design. That is, the crockets that decorate the ribs of the reliquary's cupola are derived from those on the dome of Andrea Orcagna's tabernacle for Orsanmichele, which was completed in 1359 (Fig. 9).52 Similar crockets appear on the dome of the frescoed image of the Florentine Cathedral in Andrea di Bonaiuto's Church Triumphant (ca. 1366) in the chapterhouse of S. Maria Novella (Fig. 10).53 The statuette of Saint Philip on the baptistery reliquary may also have been inspired by Orcagna's Orsanmichele tabernacle, where a figure of the Archangel Saint Michael serves as a large-scale Rnial for its dome. The Orsanmichele tabernacle, whose dome is based on the cupola of the baptistery, has both a stylistic and a functional relation to contemporary metalwork, as it, like a reliquary or monstrance, was a container for a sacred object-in this case, Bernardo Daddi's miracleworking painting of the Virgin and Child Enthroned.54 The Saint Philip Reliquary and Architectural Imitation The Saint Philip reliquary's similarities to the Florentine Cathedral place it within the iconographie tradition of metalwork objects that copy particular buildings. In recent years, there has been a significant increase in scholarship that explores the symbolic and functional meaning of relics that were kept in reliquaries shaped like parts of the human body.55 Relatively little attention, on the other hand, has been paid to the symbolic and functional meaning of relics, like the arm of Saint Philip, that were kept in ostensoria that resemble

specific structures, usually the ones in which they were housed.56 Because it recalls the form and decoration of S. Maria del Fiore, a church that was intended to stand as a symbol of Florentine civic and religious power, the Saint Philip reliquary is quite explicit in its meaning as a frame for a miracle-working relic of citywide importance. Moreover, it is telling that its commission coincided with what David Peterson has identified as the Florentine government's strategy to "resacralise the city, and to legitimate their shaky regime, by orchestrating, and identifying with, key strains of the city's religious life."57 The formal discrepancies between the Saint Philip reliquary and Florence Cathedral will come as no surprise to students of medieval art and architecture for, more often than not, copies of specific buildings or monuments deviate from their sources rather than reproduce them with precision. In his classic study of the iconography of medieval architecture, Richard Krautheimer demonstrated the variety of form that characterizes copies of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, concluding that "the mediaeval beholder expected to find in a copy only some parts of the prototype but not by any means all of them."58 The fifteenth century did not necessarily bring with it a greater desire for formal accuracy in replicas of the empty tomb of Christ, as Leon Battista Alberti's "copy" of the Holy Sepulchre for the Rucellai Chapel at S. Pancrazio in Florence attests.59 Examples of the inexact reproduction of architecture abound in other media as well. Felicity Ratt has recently shown that although "architectural portraits" became increasingly common in trecento frescoes, the descriptive accuracy of these images was often sacrificed. This, however, did not prevent them from being readily recognized or from communicating a specific message.60 The same must be true of late medieval and early modern metalwork, and the Saint Philip reliquary is just one of a number of significant reliquaries whose form was inspired by, but does not exactly reproduce, specific buildings.61 The many small cupolas on the reliquary of the tongue of Saint Anthony in Padua (1434-36) resemble those of the basilica of Sant'Antonio, as well as the dome of Florence Cathedral (Fig. 11). The author of this reliquary, Giuliano da Firenze, as his name indicates, was from Tuscany, and while its style has been associated with the work of his Florentine contemporaries Ghiberti and Brunelleschi, the goldsmith also seems to have been responding to the Byzantine-inspired architecture of the Veneto and to the cupolas of Sant'Antonio in particular.62 The similarities between this reliquary and the church in which it is located places it in the category of architectural reliquaries that were made to imitate the buildings in which they were housed, just as most body-part reliquaries served to "flesh out" the particular relic they were made to contain. One of the best examples of this type of architectural metalwork is Ugolino di Vieri's exceptional reliquary of the Holy Corporal at Orvieto (1837-38). Its gabled form, which echoes Lorenzo Maitani's design for the facade of Orvieto Cathedral, led John White to describe it as "a faade in little" (Fig. 12).63 Another object whose shape was inspired by its architectural and decorative setting is the reliquary of Saints Lucianus, Maxianus, and Julianus, three martyrs from Beauvais, created for the SteChapelle in Paris (ca. 1261). This gilded silver casket (now in the Muse de Cluny) was made in the form of a Gothic church that echoes the design of both the Ste-Chapelle and the

baldachin that sheltered the grand chsse containing its rich treasure of relics (Fig. 13).64

To this list of reliquaries that reflect the places in which they were kept, I would like to add Maso di Bartolomeo's 1446 reliquary for the Sacro Cingolo, the belt or girdle of the Virgin Mary, in Prato (Fig. 14).65 Although it is not an architectural reliquary and does not resemble Prato Cathedral, in which it was housed, this small reliquary casket was designed to complement Donatello and Michelozzo's exterior pulpit (1428-58) on the comer of Prato Cathedral's facade (Fig. 15).66 The dancing putti that decorate the sides of this exquisite cassetta are direct copies of those framed by Corinthian pilasters on the pulpit. Thus, when the reliquary was exhibited from the outdoor pulpit on feast days sacred to the Virgin Mary, a strong visual bond between the reliquary and the church in which it was kept could be discerned. Similarly, the design of the Saint Philip reliquary was directly linked to the way in which it was displayed publicly, but it differs from all of the reliquaries described above in that it was made not in the image of the baptistery to which it belonged but, iather, in that of the Florentine Cathedral. Indeed, of all the reliquaries from S. Maiia del Fiore and S. Giovanni, the Saint Philip reliquary stands out as the only one whose design, in all likelihood for ritual purposes and to underscore the importance of the relic for the city, complements the urban and ecclesiastical context in which it was displayed.

