Você está na página 1de 4

Cow, Caste and Communal Politics: Dalit Killings in Jhajjar

Author(s): Surinder S. Jodhka and Murli Dhar


Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 3 (Jan. 18-24, 2003), pp. 174-176
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4413088 .
Accessed: 25/01/2014 05:59
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
.
Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Economic and Political Weekly.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 123.63.6.201 on Sat, 25 Jan 2014 05:59:33 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Commentary
Cow ,
Cas te and
Communal Politics
Dalit
Killings
in
Jhajjar
While the
killing offive
d alit men near
Jhajjar
tow n in
Haryana
in
October las t
year appears
on the
face of
it as another cas e
of
atrocity agains t
d alits
by upper
cas te
Hind us ,
it
points
to
many
emerging
or
pos s ible political alignments
in the s tate and
reflects
the
s immering
tens ions in
Haryana s ociety.
SURINDER S
JODHKA,
MURLI DHAR
n the
evening
of October
15, 2002,
five d alit men w ere killed near a
police pos t
called Dulina located
at a d is tance of about five kilometres from
Jhajjar
tow n of
Haryana.'
While on the
face of it the incid ent s eems to be
yet
another cas e of brutal
atrocity upon
d alits
by
the
upper
cas te
Hind us ,
the contents
and context of the Dulina cas e s eem far
more s erious and
complex.
Not
only
has the
s tory
of the
killings
been told
d ifferently
by
d ifferent actors involved in the
cas e,
its
implications
could als o be varied . It
points
to
many emerging
or
pos s ible political
alignments
in the s tate and reflects the
s immering
tens ions in
Haryana s ociety.
The official vers ion of the incid ent has
pres ented
it as a cas e of
s pontaneous
res pons e
of an 'innocent crow d ' to an
'emotive'
is s ue,
albeit
by
'mis take'. While
res pond ing
to a
ques tion
in the
parliament
on the
s ubject,
I D
Sw amy,
union minis ter
of s tate for
home,
s tated that the five d alits
w ere killed "becaus e of the mis taken
impres s ion
that a cow
s laughter
w as
being
committed
openly" (The Hind u,
Decem-
ber
10, 2002).
As
per
the official
pos ition,
the five d alit men had
bought
a d ead cow
from a
neighbouring village
called
Farroukhnagar
and d ecid ed to s kin it on
the road s id e near the Dulina
police pos t.
A
group
of men
returning
from
Jhajjar
tow n
after
celebrating
Dus s era
s potted
them
w orking
on the d ead cattle and
thought
they
w ere
s laughtering
a live cow . Offend ed
by
the s cene and moved
by
their
religious
fervour, they
beat them
up
and hand ed
them over to
neighbouring police pos t.2
How ever, as the official vers ion
goes ,
w ord
got
around and
by night
a
large
mob
gathered near the
police pos t. The mob
forcibly
broke
open
the
lock-up,
took the
five men out and
lynched them.
Though
by this time s enior officials of
police and
civil ad minis tration had arrived on the
s cene
they
felt
quite helples s
in front of s uch
a
huge crow d and d ecid ed
agains t us ing
any
force to s ave the five innocent men.
Apart
from the union
government
and
the s tate
government
of
Haryana w ho
s ubs cribe to this
'police theory'
of the
incid ent,
the
chairpers on
of the National
Commis s ion for s ched uled cas tes and
s ched uled tribes , Bizay
Sonkar Shas tri
als o
argued
on s imilar lines . While he
criticis ed the
police
for
failing
to
protect
the victims , he too ins is ted that the five
men had ind eed been killed
by an
angry
mob.
Strangely,
unlike the official
pos i-
tion, 'mis taken
id entity'
for him w as not
that ofthecow , w hether d ead
being s kinned
or live
being s laughtered ,
but of the
unfortunate victims . He
reported ly s aid
that members of the mob w hich, accord ing
to him, includ ed s everal d alits as w ell,
mis took the five for Mus lims (The Times
of Ind ia, Novemebr 28, 2002). Pres um-
ably,
had
they ind eed been Mus lims the
killings w ould have had a
jus tification!
