R E S E A R C H R E P O R T

A Qualitative Study of Adaptation

Experiences of 1.5-Generation
Asian Americans
BRYAN S. K. KIM
University of California, Santa Barbara
BRADLEY R. BRENNER
CHRISTOPHER T. H. LIANG
PENELOPE A. ASAY
University of Maryland, College Park
Adaptation experiences of 1.5-generation Asian American college students (N = 10)
were examined using the consensual qualitative research method. Results indicated 4
domains of adaptation experiences: preimmigration experiences, acculturation and en-
culturation experiences, intercultural relationships, and support systems. Participants
reported that English proficiency played a significant role in their initial adjustment.
Currently, most of the participants reported feeling identified with both the U.S. and
Asian cultures. Some participants reported having experienced racism in the past.
Many participants noted that they currently have no difficulty establishing friendships
with culturally different persons. Participants reported currently feeling most close to
friends of a similar background and that they usually seek support from friends, family,
and religious organizations, but not from a psychologist or counselor.
Asian American 1.5-generation enculturation acculturation adaptation
immigrant counseling
The term 1.5-generation has been used to de-
scribe Asian Americans who immigrated to
the United States as a child or an adolescent
(Hurh, 1990; J. C. Lee & Cynn, 1991; S. J.
Lee, 2001; Rumbaut & Ima, 1988). Although
these individuals are similar to first-gener-
Bryan S. K. Kim, Department of Education, University of California, Santa Barbara; Bradley R.
Brenner and Christopher T. H. Liang, Department of Counseling and Personnel Services, Uni-
versity of Maryland, College Park; Penelope A. Asay, Department of Psychology, University of
Maryland, College Park.
Data collection and analysis for this study were completed while Bryan S. K. Kim was a fac-
ulty member in the Department of Psychology at the University of Maryland, College Park.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Bryan S. K. Kim, Counseling,
Clinical, and School Psychology Program, Department of Education, University of California,
Santa Barbara, California 93106-9490. E-mail: bkim@education.ucsb.edu
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Copyright 2003 by the Educational Publishing Foundation
Vol. 9, No. 2, 156170 1099-9809/03/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/1099-9809.9.2.156
156
ation people who immigrated as adults, a
large portion of their developmental years
was spent in the United States; in contrast,
second-generation Asian Americans are in-
dividuals who were born in the United
States. The 1.5-generation designation high-
lights the potentially different adaptation
experiences these individuals have in com-
parison with adult immigrants or people
who were born in the United States (Hurh,
1990). Consistent with this notion, Park
(1999), an anthropologist, used ethno-
graphic interviews to document the unique
adaptation experiences of 1.5-generation
Korean Americans. Based on the interview
data, Park concluded that 1.5-generation
Korean Americans, unlike other generations
of Korean Americans, are able to behavior-
ally operate proficiently within and between
Korean and U.S. cultures. Similarly, Hurh
(1990), a sociologist, described these 1.5-
generation individuals as having high de-
grees of socialization in both the United
States and their indigenous cultures and flu-
ency in English and their indigenous lan-
guages. Furthermore, S. J. Lee (2001), an
educator, reported differences in attitudes
toward school between 1.5-generation and
second-generation Hmong Americans. Al-
though these authors offer useful informa-
tion about the 1.5-generation group, little
empirically based information exists and
more research is needed, particularly within
the field of psychology. Therefore, the goal
of the present study was to explore the ad-
aptation experiences of 1.5-generation
Asian Americans as they come into contact
with the U.S. culture.
As of 2000, there were over 12 million
Asian Americans residing in the United
States, representing an increase of approxi-
mately 50% since 1990 (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 2002). In terms of 1.5-generation
Asian Americans, L. C. Lee and Zhan (1998)
noted that approximately 35% of Asian
American children in 1990 were born out-
side of the United States. This figure,
coupled with the number of current Asian
American adults who entered as children af-
ter 1990, highlights the large presence of
1.5-generation Asian Americans in the
United States. As the number of Asian
Americans has grown, so too has the body of
literature in psychology on the acculturative
experiences of Asian immigrants (Atkinson,
Morten, & Sue, 1998). Acculturation refers to
the changes in values and behaviors that in-
dividuals make as they gradually adopt the
cultural norms of the dominant society
(Graves, 1967). However, much of this lit-
erature has focused on the experiences of
adult Asian immigrants or U.S.-born Asian
Americans and neglected to examine the
adaptation experiences specific to 1.5-gene-
ration immigrants (see Atkinson et al., 1998,
for a review of the acculturation literature).
Furthermore, Kim and Abreu (2001)
pointed out the need for attention on Asian
Americans retention of their cultural
norms during their adaptation to the U.S.
culture; to distinguish from acculturation,
these authors suggested the use of the term
enculturation to describe this process.
Although largely based on adult immi-
grants, the current acculturation literature
suggests possible experiences among 1.5-
generation Asian Americans as they adapt to
the U.S. culture. For example, Berry and An-
nis (1974) noted that adult immigrants are
vulnerable to stresses arising out of the ac-
culturation process; they have labeled this
phenomenon acculturative stress. Symptoms
of acculturative stress include confusion,
anxiety, depression, feelings of alienation,
hopelessness, identity confusion, and
heightened psychosomatic symptoms (Berry
& Annis, 1974; Smart & Smart, 1995). A
meta-analytic study by Moyerman and For-
man (1992) involving 49 studies of accul-
turation and adjustment found that accul-
turative stress is positively correlated with
psychosocial and health problems. However,
empirical study is needed to determine
whether these experiences are also valid for
the 1.5-generation group, particularly given
that this group might be able to adapt to the
U.S. norms more quickly than their adult
counterparts (Park, 1999), which would
then lessen the possibility for acculturative
stress.
1.5 - G E N E R A T I O N A S I A N A M E R I C A N S 157
Acculturative stress aside, a review of the
literature on adaptation of minority indi-
viduals with majority culture suggests that
individuals who can effectively function in
both the indigenous and dominant cultures
may exhibit increased cognitive functioning
and mental health (LaFromboise, Coleman,
& Gerton, 1993). The authors used the term
bicultural competence to describe the process
in which individuals are able to successfully
meet the demands of two distinct cultures.