The Civic and Devotional Stage: The Display of the Saint Philip Reliquary We have seen that the ostensorium made for Saint Philip's arm marked quite a departure from the enameled silver casket that held the arm relic until 1425. Why, then, did its patron, the Opera of S. Giovanni, or its maker, Antonio del Vagliente, choose this kind of reliquary over a more traditional arm-shaped reliquary? It certainly was not because body-part reliquaries had become unfashionable, for they continued to be produced throughout Europe in spite of an increase in the number or relic ostensoria to be found in church treasuries. Instead, it is probable that its form was determined by the importance of Saint Philip and his arm within the context of the Florentine cult of saints and relics and the way in which it was displayed both inside and outside S. Giovanni. The Saint Philip reliquary's stylistic and symbolic relation with Florence Cathedral singles it out as a portable reliquaiy with particular relevance for the city of Florence, but the inherent symbolism of its form was revealed only on those occasions when it was brought forth from the baptistery altar. Arm relics offered possibilities for public display that most other body-part relics, with the exception of head relics, did not. Arms, hands, and heads are the most communicative parts of the human body, and during their ritual display, arm relics were regularly lifted above the faithful in order to bless and, sometimes, to heal them.67 Arm-shaped reliquaries, regardless of whether or not they actually contained arm relics, were especially effective in carrying out these ritual blessings, but they could also successfully be carried out with reliquary caskets, like the one that originally housed the arm of Saint Philip, that concealed, rather than revealed, the type of sacred body part they held.68 This is evident from the "Mores et consuetudines canonice florentinae," a thirteenth-century codex recording the liturgical practices at the Florentine Cathedral, which tells us a great deal about the way in which the arm of Saint Philip was displayed each May 1 on the feast of Saints Philip and James the Less.69 The official celebration of the saint's feast day began the evening before at vespers and was followed by an early morning mass in the baptistery. After this mass, another was celebrated in one of the apsidiole chapels at the Romanesque cathedral of S. Reparata. The altar in that chapel, which was dedicated to Saint Mark, held relics of uncertain provenance of Saints Philip and James.70 Toward the end of mass in the St. Mark Chapel, the bishop or, if he was out of town, one of the cathedral canons, delivered a sermon. At the same time, the arm of Saint Philip was brought forth, shown to the people, and used to bless them with the sign of the cross. After the ritual blessing, the relic was replaced in its casket. This was not the only time that day that the relic was employed in this manner, for after mass in the cathedral, the bishop personally carried Saint Philip's arm in procession from S. Reparata to the baptistery. There, the principal mass of the day was celebrated, at the end of which the apostle's arm was again removed from its casket, shown to the people, and presumably used once more to bless them.?1 The "Mores" stresses the protective properties of the arm for those to whom it was shown on Saint Philip's feast day ("illud brachium populo ostendatur et ipso ad nostrarum protectionem animarum populum"), thereby possibly explaining the decision in the early fifteenth century to place it in an ostensorium through which the relic was always visible. 2

In addition to its role in blessing the faithful during mass, each May 1 the arm of Saint Philip was displayed by itself on the baptistery's silver altar, but on virtually all other occasions on which it was exhibited, it appeared with the other major Florentine relics. Indeed, of all Florence's relics, the arm of Saint Philip and the head of Saint Zenobius were most frequently called on for help and exhibited to the people. The collective power of these relics and the miraculous image of the Madonna of Impruneta was, as Richard Trexler and others have shown, a force to be reckoned with, and Florentine chroniclers report that they were paraded through the city streets during periods of inclement weather, political and military crisis, and to avert the plague.73 In an often-quoted passage from his Florentine chronicle, Matteo Villani reports that in 1354, during an extreme drought, Saint Philip's arm, the head of Saint Zenobius, and the miraculous panel painting were carried in procession on a circuitous route from the small town of Impruneta in the hills just south of Florence to the baptistery, to the basilica of S. Miniato al Monte, and then back to Impruneta. Clouds began to gather on the day of the procession, four days later it began to rain heavily, and the rain continued for seven more days.74 An anonymous diary dating from the late trecento shows that similar processions were held in late May 1387; twice in 1390, on June 30 and October 16; and again in December 1398.75 The procession of October 16, 1390, was held at a time when the Florentines were in conflict with the Sienese, Giangaleazzo Visconti and his Milanese army, and were concerned about the plague. At that time, the Madonna of Impruneta, the head of Saint Zenobius, and the arm of Saint Philip were carried through the city streets and then set up on the ringhiera, the rostrum in front of the Palazzo Vecchio, to make them visible to everyone assembled in the Piazza Signoria while the bishop celebrated mass.76 The anonymous diarist's description of the December 1398 procession, this one held when the Florentines called on all of their most potent holy resources in order to stop an incessant rain, is also of interest. He states that on that day: There came to Florence the panel of the Virgin Mary from Impruneta, and the relics from the Certosa, [accompanied by] all the clergy wearing copes and other liturgical garments, with all their relics under banners, and many youths wearing gloves and with poles in hand on which they carried the platform with the relics. Then Lcame] all the clergy with the relics of Saint John, the head of Saint Zenobius, and with the arm of Saint Philip and [the relic] of Saint Andrew. And in all, between the clergymen and monks, they numbered 460, with all, or the majority of, the Florentine people-men and women-behind them, and in this manner they went about the city. Once they reached S. Maria del Fiore, they placed the relics on the altar, and the entire church was oiled with lit torches and Rishop Nofrio celebrated mass in the said [church of] S. Maria [del Fiore].77

Kach of these accounts is unusually informative as to the manner in which the relics carried in the processions were displayed. More often than not, in contemporary descriptions of such events, diarists or chroniclers simply state that the relics were shown to the people, without specifying where and how. The literary image of the Florentine youths bearing the relic-laden platform brings to mind the way in which a relic of the True dross is carried by the members of the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista, a Venetian lay confraternity, in the Procession in

the Piazza S. Marco that Gentile Bellini painted for the scuola's Sala d'Albergo (now the Sala della Croce) in 1496 (Fig. 10). In this scene, the piazza and church of S. Marco serve as a dramatic stage and backdrop for the barely discernible miracle that takes place when the Rrescian merchant Jacopo de' Salis, in an attempt to effect a cure for his wounded son, kneels down while the scuola's relic of the True Cross passes by. Patricia Fortini Brown has interpreted this image as a representation of communal harmony, one that can be seen in the coats of arms of the Venetian Scuole Grandi that hang from the edges of the canopy above the reliquary containing the fragment of the True Cross, the other participants in the procession, and, most important, the marble- and mosaic-covered basilica of S. Marco in the background.78 I am aware of only one comparable Florentine image, an early-sixteenth-century manuscript illumination from one of the cathedral's choir books depicting a Corpus Domini procession (Fig. 17).79 In this image, the bishop, accompanied by the clergy and followed by the populace, carries a monstrance under the shelter of a portable baldachin decorated with the images of various saints and martyrs. This illumination, contemporary descriptions of processions, and the surviving visual evidence provided by the reliquaries from the cathedral and baptistery allow us to imagine a vision of communal and ecclesiastical harmony similar to the one shown in Gentile Bellini's painting every time the Florentines brought out their relics. The head of Saint Zenobius was encased in an object fashioned in the likeness of the saintly founder of the Florentine church (Fig. 1). The reliquary bust's shoulders were made to look as if draped in a rich brocade, and it has a removable silk and enameled silver miter. The miter especially must have invited a visual comparison between it and the one worn by the Florentine bishop when he took part in the processions in which it was carried. The Saint Philip reliquary did not recall the appearance of the procession's participants, but it echoed that of the massive building that dominated the urban setting through which they moved. In this manner, the reliquary's form, particularly its cupola, served as a portable representative not of the Baptistery of S. Giovanni and its rich collection of relics but of Saint Philip's role as an intercessor for all of Florence-as symbolized by S. Maria del Fiore. A Protective Shadow During the trecento and quattrocento, the spirit of competition between S. Maria del Fiore and S. Giovanni guided their respective acquisitions of relics and commissions for reliquaries in which to house them.80 This local competition has been linked, in part, to the battle for prestige between the guilds that were responsible for the maintenance, construction, and embellishment of the two churches. The Calimala Guild, composed of merchants who dealt with imported wool, had been in charge of S. Giovanni from about 1157, whereas the guild of the domestic wool merchants, the Arte della Lana, was assigned the administration of the Opera di S. Maria del Fiore in 1531.81 The two rival guilds never missed an opportunity to surpass one another, and while this generally appears to be true for the history of their artistic commissions, when it came to Florentine ritual, the cathedral and baptistery were more often united than they were divided.82