How ever, virtually every
local d alit, as
w ell as mos t of the
political activis ts /
human
rights groups
w ho w ent to Dulina
to
inves tigate
the
incid ent, have
ques tioned
the
valid ity
of this vers ion.
Accord ing to
them the 'official
theory' has been con-
s tructed to
protect the real
culprits , viz,
the
police.
As
per
their vers ion, the victims
w ere notinvolved in
s kinning
of
any
cow at
all, d ead or alive. The five men w ere, in fact,
taking
a
cons ignment
of cattle s kin to
anothertow n
ofHaryana, Karnal, w here the
local leather
ind us try
is concentrated . One
of them, the main trad er, had in fact come all
the
w ay
from Kamal to
purchas e
the treated
s kin. Ofthe res t, tw o w ere local s kinners and
the other tw o w ere the d river and cleaner
of the
lorry
that the trad er had
hired ,
all
from
neighbouring villages
of
Jhajjar
and
Gurgaon d is tricts of
Haryana.
The local
s kinners w ere
accompanying
the trad er to
collect
payment
for the s kin
they had s old .
As the
s tory goes ,
the local
police
in-
variably s top
s uch vehicles
pas s ing through
the area and d emand a bribe. The trad ers
too
expect
this and are
generally w illing
to
pay
'a reas onable amount'.
How ever,
on October 15, the
police
d emand ed more
than w hat the trad er w as
w illing
to
pay.
The
police reported ly took them to the
thana w here
they w ere as s aulted for not
paying enough, pos s ibly lead ing
to the
d eath of one of them. Given that the other
four had w itnes s ed the
'murd er',
the
police
w ere
naturally alarmed . It w as then that
members of the local
police
force
s pread
the
s tory
of cow
s laughter
and mobilis ed
the mob. The five men w ere
virtually
hand ed over to the mob
by
the
police.
One of the local activis ts w ho had vis -
ited the s ite s oon after the incid ent claimed
that
though
the w ind ow rod s of the room
in the police pos t w here the five men w ere
reported ly kept
had been bent
apart,
there
w as no other
s ign
of
any
mob
having
attacked the
pos t.
Even the flow erbed
outs id e the
pos t w as intact. It w as
only
later, in ord er to
d es troy
all evid ence, that
the
police thems elves rans acked the w hole
build ing.
There w as
abs olutely no evi-
d ence of the
police having
tried to s ave
the five men from the 'frenzied mob'.
Some of the local activis ts claimed that
the
police w ere not
only ins trumental in
s pread ing
the rumour, they
even
partici-
pated
in
mobilis ing
the mob.
They report-
ed ly arranged
a vehicle to fetch crow d s
from the
nearby
tow n and s ent w ord to
the
'gaus hallas ' (cow s helters ) and
'gurukuls ' (res id ential s chools run
by
local
Hind u
religious organis ations ) located
nearby about the
alleged
cow
s laughter.
The actual facts s eem to lie s omew here
in-betw een. While there is no hard evid ence
174
Economic and Political
Weekly January 18, 2003
This content downloaded from 123.63.6.201 on Sat, 25 Jan 2014 05:59:33 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
available to
verify
the s econd vers ion, the
police
and civil ad minis tration
s urely
d id
nothing
to avoid the
tragic
incid ent. The
police
could have
eas ily apprehend ed
the
emerging
s ituation and could have d one
s omething
to s ave the victims .
Accord ing
to the
report prepared by
a
d elegation
of
Left-w ing parties ,
three s ub-d ivis ional
magis trates
and a
d eputy s uperintend ent
of
police along
w ith a s mall
police
force w ere
pres ent
at the s cene of the
killings .
Yet not
even a
teargas
bullet w as fired !
How ever,
a d ead cow d id exis t on the
s cene. More
importantly perhaps ,
the local
unit of the Vis hw a Hind uPras hid
(VHP)
immed iately
is s ued a s tatement in d efence
of the
killings .
VHP w as not the
only
organis ation
that d efend ed the
killings .
Repres entatives
of the local
'gaus hallas '
and
'gurukuls '
als o is s ued s tatements that
amounted to
s aying
that the life of a cow
w as more valuable than that of humans .
They
all d emand ed that no
police
action
be taken
agains t
thos e involved in the
killings .