They proposed that bicultural competence
includes having (a) knowledge of cultural
beliefs and values of both cultures, (b) posi-
tive attitudes toward both groups, (c) bicul-
tural efficacy, or belief that one can live in a
satisfying manner within both cultures with-
out sacrificing ones cultural identity, (d)
communication ability in both cultures, (e)
role repertoire, or the range of culturally
appropriate behaviors, and (f) a sense of be-
ing grounded in both cultures. LaFromboise
et al. noted that, although individuals may
experience difficulties adjusting to the dif-
ferent and sometimes opposing demands, if
the individuals are able to obtain these skills,
one benefit is an increased performance in
vocational and academic endeavors. While
Parks (1999) findings suggest that 1.5-
generation individuals tend to have bicul-
tural competence, more study is needed,
particularly given the methodological limi-
tations of Parks study in which the data
were analyzed and interpreted solely by one
person (i.e., the author). In general, the cur-
rent dearth of information on the experi-
ences of 1.5-generation Asian Americans
and the possibility that the experiences of
these individuals differ from their adult
counterparts call for more research in this
area.
Because little is known about 1.5-
generation Asian Americans, we attempted
to generate descriptive information using a
qualitative research method known as con-
sensual qualitative research (CQR; Hill,
Thompson, & Williams, 1997). The goal was
to examine both retrospective memories of
participants immigration experiences (e.g.,
memories around the time of immigration)
and their current experiences as young
adults (e.g., cultural identification). Hill et
al. pointed out that qualitative research
method is especially useful in the early
stages of research on previously unexplored
topics (p. 518) and can provide vivid,
dense, and full descriptions about the phe-
nomenon under study. However, an often-
cited criticism of qualitative research is that
it lacks methodological rigor, as past studies
tended to vary on data analysis, thereby rais-
ing concerns about bias and replicability of
results across researchers. To avoid this
pitfall, the CQR offers a systematic and rig-
orous method in conducting qualitative
research.
The CQR method calls for between 8
and 12 participants. In recruiting these par-
ticipants, we sought 1.5-generation individu-
als who represented various Asian American
ethnic groups, all of whom may have differ-
ing reasons for (e.g., economic, education-
al) and history of immigration. A major goal
of the present study was to document the
unique and varied adaptation experiences
of these individuals, but within a common
conceptual framework of experiences (e.g.,
acculturation), a goal that is attainable
through the CQR. We sought to ensure that
the results would be applicable and salient
to the general Asian American population.
However, in an attempt to increase the ac-
curacy of recalled memories, we restricted
the participants to those who entered the
United States after the passing of the 1965
Immigration Act.
Method
Participants
Participants were 10 (7 male and 3 female)
Asian American students at a large mid-
Atlantic university; CQR method calls for a
sample size between 8 and 12. They ranged
in age from 18 to 23 years with a mean of
19.3 years (SD = 1.6). Participants immi-
grated to the United States between the ages
of 4 and 9 years (M = 6.8, SD = 1.6), and, at
the time of their participation, had spent
158 K I M , B R E N N E R , L I A N G , A N D A S A Y
between 9 to 18 years in the United States
(M = 12.5, SD = 2.7). In terms of ethnic back-
ground, 5 were Koreans, 2 were Asian Indi-
ans, 1 was Chinese, 1 was Filipino, and 1 was
Thai. There were 6 first-year students, 3
sophomores, and 1 junior. Four participants
were majoring in computer, mathematical,
or physical sciences, 3 were majoring in en-
gineering, 1 was majoring in education, 1
was majoring in behavioral and social sci-
ences, and 1 participant had not yet de-
clared a major. All of the participants re-
ported growing up in a mid-Atlantic state,
and half of them reported living in a neigh-
borhood whose Asian population was 10%
or less. Four participants reported a family
income between $70,001 and $110,000, 3
between $40,001 and $70,000, and 3 be-
tween $10,001 and $30,000.
Researchers
Two authors (Bryan S. K. Kim [BSKK] and
Bradley R. Brenner [BRB]) created the in-
terview questions and conducted data col-
lection. Christopher T. H. Liang joined the
team at the beginning of data analysis.
These three individuals formed the primary
team. Penelope A. Asay served as an inde-
pendent auditor. All of these researchers
have expertise in acculturation and encul-
turation, ethnic identity, racism, and clinical
issues, and BSKK, who immigrated to the
United States from South Korea at the age
of 9 years, consi ders hi msel f a 1. 5-
generation Asian American.
Interview Questions
After reviewing relevant literature on immi-
grants adjustment process and experiences
of bicultural individuals (e.g., LaFromboise
et al., 1993; Moyerman & Forman, 1992; Pa-
dilla, 1994; Rotherum-Borus, 1993), BSKK
and BRB developed the interview questions.
There were 10 sets of questions, each con-
taining one general and several specific
open-ended questions, covering the follow-
ing topics: (a) emigration and immigration
experiences, (b) adjustment experiences
immediately after immigration, (c) family
experiences, (d) cultural and social support,
(e) Asian versus U.S. culture, (f) accultura-
tion, (g) cultural identity, (h) ethnic iden-
tity, (i) biculturalism and bicultural compe-
tence, and (j) psychological support. For
example, the following is the set of ques-
tions for topic (b): Please write about your
experiences growing up in the U.S. How did
you adjust to life in the U.S.? What difficul-
ties did you experience? How did you learn
English? How well did you think you fit into
the U.S. society?
Procedure
RECRUITMENT OF ASIAN AMERICAN PARTICI-
PANTS. Participants were recruited from in-
troductory psychology courses and were of-
fered course credit. Interested students who
had emigrated from an Asian country as a
child were invited to a group meeting in
which the logistics of the study were de-
scribed. Seventeen students came to the
meeting, and after hearing about the studys
method, all of them agreed to participate in
the study and signed an informed-consent
document. During data collection, 2 stu-
dents dropped out of the study, leaving 15
participants who completed this phase.
Among the 15 participants, 10 were between
4 and 9 years of age at the time of their
immigration, 4 students were between 14
and 17 years old, and 1 was 2 years old. To
increase the homogeneity of the sample and
thus the replicability of the findings, we used
data from only the 10 students whose ages
ranged between 4 and 9 years; as noted ear-
lier, CQR method calls for a sample size be-
tween 8 and 12.