Accounts of various celebrations and processions show that the two churches were regularly paired ritually, and Franklin Toker has noted that "the Baptist altar in the Baptistery was so tightly bound to the liturgy of the cathedral that it was a virtual S. Reparata altar as well."83 We have seen that this was the case on the May 1 feast of Saints Philip and James the Less, when masses were celebrated and the arm relic was exhibited in both churches. There is no reason to suspect that the liturgy on that day was altered when S. Maria del Fiore replaced S. Reparata, especially as one of the chapels in the eastern, and most prestigious, tribune of the new church was dedicated to those very apostles.84 Descriptions of other celebrations and processions indicate that the two churches were a consistent part of major celebrations. On the June 6, 1393, translation of the baptistery's first three relics of Saint John the Baptist to S. Giovanni, the relics were initially carried to the cathedral, where the bishop celebrated mass, and presumably it was after this mass that they were placed in the baptistery.85 Even today, after working their way through the center of Florence, the participants in the procession held on the feast of Saint John the Baptist first enter the baptistery to collect a relic of Saint John displayed on that church's altar (usually the saint's second finger) and then proceed to the cathedral for mass. It should also be remembered that the baptistery's double-shelled cupola was an important inspiration for Brunelleschi's solution for the construction of the dome of S. Maria del Fiore,86 and that both sets of bronze doors Lorenzo Ghiberti made for S. Giovanni, the north doors as well as the Gates of Paradise, were meant to create a worthy passage from one church to the other.87

With this in mind, it is hardly surprising that a reliquary made for the baptistery and commissioned by the Calimala Guild has a dome that resembles one whose construction was supervised by a rival guild at another church. From the time its construction began, the dome symbolized Florence's civic and religious status. As a "copy" of S. Maria del Fiorc, the Saint Philip reliqtiary likewise symbolized Florence's civic, economic, and spiritual well-being and prowess, and its meaning would not have been lost on the spectators who saw it when it was exhibited each May 1, as well as the other times it was removed from the baptistery altar. When viewed within its devotional and ritual context, it appears that the Saint Philip reliquary was designed so that each time it was carried through the city's streets, set up on the ringhiera before the Palazzo Vecchio, or displayed on altars in either the baptistery or the cathedral, it would represent not just the Florentine Cathedral complex but the entire city. Thus, even though Saint Philip did not have plaques and monuments commemorating his life and miracles located throughout Florence, as Saint Zenobius did, because the reliquary made for his arm was based on the form and decoration of S. Maria del Fiore, it effectively symbolized, promoted, and celebrated Saint Philip's importance as an advocate and defender of Florence's citizens, church, and government. In other words, just as Leon Battista Alberti noted that the cathedral's dome was "ample to cover with its shadow all the

Tuscan people," within its domed reliquary, the arm of Saint Philip cast its own protective shadow over the city.88

Sidebar Between 1422 and 1425 a new reliquary was made for the prestigious Florentine relic of Apostle Philip's right arm. Although it was kept at the baptistery of S. Giovanni, the form of the Saint Philip reliquary was inspired by several key elements of Florence Cathedral's design and decorative program. This essay will argue that this was done in order to present the reliquary as a potent and explicit symbol of the bond between the protective power of the saint whose relic it contains and the city of Florence-a symbol whose meaning was fully realized only through ritual performance. Footnote Notes This essay is based on a series of papers presented at the Southeast College Art Conference (SECAC), Columbia, South Carolina, in October 2001; at the annual meeting of the Renaissance Society of America, Tempe, Arizona, in April 2002; and at the International Medieval Congress, University of Leeds, England, in July 2002. I should like to extend a warm and sincere thanks to the following friends, colleagues, and mentors, as well as to Perry Chapman, the anonymous readers for The Art Bulletin, and Lory Frankel, whose insights and intellectual generosity have greatly improved it: Scott B. Montgomery, Sarah Blake McHam, Andrew Becker, William Levin, Sara James, and Timothy Smith. I am also indebted to the staffs of the Kunsthistorisches Institutes in Florence and the Art and Architecture Libraries and Inter-library Loan offices at Virginia Tech and the University of Kansas for their assistance. Research for this study was funded in part by a summer stipend from Virginia Tech's College of Arts and Sciences and a grant from the New Faculty General

Research Fund at the University of Kansas. 1. See, for example, Richard C. Trexler, "Ritual Behavior in Renaissance Florence: The Setting," Medievalia et Humanistica 4 (1973): 125-44; and idem, Public Life in Renaissance Florence (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1980), esp. 240-78. 2. The marble plaque is set into the facade of the Altoviti Palace. Giovanni Lami, Sanctae ecclesiae florentinae monumenta (Florence, 1758), vol. 3, 1710; and E. Sanesi, L'antico ingresso dei vescovi fiorentini (Florence, 1932). 3. See Sally J. Cornelison, "A French King and a Magic Ring: The Girolami and a Relic of St. Zenobius in Renaissance Florence," Renaissance Quarterly 55 (2002): 434-69. 4. For the history of the translation and the rituals surrounding its celebration, see Bicchi and Ciandella, 31, 42-43; Giovanni Leoncini and Alessandro Bicchi, "Il culto dei santi in cattedrale," in Verdon and Innocenti, vol. 1, 299-303; and Sally J. Cornelison, "When an Image Is a Relic: The Saint Zenobius Panel from Florence Cathedral," in Images, Relics, and Devotional Practices in Medieval and Renaissance Italy, ed. Cornelison and Scott B. Montgomery (Tempe, Ariz.: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, in press). 5. For the history of relic ostensoria and monstrances and further examples of these objects, see Joseph Braun, Die Reliquiare des christlichen Kultes und ihre Entwicklung (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1940), 55-60, 301-79; Michel Andrieu, "Aux origines du culte du saintsacrement, reliquaires et monstrances eucharistiques," Analecta Bollandiana 68 (1950): 397418; and Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 290-92. 6. See Cocchi, 46-54; Filippo Rossi, "La mostra del Tesoro di Firenze Sacra, le oreficerie," Bollettino d'Arle, 3rd ser., 27 (1933-34): 220; Giulia Brunetti, "Reliquiario del braccio di S. Filippo Apostolo e di altri santi," in Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 242-45; L'oreficeria nella Firenze, 33-34; Alessandro Guidotti, "Del Vagliente," in Dizionario biograjico degli italiani (Rome: Istituto clella Enciclopedia Italiana, 1990), vol. 38, 381-83; Antonio Paolucci, ed., Il Battistero di San Giovanni a Firenze (Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, 1994), 178, 550-51; Bicchi and Ciandella, 106-8; Annamaria Giusti, Il Battistero di San Giovanni a Firenze (Florence: Mandragora, 2000), 118-19; Dora Liscia Bemporad, "Il Battistero e la cupola nell'iconografia orafa fiorentina del quattrocento," in La cattedrale e la citt: Saggi sul Duomo di Firenze, ed. Timothy Verdon and Annalisa Innocenti (Florence: EDIFIR, 2001), vol. 2, 46364. 7. See, for example, L'oreficeria nella Firenze, 33; Heinrich Klotz, Filippo Brunneleschi: The Early Works and the Medieval Tradition, trans. Hugh Keith (London: Academy Editions, 1990), 103; Ludwig H. Heydenreich, Architecture in Italy, 1400-1500, rev. Paul Davies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), 153 n. 4; and Liscia Bemporad (as in n. 6), 463-64. 8. Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence, Riccardianus 1223 E2; and Archivio dell'Opera di S. Maria del Fiore (hereafter AOSMF), 1.3.7, fols. 23v-32v. The Opera del Duomo codex was published in the Acta Sanctorum (AASS, I, Maii, Paris, 1866), vol. 14, 15-18. There is another account of the translation in AOSMF, 1.3.9, fols. 5v-9v. For the literary tradition of traslationes texts, see Patrick J. Geary, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle

Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 10-15. Giovanni Villani incorrectly dated the translation from 1190 and misidentified the queen of Jerusalem; Villani, Cronica di Giovanni Villani, ed. Ignazio Moutier and Francesco Gherardi Dragomani (Florence: Sansoni, 1845), bk. 5, chap. 14. See also Agostino Lapini, Diario fiorentino di Agostino Lapini dal 252 al 1596, ed. Giuseppe Odoardo Corazzini (Florence: Sansoni, 1900), 6-7. For recent discussions of Villani's treatment of the subject, see Webb, 82-83; and Anna Benvenuti, "Le fonti agiografiche nella costruzione della memoria cronistica: Il caso di Giovanni Villani," in Il pubblico dei santi: Forme e livelli di recezione dei messaggi agiografici, ed. Paolo Golinelli (Rome: Viella, 2000), 94-96. 9. Giovanni Mariti, Memorie istoriche di Monaco de' Corbizzi fiorentino Patriarca di Gerusalemme (Florence, 1781). For the relic's history, see also Ferdinande Leopoldo Del Migliore, Firenze citt nobilissima illustrata (Florence, 1684), 104; Giuseppe Richa, Notizie istoriche delle chiese florentine divise nei suoi quartieri, 10 vols. (Florence, 1755), vol. 5, 1; and Robert Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, ed. L. Belmonte and L. Clerici (Florence: Sansoni, 1956), vol. 1, 959-61. 10. Pope Innocent III was evidently aware of the Florentines' acquisition of the relic, which occurred at a time when Florence was strengthening its ties to the papacy. Webb, 82-83. 11. For Monaco de' Corbizzi's illustrious ecclesiastical career, see Benvenuti (as in n. 8), 95. 12. Villani (as in n. 8): "E sappiendo come la delta [Maria] reina di Gerusalem avea la detta santa reliquia, desiderando d'averla per onorare la sua citt di Firenze, la domand alla detta reina, assegnandole corne non era lecito a donna che fosse al secolo, s santa reliquia tenere infra le sue gioie mondane, ma si convenia che fosse in parte ove fosse venerata a Dio: per la quale cosa la detta reina la don al detto patriarca." See also Lapini (as in n. 8), 6. 13. For the relic adventus ceremony in Byzantium and for visual records of such events, see Kenneth G. Holum and Gary Vikan, "The Trier Ivory, Adventus Ceremonial, and the Relics of St. Stephen," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 33 (1979): 113-33, esp. 115-20. For related ceremonies that accompanied medieval relic thefts, see Geary (as in n. 8), 125-28. 14. For the political situation in Florence at this time and how it relates to the city's episcopacy, see Anna Benvenuti Papi, Pastori del popolo: Storie e leggende di vescovi e di citt nell''Italia medievale (Florence: Arnaud, 1988), 22-24, 100-103 nn. 10-22; and George W. Dameron, Episcopal Power and Florentine Society, 1000-1320 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991), 93-140, esp. 125. 15. Domenico Cardini and Marco Cardini, "L'avvio alla riconfigurazione del centro religiose nella forma attuale," in Il bel San Giovanni e, Santa Maria del Fiore: Il centro religioso di Firenze dal tardo antico al rinscimento, ed. Domenico Cardini (Florence: Le Lettere, 1996), 160. 16. See Tacconi, 98. 17. In images depicting medieval Eastern relic adventus ceremonies, carried relics are typically housed in the same kind of aniconic reliquary casket, a form of reliquary that was favored in Byzantium. See Holum and Vikan (as in n. 13); and Ioli Kalavrezou, "Helping Hands for the Empire: Imperial Ceremonies and the Cult of Relies at the Byzantine Court," in

Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, ed. Henry Maguire (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1977), 53-79. 18. For the history of Pistoia, the cult of Saint James, and the Opera di S. Jacopo, see David Herlihy, Medieval and Renaissance Pistoia: The Social History of 'an Italian Town, 12001430 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), 254-57; and Sabatino Ferrali, L'Apostolo S. Jacopo il Maggiore e il suo culto a Pistoia (Pistoia: Opera dei Santi Giovanni e Zeno, 1979), 11-45. The origins and celebration of the feast of Saint James in Pistoia are also discussed in (although it has numerous editorial and factual shortcomings) Heidi Chrtien, The Festival of San Giovanni: Imagery and Political Power in Renaissance Florence (New York: Peter Lang, 1994), 101-23. For reviews of this book, see Christiane L. Joost-Gaugier, Sixteenth Century Journal 27 (1996): 559-61; and Louis Haas, Renaissance Quarterly 51 (1998): 212-14. Webb (78-81) suggests that Bishop Atto's acquisition of the relic of Saintjames was motivated by his wish to divert some of the pilgrim traffic along the Via Francigena from Lucca and the Volto Santo to Pistoia. 19. For Pistoia's political and economic status in the 12th century and its importance as a pilgrimage center, see Lucia Gai, ed., Pistoia e il Cammino di Santiago: Una dimensione europea nella Toscana medioevale, Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Pistoia 28-2930 Settembre 1984 (Naples: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, 1987); idem, ed., La via Francigena ed il culto di San Iacopo a Pistoia (Pistoia: Provincia e Comune di Pistoia, 1996); Dorothy F. Glass, Portals, Pilgrimage, and Crusade, in Western Tuscany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 5-6, 72-74; and Diana Webb, "Pilgrimage in One City: Pistoia," chap. 7 of Pilgrims and Pilgrimage in the Medieval West (London: I. B. Tauris, 1999). 20. Glass (as in n. 19), 5-6. See also Alberto Cipriani, "Il pellegrinaggio iacopeo in Pistoia," chap. 2 of Storie di pellegrinaggi e giubilei (Florence: Maschietto e Musolino, 1999). 21. Ferrali (as in n. 18), 47-64; idem, L'altare argenteo di S. Jacopo in Cattedrale di Pistoia (Pistoia: Fabbriceria della Cattedrale, n.d.); Lucia Gai, L'altare argenteo di San Jacopo nel Duomo di Pistoia (Turin: Allemandi, 1984); and Roger Tarr, "Brunelleschi and Donatello: Placement and Meaning in Sculpture," Artibus et Historiae 32 (1995): 102-7. 22. Webb, 79-80. 23. See Giulia Brunetti and Luisa Becherucci, "Il dossale d'argento," in Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 5, 215-29. For both altars, see Pietro Toesca, Il trecento (Turin: Unione Tipografico Editrice Torinese, 1951), 902-5. 24. It is perhaps also significant that in 1206, only one year after Saint Philip's arm arrived in Florence, Bishop Giovanni da Velletri founded a church dedicated to Saintjames, S. Jacopo in Campo Corbellini, in the Via Faenza, a church that may have had ties to Pistoia. Davidsohn (as in n. 9), vol. 1, 962; Richa (as in n. 9), vol. 3, 293. From 1256, S. Jacopo in Campo Corbellini was the commandery of the Knights of Malta. Walter Paatz and Elisabeth Paatz, Die Kirchen von Florenz (Frankfurt: Vittorio Klostermann, 1955), vol. 2, 400-410; and Geraldine A. Johnson, "Activating the Effigy: Donatello's Peed Tomb in Siena Cathedral," Art Bulletin 77 ()995): 452-54.

