0

Resurrection of Leftism






Vidyut Chakraborty
1

ABOUT THE AUTHOR




Vidyut Chakraborty loves to write on socio-
political , socio- religious issues. He believes in
Rabindra Nath Tagores educational thinking and the
Marxian doctrine for changing socio economical
establishments to the interest of general mass. He
loves to write on such topics that moves and shakes
the contemporary society of his own province and his
own country and its surrounding upon which he
tries to survive befittingly. Born in 4
th
November
1952, studied in University of Calcutta, worked as a
Revenue Brass, came up from a middle class family,
Vidyut surfs upon the dreams of Tagore and Marx to
achieve a fearless society of equality, humanity,
fraternity and justice. His poems subscribe to the
www.poemhunter.com and the essays are published
in scribd.com although he started writing poems in
Bengali and edited some journals.

PREFACE
2


Resurrection of Left Front is now a debatable question in West Bengal. The general
mass, the intelligentsia, the elites, the merchants are on the halt to ponder the return of the
thirty four years continuous power to return or not. All well that end well is not a matching
phrase in the power blocks of Kolkatas hot polity. A colossal political structure of Leftists in
West Bengal is now thriving for survival. Communists all over the world are facing similar sorts
of difficulties, and here too, to the sinking of Capitalist economic ideas and to the shrinking of
classical Communist ideals. With the advent of neo market economy a transition of the leftism
is also adapting with the global situation, what is now known as Alternative Strategy. The
leaders of the Leftist Power Block in India, namely LEFT FRONT, faced similar slander and
assault from its foundation (1925) to its victory (1977) and they survived. This time the fall of
LEFT FRONT government of thirty four years legacy and integrity was attacked from outside
and from inside too. The question of industrialization with the help of the capitalists by a
provincial government of socialist belief on the ground reality of fragmented land share of the
marginal peasantry was a unique idea in the history of Marxism and Leninism. The LEFT FRONT
government attained a historic deed gaining confidence of people of Bengal and being in
power in a province and completing land reforms and distributing surplus lands to the share
croppers and backward peasants of Bengal which remained a dream to the peasants of other
provinces, where caste and religion segmented the human race. The question of transition to
the industrialization age at the time of global Capital crises, melting, at the cost of the
acquisition of poor farmers arable land was totally anti-left from the point of classical Marxian
view. The error of commission done by the Leftists shudder the base of mass confidence. The
process has been undertaken by the LEFT FRONT to regain the lost faith of a large number of
people to strengthen the base in a leftist way. To combat the present situations much more
difficult than earlier fall back.
The greatest challenge is not just in the institutions themselves but in mind-sets: Caring
about the environment, making sure the poor have a say in decisions that affect them, promoting
democracy and fair trade are necessary if the potential benefits of globalization are to be achieved,
[Joseph Stiglitz in Globalization and its Discontent]

BACKGROUND OF PRESENT SCENARIO:
3

Come again the Parliamentary Election in this hot summer of 2014. Bengal will participate with all
other States. This is the time to think deeply about the past present and future of the State. After
continuously winning from 1977 to 2004 as a major coalition in West Bengal, Left Front was halved
in Parliamentary election of 2009. Not that The Leftists were ever able to win over the 42 seats of
parliament in West Bengal, their tally swung around 30 seats more or less, the rest were won by
Indian National Congress, Trinamul Congress ( a break away of INC) and Bharatiya Janata Party
(in two occasions). In the Assembly election of 2011, Left Front loose their stronghold first time in
34 years, getting down to a quarter of what they had. The time passed from 2005 to 2011 saw
many eventful episodes, both incidental and accidental, in politics. A massive disaster came upon
the left parties even though they had obtained votes from more than 20 million on the contrary 23
million votes were gathered by all-out effort of the anti Left Front. There is some peculiar
arithmetic in Indian parliamentary system of voting which can draw larger seats with lesser votes
and vice versa. The number of voters, turnout of voters, and cancellation of votes everything
counts to be the factor in this game. Besides, the voting pattern is subject to so many other
important factors that swayed the poll. The riot torn independence and partition of Bengal in 1947,
Tebhaga movement of peasants in 1948, the tortures by INC government upon the peasants and
workers participating in strikes, Lifting ban from Left parties only before elections, China war and
bifurcation of CPI in 1962, Food movement in 1966, dethroning of two United Front Governments
in 1967 & in 1969, war with Pakistan in 1971 to liberate East Pakistan (Bangladesh), Naxalite
movement from 1970, promulgation of internal emergency (21-month period in 197577)and its
excess, are the important other factors. A massive rigging was done by INC in 1972 and the rally of
Jaiprakash Narayan against rigging and atrocities was also another big factor for change of power in
West Bengal in 1977.Another big switch over happened in 2011 which also witnessed the bleeding
history of mass movement against Singur and Nandigram land acquisition for industrialization. The
latter brought about a CHANGE (PARIBARTON in Bengali) which dethroned Left Rule in West
Bengal, aftermath of the change is the debate on resurrection of Left rule which is at present really
thrown the Bengalis in dilemma. How the left minded people will come to the help of Left Front,
whether by means of resurrection or through transition? Or there is no hope of coming back to
power.
A section of media , some columnists and some NGO-brass draw a line of resemblence with
the fall of Soviet in 1989- a seventy-five years regime of socialist power which have not been able
to come back even today.But why such citation bursts? Soviet Russia became the first communist
nation in October revolution of 1911. This marked the materialisation of Marxian philosophy- the
much debated anti capitalist dialectical materialism of England and Europe. The communist party
did not come back in Russia till date after the fall of Soviet . This incited the anti communist lobby
together with capitalist power block under the leadership of USA who was mostly benefitted due to
the disappearance of bipolar power balance.Obviously the beneficiary parties will not like to see
the communist parties to flourish not only in Russia but in other countries also. Whatever is the
4

world scenario of the past and the present, a question of survival became ultimate target of
Bengals leftism through the Indian parliamentary election.
BENGALS ELECTIONS OUTPUT:
In 1946 in the provincial assemblys election
1
of undivided Bengal the leaders of the
opposition were Late Kiran Shankar Ray of Indian National Congress (INC) and Late Jyoti Basu of
Communist Party of India (CPI). Far from competing with the two main parties (Muslim League and
INC), the communists became the third force in terms of the popular vote. Amongst the elected
candidates were Comrade Jyoti Basu (Railways Constituency), Comrade Ratanlal Brahman
(Darjeeling Constituency) and Comrade Rupnarayan Ray (Dinajpur Constituency). Comrade Chatur
Ali, another contestant was defeated out of the four candidates of CPI in Bengal. These elections
were important as the provincial assemblies thus formed were to then elect a new Constituent
Assembly for an independent India. It was also announced that an executive council would be
formed and a constitution-making body would be convened after these elections. [
1
On 19
September 1945, the Viceroy Lord Wavell announced that elections to the central and provincial
legislatures would be held in December 1945 to January 1946 ].
Then came the election in 1951, CPI secured 28 seats (11%) whereas INC secured 150 seats
(39%) . In the year 1962 CPI got more seats (50) with higher percentage (25%). INC secured more
than previous one. In 1967 , the year of first time coalition of United Front, the total seats of
Communists (CPI & CPIM) summed up to 59 (16&43) and vote percentage goes up to 25 (7 &18).
CPI left far behind CPIM in 1971 assembly election, the turning point of the advent of CPIM. The
data from election commission reveals the fact something extra ordinary happened in 1972 as
because the decreasing graph of INC suddenly boosted up from 105seats (29%) to 216 (49%) and
their alliance CPI from 13 seats to 35 seats although they got 6% votes constant where as CPIM fell
back drastically. From 1969 the assembly election data transpired that the increase/ decrease in
percentage of vote do not directly proportional to increase/ decrease of seats.
The second phase of election era started from 1977 because of the downfall of absolute
Congress Rule over India. From 1977 to 1996 CPIM secured 35 to 38 per cent of votes for 157 to
189 seats on average. INC secured 23 to 39 per cent of votes obtaining 20 to 43 seats showing
gradual increase.
Third phase started in 2001, when INC was bifurcated and Trinamul Congress (AITC) came in
to limelight as a turbulent opposition of Left Front government. The vote percentage and seats
secured by INC was gradually transferred to AITC (in brief TMC in Bengal) in the three consecutive
assembly elections ; specially AITC snatched 9 % additional votes from Left Front, specifically 7%
from CPIM, 1% each from AIFB and RSP in 2011. The INC got 9%(42 seats) and AITC obtained
39%(184seats) in 2011 whereas in 2001 INC got 8%(26seats) and AITC obtained 31%(60seats) and
in 2006 INC got 15%(21seats) and AITC obtained 27%(30seats).The course of election result
5

conspicuously stated the socio-political reality of the State and the electoral reforms ruled over
the minds of voters. Economic reforms and disasters did not put much effect on the voters
thought process in general.
TABLE 1
WEST BENGAL ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS, 1982-2006 : VOTES AND YIELDS (SOURCE:- ELECTION COMMISSION OF
INDIA)
1977 1982 1987 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011
Parties % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat
CPIM 35 178 38 174 39 187 37 189 3
8
157 37 143 37 176 30 40
INC 23 20 36 49 42 40 35 43 3
9
43 8 26 15 21 9 42
AITC NOT SEPARATED FROM INC 31 60 27 30 39 184
AIFB 5 25 6 28 6 26 6 29 5 21 6 25 6 23 5 11
RSP 4 20 4 19 4 18 3 18 4 18 3 17 4 20 3 7
CPI 2 2 2 7 2 11 2 5 3 3 2 7 2 9 2 2
JNP 20 29 BJS MERGED TO JNP then JNP MERGED TO FORM BJP
BJP 0 0 0 2 2 5 0 1 0 4 0
Total