Note that in the current literature, there
is a lack of consensus on the age definition
for the 1.5-generation group. Hurh (1990)
defined the group to include individuals
who immigrated between the ages of 11 and
16 years, whereas Rumbaut and Ima (1988)
defined it to include individuals who mi-
grated before the age of 12 years. On the
other hand, Parks (1999) definition was
1.5 - G E N E R A T I O N A S I A N A M E R I C A N S 159
based on self-identification and included
both U.S.-born and Korea-born persons.
DATA COLLECTION USING E-MAIL. The inter-
view protocol was administered using elec-
tronic mail (e-mail) in an effort to safeguard
against possible loss of face among the par-
ticipants when they described potentially
sensitive events during their adaptation ex-
periences (e.g., difficult relationships with
family, lack of English proficiency, racism,
academic problems; Chang, Yeh, & Krum-
boltz, 2001; Hill et al., 1997; William, Judge,
Hill, & Hoffman, 1997). Avoidance of em-
barrassment and shame is a salient value
among Asian Americans, particularly among
individuals who adhere to traditional Asian
values (Kim, Atkinson, & Umemoto, 2001).
Asian Americans tend to have strong loyalty
to their family and avoid revealing negative
information about the family that poten-
tially may result in familial loss of face. In
particular, allegiance to parents, or filial pi-
ety, is strongly valued in traditional Asian
cultures and hence may discourage partici-
pants from sharing any negative feelings
about their parents. Furthermore, Asian
American values of personal restraint and
reservation underlie much of Asian Ameri-
can expressive behavior, which may discour-
age participants from fully expressing their
thoughts and feelings, particularly if they
are negative in nature. Because of these rea-
sons, we decided against using a person-to-
person interview format. We believed that
using this format may have made it difficult
to recruit sufficient number of participants,
particularly those who adhere strongly to
Asian norms. Even among individuals who
might be willing to participate, using this
format could have prevented them from be-
ing fully forthright and comprehensive in
their responses.
The use of e-mail to gather data is sup-
ported by Chang et al.s (2001) finding that
Asian American men who participated in an
online support group had a high proportion
of self-disclosures. Also, Sweet (2001)
pointed out that the use of online method-
ologies is beneficial to conducting qualita-
tive research. Craver and Gold (2002) high-
lighted several benefits in conducting
online research, including improvements
in effectiveness and efficiency. To maintain
the traditional semistructured interview for-
mat, however, we sent follow-up questions to
the participants for further responses when
necessary.
The questions were administered over a
period of 10 weeks. At the beginning of each
week, a set of questions was sent to partici-
pants, and they were asked to respond by
midweek, at which time follow-up questions
were sent. For the initial set of questions,
participants were asked to write at least a
page of response. They were encouraged to
be unconcerned with spelling and grammar.
In an attempt to maintain anonymity of the
responses, the responses from the partici-
pants e-mail replies were assigned identifi-
cation numbers. The original e-mail mes-
sages were then deleted. At the end of the
10-week period, the responses were com-
piled into one document. Respondent iden-
tities were known to BRB, who collated the
responses.
Compiled responses from 8 randomly
chosen participants (1 Asian Indian male, 1
Asian Indian female, 1 Filipino male, 2 Ko-
rean males, 2 Korean females, and 1 Thai
male) were used for the main analysis. Data
from the remaining 2 cases (1 Chinese male
and 1 Korean male) were reserved for the
stability check.
OVERVIEW OF DATA ANALYSIS. Hill et al.s
(1997) CQR specifies a series of procedures
to code the data across participant re-
sponses. First, the primary research team ad-
ministered the following two steps for each
case (i.e., participant data): (a) assign
chunks of data to domains (or themes) and
(b) develop abstracts within domains based
on core ideas (i.e., essence of participant
responses). In each step, the primary team
members initially completed the tasks inde-
pendently and worked together to develop a
consensus version of the product (i.e., one
that is agreeable to everyone in the research
team). Then, an auditor who was not in-
160 K I M , B R E N N E R , L I A N G , A N D A S A Y
volved in the previous procedure examined
the domains and core ideas to ensure that
the data were accurately represented. Any
inaccuracies identified by the auditor were
reconsidered by the primary team for pos-
sible changes. Following the audit, the pri-
mary research team administered the follow-
ing two steps: (a) identify categories (i.e.,
clusters of core ideas across cases) based on
core ideas in each domain and (b) deter-
mine the frequency of categories across
cases. Again, the primary research team ini-
tially worked independently and worked to-
gether to form consensus products in each
of the two steps, and the auditor examined
the categories and their frequency to verify
their accuracy. Finally, to verify that all do-
mains, core ideas, and categories have been
identified, the primary team conducted a
stability check using data from the remain-
ing two cases.
RESEARCHER PREPARATION. As suggested by
Hill et al. (1997), at the beginning of each
data analysis meeting, the primary research
team reflected on and discussed potential
biases and expectations that might influence
the analysis. The teams expectations for the
participants of this study were lack of En-
glish proficiency as a major barrier, diffi-
culty coping with the cultural diversity in the
United States, problems accepting oneself as
a minority person, lack of friends and
sources of support, academic problems,
pressures from parents to retain ones indig-
enous cultural norms, and difficulty adapt-
ing to the U.S. cultural norms. After a thor-
ough discussion about these expectations,
the team members agreed to bracket, or set
aside, their suppositions and to approach
the data with as much objectivity as possible.
CODING INTO DOMAINS. The first step in data
analysis using the CQR method is to seg-
ment the data into meaningful and similar
groups or topics. Using the e-mail interview
questions, the primary research team devel-
oped an initial start list of domains. This list
was then modified, and raw data were as-
signed to each domain based on an inde-
pendent review of two randomly chosen
cases by each team member. Then, the team
worked together to develop a consensus ver-
sion of domains and of raw data represent-
ing each domain. Each team member then
proceeded to assign data from the remain-
ing cases into domains; each case was done
separately. The research team reviewed the
resultant domains and raw data and devel-
oped a consensus version for each case.
ABSTRACTING CORE IDEAS WITHIN DO-
MAINS. After the data had been assigned to
domains for each case, the primary research
team members independently developed
core ideas within each domain. In identify-
ing the core ideas, the members attempted
to capture the essence of what the inter-
viewee has said about the domain in fewer
words and with more clarity (Hill et al.,
1997, p. 546). For each case, core ideas were
then combined to form abstracts (i.e., col-
lections of core ideas). Then, the primary
research team worked together and devel-
oped consensus versions of domains and ab-
stracts of core ideas for each case.