25. For the celebration of the feast in the context of the Florentine Cathedral's calendar, see Tacconi, 43-44, 67. 26. Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 242. 27. Romolo Caggese, ed., Statuti delta repubblica fiorentina, vol. 2, Statute del Podest 1325 (Florence: Stab. Tipigrafico E. Ariani, 1921), vol. 2, 1, 378-79 (bk. 5.20), 395 (5.48). see also Diane Finiello Zervas, ed., Orsanmichele a Firenze, 2 vols. (Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, 1996), vol. 1, 53; and Bicchi and Ciandella, 113-14. 28. Webb, 124. 29. Mary Bergstein, The Sculpture of Nanni di Bianco (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 49-54, 125-31. 30. Biblioteca Marucelliana, Florence, Manoscritti, A. 199. I, fol. 170v: "11 Maggio 1340. Forzerino d'argento nel quale si tiene il braccio di S. Filippo si rassetti per un buon maestro." A transcription of the same document from the Spoglie Slrozziane is published in Vasari, 366, doc. 3. See also Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 11. 31.Archivio di Stato, Florence (hereafter ASF), Carle Strozziane, ser. II^sup a^, LI.1, fol. 125r: "1422. Reliquiere si faccia per il braccio di S. Filippo." Published in Vasari, 368, doc. 25. 32. ASF, Carte Strozziane, ser. II^sup a^, LI. 1, fol. 15v: "1425. Antonio di Piero del Vagliente, orafo, fa una reliquiera d'argento dorato per il braccio di S. Filippo, nella quale si spende nor. 350, e si vende un forzerino d'argento dorato e smaltellato dove stava prima." Published in part in Cocchi, 50; and Vasari, 368, doc. 27. While a considerable amount, the 350 florins the Opera di S. Giovanni paid for the Saint Philip reliquary was not unprecedented, and it was just a fraction of what the organization disbursed between the end of the 14th century and the early 16th century in order to house ils most important relics in honorable and impressive containers. 33. The goldsmith Bernardo Holzmann seems to have carried out all the restoration work of about 1720, and his name is certainly associated with the Saint Philip reliquary's restoration. See Cocchi, 48; Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 237, 243; L'oreficeria nella Firenze, 33-34. 34. As Giulia Brunetti has noted (Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 244-45), Paolo di Giovanni Sogliani's reliquary of Saint Giovanni Gualberto of 1500 may provide a clue as to the original appearance of the Saint Philip reliquary, for the former's aedicule and statuette were inspired by the latter. See also Dora Liscia Bemporad, "Reliquiario di San Giovanni Gualberto," in Argenti fiorentini (Florence: Studio per Edizioni Scelle, 1992), vol. 2, 21-24. 35. The inscription reads: HE SACRATISSIME SANCTORUM RELIQUIE MISSE FUERUNT DE CONSTANTINOPOLI TEMPORE MANUELIS PALTOLOGI [sic] IMPERATORIS CONSTANTINOPOLITANI ANNO MCCCLXXXXIIII ET IN PRESENTE VASCULO POSITE ANNO DOMINI MCCCLXXXXVIII DE MENSE IUNH. The base contains a relic of Saint Pantaleon, a piece of one of the stones that were the instruments of Saint Slephen's martyrdom, various anonymous sainls' relics, and a small Byzantine silver plaque decorated with the image of an unknown saint. Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 242-43.

36. These prophet figures, one of which is missing, are tiny, each measuring not much more than an inch (slightly less than 3 centimeters) in height. See Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 242. 37. For these works, see Giulia Brunetli, "Ghiberti orafo," in Lorenzo Ghiberli nel suo tempo (Florence: Olschki, 1980), 223-44; and Francesco Caglioti and Davide Gasparotlo, "Lorenzo Ghiberti, il 'Sigillo di Nerone' e le origini della placchetta 'antiquaria,' " Prospettiva 85 (1997): 2-38. 38. Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, trans. William Granger Ryan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), vol. 1, 267-68. 39. Bergstein (as in n. 29), 53-54, 129, has noted the stylistic and iconographie affinities between the two figures. 40. The saint appears with both of these attributes in a 14th-century fresco from Orsanmichele's interior. Zervas (as in n. 27), vol. 1, 525, vol. 2, 240. For the iconography of Saint Philip, see George Kaftal, The Iconography of the Saints in Tuscan Painting (Florence: Sansoni, 1952), 841-46. 41. Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 245. 42. Martin Wackernagel, The World of the Florentine Renaissance Artist, trans. Alison Luchs (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 92; and Paatz and Paatz (as in n. 24), vol. 2, 210. See also Becherucci and Brunetli, vol. 2, 244. 43. Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 11, 245. Brunetli repeated this theory almost twenty years later in her article "Oreficeria del quattrocento in Toscana," Antichit viva 26 (1987): 22. 44. It was accepted by Bergstein (as in n. 29), 54; and Antonio Natali, L'umanesimo di Michelozzo (Florence: Maschiello e Musolino, 1996), 18-21. L'oreficeria nella Firenze, 33-34. 45. Ulrich Thieme and Felix Becker, "Antonio di Piero del Vagliente," in Allgemeines Lexicon der Bildenden Knstler (Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1908), vol. 2, 7; Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 243; L'oreficeria nella Firenze, 180; Richard Krautheimer, Lorenzo Ghiberti (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 376; and Guidotti (as in n. 6), 381-83. 46. Unfortunately, the reliquary no longer survives. See Alessandro Guidotti, "Del Chiaro," in Dizionario biografico degli italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1988), vol. 36, 449-52. For Cossa's will, see Giuseppe Canestrini, "Il testamento del Cardinale Baldassare Coscia, gi Papa col nome di Giovanni XXIII," Archivio Storico Italiano 4 (1843): 292-96. The history of the quattrocento reliquary for Saint John the Baptisl's right index finger is discussed in Sally J. Cornelison, "Art and Devotion in Late Medieval and Renaissance Florence: The Relics and Reliquaries of Sis. Zenobius and John the Baptist" (Ph.D. diss., Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, 1998), 187-89. In the late 17th century, the relic was placed in a new reliquary, and nothing survives of the one Giovanni del Chiaro made in the early 1420s. Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 256-57. 47. His patrons included various religious institutions, the Medici, Palla Strozzi, and Niccolo da Tolentino. Guidotti (as in n. 6), 381-82.