29
4
294 294 29
4
294 294 294 294

PREJUDICES :
Some illusory lectures broadcast by certain intellectuals and media persons about the fairness in
past elections and the morality, ethics etc. maintained at the previous time was coming to be
untrue and so base less from the analysis of the annexed tables.
A. Never there was a large turn out of eligible voters excepting West Bengal.
B. INC being omnipresent in India and the only claimant of bringing freedom
never attained to get even 50% of polled votes in spite of all its conjuring
and patriotism.
C. Anti -INC vote was higher in numbers.
D. Vote percentage of RSP and AIFB did not increase.
E. On the contrary CPIM ascended graphically excepting in two elections,
1972 and 2011 there was sharp fall beyond arithmetic.
F. BJP (Earlier known BJS) did not hold foot in West Bengal except in two
occasions.
6

G. Minor malpractices did not change the vote percentage, but major events
in 1972 , 1977 & 2011 brought about changes abruptly.
H. Starting from 1969 election the percentage of vote secured by a party
ceased to be directly proportional to the seats they obtained.
I. The division of a political party badly affects the poll prospect of the
mother party.
TABLE 2
WEST BENGAL ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS, 1982-2006 : VOTES AND YIELDS (SOURCE:- ELECTION
COMMISSION OF INDIA)
1972 1971 1969 1967 1962 1957 1951
Parties % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat % Seat
CPIM 27 14 33 113 20 80 18 43 CPI SPLITS UNDIVIDED CPI
INC 49 216 29 105 41 55 41 127 47 157 46 152 39 150
AIFB 2 0 3 3 5 21 4 13 5 13 4 8 7 13
RSP 2 3 2 3 3 12 N.A. N.A. 3 9 N.A. N.A. 1 0
CPI 8 35 8 13 7 30 7 16 25 50 18 46 11 28
BJS 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 13 9
Total

280 279 280 280 252 252 238

TURN OUT OF VOTERS:
From 1952 to 2009 population growth(367,000,000 to 1,156,897,766) gradually
reached its zenith, the voting pattern did not change to that level; the voting percentage
did not increase with the increase of mass-education, social strata and propaganda of
globalization and neo liberalization. Did the participating political parties or the
Government go deep into this status quo? Several reforms propagated and amendments
of constitution were made, in spite of that no progress was seen. Why? More than 40%
of eligible voters did not turn out. What resisted them not to support the election system
in spite of being legitimate voters? Claiming the largest democracy of the world the
Indian Parliament is formed on the basis of less than 60% of the eligible voters and the
party that leads to form the Union government usually obtains the mandate of only less
than 30% of the polled votes. The two major game players in Indian politics shunned the
coalition government for a long time whereas the leftists did the same from the very
beginning, and later the two had to follow the leftists line of politics of coalition making
a frontal platform of left and democratic secular minded parties.

7

Table 4

YEAR VOTER
TURN OUT
TOTAL
VOTE POLLED
REGISTERED
VOTERS
VOTES
NOT POLLED
VOTER
TURN OUT
FAILED
POPULATION
2009 58.17% 417,037,606 716,985,101 299,947,495 41.83% 1,156,897,766
2004 58.07% 389,948,330 671,487,930 281,539,600 41.92% 1,049,700,118
1999 59.99% 371,669,104 619,536,847 247,867,743 40.01% 986,856,301
1998 61.97% 375,441,739 605,880,192 230,438,453 38.03% 970,933,000
1996 57.94% 343,308,035 592,572,288 249,264,253 42.06% 952,590,000
1991 56.73% 282,700,942 498,363,801 215,662,859 43.27% 851,661,000
1989 61.98% 309,050,495 498,647,786 189,597,291 38.02% 817,488,000
1984 63.56% 241,246,887 379,540,608 138,293,721 36.44% 746,742,000
1980 56.92% 202,752,893 356,205,329 153,452,436 43.08% 663,596,000
1977 60.49% 194,263,915 321,174,327 126,910,412 39.51% 625,818,000
1971 55.25% 151,296,749 273,832,301 122,535,552 44.75% 550,820,000
1967 61.04% 152,724,611 250,207,401 97,482,790 38.96% 504,160,000
1962 55.42% 119,904,284 216,361,569 96,457,285 44.58% 449,641,000
1957 62.23% 120,513,915 193,652,179 73,138,264 37.77% 402,225,000
1952 61.17% 105,950,083 173,212,343 67,262,260 38.83% 367,000,000

The tremendous hard work in labour belt and agriculture sector yielded result. In
1951 vote percentage rose to 11 with 28 seats, in 1957 the party bagged 18% with 46
seats and in 1962 it obtained 25% with 50 seats in West Bengal Assembly Election. CPI was
divided in 1964 on several issues one of those was China Aggression in India. Despite the
division in 1967 CPM bagged 18% with 43 seats and CPI got 7% with 16 seats. CPI (M)
began its journey with victorious mood and CPI fell behind once for all.
Look at the reality of voting tabulation in parliamentary election of 2009, some
15000 less than 71.70 lakh registered voters, means 61.97% of the population, were
eligible to cast votes, and the turn out percentage led to actually 36.04% of the population
and out of that INC secured 29% that means 10.45% of total population to form the UPA2
government. The opposition party BJP bagged 6.84% votes of total population. The
electoral August Body did not take proper step to bring those absentee voters to booth. If
they could do the job successfully they could claim they served the biggest democracy.
Against 10.45 percentage of mandate, 17.30 percentage of population maintained silence
to choose their ruler. What those absentee voters thought of the process of choosing a
new government? And that minority chosen government is taking all such decisions
effective or destructive for the people of India -can we say the democracy is on?

8

Table 5










PARTY LEGACY:
Under these auspices we have to find out the causes and effects of the downfall of
Leftists legacy. To realize the fall of 34 years continuity just by swinging of maximum 9%
vote, one has to know about the rise of Leftists after 55 years of struggle for the peasants
and workers of Bengal. There is a long history of fights, torture and imprisonment for a
noble cause, the economic uplifting of peasants and workers, which was advocated by
many a Congress leaders including Nehru and Gandhi in so many words, but all they did
was to showcase a cosmetic social change as was practiced by the religious rich men to
allow the downtrodden in their rituals to dole out alms. Nehru practiced his way of
socialism which left a legacy of Nehruvian view followed by his followers in INC.
What was Bengal doing From 1905 to 1911 ? The Bengal intelligentsia was
engaged in contrversial bifurcation of Bengal Province into East And West and the shifting
of Indian Capital to Delhi. Indian politicians forgot the developmental doctirne of the
Nineteenth centurys pioneers, like Raja Rammohun Roy and Dwarka Nath Tagore, and
was encouraging the neo Indian industrialists in the name of Hindu Nationalism.This
thinkers of Hindu nationalism and the players of Hindu chauvinism waved a uphoria
against divison of two provinces, later allowed the partition of Bengal into two nations.At
that time no leader was thinking of going to the downtrodden people to tell them their
fight with the British was a fight of the common mass in the interest of economic
upliftment of the peasants and workers,the proletariate portion of the society through
achieving freedom. Bipin Chandra Pal took the effort but did not succeed. Mohan Das K
Election Year Percentage of Votes all over India
Parties > BJP INC Non-BJP Non-INC
1984 8 49 43
1989 11 40 49
1991 20 36 44
1996 20 29 51
1998 26 26 48
1999 37 28 35
2004 22 27 49
2009 19 29 48
2014 ? ? ?
9