AUDITING OF DOMAINS AND CORE IDEAS. At
this point, the auditor reviewed the work
that was completed thus far. The auditor
worked to ensure that the data were appro-
priately listed within each domain, every im-
portant point in the domain had been ab-
stracted, and the wording of the core ideas
was clear. Then, the auditor met with the
primary research team to discuss her sugges-
tions. As with other aspects of the analysis, a
consensus version was then developed.
CROSS-ANALYSIS. Primary research team
members independently reviewed the core
ideas for potential similarities across cases,
which would lead to a higher level of ab-
straction of the data. When similarities
across cases were noted, the members cre-
ated a category that best represented the ob-
served similarity. The primary team then
worked together to develop a consensus ver-
sion of the categories. Then, one of three
labels was applied to each category to de-
1.5 - G E N E R A T I O N A S I A N A M E R I C A N S 161
scribe the frequency of its occurrence. Gen-
eral was applied to categories that occurred
in all cases. Typical was used to describe cat-
egories that occurred in half or more cases,
and Variant was applied to categories that
were found to occur in less than half of the
cases.
AUDITING OF CROSS-ANALYSIS. The auditor re-
viewed the categories identified in the cross-
analysis. The purpose of this review was to
ensure that core ideas were appropriately
specified under the category. Moreover, this
step served to ensure that the words and
phrases used to describe the category ad-
equately and fairly described it. The audi-
tors comments were reviewed by the pri-
mary team, and a revised consensus version
of categories was created. Then frequency of
occurrence of the categories was checked to
ensure accuracy.
STABILITY CHECK AND REVIEW. Using the two
cases that were initially set aside, a check was
made on the stability of the findings. These
cases were reviewed to see if new domains,
core ideas, or cross-case categories emerged
from the data. The primary research team
reviewed the cases independently and then
came to a consensus decision. The results
showed that the two cases did not add any-
thing new to the previous analysis, and,
hence, the research team concluded that
the findings were stable.
Results
The data reflected participants experiences
during various periods of their lives in
adapting to the demands of the U.S. culture
while simultaneously being engaged in their
indigenous culture. Examination of the data
led to the identification of four domains:
preimmigration experiences, acculturation
and enculturation experiences, intercul-
tural relationships, and support systems. See
Table 1 for the categories and frequencies
for each domain. (Note that pseudonyms
have been used to identify all participants.)
Preimmigration Experiences
Participants shared different memories of
their country of origin and expectations of
coming to the United States. At least half of
the participants shared a sense of connect-
edness to the people and the environment
of their country of origin. For example, Fer-
dinand, a Filipino male, explained that it
[the Philippines] was more peaceful, [and]
how there were more trees and green land.
It was just beautiful. Plus there were so many
people to greet you when you get out of the
house. Similarly, Geeta, an Asian Indian fe-
male, shared,
I cannot help but miss the environment, cul-
ture, and people who had surrounded me . . .
in India my house would always be bustling
with the entering and leaving of friends,
neighbors, and relatives whod drop by any
time of the day.
Excitement about immigrating to the
United States was shared by half of the par-
ticipants. Namesh, an Asian Indian male,
shared how during his flight he dreamt
about America and its wonders and how
there would be monstrous houses, lots of
green terrain, and many nice people in a
safe environment. Similarly, Somchai, a
Thai male, explained how he felt excited be-
fore he came here and how he imagined the
U.S. to be all high tech and sophisticated,
[with] no traffic, the food [would be] excel-
lent, [with] many White people.
The other half of the participants re-
ported feeling ambivalent about immigrat-
ing to the United States. For example, Sang-
chul, a Korean male, shared, I didnt have
any strong feelings for or against immi-
grating. I guess I was just too young. Min-
jae, another Korean male, shared, I didnt
feel anything before moving to the U.S. I
saw some people cry at the church service
before we were moving, so I thought I
should cry too. But in actuality, I didnt feel
anything.
162 K I M , B R E N N E R , L I A N G , A N D A S A Y
Acculturation and Enculturation Experiences
Participants described both positive and
negative experiences in adapting to the cul-
tural norms of the United States while at-
tempting to maintain the norms of their
own culture. Two participants felt that their
preemigration English proficiency facili-
tated their transition immediately after ar-
riving to the United States. Ferdinand, who
had attended Philippiness English-based
educational system, shared that I didnt
have a problem speaking English to any of
my friends here at school here in the U.S.
Geeta recollected that I never really had
problems with my family settling down or
learning English, we understood it, we were
just not used to the customs here.
The other participants who were not pro-
ficient in English at the time of their arrival
felt that their lack of fluency caused inter-
personal personal problems. For example,
Sang-chul shared, I was shy to begin with
but not being able to understand and speak
English just made me more shy. Min-jae
recollected how he was popular among his
peers in Korea but that things changed
when he came to the United States. He
wrote, I didnt speak English at all, so I
couldnt converse with other children. I
think thats one of the reasons why Im shy
right now.
TABLE 1 Summary of Domains, Categories, and Frequencies
Domain Category Frequency
Preimmigration experiences Sense of connectedness to people and environment Typical
Excited about immigrating to the United States Typical
Ambivalent about immigrating to the United States Typical
Acculturation and enculturation
experiences
Felt their preimmigration English proficiency facilitated
their transition
Variant
Felt their lack of English proficiency caused
interpersonal problems
Typical
Did not have difficulty transitioning to the life in the
United States immediately following immigration
Typical
Felt that they have bicultural competence Typical
Participants with bicultural experiences felt that they are
culturally flexible
Typical
Had difficulty integrating the norms of the United States
and indigenous cultures
Typical
Have served as a cultural broker for others in their
family
Typical
Identified with the United States culture Typical
Identified with their cultures of origin General
Intercultural relationships Did not perceive racism Typical
Experienced racism Typical
Did not find it difficult to establish friendships with
persons from different ethnic backgrounds
Typical
Felt less connected to people of different ethnic
backgrounds than those with similar backgrounds
Typical
Support systems Felt most close to friends of similar ethnic or immigrant
backgrounds
Typical
Sought support from friends Typical
Sought support from family members Variant
Felt support by religious organizations Variant
Usually attempted to solve problems independently Typical
Have negative attitudes toward seeking help from
psychologists or professional counselors
General
Note. N = 8. General = applicable to all cases; Typical = applicable to at least half of the cases; Variant = applicable to two or three
cases. Categories with one case were dropped.