When the
police round ed -up
a
few
villagers ,
the
upper
cas tes ,
particularly
thos e from the
locally
d ominant cas te of
jats ,
held s everal
protes t meetings
w here
the emotive
s ignificance
of cow w as re-
peated ly
und erlined . The
killings
w ere
attributed
yet again
to 'mis taken
id entity'.
They repeated ly argued
that the crow d of
'Hind us ' w as
completely
innocent becaus e
they
not
only
believed that a cow had
ind eed been
s laughtered ,
but als o had no
clue to the fact that thos e w ho w ere
being
lynched
w ere d alits and not 'kas ais '
(Mus lim s laughterers ).
It is in this context that the Dulina incid ent
throw s
up many complex ques tions . Why
d id the VHP and other communal
organis ations
ow n the
killings ? Why
d o
d alits ,
locals as w ell as thos e
belonging
to
national
political parties ,
ins is t on
blaming
the
police?
How and
w hy
d id Mus lims
get
implicated
as the 'villains ' in the
s tory?
Do thes e
puzzling ques tions point
to a
potentially
volatile communal s ituation in
the area?
Further,
ins tead of
among
thos e
w ho had been at the
receiving
end , viz,
the
local
d alits , mobilis ations s eem more
pronounced amongs t
thos e w ho had
alleg-
ed ly participated
in the crime.
II
Given the
high political
value of s uch
an
event,
the Dulina incid ent d id
generate
a
good
amount of
heat,
both in the
pres s
as w ell as on the
political
s cene.
Apart
from the VHP and local communal
organis ations w ho
s poke
in d efence of the
killings , fearing police/s tate
action a s ec-
tion of the
locally d ominantjats
als o
began
to
organis e along
cas te lines . Trad itional
cas te ins titutions s uch as the
khap
panchayats
w ere revived to
bring
the
jats
of the w hole belt
together. Though
com-
munal
organis ations
like VHP and RSS
have not been
very popular among
the
rural
populace
of
Haryana,
the
jats
in this
area have been follow ers of
Arya Samaj
s ince
early
20th
century.
The local
'gurukulas '
and
'gaus hallas '
that came
up
d uring
that
period
d id
popularis e
the cow
as a
s ymbol
of an
aggres s ive jat
Hind u
id entity.
In the
pos t-Dulina
s cenario als o
thes e
organis ations played
an active role
in
mobilis ing
locals in d efence of the
killings .
On the other hand , mos t of thos e w ho
came forw ard to
s peak
for the d alits w ere
'outs id ers '. After the incid ent w as
reported
in the med ia, s everal
political parties
and
groups
vis ited the s ite of the incid ent and
protes ted
on behalf of the victims .
Perhaps
the firs t to vis it w ere members of the Left
parties .
The local unit of
CPI(M)
als o
mobilis ed a
protes t
march in
Jhajjar
tow n.
Clos e on its heels follow ed almos t all thos e
w ho mattered . Thes e includ ed Ram Vilas
Pas w an of the Jans hakti
Party,
BSP lead er
and chief minis ter of Uttar Prad es h,
Mayaw ati,
and
Congres s pres id ent Sonia
Gand hi.
Apartfrom making
the us ual nois es
of
jud icial inquiry
and
punis hment
for the
guilty,
the
Congres s pres id ent
als o d eclared
monetary s upport
of one lakh
rupees
to
each of the victims ' families .
Mayaw ati
too
promis ed s upport
for the bereaved families .
Worried
by
this
ges ture
of
s ympathy
from other parties , the chief minis ter of
Haryana
too vis ited the s ite, though nearly
10
d ays
after the incid ent. He how ever d id
not conced e to the claims that
implicated
local
police
and ad minis tration in the
killing
of d alits . Further, emulating Sonia Gand hi,
Chautala als o announced
hefty 'compen-
s ation' for the families of the victims .
Apart
from financial
s upport
of Rs 5 lakh
for the
d epend ents
of each victim, he
as s ured a
regular job
to one member from
each of the five families .