Gandhi in his own manner originally did the job after entering Indian politics in 1920. He
attracted a large section of general people addressing the Harijon, the downtrodden,
against the British Empire creating a mass hysteria through Ahimsa (non violence) and
Abhoy(fearlessness) on socio-political issues,parallely there was the current of strikes and
mass movement on economic issues based on the ideals of revolution on violent form
conducted by the revolutionery parties trying to make a united effort all over India. But
such move was resisted from inside and outside , and they failed. One of such
revolutionary was Comrade M N Roy, who with other revolutionaries in abroad
succeeded to form a communist party of India in Tashkent, Russia in 1920. Many Indian
revolutiionaries from India and abroad assembled in Russia after October
Revolution,1911.In India too,revolutionary groups formed the Communist Party of India in
1925 in Kanpur.
Irrespective of the controversy of the time of foundation ( be it 1920 in Tashkent
or 1925 in Cawnpore/Kanpur) the phase of germination passed through many
contradictions and hurdles, Anushilon Samity, Jugantor Group, Workers and Peasants
Party of Bengal (WPPB) subscribed major role in formation of Communist Party of India.
From the stand of third Commintern on 19
th
. July,1929, a call to the Indian communists
group working all over the world to desert WPP to strengthen the Communist party of
India turned the party a formidable block in Indian politics. The emergence of leftist forces
in India had its root in peasantry and industrial workers under the conscious ideal
leadership.Only the revolutionary groups scattered all over India and abroad came
together to the contrary of the massive party force like Indian National Congress suported
by national burgeoise and educated middle class of people.Involvement of peasanta and
workers were with the revolutionary parties. Bengal had the two basic parts, agriculture
and industry. Beside Bengal had the heritage of pioneering Indian modernity.
The communist party and allied socialist groups stood up to the side of famine-
sufferer and the victims of Hindu- Muslim riots.They organized several strikes on the demand
for pay-hike, crops share and for sustenance.Indian National Congress was actually a national
front to fight for independence,that comprised of different thoughts and lines of actions, for
obvious reason Hindu Nationalist were major force and the balancing force was from secular,
democratic, socialist , revolutionary thinkers.Revolutionary actionists did not match the
Congress.Many of the members of Congress Socialist group joined the Communist Party,the
fore runner was Comrade EMS Namboodripad, a keralite Brahmin and a scholar of renowned
Kashi Vidyapith. He was the pioneer to form a Communist party led government in Kerala in
1957 first time in India.
From 1940s to 1960s there was a massive support of people behind the leftists despite
the pre and post independence riotous situation, yet they could not win the power seat of
10

West Bengal till 1967 by formation of United Front of left and democratic forces and
finally as Left Front in 1977.
This had the root in the defeat faced by the CPI in 1946 election. CPI had presented 108
candidates, out of whom only 8 won; the set-back came as a result of the decision of the
party not to support the Quit India movement of 1942. All in all, the Communist Party
obtained 2.5% of the popular vote, 7 out of 8 were elected from labour constituencies. In
short, Communists did get politically very isolated in India owing to the partys decision to
not join the Quit India Movement of 1942 because, after Nazi Germany attacked the
Soviet Union, the Second World War was seen as a peoples war against worldwide
fascist offensive. In the election of 1946 faced with Congress hooliganism in the course
of that first election campaign, the party learned how a well-organized working class
movement can fan out and overcome systematically the fraudulent practices of the
bourgeois politicians and their cohorts in the bureaucracy. The party retained this
connection with the working class through trade union work. However, the Great Bengal
Famine, which was itself a result of the colonial governments diversion of food supplies
to the war front with no compensatory mechanism, and which raged with great ferocity
during 1943-44, was the occasion when the party worked relentlessly among the victims
of famine and led broader anti-famine campaigns among various strata of society, thus
overcoming the earlier isolation through sheer mass work.

The first Polit Bureau of the CPI(M), 1964: (Standing, from left) P. Ramamurti, M. Basavapunnaiah, E.M.S.
Namboodiripad and Harkishan Singh Surjeet; (sitting, from left) Pramode Dasgupta, Jyoti Basu, P.
Sundarayya, B.T. Ranadive and A.K. Gopalan.
BASIC REALITY BEFORE AND AFTER 1947
In 1930s, the Communist Party placed the theory of a united front against fascism.
Unity was built up among the working people. All-India post and telegraph Strike,
movements of the government employees and, above all, the programs around the naval
uprising at the Bombay seaport.In the 1940 riots CPI stood firm to stop the menace and
got support of the peasantry who were poor muslim and lower caste Hindus.
11

In 1942, Britain and Russia became a part of allied forces against fascism of Hitler and
Russia termed the war against fascism as Peoples War which prompted CPI to soften
stand against Britain. Hindu Nationalist used propaganda against CPI as British agent.
This gave a set back to CPI in 1946 election. CPI voted against partition of Bengal and
jumped into the riotous poor hindu and muslim fellows to save them. CPI became the
savior of refugees from East Pakistan lending protectors hands through UCRC.

Later in 1948, the historic Tebhaga movement unified the rural poor and created a
point of inspiration for kisans in the then united Bengal. Independent Indias police under
the instruction of chief minister Bidhan Chandra Ray opened fire on the agitating peasants
and killed many poor peasants.Indian Peoples Theatre brought forth galaxy of singers
poets dramatists and created a GANONATYO SANSKRITI(peoplesculture) much different
from RABINDRA- SANSKRITI(Tagore oriented culture) in Bengal.There was a big movement
of students and youth as well. These struggles and movements stand as evidence of the
splendid historic role played by the Communist Party in the pre-independence period.
In West Bengal, in 1953, when the British-owned Calcutta Tramways Company hiked the
tram fare the Communist Party and other anti-Congress parties put up an agitation to
resist the hike of fare.
In 1954, under the chief ministership of Dr B C Roy, a massive food crisis overtook
the state with a near-famine condition. An anti-famine committee was then set up, and it
organised statewide movements.
In 1954-55, anti-Congress forces from Bengal contributed to the struggle for Goas
freedom from Portuguese occupation,.
Committee against the Bengal-Bihar merger conducted a statewide movement
against the merger proposal. At this time, Professor Mohit Moitra, member of CPI and
President of the anti-merger committee, receive the support of all anti-Congress political
parties and defeat the Congress candidate, Ashok Sen, from Kolkata Northwest in the Lok
Sabha by-elections. Chief minister B C Roy had to withdraw the Bengal-Bihar merger
proposal and victory celebrations were observed throughout Bengal.

In 1954-56, the teachers of Bengal launched a movement to demand subsistence
salaries. The teachers had no job security either. A massive anti-Congress struggle then
grew up against the move. Further, a statewide students agitation grew up when the
Phillips commission called for curtailment of higher education. A food movement was
organised in 1958, as was a students agitation in the same year. In 1959, the state
suffered from a massive food shortage. Following a month-long campaign movement, a
central rally held on August 31, was organised near Octarloni Monument in Maidan area.
Just before the dusk, the police arrested the leaders like Jyoti Basu and started
lathi(baton)charge; 80 people were bludgeoned to death on the spot and hundreds left
injured. Students organised a strike on September 1. When the police fired upon their
rally and killed some students, a protest day was observed in the form of a strike on
September 2. A general strike was organised successfully on September 3. Over 130
courted martyrdom between 31 August and 3 September. Mass movements were
organised during 1960-61 also. The student movement roared in protest against the
12

setting up of an Indo-American Foundation for import of wheat under the PL 480 scheme.
In this background, a united Left alliance contested against the Congress during the 1962
general elections. In 1962, when a Sino-Indian border clash occurred, some members of
the Communist Party raised the demand for a solution of the problem through bilateral
discussions; they were marked as Chinese agents. In 1964 CPI was divided.
The CPI (M) was born into a hostile political climate. At the time of the holding of its
Calcutta Congress, large sections of its leaders and cadres were jailed without trial. Again
on 2930 December 1964, over a thousand CPI (M) cadres were arrested and detained,
and held in jail without trial. In 1965 new waves of arrests of CPI(M) cadres took place in
West Bengal, as the party launched agitations against the rise in fares in the Calcutta
Tramways and against the then prevailing food crisis. State-wide general strikes and
hartals were observed on 5 August 1965, 1011 March 1966 and 6 April 1966. The March
1966 general strike results in several deaths in confrontations with police forces. In 1965,
when an Indo-Pak war broke out, CPIM demanded a solution through peaceful talks, and
they were termed as the Pakistani agents .
In February 1966, All India Students Federation launched a student agitation
demanded food, kerosene oil and exercise books. But the police opened fire against the
students. A school student, Nurul Islam, was killed. Several districts like Nadia, Hooghly,
Burdwan, 24 Parganas and Kolkata became the turbulent zones of protests. The massive
discontent among the common people in the state created a negative atmosphere for the
ruling Congress party, and it broke into two. Ajoy Mukherjee ,Sushil Dhara and some other
leaders left the Congress to form the Bangla Congress. [Also in Kerala, mass arrests of CPI(M)
cadres were carried out during 1965. In Bihar, the party called for a Bandh (general strike) in Patna on 9
August 1965 in protest against the Congress state government. During the strike, police resorted to violent
actions against the organisers of the strike. The strike was followed by agitations in other parts of the state.
The Central Committee(CC) of CPI (M) held its first meeting on 1219 June 1966. The
reason for delaying the holding of a regular CC meeting was the fact that several of the
persons elected as CC members at the Calcutta Congress were jailed at the time. A CC
meeting had been scheduled to have been held in Trichur during the last days of 1964, but
had been cancelled due to the wave of arrests against the party. The meeting discussed
tactics for electoral alliances, and concluded that the party should seek to form broad
electoral alliances with all non-reactionary opposition parties in West Bengal (i.e. all
parties except Jan Sangh and Swatantra Party). This decision was strongly criticized by the
Communist Party of China, the Party of Labour of Albania, the Communist Party of New
Zealand and the radicals within the party itself. The line was changed at a National Council
meeting in Jullunder in October 1966, where it was decided that the party should only
form alliances with selected left parties.
NAXALITE UPSURGE
At this point the party stood at crossroads. There were radical sections of the party who
were wary of the increasing parliamentary focus of the party leadership, especially after
the electoral victories in West Bengal and Kerala. Developments in China also affected the
situation inside the party. In West Bengal two separate internal dissident tendencies
13

