The Stanford Journal of International Relations Winter 2012

STANFORD JOURNAL !
"
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Opportunities and Challenges:
Regional Perspectives on
Female Empowerment
By Sabrina Layne
Wi nter 2008 Vol . IX No. 1
By Rachel Waltman
Women's Control over Loans and
Involvement in Investment Activity:
Research Results from
Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh
By Elena Bridgers
Realist Responses to the
9/11 Terrorist Attacks
By Noura Elfarra
Spatiality and Solidarity:
Exploring the Revolutionary Tactics
of the Madres
By Elise Racine
Te Importance of Considering the
Role of Death Rituals in the
HIV/ AIDS- Poverty Syndemic
Te Changing Status of Women
in the Workplace in Japan
Wi1iv io1i VoiUmi XIII NUmniv i s,iv.s1:iovu.iuU
Cover Photo: iStockPhoto
Te Stanford Journal of International Relations, an amliate of the
Department of International Relations at Stanford University, is
published twice yearly.
Copyright 2012. No material may be reproduced without
the consent of the Journal.
Eui1ovi:i Bo:vu
Editors in Chief
Amanda McFarlane
Mitul Bhat
Layout Editor
Alison Ge
Financial Director
Benjamin Lei
Managing Editor
Diana Chou
Tis Journal could not have been published without the support of the Department of International
Relations, and the Publications Board of the Associated Students of Stanford University. Te Journal
would like to thank Professor Judith Goldstein for her guidance and assistance.
Section Editors
Isabella Fu
Mauricio Grande
Sanjana Parikh
Sophie Wiepking-Brown
Associate Editors
Alex Binnie
Alex Holtzman
Alex Klein
Chris Kremer
Derrick Staten
Kelly Ding
Leslie Brian
Marshall Watkins
Nica Langinger
Raiyan Khan
Samra Adeni
Shea Ritchie
Stacey Wong
Uttara Sivaram
Melissa Hesselgrave
Te articles of the winter issue of the Stanford Journal of International Relations are tied together
by a functional rather than thematic focus. In particular, this issue examines topics related to
women and the struggles they overcome in diferent parts of the world.
In the frst paper, Rachel Waltman presents an excerpt of a longer work titled Te Changing
Status of Women in the Workplace in Japan. Although at frst glance this does not seem to ft
as well with the other papers in this issue, it is a perfect complement. She examines the gradual
acceptance of women in the Japanese labor force, a generations-long battle for acknowledgement
that echoes the empowerment of women through microfnance and the fortitude of the
Argentine women.
Next, Elena Bridgers looks at the fast-growing area of microfnance, with a focus on two states
in India. Her paper, Women's Control over Loans and Involvement in Investment Activity,
examines the impact of empowering women in rural communities with credit to start small
businesses. Much like the similar experiments witnessed across the seas, from Bangladesh to
Kenya to Peru, she fnds that the results are transformative.
Te third paper, by Noura Elfarra, is titled Realism in Response to the 9/11 Terrorist Attacks.
Tis is a departure from the broad theme of this issue but is nevertheless an interesting article.
It is timely, with the tenth anniversary of the attacks commemorated last year, and there is no
doubt that the entire arena of international relations is permanently changed in the afermath
of that day. From the more obvious repercussions like the invasion of Afghanistan or the death
of Osama Bin Laden to the Arab Spring or even the 2008 US presidential election, the lens with
which the US government and public approaches foreign relations is diferent than it was in the
immediate post-Cold War era.
Elise Racine explores a quiet revolution in Spatiality and Solidarity: Exploring the Revolutionary
Tactics of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, the brave campaign by the mothers of the desaparecidos
in Argentina for justice for crimes committed under the military dictatorship. Tese women
advancement of transitional justice was accomplished without the violent tactics used in so
many other countries in the region and around the world.
Lastly, Te Importance of Considering the Role of Death Rituals in the HIV/AIDS-Poverty
Syndemic by Sabrina Layne explores the challenges in the wake of the HIV/AIDS catastrophe.
She explores the socio-cultural impact of death rituals in poor communities where opportunities
are limited.
It is our hope that these papers provide material for discussion about the role of women in
societies across the globe, and the interlinked cause of development and security in a changing
world. Happy reading and do write to us with feedback. Also, be sure to visit us on our website
at http://sjir.stanford.edu.
Mitul Bhat and Amanda McFarlane
Editors in Chief
Fvom Tui Eui1ovs
T:nii oi Co1i1s
10
Wi 1iv io1i VoiUmi XI I I NUmniv i
26
Women's Control over Loans and
Research Results from Maharashtra
and Andhra Pradesh
By Elena Bridgers
20
Realist Responses to the
9/11 Terrorist Attacks
By Noura Elfarra
36
Spatiality and Solidarity:
Exploring the Revolutionary Tactics
of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo
By Elise Racine
6
Te Changing Status of Women
in the Workplace in Japan
By Rachel Waltman
Te Importance of Considering the
Role of Death Rituals in the
HIV/ AIDS- Poverty Syndemic
By Sabrina Layne
S1nNvonu JocnNn: ov IN1vnNn1:oNn: Rv:n1:oNs
6 Winter 2012