1.5 - G E N E R A T I O N A S I A N A M E R I C A N S 163
Aside from the language issue, when it
came to describing their transition immedi-
ately following entry into the United States,
at least half of the participants reported that
they did not have difficulty with the transi-
tion. For instance, Somchai stated that he
felt like he fit in the U.S. and attributed it
to the strong presence of Asians in the area
in which he lived. In another example,
Ahreum, a Korean female, shared, I think it
was easy to adapt to the [new life in the] U.S.
because I came at such a young age, however
my parents may think otherwise.
More than half of the participants re-
ported currently having bicultural compe-
tence; that is, being able to function in both
the U.S. culture and culture of origin. For
instance, Ahreum explained, to me its easy
to go back and forth between the two cul-
tures because I am used to it. In another
example, Somchai explained, my behavior
tend[s] to go toward the American side
where I dont really care about what other
people think that much. For thinking and
emotional style, I guess I am more on the
Asian side. For these participants, having a
bicultural competence has helped them to
be flexible in accepting other cultures. For
instance, Geeta explained that being bicul-
tural is definitely an asset because we can
mold ourselves to fit into our surroundings
and it makes us more open to accepting
other cultures that are hugely different from
the American culture.
However, more than half of the partici-
pants, including many who reported having
bicultural competence, also reported that it
is still often difficult to integrate the norms
of both the U.S. and indigenous cultures.
For example, Namesh noted, To go back
and forth between these two cultures is ac-
tually quite hard because the idea of which
cultures traditions to use at what time is
difficult. I sometimes dont know what
would be appropriate. Mi-kyung, a Korean
female, discussed how she felt torn between
being American and being Korean. She
shared,
It is hard trying to fit into both worlds and
cultures . . . my parents viewed some of my
American behavior as not so good . . . there
are [a] lot of benefits of being bicultural but
it also means that you dont totally belong in
one culture.
Ferdinand reported a similar experi-
ence: the only problem with being bicul-
tural is being accepted, if I go back home
[country of origin] they might call me
American, because I grew up here, if I
stay here in America, I am looked as an
immigrant.
More than half of the participants re-
ported having served as a cultural broker
for others in their family once they gained
English proficiency. For example Sang-chul
shared, after I learned to speak English, I
was the one that got [the] phone [calls] and
translated what the caller wanted [from] my
parents. Similarly, Somchai explained that
he served as a cultural broker several times
actually, at the market when we asked for
prices, dealing with government agencies
like IRS, etc. and sometimes at the hospital
and my school. Min-jae remembered how
he had to translate for his father on the
phone or at school for his mother. He also
wrote, these days, I from time to time clarify
the cultural idioms that my father does not
know.
More than half of the participants, at
some point in their lives, strongly identified
with the U.S. culture. For example, Sang-
chul explained that, during the first several
years that I was here in the U.S., I tried to be
as much Americanized as possible. I listened
to American music such as rap. Geeta
shared, I belong to the same group with
other young Indian adults who revel in their
rich culture but embrace the open-minded
American outlook they have.
All of the participants reported currently
feeling a strong connection to their culture
of origin. For instance, Ferdinand shared, I
still act as a true Filipino, very humble and
always respecting family and elders. Geeta
shared that after a period of adopting U.S.
norms, she is now getting back on track,
and being more open to my Indian culture
and traditions and has come to realize that
India is the place for me. Similarly, Sang-
chul explained, I have a bigger desire for
164 K I M , B R E N N E R , L I A N G , A N D A S A Y
my Korean culture . . . Im more interested
in listening to Korean music and watching
Korean shows and dramas.
Intercultural Relationships
Participants described their past experi-
ences interacting with individuals from dif-
ferent racial or ethnic backgrounds. Half of
the participants did not perceive overt forms
of racism in these interactions. For instance,
Mi-kyung shared, I dont think I had any
experience with racism. Even though I lived
in a White neighborhood, people were
friendly. Min-jae, who was bullied in the
past by individuals of different racial back-
grounds, shared, At that time, I didnt feel
the bullies acts were racism. I thought they
were just mean people.
The other half of the participants, how-
ever, reported past encounters with racism.
Somchai recounted an experience in a
school setting and wrote,
my Government teacher made a racial [re-
mark] at me. We were moving our seats
around getting ready for a group project. I
was a little confused so I took a little longer
than other[s]. The teacher yell[ed] at me
and said geez, all Asian[s] are the same.
Similarly, Geeta reported that when she
was in grade school she received ignorant
questions regarding why she did not have a
red dot on her head. Ahreum remembers
how she was teased in school and shared, In
elementary school, people sang that song
Chinese, Japanese, dirty knees, look at
these. Interestingly, for some of these par-
ticipants, racist experiences occurred with
individuals of the same ethnic background.
Namesh who was teased for speaking with an
accent shared that it was members of his
own race that started to make fun of me
and not the other races. He added, racism
events started to make me become a loner
for some time in the past.
Despite the prevalence of past racism ex-
periences for many participants, half of the
participants reported that they currently do
not find it too difficult to establish friend-
ships with people from different ethnic
backgrounds. For instance, Somchai shared,
I hang out with many groups of people;
sometime[s] I hang with Chinese, White,
Black, Korean, Hispanic, Indian, etc. Simi-
larly, Geeta, who graduated from high
school a year ago, reported, all through
high school, my friends were of different
ethnicities . . . I had lots of friends.
Although many participants reported
currently having or having had in the past
friends from other ethnic groups, half of the
participants now felt more connected to
people of similar ethnic backgrounds.
Geeta, for instance, shared that the people
I have always felt the closest to are my Indian
friends. Its this strong cultural bond that we
share. Other participants described how, as
they became older, they developed closer
ties with individuals who had similar ethnic
backgrounds. For instance, Sang-chul ex-
plained, my friends started off being mostly
Americans including African Americans.
However this trend started to disappear as I
grew older. I became more aware of who I
was and wanted to be associated with my ac-
tual nationality.