48. Although Paolucci (as in n. 6), 550-51, citing the reliquary's "particular stylistic and structural characteristics," shies away from crediting Antonio del Vagliente with the reliquary's execution, I see no reason to question the documented attribution. 49. Similar formal liberties were taken with the architectural setting of a 15th-century painting attributed to Andrea di Giusto, Christ and His Apostles in a Temple, that also depicts Florence Cathedral and its dome. See John G. Johnson Collection: Catalogue of Italian Paintings (Philadelphia: George H. Buchanan, 1966), 1-2. 50. Klotz (as in n. 7), 103, discusses the relation between the Saint Philip reliquary and the lantern without specifically identifying the reliquary. For the lantern's design, see Gabrielle Morolli, "Due Lanterne," in Lorenzo Ghiberti, "materia e ragionamenti" (Florence: Centro Di, 1978), 509; Howard Saalman, Filippo Brunelleschi: The Cupola of Santa Maria del Fiore (London: Zwemmer, 1980), 137-41; Henry A. Millon, "Models in Renaissance Architecture," in The Renaissance from Brunelleschi to Michelangelo: The Representation of Architecture, ed. Millon and Vittorio Magnago Lampugnani (Milan: Bompiani, 1994), 19-22; and the catalogue entries by Massimo Scolari in the same volume, 583-85. 51. Giovanni Poggi, Il Duomo di Firenze (Florence: Medicea, 1988), vol. 1, lxxv-lxxvii; H. W. Janson, The Sculpture of Donatello (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), 3-4; Tarr (as in n. 21), 117; and Bonnie A. Bennett and David G. Wilkins, Donatello (Mt. Kisco, N.Y.: Moyer Bell, 1984), 191-94. 52. The Orsanmichele tabernacle's dome is based on the dome of the baptistery and served as an important precedent for the dome of S. Maria del Fiore. Howard Saalman, "Santa Maria del Fiore, 1294-1418," Art Bulletin 46 (1964): 493; idem (as in n. 50), 82; Giuseppe Rocchi Coopmans De Yoldi, "Context and Innovation in Orcagna's Tabernacle," vol. 1, 362; and Claudio Pisetta and Giulia Maria Vitali, "New Knowledge of Andrea Orcagna's Tabernacle through an Interpretive Study," vol. 1, 384-90, in Zervas (as in n. 27). See also Nancy Rash Fabbri and Nina Rutenburg, "The Tabernacle of Orsanmichele in Context," Art Bulletin 63 (1981): 392; and Gert Kreytenberg, Orcagna's Tabernacle in Orsanmichele, Florence (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1994), 38-39. 53. The reliquary's crockets are also similar to those on the gables of several of the exterior niches at Orsanmichele. For the stylistically related niches IOr the statues of Saints Luke, John the Baptist, Philip, and Mark, see Bergstein (as in n. 29), 126-28. 54. See Fabbri and Rutenburg (as in n. 52), 385-405, esp. 390-92; Brendan Cassidy, "Orcagna's Tabernacle in Florence: Design and Function," Zeitschrift fr Kunstgeschichte 55 (1992): 180-211, esp. 204; Zervas, "Il tabernacolo della Vergine," in Zervas (as in n. 27), vol. 1, 79-98, esp. 84; Pisetta and Vitali (as in n. 52), 389-90; and Anita Fiderer Moskowitz, Italian Gothic Sculpture, c. 1250-c. 1400 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 163-65. 55. With reference to the relation between figural and body-part reliquaries and the relics they contained, Hans Belting noted that "images and relics were never two distinct realities" and that "image and relic explained each other"; Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 301-2. For recent studies of body-part reliquaries and the relics they contained,

see the essays in Gesta 36 (1997); Scott B. Montgomery, "The Use and Perception of Reliquary Busts in the Late Middle Ages" (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1996); and idem, "Caput sancli Regis Ladislai: The Reliquary Bust of Saint Ladislas and Holy Kingship in Late Medieval Hungary," in Decorations for the Holy Dead: Visual Embellishment on Tombs and Shrines of Saints, ed. Stephen Lamia and Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 77-90. 56. Geary (as in n. 8), 5, has observed that the symbolic import of a relic is wholly dependent on the meaning it is assigned by the community that possessed it. 57. David S. Peterson, "State-Building, Church Reform, and the Politics of Legitimacy in Florence, 1375-1460," in Florentine Tuscany: Structures and Practices of Power, ed. William J. Connell and Andrea Zorzi (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 122-43, esp. 132-33. 58. Richard Krautheimer, "Introduction to an 'Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture,' "Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5 (1942): 1-33. 59. For the Holy Sepulchre in the Rucellai Chapel and related bibliography, see Heydenreich (as in n. 7), 40, 157 mi. 31-35. There is also a small, painted wooden box at the Castello di Monselice, possibly a container for relics, that in turn inexactly copies the Rucellai Holy Sepulchre. see Christine Smith's catalogue entry for this object in Millon and Lampugnani (as in n. 50), 456 n. 44. 60. Felicity Ratt, "Re-presenting the Common Place: Architectural Portraits in Trecento Painting," Studies in Iconography 22 (2001): 87-110. Marvin Trachtenberg also discusses this issue in Dominion of the Eye: Urbanism, Art, and Power in Early Modern Florence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 214-16. 61. Examples of mctahvork objects that represent more generic architecture are the former censer from the treasury of S. Marco in Venice, which resembles a secular structure such as a garden kiosk. This object was later used to house the important Venetian relic of the Holy Blood. Danielle GaboritChopin, "Lampada o bruciaprofumo a forma di edificio a cupole," in Il tesoro di San Marco (Milan: Olivetti, 1986), 245-51; and Ioli Kalavrezou, "Incense Burner in the Shape of a Domed Building," in The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Ere A.D. 843-1261, ed. Helen C. Evans and William D. Wixom (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997), 251. Another is a domed reliquary, now in Aachen, which may have been made to serve as au artophorion (container for the Host), whose shape has been linked to the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Robert G. Ousterhout. "Reliquary of Saint Anastasios the Persian," in Evans and Wixom, 460-61. A penchant for domed architectural metalwork was not exclusive to Byzantine artisans, as is attested by two late-12th-century reliquaries, one from Hochelten (in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London) and the other from the Guelph Treasure (now in the Staatliche Museen, Berlin). Peter Lasko, Ars Sacra 800-1200, 2nd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 236-38; Paul Williamson, ed., The Medieval Treasury: The Art of the Middle Ages in the Victoria and Albert Museum (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1986), 144-45; Marie-Madeleine Gauthier, maux du Moyen ge occidental (Fribourg: Office du Livre, 1972), 148-52, 358; and Jorg H.