Nearly
a month and a half later w hen
w e
enquired
about action taken
by
the s tate
government,
w e w ere told that the
prom-
is ed
compens ation
had ind eed reached the
bereaved families . The s tate
government
had als o ord ered an
inquiry
into the inci-
d ent
by
commis s ioner of Rohtak d ivis ion.
Though
the commis s ioner's
report
d id not
ques tion the valid ity of the 'official theory',
it d id find the local policemen guilty of
not d oing enough to protect the victims .
Meanw hile,
reported ly
on the ins is tence
of the s tate chief
minis ter,
a member of
the s tate
legis lative as s embly (MLA)
from
a
neighbouring cons tituency
had als o been
w orking
for a
'compromis e'
w ith the
d ominant
jats
w ho had been
organis ing
protes ts
und er the
aegis
of Dulina Goraks ha
Sanghars h
Samiti.
They
had been d emand -
ing
the releas e of s ix
pers ons
arres ted
by
the
police
after the incid ent and no further
action
being
taken
agains t any
member of
the mob.
Finally
a d eal s eemed to have
been s truck betw een the
agitating
mem-
bers of the cow
protection
movement and
repres entatives
of the s tate
government.
Though
the d etails of the d eal have not
been mad e
public,
it w as und ers tood that
s ome 26
villagers
w ould be framed und er
various
charges
but none und er
any
s trin-
gent
Act.
Surpris ingly,
the 26
villagers
to
be
charged
for the
lynching
incid ent in-
clud ed s ix
d alits ,
s uppos ed ly
to avoid the
invocation of the Prevention of Atrocities
agains t
SCs /STs Act.
III
Haryana
has not been know n either for
cas te-w ars or for
any
s erious communal
conflict
among
Hind us and Mus lims . The
rural
population
has in
particular
never
been attracted to communal
politics .
Simi-
larly,
cas te conflict too has not been
very
pronounced
in the s tate.
As
per
the 1991
Cens us ,
the s tate has
a little more than 4
per
cent Mus lim
population. How ever,
more than tw o-third s
of this is concentrated in a
s ingle pocket
in s outhern
Haryana
called
Mew at,
w here
they largely
w ork as
cultivating peas ants
and live more like a
locally
d ominant cas te
than a
s eparate community.
As
many
as
51.62
per
cent of all the Mus lims of
Haryana
lived in
Gurgaon
d is trict alone
(34.40 per
cent of the total
population
of the
d is trict)
and another 19.68 in Farid abad (10.17
per
cent of the total
population
of the
d is trict).
Both thes e d is tricts are
part
of the Mew at
region. Interes tingly
in the
Jhajjar
d is trict,
they
cons tituted
only
0.33
per
cent of the
total
population (Statis tical
Abs tract
Haryana, 1999-2000, p 65).
In cas te
terms ,
the s ched uled cas tes
cons tituted 19.75
percent
of the total
popu-
lation in
Haryana
in 1991. Their
propor-
tion in
Jhajjar
d is trict w as a little
les s ,
17.77
per
cent. A
large majority
of
them,
82.29
per cent,
lived in rural areas
(Statis tical
Abs tract
Haryana, 1999-2000,
p 67). But w hen
compared w ith their coun-
terparts els ew here, few er d alits in
Haryana
ow ned land . As
compared
to the national
Economic and Political
Weekly January 18, 2003
175
This content downloaded from 123.63.6.201 on Sat, 25 Jan 2014 05:59:33 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
average
of 28.17
per
cent
only
11.86
per
cent of them w ere
regis tered
as cultivators
in 1981.
By
1991 this
figure
had come d ow n
to 8.07
per
cent (Journal of
Ind ian School
of
Political
Economy,
Vol 12 (3-4), 2000,
p 615). Und ers tand ably,
even thos e w ho
ow n land are ow ners of s mall and
marginal
hold ings .
A
large majority
of them are
land les s and w ork as
agricultural labourers .
Invariably they
are als o ind ebted to their
upper
cas te
employer farmers .
Though
old er s tructures of
d epend ency,
s uch as the
jajamani s ys tem,
have d eclined , their
d epend ence
on the
locally
d ominant cas tes
has not s een
any
rad ical
change.
Notw iths tand ing
the overall
marginal
s tatus of the d alit
population
in
Haryana,
there have been s ome
important changes .