emerged, which both could be identified as supporting the Chinese line. In 1967 a peasant
uprising broke out in Naxalbari, in northern West Bengal. The insurgency was led by
hardliner district-level CPI(M) leaders Comrade Charu Majumdar and Comrade Kanu
Sanyal. The hardliners within CPI(M) saw the Naxalbari uprising as the spark that would
ignite the Indian revolution. The Communist Party of China hailed the Naxalbari
movement, causing an abrupt break in CPI(M)-CPC relations. The Naxalbari movement
was violently repressed by the West Bengal government, of which CPI(M) was a major
partner. Within the party, the hardliners rallied around an All India Coordination
Committee of Communist Revolutionaries. Following the Burdwan plenum of CPI(M)
(held on 512 April 1968), the AICCCR separated themselves from CPI(M). On 1 May
CPI(ML) was formed. In common parlance CPI(ML) cadres were known as Naxalites.This
split divided the party throughout the country. The party and the Naxalites (as the rebels
were called) were soon to get into a bloody feud.
[In Andhra Pradesh another revolt was taking place. There the pro-Naxalbari dissidents had not established
any presence. But in the party organisation there were many veterans from the Telangana armed struggle,
who rallied against the central party leadership. In Andhra Pradesh the radicals had a strong base even
amongst the state-level leadership. The main leader of the radical tendency was T. Nagi Reddy, a member of
the state legislative assembly. On 15 June 1968 the leaders of the radical tendency published a press statement
outlining the critique of the development of CPI(M). It was signed by T. Nagi Reddy, D.V. Rao, Kolla
Venkaiah and Chandra Pulla Reddy.
[16]
In total around 50% of the party cadres in Andhra Pradesh left the
party to form the Andhra Pradesh Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries, under the
leadership of T. Nagi Reddy.
[17]
]
TURNING POINT

On this background the 1967 elections for the state assembly were held. The two anti-
Congress fronts , the United Left Front (ULF) and the Peoples United Left Front (PULF),
now came together to create a United Front (UF) in the post-election scenario, and
formed the state government. It is to be noted that, despite being the leader of the
largest political party, Jyoti Basu did not become the chief minister. Instead, Ajoy
Mukherjee of the Bangla Congress was nominated to the chair of the chief minister. Later
Bangla Congress merged with the State Congress.

But the Congress regime at the centre struck back and the UF government was dismissed
within nine months. But the mid-term election of 1969 again made the Congress a
minority party and a second UF government was set up. However, this government too
was dismissed within 13 months . From 1970 onward, an atmosphere of terror was being
created. A mid-term election was held in 1971. Siddhartha Shankar Ray, who at times
opens his mouth to pontificate on this and who later became the chief minister, was then
a central minister and looked after the Bengal related matters. He created an atmosphere
of terror in the state in a planned manner. This has been referred to by a former US
ambassador to India, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, in his book A Dangerous Place. He notes
that the US supplied funds to prevent the rapid growth of communist influence in West
Bengal. The book mentions that the US twice helped India with funds in such like
situations: once to topple the first communist government in Kerala under E M S
Namboodiripad, and then to curtail the communist strength in West Bengal. Maybe, in
14

the days to come, we get to read how many more times had the US put in funds to
influence the Indian politics.

However, what was unfortunate was that even after such wealth of experience no united
front was set up for the mid-term elections of 1971. The CPI(M) forged an understanding
with a few smaller parties and, in the elections that followed, anti-Congress forces
together got a majority again. The CPI(M) emerged as the largest single party. Yet the
governor ignored the parliamentary norms and did not invite the CPI(M) to form a
government. From then on Indira Congress and pseudo-Naxalites(Conxal) roared MAKKU
HATAO DESH BACHAO means OUST CPI(M) AND SAVE THE COUNTRY. The fun of the
scene was CPI joined habds with the Indira Congress.

The 1972 election was marked by a massive rigging. Booth capturing, false voting, forced
voting and manipulation during the counting of ballots took place on a large scale. All-out
efforts were made that the CPI(M) was defeated everywhere during the assembly
elections. However, the best of the worst CPI(M) won 14 seats. Nevertheless, the CPI(M)
boycotted the state assembly set up on the basis of these malpractices. Its winning MLAs
did not take oath in protest, nor did they take their wages and other perquisites for five
years. This was an example of the morality and principled stand of the CPI(M).

The Congress(Indira) government that took office now was headed by Siddhartha Shankar
Ray as the chief minister. Under him, every effort was made to isolate the CPI(M) from the
people.

Not all the political parties, at that point in time, adopted a principled stand as the CPI(M)
did. The CPI(M) was able to take a principled stand because it works towards forging a
unity of the workers, peasants and other toilers to change the society, and exert itself in
the interest of the working people; it is because it acknowledges and accepts Marxism-
Leninism as a science and its guiding ideology. The party had had to tackle a variety of
situational realities at various points of time in its daily functioning and in its effort to
build up mass movements in the interests of the people.

The CPI(M) has had to adopt a different tactic while confronting the semi-fascist terror of
the 1970s. We had to tackle such situations as institution of false cases against 80,000 of
its supporters, ouster of over 20,000 families of its cadres from their hearth and home,
and illegal occupation or forcible closure of about 350 trade union offices. As many as 927
teachers were not allowed to join work, and from the students was taken away the right
to form student unions. On the other hand, we had to carry out such programmes as the
demand for increase of wages for agricultural workers, and organising programmes
including marches and a central program in Kolkata against the imperialist aggression in
Vietnam. On March 28, 1973, a historic movement was carried out as part of the anti-
unemployment day. In this way, very many mass movements could be organised with
success. At the national level, Mrs Indira Gandhi proclaimed Emergency in 1975, but we in
15

West Bengal had already had a bitter taste of it from 1972 till 1977. [Biman Basu in Vol.
XXXI No. 25 June 24, 2007 in Peoples Democracy]
BIRTH OF A MARXIST REGIME:
1977 United Front led by united Janata Party swept all over India against the misrule
and excess of emergency imposed by Indira Congress and formed the Union Government
first time in the Indian history a coalition government was formed centrally. In Bengal
horror remained although terror hid face. CPI(M) and its allies were not seen in the
election day anywhere but the Left Front swept with overwhelming majority. Comrade
Jyoti Basu became the chief minister for the first time.
One forgets now that Jyoti Basu joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1940, three
years before the CPI was able to hold its first open congress, in Bombay (now Mumbai) in
1943; and that he was elected to the central committee of the undivided party in 1951, 13
years before he helped found the CPI(M) and 50 years before he relinquished his chief
ministership. Nor is it easy to recall now that his career as a member of Bengals various
provincial Assemblies began in 1946, when undivided India and undivided Bengal were
still under colonial rule, and ended only in the opening years of the 21st century, spanning
more than the first 50 years of independent India. During this entire period, he was not in
the Assembly only when he was either in prison or in the underground or, as happened in
1972, because he and his party had boycotted participation in what he was to call an
Assembly of fraud, which had come about as a result of the Presidents rule that had
been imposed after the CPI(M)s electoral victory the year before and which gave the
Congress the opportunity to rig the elections massively.Three factors in that early honing
of Jyoti Basu as communist activist are worth recalling. First, upon joining the party as a product of
a genteel Calcutta family and with a degree in law, he was assigned the task of serving as liaison
between the underground and the above-ground sections of the party, and thus learned to work
on both sides of the law.
Second, and more crucially, he was shifted in 1944 to trade union work, getting to
organise a railway workers union in the Bengal/Assam region. It was from the Railway
constituency that he got elected as MLA in 1946. Faced with Congress hooliganism in
the course of that first election campaign, he learned how a well-organised working class
movement can fan out and overcome systematically the fraudulent practices of the
bourgeois politicians and their cohorts in the bureaucracy. He was to retain this
connection with the working class and trade union work all his life.[Marxist in practice by
AIJAZ AHMAD in FRONT LINE Volume 27 - Issue 03 :: Jan. 30-Feb. 12, 2010]
Such a great personality was chosen by the Left Front to lead Bengal. The election
manifesto was fulfilled. The feudal landlords lost their glory with the losing of land. The
surplus land held by them in the name of cat dog and even god, was distributed to the
peasants to fulfill the demand of reminiscence of Tebhaga movement, he who plough is
16