Baumgarten, Die Kuppelreliquiare aus dem Welfenschatz und von Hoch-Elten: Eine vergleichende Untersuchung (Frankfurt: Bern, 1995). 62. Donatella Reggioli, "Reliquiario della lingua di Sant'Antonio," in Lorenzo Ghiberti (as in n. 50), 108-10; Anna Maria Spiazzi, "La prima met del quattrocento," in Basilica del Santo: Le oreficerie, ed. Marco Collareta, Giordana Mariani Canova, and Spiazzi (Padua: Centro Studi Antoniani, 1995), 40, 110-14: and Liscia Bemporad (as in n. 6), 471-72. 63. See Giovanni Freni, 'The Reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the Cathedral of Orvieto: Patronage and Politics," in Art, Politics, and Civic Religion in Central Italy 1261-1352, ed. Joanna Cannon and Beth Williamson (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), 117-77; and John White, Art and Architecture in Italy, 1250-1400, 3rd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 466-68. Toesca (as in n. 23), 890, has shown that early Italian architectural reliquaries were inspired by those being produced in the Gothic north in the 13th century. Genevive Souchal, "Un reliquaire de la Sainte-Chapelle au Muse de Cluny," Revue des Arts 10 (1960): 179-94, esp. 190-92; Elisabeth Taburet-Delahaye, L'orfevrerie gothique (XIIedbut XVe sicle) nu Muse de Cluny (Paris: Runion des Muses Nationaux, 1989), 83-86, esp. 85; and idem, "Reliquaire des Saints Maxien, Lucien, Julien," in Le trsor de la SainteChapelle (Paris: Runion des Muses Nationaux, 2001), 164-66. 65. Ulrich Middeldorf, "Zur Goldschmeidekunst der Toskanischen Frh-renaissance," in Raccoltta di scritti (Florence: Studio per Edizioni Scelte, 1979-80), vol. 1, 212-13; Giuseppe Marchini, Il tesoro del Duomo di Prato (Prato: Cassa di Risparmio e Depositi di Prato, 1963), 19-20; and Brunetti (as in n. 43), 23-24. 66. For the pulpit, see Janson (as in n. 51), 108-18; R. W. Lightbown, Donatello and Michelozzo (London: Harvey Miller, 1980), vol. 1, 230-55, esp. 245; and John PopeHennessy, Italian Renaissance Sculpture, 4th ed. (London: Phaidon, 1996), 352-53. 67. See Cynthia Hahn, "The Voices of the Saints: Speaking Reliquaries," Gesta 36 (1997): 20-31. 68. Most of them completely conceal the relics they contain, but some have small windows through which the sacred objects are visible. Hahn (as in n. 67),26. 69. AOSMF, I.3.8, published as Mores et consuetudinrs ecclesiae florentinae, ed. Domenico Moroni (Florence: Petri Allegrini, 1791). Because it includes the least of Saint Francis but does not mention the least of the Corpus Domini, which was instituted in 1264, Lami (as in n. 2). vol. 3, 1654, dated this text to sometime between 1228 and 1264. See also Lorenzo Fabbri's entry for the Mores et consuetudines in I libri del Duomo di Firenze, ed. Fabbri and Marica Tacconi (Florence: Centro Di, 1997), 175-76; and Tacconi, 93-94. 70. Today these relics are housed in the St. Malthew Chapel in the cathedral's south tribune. Bicchi and Ciandella, 67. 71. For the text, see Moreni (as in n. 69), 46; reprinted in Cocchi, 52-53, and in Tacconi, 9899. For an Faiglish translation of part of this text, see Franklin Toker, "On Holy Ground: Architecture and Liturgy in the Cathedral and in the Streets of Late-Medieval Florence," in Verdon and Innocenti, vol. 2, 547. See also Leoncini and Bicchi (as in n. 4), 313.

72. See 'Facconi, 99. 73. See Richard C. Trexler, "Florentine Religious Experience: The Sacred Image," Studies in the Renaissance 19 (1972): 11; idem, 1980 (as in n. 1), chap. 10, "the Ritual of Crisis"; and Webb, 166. 74. Cronica di Matteo Villani, ed. Francesco Gherardi Dragomani (Florence: Sansoni, 1816), bk. 4, chap. 7. See also Trexler (as in n. 73), 13-14; and Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 811. According to Giovanni Battista Casotti's history of the Virgin of Impruneta, similar processions look place more than fifty time's between 1354 and 1500: Casotti, Memorie istoriche della Miracolosa Immagine di Maria Vergine dell'Impruneta (Florence: Giiuseppe Manni, 1714), vol. 1, 91-139. See also Bicchi and Ciandella, 42. 75. Alle bocche della piazza, 73, 95-96, 99. 141. See also Webb, 166. 76. Alle bocche della piazza, 99: "Domenica a d XVI si fe' la procisione generale per la citt di Firenze, messer lo veschovo cholla chericeria, cho' pieviali e / chon cotte indosso e cholla testa di santo Canobi e chol braccio di santo Filippo e cho[n] molle altre relique, e tutti religiosi cholle loro croci e loro relique, e'frati di Certosa cho[n] le loro relique i[n] gran quantit. F. vonne i[n] questo di i[n] Firenze la tavola di Santa Maria in Pianeta, e posesi i[n] su la piaa de' Signori, e quivi i[n] sulla ringhiera, fatto un grandissimo palcho dove stetono e' cherici, e' Signiori Priori e' loro Cholegi, e uno palcho dove stette messer lo veschovo a cantare la messa, e pi palchi pi alti, molti adorni, dove stette la moltitudinee delle reliquie, che ogniuno di sulla piaa le potea vedere, e uno placho per gli orghani e pe'cantori. E predich messer lo veschovo fra la messa." 77. Alle bocche della piazza, 212: "e vene [n] Firenze la tavola di Santa Maria I[m] prineta e lle relique da Certosa e tutti i religiosi cho' pieviali e paramenti indosso, chon tutte loro relique sotto i stendardi, e moltitudine di giovanni con ghuanti e aste i[n] mano facendo levare la pressa dalle relique; poi tutto il cherichato, con pieviali, paramenti e cotte indosso, cholle relique di santo Giovanni e colla testa di santo anobi e chol braccio di santo Filippo e di santo Andrea. E furono in tutto, fra 'l cherichato e religiosi, CCCCLX, con tutto il popolo di Firenze o la magioro parte, uomini e donne, dirieto, e chos andorono per la citt. E giunti poi a Santa Maria del Fiore, posorono le relique i[n] su l'altare, e tutta la chiesa era piena di torchietti acesi, e messer lo veschovo Nofrio canto la messa i[n] Santa Maria detta." See also Trexler, 1980 (as in n. 1), 356. The wording of this passage implies that the relic of Saint Andrew was an arm relic, but this was not necessarily the case. It may refer to an unspecified relic of Saint Andrew that belonged to the church of Sant'Andrea near the Mercato Vecchio (the present-day Piazza della Repubblica) or to a relic of Saint Andrew at the cathedral. See Richa (as in n. 9), vol. 7, 329; Tacconi, 90; and Leoncini and Bicchi (as in n. 4), 308. 78. Patricia Fortini Brown, Venetian Narrative Painting in the Age of Carpaccio (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 144-49. See also Elizabeth Rodini, "Describing Narrative in Gentile Bellini's Procession in Piazza San Marco," Art History 21 (1998): 26-44. 79. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, MS Corale 4, fol. 7v. 80. Becherucci and Brunetti, vol. 2, 16-17.