The res ervation
policy
has
helped
s ome of
them to move into s ecure
jobs . Jhajjar has
als o been a res erved
cons tituency
for the
s ched uled cas tes in the s tate
legis lative
as s embly.
At the
village
level als o, their
repres entation has
given them a s ens e of
importance. Us ing
thes e new
opportuni-
ties , s ome of them have been able to move
out of the
village.
Jhajjar
tow n has a
good
number of
petty s hops
and s mall bus i-
nes s es ow ned and run
by
d alits .
How ever, unlike
neighbouring Punjab
or Uttar Prad es h, d alits of
Haryana
d o not
have
any his tory
of s ocial
mobility
or
political
as s ertion
d uring
the
pre-ind epen-
d ence
period .
The area around
Jhajjar
w as
particularly und eveloped
until the
s eparate
s tate of
Haryana
w as formed in 1966. There
w ere few
opportunities
of
employment
outs id e the
village.
Reformis t movements
like the
Arya
Samaj
too d id
virtually nothing
for them. Unlike in
Punjab
w here the
Arya
Samajis
opened s chools for d alit child ren,
theAryaSamaj movementin
Haryana
almos t
completely remained a
jat
affair. Mos t of
thos e w ho
es pous ed the caus e of
Arya
Samaj
in the area w ere thos e
among
the
jat
peas antry
w ho had an
experience of w ork-
ing
w ith the Ind ian
army or could
get s ome
ed ucation/employment outs id e the
village.
Politically
als o the
locally d ominant
communities d id not care for
s upport
of
d alits . A
jat lead er from the
Haryana re-
gion, Sir ChhotuRam of the Unionis t
Party,
w ho
acquired quite
a
prominence
in the
regional politics
of
Punjab d uring
the
pre-ind epend ence period , had once told
s ome d alits that he could not d o
anything
for their w elfare as it
might offend the
land ow ning jats . He
reported ly
s aid :
I cannot
annoy my ow n brothers to benefit
you.
If the zamind ars d o not s top thes e
practices , I cannot d o anything. If on this
bas is youw ant to d eprive us of your votes ,
d o
s o,
for it d oes not matter. The zamind ars
are
numerically s tronger
than
you
in the
villages .3
Even
though things
have
changed
over
the las t four or five d ecad es and it w as not
eas y
to take d alit voters for
granted ,
rural
life in mos t
pockets
of
Haryana
continues
to be
vis ibly jat
d ominated . Jat
id entity
reigns s upreme
in the s tate. Notw iths tand -
ing
its
name,
Ind ian National Lok Dal
(INLD),
the
party currently
in
pow er,
is
es s entially
a
regional political
formation
of the
land ow ning jats
of
Haryana.
As a
local s cholar told
us ,
"it is
pres umed
in
Haryana
that if
you
are a 'true
jat', you
w ill
alw ays
be a
s upporter
of the INLD. If
you
w ere a
jat
and
s upported
the
Congres s ,
there w as
s omething w rong
w ith
you".
Though
d alit
politics
continues to be
rather w eak in the
region
the BSP has been
able to make its
pres ence
felt in the s tate
politics .
The BSP
currently
has one MLA
in the s tate
as s embly
and once (in 1998)
it w as able to
get
its cand id ate elected to
parliament
as w ell.
How ever,
the
party
has
been able to
perform
w ell
only
in thos e
cons tituencies w here
jat
d omination is
comparatively
w eak.4 For
example,
d e-
s pite
it
being
a res erved
cons tituency,
the
performance
of BSP has never been note-
w orthy
in
Jhajjar
or the
neighbouring
d is tricts w hich fall in w hat is
locally
know n
as the
jat
belt.
IV
The Dulina incid ent d oes not s eem to
eas ily
fit into a
pattern. Des pite
the above
mentioned
changes
in s ocial and
political
life of
Haryana,
the area has not been
marked
by any
kind of
perpetual
cas te
w ars . Neither d id the
lynching
of the five
d alits lead to s us tained mobilis ations
among
them. Much of the
protes t
w as
organis ed
by
outs id ers .