Support Systems
Many of the participants described that their
current support systems comprised families,
friends, and religious organizations. When
discussing friendships, half of the partici-
pants felt most close to friends of similar
ethnic or immigrant background. For in-
stance, Mi-kyung explained that recently in
high school she did not feel close to Ameri-
can-born Asians but felt close to recent im-
migrants. She recounted that she hung
around with people whos [sic] like me;
people who were born in Korea and came to
the U.S. many years ago. Similarly, Namesh
shared that although his group of current
friends is generally made up of Asians, he
feels that the ties are closer [among my In-
dian friends] because we watch Indian mov-
ies. Ahreum wrote, my group of friends
now are mostly Asians because I can relate to
1.5 - G E N E R A T I O N A S I A N A M E R I C A N S 165
them better and they understand me and
my culture better than any other race.
Half of the participants reported that
currently they tend to seek support from
friends when they are in distress. For in-
stance, Geeta shared,
When I do have problems or am upset about
something, I always turn to my Indian Ameri-
can friends for support because I feel they
can understand me the most . . . they are al-
ways there for me, helping me out whenever
I need anything.
Similarly, Ahreum expressed, for emo-
tional support the first person I would turn
to are my friends, first my girlfriends, and if
I think my guy friends can help I would go to
them next. Among these participants, a
small number reported that they seek sup-
port from family members when their
friends are not available. For example, Mi-
kyung shared that
If I am in need of emotional support or help,
I turn to my friends. If they are not available,
I would turn to my sister, but I do not turn to
my parents . . . they would get carried away
with my problem since they love me.
Not unlike Mi-kyung, Ferdinand explained,
when my friends arent around, I turn to
my aunts or uncles, theyve known me for
awhile already and Im comfortable asking
them for help.
A small number of participants reported
that they currently find support from a reli-
gious organization. Min-jae shared, My
friends at my church are very important in
my life. They keep me accountable spiritu-
ally, as well as socially. Mi-kyung also ex-
pressed how the church has been a central
part of much of her life and how she relies
on God for guidance.
Attempting to resolve problems inde-
pendently was a response given by the other
half of the participants. For example,
Namesh shared, I used to turn to my par-
ents when I was experiencing problems, but
now I just deal with it myself. I dont turn to
anyone. I keep it to myself because I feel
comfortable like that. Somchai wrote,
most of the time, I will try to solve the prob-
lem myself . . . I feel that I can solve my own
problem. Similarly, Sang-chul wrote, Im
not very good at expressing my emotions to
others . . . so I would rather get support
from my own self. I think by doing this it
makes me stronger.
All of the participants reported negative
attitudes toward seeking help from psy-
chologists or counselors. For instance,
Namesh reported, I think professional
counselors or even a psychologist are more
like parents except for the fact that they
are gentle when talking. Overall, there [sic]
help is not much needed . . . that person
would be of no use to me. Similarly,
Mi-kyung shared, I feel that it is a waste
of money to go to someone who doesnt
know anything about you to listen to your
problems.
Discussion
The results of the present study provided
useful information that has implications for
psychologists. In the preimmigration expe-
riences domain, participants descriptions
about the sense of connectedness with their
country of origin are consistent with authors
who described Asian cultures as being
largely collectivistic and interdependent
(e.g., Kim et al., 2001; Sue & Sue, 1999).
Also, the sense of excitement and ambiva-
lence experienced by the participants just
prior to immigration are common for those
individuals who are about to embark on a
new life in a new country (Lysgaard, 1955).
Hence, when psychologists work with 1.5-
generation Asian American clients, it may be
useful to explore both the sense of excite-
ment the clients might be feeling about the
new country and the sense of loss that they
might be feeling about leaving their ex-
tended families and friends. Doing so could
help the clients to better understand the
tension that may exist between strongly
maintaining memories of their country of
origin and feeling the pressure to become a
part of the new country.
166 K I M , B R E N N E R , L I A N G , A N D A S A Y
Relatedly, the domain of acculturation
and enculturation experiences offered in-
formation about how participants adjusted
to life in the United States and maintained
connections with the culture of origin. For
many participants, there was a feeling that
their lack of English proficiency caused
problems, including shyness, loneliness, and
difficulty establishing friendships. These
findings are consistent with past research,
which showed that the inability to gain En-
glish proficiency is associated with accultura-
tive stress and related problems such as anxi-
ety and depression (Smart & Smart, 1995).
While not having English proficiency is a
major problem for most immigrants, it
could cause a bigger difficulty for 1.5-
generation individuals given that they are in
their formative years of education. Although
many of these individuals may have little dif-
ficulty gaining English proficiency given
their young age, it is possible that some of
them will experience delays in educational
attainment and face serious consequences
for subsequent educational achievement
and career development. Hence, the pres-
ent findings highlight the importance of
psychologists who work with this group in
advocating for the provision of English-
language instructions. Also, because psycho-
logical factors such as shyness and loneliness
have serious implications for personal devel-
opment (e.g., self-concept), psychologists
could assist these individuals to make posi-
tive interpersonal connections with their
peers.
Consistent with Parks (1999) findings,
many participants reported that they cur-
rently perceive themselves as bicultural
people who are able to function well in both
the U.S. and indigenous cultures; that is,
they have achieved bicultural competence.
This finding suggests that these individuals
will likely engage in productive activities
while effectively negotiating the demands of
both cultures (LaFromboise et al., 1993).
However, these individuals, as well as other
participants who did not report having bi-
cultural competence, also felt that the pro-
cess of negotiating between two cultures was
not without its difficulties, and the difficul-
ties sometimes caused them to feel margin-
alized from both cultures. These findings
highlight the unique acculturative position
occupied by 1.5-generation Asian Americans
and the potential pitfalls of being in this po-
sition. Given the importance of achieving bi-
cultural competence, psychologists could do
well to help their 1.5-generation Asian
American clients to achieve bicultural com-
petence while avoiding the possible pitfalls.
To this end, more research is needed to
shed light on the process leading to bicul-
tural competence. In particular, given that
the present results are based on a well-
educated sample of college students, it
would be useful to study the relationship be-
tween bicultural competence and educa-
tional attainment.