81. The first reference to the Opera di S. Giovanni dales from 1193, and a papal bull of 1207 shows that by that time it had been in existence for about fifty years. See Robert Davidsohn, Forschungen zur lteren Geschichle von Florenz (Berlin: E. S. Mittler und Sohn, 1896),vol. 1, 145; and Giovanni Filippi, L'Arte dei Mercanti di Calimala in Firenze ed il suo pi antico statuto (Turin: Fratelli Bocca, 1889), 55-58. For the Opera del Duomo and the Arte della Lana, see Margaret Haines, "L'Arte della Lana e l'Opera del Duomo a Firenze con un accenno a Ghiberti tra due istitutizioni." in Opera: Carallere e roulo delle fabbriche cittadine fino all'inizio dell'et moderna, ed. Haines and Lucio Riccetti (Florence: Olschki, 1996), 270; and Howard Saalman, "Guild Control after 1331: The Opera of Santa Maria del Fiore," in Saalman (as in n. 50), 173-78. 82. Elsewhere, I have suggested that the acquisition of relics of Saint John the Baptist at the baptistery and commissions for reliquaries in which to house them may have been the catalyst for the commission of a reliquary for the cathedral's relic of the thumb of the same saint. Cornelison (as in n. 46), 155. 83. Franklin Toker, "A Gap in the Liturgical History of Florence Cathedral, and a Byzantine Casket Rich Enough to Fill It," in Arte d'occidente: Studi in onore di Angiola Maria Romanini (Rome: Sintesi Informarzione, 1999), 773. See also Charles T. Davis, "Topographical and Historical Propaganda in Early Florentine Chronicles and in Villani." Medioevo e Rinascimento 2 (1988): 38-39; and Leoncini and Bicchi (as in n. 4), 304. 84. The dedication of the tribune chapels was stipulated in a document of March 8, 1439, and in 1439-40 the painter Bicci di Lorenzo frescoed most of them with images of their titular saints. Poggi (as in n. 51), vol. 1. exv, 215, doc. 1075. See also Franklin Toker, "Arnolfo di Cambio a Santa Maria del Fiore: Un trionfo di forma e significato." in Verdon and Innocenti (as in n. 6), vol. 1, 233-37. It is virtually certain that the altat\r in the cathedral's chapel of Sts. Philip and James became the new home for the relics of the same saints that were previously kept in S. Reparata's St. Mark altar. It is also likely that they continued to be an important part of the mass celebrated in the cathedral each May 1. 85. Elina Bellondi. ed., Cronica volgare di anonimo fiorentino dall'anno 1385 al 1409 gi attribuita a Piero di Giovanni Minerbetti, Rerum italicarum scriptores, vol. 27 (Citt di Castello: S. Lapi. 1915), 173; and Alle bocche delta piazza, 148-49. 86. See Saalman (as in n. 50), 80-82; and Klotz (as in n. 7), 89. 87. Krautheimer (as in n. 45), 32, believes Andrea Pisano's doors were made for the baptistery's south entrance. For the ritual relation between the cathedral and the baptistery's east doors, see Krautheimer, 34, 105; and Eloise M. Angiola, "'Gates of Paradise' and the Florentine Baptistery," Art Bulletin 60 (1978): 242-18. 88. Leon Battista Alberti. On Paintings, trans. John R. Spencer (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), 40. For the significance of the dome as a symbol of the status of the city of Florence and its meaning within the culture of early Florentine humanism, see Christine Smith, Architecture in the Culture of Early Humanism: Ethics, Aesthetics, and Eloquence 1400-1470 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), chaps. 2, 3.

References Frequently Cited Sources Alle bocche della piazza, diario di anonimo fiorentino (1382-1401), ed. Anthony Molho and Franek Sznura (Florence: Olschki, 1986). Becherucci, Luisa, and Giulia Brunetti, Il Museo dell'Opera del Duomo di Firenze, vol. 2 (Milan: Electa, 1970). Bicchi, Alessandro, and Alessandro Ciandella, Testimonia Sanctitatis: Le reliquie e i reliquiari del Duomo e del Battistero diFirenze (Florence: Mandragora, 1999). Cocchi, Arnaldo, Degli antichi reliquiari di Santa Maria del Fiore e di San Giovanni diFirenze (Florence: Stabilimento Pellas, 1901). L'oreficeria nella Firenze del quattrocento, ed. Maria Grazia Ciardi-Dupr Dal Poggetto et al. (Florence: Studio per Edizioni Scelte, 1977). Tacconi, Marica Susan, "Liturgy and Chant at the Cathedral of Florence: A Survey of the PreTridentine Sources (Tenth-Sixteenth Centuries)" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1999). Vasari, Giorgio, Le vite de' pi eccelenti pittori, scultori, e architettori, ed. Karl Frey (Munich: G. Mller, 1911). Verdon, Timothy, and Annalisa Innocenti, eds., La cattedrale come spazzio sacro: Saggi sul Duomo di Firenze, 2 vols. (Florence: EDIFIR, 2001). Webb, Diana, Patrons and Defenders: The Saints in the Italian City-States (London: I. B. Tauris, 1996). AuthorAffiliation Sally J. Cornelison's research and publications focus on the history and function of saints' cults, relics, tombs, and reliquaries in late medieval and Renaissance Florence [Kress Foundation Department of Art History, University of Kansas, Spencer Museum of Art, 1301 Missisippi SL, Room 209, Lawrence, Kans. 66045-7500].

_______________________________________________________________
Indexing (details)
Subject Saints; Religious icons; Religious cults; Art history Florence South Carolina Philip, Saint (Apostle) Art Imitates Architecture: The Saint Philip Reliquary in Renaissance Florence Cornelison, Sally J The Art Bulletin 86 4 642-658,640

Location People Title Author Publication title Volume Issue Pages

Number of pages Publication year Publication date Year Publisher Publisher Place of publication Country of publication Journal subject ISSN CODEN Source type Language of publication Document type Document feature Subfile ProQuest document ID Document URL Copyright Last updated Database

18 2004 Dec 2004 2004 New York College Art Association, Inc. New York United States Art 00043079 ABCABK Scholarly Journals English Commentary References;Photographs Art history, Saints, Religious icons, Religious cults 222944030 http://search.proquest.com/docview/222944030?accountid=15533 Copyright College Art Association of America Dec 2004 2010-06-09 ProQuest Central << Link to document in ProQuest

_______________________________________________________________
Contact ProQuest
2011 ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. - Terms and Conditions