the owner of that land ( Langol jar Jomi tar). Land reforms and operation Barga became
the law of the land. Haldia grew up as Port city. Disdained Kalyani and Salt Lake, the so
called dream of Bidhan Chandra Ray, turned to be true by the Left Front government. The
recommendation of various education commission was implemented recovering them
from hibernated stage. School Education was made available to village and city in free of
cost. Learning through mother language became mandatory in the government aided
school.Salt Lake was named Bidhan Nagar to commemorate the dream of Dr. Bidhan
Chandra Ray. Bidhan Nagar became the posh area of Bengal and a busy township glorified
with Electronics Complex,( Later IT Hub), Second Hoogly Bridge, EM Bypass, express ways(
Kalyani and Belgharia) and the participation of common mass in administration through
three tier Panchayat Raj( Village Councils) changed the sleeping Bengal as vibrant. These
gave impetus to the enhanced purchasing power of the peasantry of Bengal that had the
demand for the installation of big modern manufacturing industries.
It was also a requirement of the agro products to reach to the market smoothly through a
proper infrastructure, making of rural road connector with the high ways, creating a direct
selling hub of the produces and building up agro industry belts. After 23 years of chief
ministership he resigned due to old age physical problems.
In this juncture Buddhadeb Bhattacharya took up the mantle of chief Ministership to
proceed further with the agendum of industrialization. Due to the land reform the
peasantry of Bengal gave an output of agriculture which was ever topper in the country.
So there was a gradual rise in literacy rate. Purchase power of peasantry became higher
than brethren of any province. But sordid tale was that the old type industries sank and
closed the shutters where as modern industries did not develop. Some hindrances like
Freight Equalization, Licensing Policy etc were major factors to open factories in West
Bengal. Besides, the industrialists who were averse to leftists and their policies on
industrialization did not come up to invest. Further they were gaping for Financial Crunch
later known as Melting. There were also the barriers raised by the Central Government
led by Congress. Due to changing pattern of Governance in Central Government and
Congress being gradually weak in strength and due to capitalist way of reforms to
implement LPG, some conveniences came handy to the chief minister Buddhadeb
Bhattacharya to address the dire need of industrialization. Freight Equalization, Licensing
Policy were withdrawn which was the long pending demand of the leftists. Due to the
newer concept of global village and foreign direct investment the barriers raised by the
Central Government were removed. Buddhadeb Bhattacharya took hasty steps to look
forward and to leap forward. He did not bother who were behind the screen to pull string
or what are pulling his legs from behind within the Front and party and outside the Front.

END OF AN ERA
During a press briefing in May 2006, CPI(M) state secretary Biman Bose made a prophetic
comment. While speaking on the role of media which was then projecting chief minister
Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee as the poster boy of reforms, Bose remarked bluntly: The
media has taken the Brand Buddha line. But it can spell trouble for him. The outspoken
17

CPI(M) state secretary was expressing his worry that the same media which is making a
superhero out of him, was equally capable of abruptly changing color, chameleon-like,
and start smearing the chief ministers image. Biman Boses comment came at a time
when the political influence and reputation of Buddhadeb was at its peak. He had just
won the 2006 state assembly elections with a colossal majority and was hailed as a new-
age leader, a capitalist communist who was expected to steer Bengal to glory. The
industrial lobby, the neo-liberal media and large sections of the urban middle class was
praising him animatedly for his single-point industrialization agenda. He was been
credited for bringing back hope to a state marred by despair. Neo-liberalism
advocate The Economist went gaga to extol him for his reputation for probity, for being
modest and engaging on topics from agri-business to consumerism and Indian poetry.
From Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Azim Premji of Wipro, many big-shots were
lauding him as Indias best chief minister.
[Marxist in practice by AIJAZ AHMAD in FRONT LINE Volume 27 - Issue 03 :: Jan. 30-Feb. 12, 2010]

The slogan that flattered Brand Buddha was KRISHI AMADER BHITTI, SHILPO AMADER
BHABISYOT (AGRICULTURE IS OUR BASE LINE BUT INDUSTRIALIZATION IS OUR FUTURE).
In 2006 he changed the slogan MATI TE AMADER PA CHOKH AMADER AKASHE ( OUR
FEET ARE ON THE EARTH BUT OUR EYES ARE FIXED ON SKY). IT hub in salt Lake Sector Five
began to get decentralized in districts too. An Auto Industry in Singur led by Tata Group
was near to the completion, many a projects were on the search of lands. A chemical hub
in Nandigram delta, Two aerodromes, a long stretched six lane high way stretching from
southern part to the Northern part of Bengal, a short cut corridor through Bangladesh to
reach Coochbehar and Tripura was on the table.
What prompted such positive role to be banished?
An eminent economist, noted author and a former Left Front minister Dr. Ashok Mitras
scathing article Look Back In Triumph appeared in the pages of The Telegraph (On May
23,2011) lambasting the medias vindictive political role Dr. Mitra, wrote:
A few months ahead of the election date, important segments of the media launched a
furious campaign of dissembling. The people of West Bengal, it was ipso facto evident,
want a different regime to rule them and they, the media, are ambassadors extraordinary,
directly despatched by the Almighty to bring about this change. The media set to work.
18

They posted hilarious imaginary tales about how the minds of the voters were working in
district after district and constituency after constituency. Once such an exercise is on, it is
contaminating: As gossip becomes Bs staple, Bs gossip becomes Cs staple, and so on
down the line, with illusion feeding upon illusion.
None of the media bothered to find out whether voters in West Bengal, in town and
country, could have a mind of their own and might have benefited in some measure or
other on account of the activities of the Left Front regime in the course of the past two
and a half decades. They regarded the electorate in West Bengal as dummies who would
vote as the media would direct them to.

The second quotes will speak itself. It is delivered by Justice Markandey Katju, (former
Judge, Supreme Court of India), Chairman, Press Council of India PUBLISHED IN THE HINDU
on November 5, 2011.
To understand the role which the media should be playing in India we have to first
understand the historical context. India is presently passing through a transitional period
in its history, transition from feudal agricultural society to modern industrial society.
This is a very painful and agonizing period in history. The old feudal society is being
uprooted and torn apart, but the new, modern, industrial society has not yet been
entirely established. Old values are crumbling, everything is in turmoil. We may recollect
the line in Shakespeares play Macbeth: Fair is foul and foul is fair. What was regarded
good earlier e.g. the caste system is regarded bad today (at least by the enlightened
section of society), and what was regarded bad earlier, e.g. love marriage, is acceptable
today (at least to the modern minded persons). One is reminded of Firaq Gorakhpuris
Urdu couplet: Har zarre par ek qaifiyat-e-neemshabi hai Ai saaqi-e- dauraan yeh
gunahon ki ghadi hai
In a marvel of condensation this sher (couplet) reflects the transitional age. Zarra means
particle, qaifiyat means condition, e means of, neem means half, and shab means
night. So the first line in the couplet literally means -Every particle is in a condition of half
night. The 2009 parliamentary election signaled the fall of the leftist rule and the 2011
assembly election brought down the collapse of Left Front and the silver line of
industrialization waned. Another experiment of Alternative Strategies in Leftist Bengal
nipped in the bud. This Alternative Strategies to the Washington declaration was followed
by Czech, China Poland and the output came out affirmative to fight out the negativity of
market economy.
This was more than a conspiracy than a political ploy. This was Bengals historic legacy
that drove out Prince Dwaraka Nath Tagore from Bengal, the first and foremost Indian
intellectual who pioneered modern industry like Mining, Banking, Insurance and Railway.
Patrons of earlier noted Hindu Nationalism set up a mindset to establish monopoly of
19