Also unique to the 1.5-generation group,
many of the participants reported having
served as a cultural broker to other family
members by being an English translator or
an educator about U.S. cultural norms. This
finding is consistent with Padillas (1994)
observations among Hispanic Americans
that immigrant families tend to turn to their
children who are more proficient in English
for help. Padilla cautioned that one pitfall of
having children become a cultural broker is
a breakdown of the familys hierarchical
structure and a reduction of power for the
parents. However, interestingly, the present
results did not support this outcome, as no
participant perceived that being a cultural
broker caused problems for them or in their
families. Although more research is needed
given the limitations inherent in studying a
college student sample, it might be hypoth-
esized that the clear and rigid role defini-
tions present in many Asian American fami-
lies (Sue & Sue, 1999) prevented such an
outcome. Furthermore, it would be interest-
ing for psychologists to study the long-term
effects of being a cultural broker. It could be
hypothesized that as these individuals begin
to start their own families and have bigger
responsibilities for themselves, having to be
a cultural broker for ones family-of-origin
1.5 - G E N E R A T I O N A S I A N A M E R I C A N S 167
while meeting the needs of ones own family
might lead to psychological stresses.
When viewing the findings in preimmi-
gration experiences and acculturation and
enculturation experiences domains as a
whole, it appears that many participants had
experiences similar to those described in
Lysgaards (1955) theory of sojourner adap-
tation. Lysgaard theorized that when indi-
viduals enter a new cultural environment,
they do so with excitement and positive
emotions. However, these feelings soon turn
into distress because these individuals are
faced with the difficult tasks of adjusting to
the new culture. Once the tasks are success-
fully accomplished, individuals enter a re-
covery stage in which they regain positive
feelings and attitudes about living in the
new environment. The present results sug-
gested that many of the participants experi-
enced this process. However, the results also
indicated that the participants experienced
an additional process not predicted by Lys-
gaards theory, that of maintaining a strong
connection with their indigenous culture.
Perhaps the theory can be modified to in-
clude the possibility that positive feelings
may be the results of maintaining a connec-
tion with ones indigenous culture. Future
research in psychology should examine this
possibility. In addition, it might be fruitful
for psychologists working with 1.5-genera-
tion Asian Americans to explore the degree
to which these individuals are maintaining
a connection with the culture of origin. Do-
ing so could shed light on these clients
sense of ethnic identity and attitudes toward
acculturation.
Some of the participants reported expe-
riencing racism, whereas others reported
that they did not perceive any racism. An
interesting aspect of this finding was that
some of the incidences of prejudice and mis-
treatment were caused by members of the
same ethnic background. For example, a
participant reported that he was teased
about his accent by individuals of the same
ethnicity. This finding supports the idea that
incidents involving prejudice are not iso-
lated to situations in which participants have
different racial backgrounds. Hence, ad-
dressing all types of prejudice, including
those from ones own reference group, is an
important intervention for psychologists
working with this population. In addition,
psychologists could help prevent future
problems by assisting acculturating individu-
als to be aware of the possibility that they
may experience prejudice from others in
the same ethnic group.
The results in the intercultural relation-
ships and support systems domain showed
that many participants felt closely connected
to people with similar backgrounds. This
finding may suggest that ethnic similarity
predicts the establishment of deep friend-
ships. However, this finding should be inter-
preted with caution because there might be
a moderating variable in this relationship.
For example, the minority identity develop-
ment model suggests that an individual in
the conformity stage will have depreciating
attitudes about ones ethnicity and will try to
avoid members of the same ethnic back-
ground (Atkinson et al., 1998). It may be
that the present study did not include indi-
viduals in the conformity stage. Future stud-
ies in multicultural psychology should exam-
ine this issue regarding ethnic identity.
In the support systems domain, the find-
ing that all of the participants had negative
attitudes toward seeking help from psy-
chologists is consistent with past research.
Studies have shown that many Asian Ameri-
cans, particularly those who are less accul-
turated, tend to have unfavorable attitudes
about seeing a psychologist, and some indi-
viduals, similar to the participants in the
present study, would not seek services unless
the problem is very severe (Atkinson & Gim,
1989; Tata & Leong, 1994). Scholars have
suggested that perhaps these findings are
the result of a lack of cultural relevance and
sensitivity among current forms of psycho-
logical service (e.g., Sue & Sue, 1999), as
well as a built-in therapeutic system within
Asian American communities and the cul-
tural value of self-reliance in resolving prob-
lems (Kim & Omizo, in press). Hence, to
serve those 1.5-generation Asian Americans
168 K I M , B R E N N E R , L I A N G , A N D A S A Y
who are unwilling to seek psychological ser-
vices, psychologists may need to conduct
more outreach services, such as providing
psychoeducational support groups and per-
sonal development workshops. When pro-
viding such services, psychologists should
incorporate the practice implications men-
tioned above, as a way to increase the cul-
tural relevance of the services. For instance,
it may be useful to offer a psychoeduca-
tional support group in which 1.5-genera-
tion participants can discuss their feelings of
loss regarding leaving their country of origin
and the feelings of excitement about settling
in a new country. Doing so could help the
participants to better understand the ten-
sion that may exist between enculturation
and acculturation. It also may be useful to
offer personal development workshops fo-
cusing on various topics related to the adap-
tation issues. For example, on the basis of
the discussion above, the following is a list of
possible workshop topics that may be of-
fered: trials and tribulations of becoming
proficient in English, cross-cultural peer re-
lationships, bicultural competence, the role
of cultural broker, ethnic identity, and
prejudice and racism. In addition, educa-
tional materials describing the benefits of
psychological services and ways to cope with
the stigma surrounding help-seeking could
be developed and disseminated to 1.5-
generation Asian Americans. Once these
outreach services are successful and indi-
viduals enter formal therapy, it may be use-
ful for psychologists to explore the clients
attitudes about help-seeking as a way to pre-
vent premature termination.