Though
the incid ent obvi-
ous ly angered
and
agitated them,
s ome of
w hich w as s how n
through
convers ions to
Bud d his m and Is lam
by
the families of the
victims ,
the
'hefty' compens ations by
the
chief minis ter d id s eem to have
quietened
them. More
importantly perhaps ,
d alits of
Jhajjar
d o not feel
s trong enough
to s us tain
any fight
With the d ominant
jats .
This w as
perhaps
the main reas on
w hy
the local
d alits continued to ins is t on the
theory
that
blamed the local
police
for the Dulina
killings ,
even w hen accus ed members of the
'mob' s eem to
proud ly
ow n their act. For
example,
w hen as ked
w hy they
ins is ted on
accus ing the police or w hat
they s tood to
politically gain by d oing s o, one of their
lead ers in
Jhajjar explained , "in the tow n
w e are
s trong enough
and can face the
jats ,
but in the
village our
people cannot s urvive
by d irectly antagonis ing them".
How ever, the Dulina incid ent has als o
had w id er
implications . The
killings
w ere
reported quite w id ely
in the national med ia.
More
importantly perhaps ,
a
large
number
of d alits of the s tate and outs id e s eem to have
felt its
pain
and
anger collectively. Though
one w ould need to
verify
this
by
more firs t
hand
field -experience, w e w ere told
by
s everal activis ts that the Dulina incid ent
had aw akened d alits in the s tate and one could
s ee
s igns
of their
becoming more as s ertive.
Finally,
w e s hould not
ignore the com-
munal
angle of the Dulina incid ent.
Though
immed iately there d oes not s eem to be
any
marked
change
in communal relations in
the s tate, the ins tant
res pons e
of VHP in
d efence of the Dulina
killings w as , to
s ay
the leas t, s urpris ing. Hind utva forces s ee
a
potential
in the
s ymbol
of cow for
mobilis ing
the rural mas s es of
Haryana
on
a communalis t
agend a. Though
Jhajjar
d oes
not have
any his tory
of communal conflict,
ins titutions like
'gaus hallas ' and
'gurukuls '
mos tly
run
by
the local
Arya Samajis
could
provid e
a bas e for Hind utva
politics . Such
a
proces s
is
alread y vis ible in the
hoard ings
d epicting
a cow
being s laughtered , pre-
s umably by
a Mus lim, that have been
put
up by
VHP in d ifferent
parts
of the s tate.
In a
region w here
joining military
has been
a
popular s ource of
employment
for the
young,
the communalis t
propagand a
that
clubs Mus lims w ith Pakis tan w orks rather
eas ily
to
generate a s entiment of hatred .
Every
time a
bod y
of a d ead s old ier comes
to a
village
from the Kas hmir bord er it
s eems to reinforce that s entiment. [E
Notes
[We are
grateful
to
Suraj Bhan, D R
Chaud hary,
K S
Sangw an,
Sad huRam
Ahlaw at, Des
Raj,
Ind erjeet
and s everal other activis ts in Rohtak and
Jhajjar
w ho
helped
us und ers tand the
complexities
of the Dulina incid ent and its
pos s ible political
implications .
Errors and
omis s ions , if
any,
are
obvious ly ours .]
1 The tow n of
Jhajjar
is a d is trict
head quarter,
located at a d is tance of around 60 kilometres
from Delhi and bord ers the d is tricts of Rohtak
and
Gurgaon.
Until s ometime back it w as a
part
of Rohtak d is trict.
2 Some
ind epend ent
obs ervers als o found
s ubs tance in this vers ion.
See, for
example
Dipankar Gupta
'A Carnival Gone
Wrong'
in
The
Hind u, November 8, 2002.
3 As
quoted
in Prem
Chow d hary, Punjab
Politics :
The Role
ofSir
Chhotu
Ram, Vikas
Publications ,
Delhi, 1984, p
67 (in footnotes ).
4 See
Jagpal Singh,
'Dalits in
Haryana Politics ',
Economic and Political
Weekly.
Volume XXXII
(43), 1997,
pp
2787-88.
176Economic and Political
Weekly January 18,
2003
This content downloaded from 123.63.6.201 on Sat, 25 Jan 2014 05:59:33 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Interesses relacionados