some states and some communities to command the commerce and industry of nation
with the help of anti left political forces. The successors of Seth Umichand and Jagat Seth
and Mir Zafar always secured victory and pushed the country toward sectarianism to
invite foreign investors. Still there was an exclamation how the chinese wall of
commitment and dedication of Leftists broke down! From 1987 onward the left parties
started succumbing to rightist attitude and etiquettes. Some leaders got involved in such
sort of bourgeois culture that some lower level cadres too were indulged in prompting
reactionary attitude and approach. Culture of consumerism in theory was banished but in
practice it became rampant. Successes won through struggle of the past were turning
blue. The process of purging stopped. The famous Leftist culture became a pride of the
past. Indian Peoples Theatre, All India Krishak Sabha and other mass organizations
became a paper reality. Centre of Indian Trade Unions and All India Government
Employees Federation and Left Front used to call a Strike once in the year against
Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization all over India when the left front
government engaged its machinery in the implementation of Neo Reforms in unison with
the Manmohan Singh led Congress Government UPA 1 and a part of UPA2. The stand of
the government was not tallying with the stand of the constituent parties of Left Front.
The dichotomy went further when in other States, CPI(M) and its allies were protesting
against the acquisition of agricultural lands , in West Bengal being on treasury they were
acquiring agricultural lands for industry and for the capitalists. In Bengal there was a
peculiar phenomenon that due to Operation Barga and Land Reforms the arable lands
were owned by the small peasants who afforded to make at least one of their children
educated up to college levels. They were at dismay that their own government was now
after their land to sell it to the big bourgeoisie. Added fuel to this dichotomy was the
communal forces making hue and cry of acquisition of their Mosque and burial ground by
the left front. State CPI(M) failed to propagate to the general mass that Government
within a given structure of bourgeois democracy run by a Left Front had to follow some
Central Governments agenda which were not incorporated in the manifesto of the Left
Front.
A secret paper was made in public of acquisition of land for a chemical hub and that
enflamed the rumour to a riot. In fact Nandigram was beyond the control of government
for a several months. Many police officers were murdered. There were two artillery forces
of two political colours took their battle fronts and a civil war broke out. No opposition
party played responsible role to oust the Maoists or to stop the war rather some roamed
around with the Maoist guerrillas and their frontal organizations. Chief Minister
Buddhadeb Bhattacharya backed out and assured that there should not be any industry
against the peoples will and appealed the agitators to recede and to create a peaceful
environment. The ploy was then turned into conspiracy, police opened fire and allegedly
fourteen people were killed. The consistent erosion of the Lefts support base in the rural
20

areas that had started since the 2008 panchayat elections reached its high point when
Mamata Banerjee successfully chased away the Tatas from Singur. A helpless chief
minister and his government just watched like a sitting duck how skillfully the rainbow
opposition force took complete control of the situation. Titmice were seen kicking the
elephant that had been stuck in mud. Men and women from different walks of life from
the ultra Left-ultra Right-Centrists, the poets-writers-artists-critics-dramatists-actors-
singers-filmmakers, the historians-sociologists-anthropologists, the spiritualists-
anarchists-existentialists-rationalists-socialists-social democrats, the Gandhians-
Ambedkarites-Arya Samajis, the traders-middlemen-brokers-peddlers-touts-pimps, the
rights activists-environmental activists-fact finders, the renegades-utopian dreamers-
opportunists, the conspirators-manipulators-undercover and double agents, the time
servers-self seekers-turncoats, everyone from everywhere jumped on the Mamata
bandwagon to protest against Buddhadebs industrial policy. Taking advantage of the
situation, the Maoists in the Jangalmahal area and the ethnic Gurkhas in Darjeeling raised
their head to add more trouble for an already dejected administration. [Marxist in
practice by AIJAZ AHMAD in FRONT LINE Volume 27 - Issue 03 Jan. 30-Feb. 12, 2010 ]
With a single point agendum- OUST CPI(M) FROM BENGAL Trinamul Congress brought all
anti CPI(M) forces together and gave a big thrust in Parliamentary election of 2009. The
onwards the one leader one coalition became able to oust CPI(M) out of power in
2011 assembly election. The same strategy was taken to wipe out CPI(M) from the mind
of the people. This time SUCI joined the AITC-Congress- Naxalite coalition. [ From 1970
onward Naxal movement faced backlash and counter terrorism and CPI(ML) broke into pieces.
Maoists were the combination of two fractions of Naxalites. There were several such outfits
claimed as Naxalites]
TABLE 3








West Bengal Parliamentary Election Result
1999 2004 2009
% Seat
No. of
votes % Seat
No. of
votes % Seat
No. of
votes
AITC 26.04 8 9189631 21.04 1 7786178 31.18 19 13321553
INC 13.29 3 4688932 14.56 6 5385754 13.45 6 5749051
CPI 3.47 3 1223879 4.01 3 1484152 3.6 2 1538211
AIFB 3.45 2 1215911 3.66 3 1352423 3.04 2 1299507
RSP 4.25 3 1500653 4.48 3 1658787 3.56 2 1520772
BJP 11.13 2 3928424 8.06 0 2983950 6.14 1 2625182
SUC Not mentionable 3 1 1314613
CPI(M) 35.57 21 12553991 38.58 26 14271042 33.1 9 14144667
21

Actually this time in 2009 and 2011 election result showed that the coalition could
not oust the CPI(M) from its supporters but from gaining seats only which was technical
one. In 2009 CPI(M) lost 126375 votes and in 2011 the figure got down to 322139 votes.
Erosion rose up during these two years. Might be issues were different but the causes laid
upon for erosion were the same. What prompted these voters to switch over to opposite
party? To read between the lines it is the fact that the margin of CPI, a low profile
constituent, gained to a certain extent. Otherwise AIFB & RSP suffered loss. Even INC
suffered erosion approximately by 5 lakh votes in assembly election 2011 while it rose up
by 4 lakh nearly in 2009 parliamentary election. There must be some reason of such set
back of CPI(M) ,INC and AIFB and RSP. The causes might not be the same but obviously of
similar in nature. The reasons shown for deterioration of votes for leftists could not be the
same as for INC. It implied that INC votes were shifted to AITUC and there were people
who did not cast vote for any party also.
Assembly
Election
2006 2011
PARTIES % Seat No. of
votes
% Seat No. of
votes
CPIM 37 176 14652200 30 40 14330061
INC 15 21 5805398 9 42 4330580
AITC 27 30 10512153 39 184 18547678
AIFB 6 23 2232850 5 11 2285829
RSP 4 20 1463901 3 7 1411254
CPI 2 8 753317 2 2 876576
BJP 2 0 760236 4 0 1934650
Total 294 294

Besides there were other factors officially drawn like delimitation of
constituencies. Young voters were not attracted to the Left Front in power for 34 years
i.e. anti incumbency factor prevailed and Left Front failed to address the problem. There
was no land policy adopted by the Central government which was the first and foremost
condition of acquisition of land for industry because land is in the concurrent list.
Everywhere where new industry were to kick off, protests and agitation by the farmers
were going on. The capitalists were also shaky to invest in an environment of uncertainty.
Lumpen capital from chit funds were in the market which preliminary enchanted several
lakh of people and some political parties in opposition which took three years to unfold
the stories. [ On may 09, 2014 Supreme Court ordered probe to be conducted by CBI
under the supervision of the Apex court and all othe investigative agencies of Central and
State got mandate to assist the probe.]
22

LESSONS LEARNED :
A review report on the election results, adopted by the CPI(M) Central Committee in
Hyderabad in 2011,June 11-12, noted that in West Bengal the people have voted
determinedly for a change.
It is evident from the results that the trend against the Left Front, which emerged partly
in the panchayat elections in 2008, continued in the Lok Sabha polls in 2009 and in the
2010 municipal polls and got further momentum in the Assembly elections, .
The prolonged rule of Left Front government for 34 years has led to an accumulation of
various negative factors which have impelled the people to vote for change.
Shortcomings in the performance :
i. Some of the programs and schemes ( PDS, Health, education, rural electrification
etc.) were not taken up for implementation.The deficiencies in basic services and
their delivery caused discontent among the people.
ii. At the political level,there was an all in opposition unity from the rightwing. Lok
Sabha Election Review of the Central Committee stated The TMCled combine
has been effectively using the issue(Singur- Nandigram) to drive a wedge between
the Party and a section of peasantry. The administrative and political mistakes in
this regard proved costly.
iii. At the grass root level, the erosion of support amongst the working class and rural
and urban poor indicates the failing to consistently take up the class issues. The
independent role of Party and the mass organizations was impaired due to
dependence on the administration. The image of Party amongst the people has
been dented by manifestations of highhandedness, bureaucratism and refusal to
hear the views of the people. The existence of corruption and wrong doing among
small strata of Party leaders and cadres due to the corrosive influence of being a
ruling party and running the government for a prolonged period was also
resented by the people.
iv. Notwithstanding these important achievements ( Land Reforms, Panchayat raj,
small and middle sector industrialization Muslim reservation quota within OBC,
etc.) the limitations and difficulties of working under an overall neo-liberal set up
also became evident. A more elaborate review should examine whether the Left
Front did enough to implement alternative policies to the neo-liberal framework.
v. In many places, the poor and the working people ( Morethan 1 Crore 95 lakh
votes which is 41 % of the total votes polled) stood with the Party. We have to
base ourselves on this mass support and go towards recovering the lost ground.
vi. There was a systematic and concerted campaign against the Left Front and the
CPI(M) in particular in the mass media controlled by the corporate sector. The
23