The findings in the present study have
limitations. First, the findings are based on
10 participants. Although a qualitative re-
search typically involves a small number of
participants (e.g., 8 to 12 for CQR) and the
quality of the findings is judged on replica-
bility, it can be questioned whether the
results are truly representative (i.e., general-
izable) of the general Asian American popu-
lation. Hence, the findings in the present
study should be further examined using a
larger sample size. For example, a future
study might investigate the extent to which
1.5-generation Asian Americans report bi-
cultural competence and the correlates of
bicultural competence. Second, the findings
were based on the experiences of 1.5-gener-
ation college students. The results might
have been different if we recruited a less
educated sample. For instance, it can be rea-
soned that bilingual proficiency, in particu-
lar, and bicultural competence, in general,
are positively correlated with education
level. Hence, the replicability of the findings
is restricted to this group alone. Third, al-
though we attempted to recruit participants
from various Asian American ethnic groups,
the sample had fewer non-Korean Ameri-
cans, and thus, the findings might be less
replicable with these individuals. Fourth, al-
though we engaged in bracketing activities
to prevent bias, there were more male re-
searchers than female researchers on our
team. Fifth, although the use of e-mail al-
lowed us to increase the potential for par-
ticipant honesty, it did not allow us to ob-
serve nonverbal behaviors of participants
that may have led to different follow-up
questions. In addition, the individuals who
completed the study may be different in
some ways than those who did not complete
it. Although it is speculative at best, it could
be hypothesized that the former group
might be more adjusted in some ways and
hence was more willing to complete the
study.
References
Atkinson, D. R., & Gim, R. H. (1989). Asian-
American cultural identity and attitudes to-
ward mental health services. Journal of Coun-
seling Psychology, 36, 209212.
Atkinson, D. R., Morten, G., & Sue, D. W. (1998).
Counseling American minorities: A cross-cultural
perspective (5th ed.). Boston: McGraw-Hill.
Berry, J. W., & Annis, R. C. (1974). Acculturative
stress: The role of ecology, culture and differ-
entiation. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology,
5, 382406.
Chang, T., Yeh, C. J., & Krumboltz, J. D. (2001).
1.5 - G E N E R A T I O N A S I A N A M E R I C A N S 169
Process and outcome evaluation of an on-line
support group for Asian American male col-
lege students. Journal of Counseling Psychology,
48, 319329.
Craver, J. M., & Gold, R. S. (2002). Research col-
laboratories: Their potential for health be-
havior researchers. American Journal of Health
Behavior, 26, 504509.
Graves, T. D. (1967). Psychological acculturation
in a tri-ethnic community. Southwestern Jour-
nal of Anthropology, 23, 337350.
Hill, C. E., Thompson, B. J., & Williams, E. N.
(1997). A guide to conducting consensual
qualitative research. The Counseling Psycholo-
gist, 25, 517572.
Hurh, W. M. (1990). The 1.5 generation: A
paragon of Korean-American pluralism. Ko-
rean Culture, 11(1), 2131.
Kim, B. S. K., & Abreu, J. M. (2001). Accultura-
tion measurement: Theory, current instru-
ments, and future directions. In J. G. Pon-
terotto, J. M. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, & C. M.
Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural
counseling (2nd ed., pp. 394424). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
Kim, B. S. K., Atkinson, D. R., & Umemoto, D.
(2001) Asian cultural values and counseling
process: Current knowledge and directions
for future research. The Counseling Psycholo-
gist, 29, 570603.
Kim, B. S. K., & Omizo, M. M. (in press). Asian
cultural values, attitudes toward seeking pro-
fessional psychological help, and willingness
to see a counselor. The Counseling Psychologist.
LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H. L. K., & Gerton, J.
(1993). Psychological impact of bicultural-
ism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulle-
tin, 114, 395412.
Lee, J. C., & Cynn, V. E. H. (1991). Issues in
counseling 1.5 generation Korean Ameri-
cans. In C. C. Lee & B. L. Richardson (Eds.),
Multicultural issues in counseling: New ap-
proaches to diversity (pp. 127140). Alexandria,
VA: American Association for Counseling
and Development.
Lee, L. C., & Zhan, G. (1998). Psychosocial status
of children and youths. In L. C. Lee & N. W.
S. Zane (Eds.), Handbook of Asian American
psychology (pp. 137163). Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
Lee, S. J. (2001). More than model minorities
or delinquents: A look at Hmong American
high school students. Harvard Education Re-
view, 71, 505528.
Lysgaard, S. (1955). Adjustment in a foreign so-
ciety: Norwegian Fulbright grantees visiting
the United States. International Social Science
Bulletin, 7, 4551.
Moyerman, D. R., & Forman, B. D. (1992). Ac-
culturation and adjustment: A meta-analytic
study. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences,
14, 163200.
Padilla, A. M. (1994). Bicultural development: A
theoretical and empirical examination. In
R. G. Malgady & O. Rodriguez (Eds.), Theo-
retical and conceptual issues in Hispanic mental
health (pp. 1951). Malabar, FL: Krieger.
Park, K. (1999). I really do feel Im 1.5!: The
construction of self and community by young
Korean Americans. Amerasia Journal, 25,
139163.
Rotherum-Borus, M. J. (1993). Biculturalism
among adolescents. In M. E. Bernal & G. P.
Knight (Eds.), Ethnic identity: Formation and
transmission among Hispanics and other minori-
ties (pp. 81102). Albany: State University of
New York Press.
Rumbaut, R. G., & Ima, K. (1988). The adaptation
of Southeast Asian refugee youth: A comparative
study. Washington, DC: U.S. Office of Refu-
gee Resettlement.
Smart, J. F., & Smart, D. W. (1995). Acculturative
stress: The experience of the Hispanic immi-
grant. The Counseling Psychologist, 23, 2542.
Sue, D. W., & Sue, D. (1999). Counseling the cul-
turally different: Theory and practice (3rd ed.).
New York: Wiley.
Sweet, C. (2001). Designing and conducting vir-
tual focus groups. Qualitative Market Research:
An International Journal, 4, 130135.
Tata, S. P., & Leong, F. T. L. (1994). Individual-
ism-collectivism, social-network orientation,
and acculturation as predictors of attitudes
toward seeking professional psychological
help among Chinese Americans. Journal of
Counseling Psychology, 41, 280287.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. (2002). Census brief:
Current population survey. Retrieved April 3,
2002, from http://www.census.gov/prod/
2002pubs/c2kbr01-16.pdf
William, E. N., Judge, A. B., Hill, C. E., & Hoff-
man, M. A. (1997). Prepracticum trainees
feelings, reactions, and personal issues dur-
ing counseling sessions. Journal of Counseling
Psychology, 44, 390399.
170 K I M , B R E N N E R , L I A N G , A N D A S A Y