sustained campaign over the last three years has influenced a section of the
people particularly the middle classes. Identity politics was fostered to weaken
the class based unity of the people. This election saw the use of money in a big
way, not seen before in West Bengal. Various NGOs and imperialists agencies
were against the Left Front.
vii. The Party has to study the changes that have come about in class relations
especially after three decades of land reforms and the development of capitalist
relations. We have to examine the shifts in class positions with the advent ofa
rural rich strata. Similarly, under the impact of neo-liberal policies, there are
changes that have occurred among the middle-classes and the poorer sections
can be determined on this basis.
Communists of India were allegedly called as Mistake Makers. They do wrong and
analyze post facto, again do wrong and never reach to the right. It is not wrongly stated.
The Left can not be Right. The Rightists never confess their error and mistakes they call it
a failure of policy, even that goes to the extent of corruption. It is also allegedly true that
Leftists are not corrupt.
The analysis CPI(M) Central Committee in Hyderabad, as stated earlier, was not a full
proof cognizance of the failure of Left Front.
1) The Party was gradually increasing its strength in Parliamentary and Assembly
election of Bengal on the support of working class of people of Barrackpore and
Howrah industrial belts which at present turned into a desert. The cause of
closures was blamed upon the trade unions although the world wide financial
crises affected the old type industries.
2) The major support during the 34 years of governance came from the rural
agriculture sectors which were hankering for modernity and more employment
and decentralization.
3) The capitalist form of Business Process Outsourcing to found IT Hubs required
early attention, which came late in salt Lake Sector V but the decentralization of
IT Hubs in Districts got delayed.
4) The dichotomy of State Government and the State party regarding Marketing
Finance, Reforms, Nuclear deals, and other Central policies pushed the elites and
middle class in confusion. The harshest dichotomy was on acquisition of arable
land which was once benevolently given to the peasants free of cost and selling of
such lands to the big bourgeoisie(Capitalists against whom the party educated
people to fight).
24

5) Snob attitude and belittling the anti left forces ( who are the better mediums of
rightist imperialists than Communists) was the great folly of combined decision of
Left Front.
6) The role of Central Government to construct an Industry was better ventilated by
Late Comrade Jyoti Basus regime but the role of Central Government in adopting
a land policy with regard to industry was not propagated to the peasantry; they
on the contrary accepted the that industry was the need of the time and industry
can not be built in sky. So there was such a large base of voters supported in the
bad times when moderate and extreme rightists and leftists formed the so called
rainbow coalition attacked vehemently with the help of some media who later
was reprimanded by Mr. Katju, chairman PCI.
7) The educated portion of the offspring of the poor peasants needed employment
because those of their brethren in public sectors and private sectors do not
belong to the classes they earlier belonged. Class character changes through
evolution.
REIGN OF RAINBOW COALTION
But the bubbles of false promises made out by the CHANGE LOVERS headed by AITUC
formed government with absolute majority burst out in three years rule. No land in Singur
was given back to the so called unwilling peasants. Nandigram is peaceful without having
any CPI(M) supporters dwelling. Some could stay in exchange of shifted loyalty and as a
show case of restoration of democracy. Only before the ensuing parliamentary election
some came back and dared to open party office under threat gone ransacked. In Forest
side , Jungle Mahal, some doles reached and the leader of the Maoist group was killed by
the Police force, others were either in jail or shifted loyalty.

The observation of Central Committee of CPI(M) over the use of money in a big way,
not seen before in West Bengal has been unearthed. All the chit funds money were
involved there. The biggest financial scam of the time since independence is now gone
under the investigation of CBI following a judgment of Apex Court on 09May, 2014 just
before the final stage ( 12
th
. May) of parliamentary election 2014. A chit fund named
Sarada Groups of Companies and some small ones also cheated 10000 crore of rupees
affecting a few lakh of rural and suburban poor people tolling suicides of nearly 60
persons. The network spread over the eastern Indian states and its server used in
software networking, as per media hype, is allegedly installed in New York. CBI was given
all over power to probe this infamous scam which involved politicians, high ranking
officers and high profile people of the society. Apex court will monitor the proceedings.
25

The media engaged in the propaganda were all on dying condition and will attract CBI
investigation. Some media changed their stand after the reprimandation of PCI.

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTON 2014
The parliamentary election of 2014 will end on 12
th
May. The result will be out on 16
th

May. Big commercial propaganda by BJP was in the air promoting Narendra Modi as Prime
Minister calculating the mandate of Indian general mass will go against INC led UPA2
government which failed to address the common mans problems like Inflation and
employment. The event management of Election Agencies highlighted corruption issue
also. Again a series of false promises were aired by the BJPs Modi Management
campaign. To give water or to protect womens modesty, or maintaining the law and
orders are the State matter, obviously some are in the concurrent list, but the state
government can address the problems not the Central government alone. The Parliament
Members altogether participate in the debate on the Bills. One man or one party without
absolute majority cannot go alone with the bills. Regarding some other issues UPA2
Government was successful with the consent or amendments from the opposition parties.
Ii is the fact that a large percentage of voters are illiterates and ignorant of such
development. But they get convinced with the issue when they experience the utility of
the subject matter. Some votes on the favour of those issues may go to the favour of the
Party in Power of the State. On some certain matters, BJP and INC have no difference of
opinion (a) to give advantage to the corporate houses, (b) to allow foreign direct
investment in retail sectors (c) to allow market players openly to dominate national
economy (d) to follow the dictum of IMF and WTO. The differences lie in the matter of
Hindu Nationalism and Indian secularism. Yet Narendra Damodar bhai Modi factor will
get an extra leverage due to the fact that there is no alternative force of INC in the
country. The game players of Capitalist Globalisation have found a reliable force in Modi
led BJP to proceed forward to reap benefits out of the doldrums of Manmohanomics
legacy. To balance the Hindu Chauvinism the players, the invisible hands, will choose
some regional parties dominant in different States to guard the erosion of muslim votes
(more than 12% of votes). The Muslim votes differ a lot from State to State. In West
Bengal the share is more than 25% of the total electorate. Another false propaganda
vibrant Gujrat model will attract young generation to dream for industrialization and
employment. So BJP will win by the grace of super power. The regional secular parties
those who may make alliance with BJP but support the causes of Muslims and the
Downtrodden Hindus will also gain in this Parliamentary election.
In Bengal situations are not befitting to their policy of Finance Capital. Here jathedari /
Zamindary do not exist. Public sector employees are tightly knitted with the left oriented
trade unions and other trade unions like AITUC, UTUC, INTUC; the latters break away
26

faction is INTTUC affiliated to AITC .Although Bengal suffered the bitterest riot between
Hindu and Muslim in past, now the situation is just opposite. Some ghettos under some
religious groups and social groups preach against upper caste and Brahmanism, such high
handedness of Upper Caste and Brahmanism do not exist in Bengal. Here non Rightists
have to act like Leftists to gain the support of common mass. This is the basic social
structure of Bengal the Leftists had built. But as the Left Front and INC kept themselves
engaged in the regional issues and failed to assure a stable government there chances are
little.
Even if more than 70 per centum of vote gets polled free and fair, the reflection of the
switch over toward Left Front will not be bright. The percentage of vote polling goes
above the national average because of the social consciousness of Bengalis as a whole.
These Bengalis means and includes the inhabitants of West Bengal. The problem lies
there. As there is a havoc turn out of voters, as the parties are hurling negativity on
regional issues although their election manifestos address the socio-economic problems
like liberal market economy, Role of finance capital, Reforms etc. the political clashes
take place in rampant. In other States, there goes silent rigging in favour of the powerful
zamindars cum politicians as we see in south Indian Movies and Bollywood movies.
It was understood that the government officers who will run the administration and
election process should act unprejudiced and unbiased. But it did not happen in any State,
they were used by the party echelons either to siphon money or to loot vote banks in
exchange of better posting and prized nomination of election-candidates after their
retirement. Not that all of them behave in similar manner. Some good officers get side-
posting or compulsory waiting or just discharge their duties in a routine manner.
This tendency reached peak during the 36 months tenure of AITC government. People are
aghast to see that the victims are getting charges and going under lock up and the culprits
run free. A large numbers of eligible candidates for recruitment of teachers were deprived
of getting appointment as because they do not belong to the ruling party or failed to bribe
via brokers. The communists alleged the lots of money from unknown source were spent
from 2006 to create a situation against the Left Front to buy votes and to switch over
votes in favour of AITC, later their coalition partner State INC later disintegrated and
accused AITC on the same issues and further State Unit BJP raised the same alert. On the
eve of the last phase, the Apex Court rejected the State governments objection and
ordered CBI Enquiry on Sarada Chit Fund Scam.
The psephologists did market survey with the sponsorship of some leading mass
media projected Modi led BJP the winner and Runners up will be INC. Some of them
predicted more than 50% seats to AITC and approximately25% to Left Front 10% to BJP
and 15% to INC. What they did not count was that how much Scam will affect AITC and
27

how much rigging terror and killing will escalate the percentage of vote in favour of
AITUC. On 12
th
. May, the last polling day the electronic media, who promoted AITC in the
last Parliamentary election and Assembly election, are showing the atrocities of AITUC
cadres and the passive support of Police administration that crippled the impartiality of
State Election commisiion itself. However, better late than never,some measures were
taken to sort out the problems which will try its best to show prove that the partisan
steps of the prejudiced administration is able to uphold the written norm of so- called
biggest democracy of the world.Theoretically if every point is followed by the political
parties and administration India can boast of a real democracy. But illiteracy, poverty and
population exploded since 1947 which were not earnestly and honestly addressed. A
decade will pass and some intellectuals will claim everything was good and everything is
bad.
No terror can win ultimately. In 1972 a section of people and print media
propagated that Communista were finished, no chance was left for coming back in power.
In 1977 the propaganda was proved to be ill motivated after the return of Left Front.
Similarly after the kick-out of Nambudripad Ministry in Kerala in 1957 the reactionaries
exulted on the end of the first Left ruled government and later they were proved wrong.
Again in Tripura Left Front government was lost and was washed away by the terror and
torture but the Tripura people brought CPI(M) back in power. The opponent of CPI(M) at
that time at those States were INC and not AITC. So at this time at this State history of
Leftism will not stop. Leftism has root in Bengal and Left Front with many more allies may
emerge as formidable power block but not in this parliamentary election. This is not State
election. The State Government will be governed by AITC till 2016 and BJP , if come into
Central power , will dole out a special economic package for West Bengal. So there is a
chance of the prediction made by the Market psepho logists may turn to be correct.

Left Front, as it is now, and the CPI(M) by the principle it is guided from the beginning,
forged an alliance with eleven other non-INC non-BJP parties of different States based on
4-point common agenda.If the number of MP permits to form a coalition government, can
charter a common minimum program to run the Central Government.Being a secular and
democratic party , INC, may support such government as a reciprocation for UPA1 & UPA2
28

governments ,if it fails to come to power. One thing is clear from the voting result of 2009
and 2011 that machinery voting system is a doubtful bonafide to predict any statistical
data.May be for that reason AITC Chief while in opposition called the victory of Left Front
as a result of scientific rigging.But the big money expended to highlight Agle bar Modi
Sarkar( Next time Modi Government) by the Corporate Event Management Group will
make an appreciable consequence in the traditional vote banks of coalition democracy of
India for a perfect capitalism. As the financial budgets of the country was done under the
control of big players of international communnity, the election system is ready to be
taken over by them.
A victory for Modi is likely and that is making Indias business class beam. The Indian stock
market has reached new highs. But Indias electorate is faced with a choice at a national level
between a corrupt family-run party backed by big business and landholder interests and an
extreme nationalist party that has adopted Modinomics to solve Indian capitalisms failure to
deliver sufficient growth and better profitability. It is a choice that will make many vote instead
for various regional parties or small radical parties which may well hold the balance of power in
parliament, as before.
Michael Robert's blog April 13, 2014 A critical day Posted in capitalism economics,

TRANSITION :
The expectation of people to keep trust of generation of employment or lowering of
inflation can not be satiated without the substantial growth of GDP. To give a boost to the
GDP the central government need to push the national economy to the level of USA, UK
and Japan in lieu of coming out of BRIC or fighting against the big brothers as INC did
remaining in BRICS .(for the economies of Brazil, Russia, India , China and South Africa
combined; the acronym BRIC was first used in 2001 by Goldman Sachs in their Global
Economics Paper No. 66, The World Needs Better Economic BRICs. South Africa was
invited to attend the 3rd BRICS Summit in Sanya on 14 April 2011.)
The BRIC thesis posits that China and India will become the world's dominant suppliers of
manufactured goods and services, respectively, while Brazil and Russia will become
similarly dominant as suppliers of raw materials. .Due to lower labor and
production costs, many companies also cite BRIC as a source of foreign expansion
opportunity.
Some inequality of income and wealth is inevitable, if not necessary. If an economy is to
function well, people need incentives to work hard and innovate.The pertinent question is not
whether income and wealth inequality is good or bad. It is at what point do these inequalities
become so great as to pose a serious threat to our economy, our ideal of equal opportunity and
our democracy. [Robert Reich-economist and a left Democrat in Clintons cabinet as Labor
Secretary(http://robertreich.org/post/85532751265)]
29


Among the BRIC nations, India is slowly emerging as the favourite of fund managers as the stocks of its three peersBrazil, Russia and China go down.
A report from Partha Sinha of The Times of India may clarify the stand point.
So what are the reasons for India becoming a darling of foreign fund managers while others lag
behind? And what is the implication for this FII preference for Indian stocks? "It seems that there is
an expectation lag in market performance and the current run is due to twin effects. Investors may
be bullish not because of how things are (in India) but because of where the economy may be in
the future," said Anis Chakravarty, senior director, Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu India. "In this regard,
elections hold the key. There is an expectation that if the new government is formed with a clear
mandate it will take reforms forward, cut down on corruption and revive growth prospects of the
economy. Second, FII inflows have been good this current quarter and the sensex has been one of
the best performers among developing countries' indices," Chakravarty said.
The global feature that has been economically viable to come out from the financial
crises, as experimented by China successfully, is Alternative Strategies. Leftists are
propagating the Alternative Strategies at this moment. Even the Lefists become an
opponent force, they can pursue the Central Government to take up a principle of
conditional entry of Foreign Direct Investment, the land reforms, and educational
reforms( both in concurrent list). Industrial Policy has to be taken on Brick and Morter
policy so that it can compete with the service sectors. At present Central Government
earned major from service sectors. The bureaucracy also need to be revamped. The old
feudal age was gone, agro economy is reaching to its culminating point, Due to massive
computerisation the mentality of people has undergone a social change. It is the need of
social science to leap toward Induastrial Age. Export of produces is now feeding the first
world, export of products have been necessary. So industrialisation is a necessity to
empower the indian economy.
Left Front has the idealism to connect mass to the productivity. So many political parties
winning from various bases of masses especially the backward toiling classes have to
come under an umbrella of developmental agenda. A new and more powerful Left and
Democratic Front is required to emerge to confront the Finance Capital and Mafia capital
which widens the gap between a few rich and multitude of poor. A movement named
Occupy Wall Street anaesthetised US administration a few year back which promoted a
30

slogan of removing the gap beyween we( 99%) and You(1%) . All the communists parties
are on the road of transition due to the changes in the nature of capital and modus
operandi of capitalists. Communust Party did not come back to Russia although birth
centenary of Marx , Engels,Lenin and Stalin are being celebrated there. China remained
unique and unparallel. Peasants and workers under Socialist parties and Communist
Parties in Africa and Latin America are changing their route adapting with the modernity
of the time.In 2013 Unite Kingdom witnessed its worst possible strike on the issue of
privatization of Pension Fund ever seen successful in the history of England and that too
called by the Leftist and Socialist trade unions.
Resurrection of Leftism may not be a possibility right now but the communists and other
leftists have to pass through a compelling transition. Sooner the leftists of India realize it
better the days can be seen ahead.Experience with the capitalist globalization was not at
all good in East Asia rather throughout the third world. The transition from communism
to a market economy has been so badly managed that,with the exception in China,
Vietnam and a few eatern European countries, poverty has soared as incomes have
plummeted( Joseph Stiglitz in Globalization and its Discontent).The problem is not with
the Globalization but with the conepts of handling the process of Globalization.The
players are IMF, WTO and WORLD BANK who set rules for profit interest of the advanced
industrialized countries not in the interest of developing countries. Leftists need to
understand well why they have failed, and failed so miserably. It is not mere a challenge,
it is a tooth and nail fight for survival of a rational and pragmatic mind set.The leftists
alone has to take up the responsibility of creating mass awareness about Global Warming,
Water Pollution, Genetically Modified foods, and building a congenial atmosphere for
agriculture and insustry , promoting the participation of common people in small scale
invstment and insurance and industry and finally raising voice of support and protest as
the situation demands. For some current decades, number of seats owned and per
centage of votes won may not be proportional but ultimately paradox will come out and
the mathematics of developmental transition will prove that everything on earth is
proportionately made.