by Rachel Waltman
Te Changing Status of Women in the
Workplace in Japan
Beginning in the 1970s, the number of women entering the workforce in Japan
rose sharply as a result of increased educational opportunities for women and
the desire of women to supplement their familys income. Yet despite laws aimed
at preventing discrimination and ensuring equal treatment in the workplace,
gender inequality remains a signifcant problem in the Japanese workplace
today. Women are typically not aforded the same opportunities as men, but
are instead relegated to largely menial tasks. And women who seek to reenter
the workforce afer leaving to get married and raise their children generally
end up in unsatisfying part-time jobs, which pay far less than the full-time
positions dominated by men. Tis excerpt explores the main reasons gender
disparity continues to exist in the Japanese workplace. It further examines the
consequences for Japan if it cannot close its gender employment gap, particularly
given its declining birthrate and aging population. Based on these fndings,
it ofers recommendations for how to remedy this problem and afect positive
change for working women in Japan.
W J
Vol. XIII | No. 2 7
Rachel Waltman, of the Class of 2015, has not yet declared
a major, but is leaning towards majoring in International
Relations or History, with a minor in Modern Languages.
She frst wrote this paper for Stanford Universitys
Reischauer Scholars Program, which provides an intensive
study of Japan and U.S. - Japan relations.
G
ender inequality remains a signifcant problem
in Japan today. According to the 2009 United
Nations Development Programs Gender
Empowerment Measure, Japan ranks 57th out of 109
countries in political and economic participation for
women, placing it far below other developed nations
such as the United States, Germany, and Canada.
1

Similarly, the World Economic Forums 2011 Global
Gender Gap Index, which tracks gender inequality,
ranks Japan 98th out of 135 countries far behind all
other developed nations.
2
Wage disparity between the
sexes also persists in the Japanese workplace. Japanese
women earn 67.8 percent of what men do.
3
Finally,
Japanese women continue to face a glass ceiling when
it comes to obtaining managerial positions. While
women comprise nearly half of all managers in the
United States, less than 10 percent of women in Japan
are managers.
4
In 2009, women made up only 1.2
percent of senior executives in Japan.
5
Tese statistics refect the myriad obstacles
faced by Japanese women in seeking careers. Regardless
of their qualifcations, women must frst overcome
entrenched biases in order to succeed on the career
track, including the perception among managers that
childbearing is an insupportable disruption.
6
A survey
by Japans Federation of Economic Organizations
reveals that male managers tend to blame the lack of
female managers on women themselves, as opposed to
company policy. When asked why there are few or no
women in management, the men surveyed frequently
cited the possibilities of giving birth, as well as a lack
of professionalism on the part of women.
7
Tus, a
signifcant challenge to achieving gender equality lies in
transcending these inherent prejudices and convincing
male managers that it is in their best business interests to
have women employees in positions of leadership. Te
good news is that younger Japanese men are showing
a willingness to treat women as equals, although not
surprisingly, older men, who wield the greatest power,
appear less receptive to change.
8
Yet it is not just male managers who must
readjust their attitudes. Female employees also need
help understanding their opportunities throughout
the organization, since this is a new way of thinking
for many of them.
9
One way to encourage women to
remain in the workplace is to provide them with more
female role models. By taking proactive measures
to promote workplace diversity and to recruit, train,
and develop female talent, employers maximize the
likelihood that women will remain in the workforce
and realize their full potential.
Another barrier to womens advancement is
Japans notoriously demanding morning to midnight
corporate culture. As Kuniko Inoguchi, a former
cabinet minister in charge of gender equality, states:
If expected to work ffeen hours a day, then most
women will give up.
10
Companies can encourage
working women to remain in the labor force by ofering
initiatives such as fexible work options. However, to
achieve real progress in remedying gender disparity
in the workplace, Japanese businesses must also be
mindful of the negative impact of the salaryman
corporate culture of long hours at work and many
evenings spent drinking with the boss if they seriously
expect to encourage women to manage work and
life.
11

Womens participation in the workforce in
Japan is also hindered by the lack of adequate childcare.
Each year, many women are forced to leave their jobs
because of a shortage of childcare facilities. While the
government has endeavored to build more facilities,
most of these childcare centers have restricted hours
that ofen make it difcult for women to pick up their
children. In addition, for those women who rely on
domestic help, such as babysitters or housekeepers, for
childcare, the cost can ofen be prohibitive. One study
found that using a babysitter instead of daycare would
account for roughly 62 percent of the average womans
monthly paycheck, thereby greatly reducing her
economic incentive to work.
12
Tus, increased female
labor participation is inextricably linked to expanding
afordable and available childcare options for Japanese
women.
Moreover, in Japan, women are not only expected
to be the primary caregivers for their children, but they
also are expected to do a disproportionate share of the
household chores. According to the Japanese Ministry
of Internal Afairs and Communications, only seven
percent of men help with household chores, while 90
percent of wives do all the work.
13
In families where

8 Winter 2012
both spouses work, women typically spend more than
four hours a day on housework and childcare, which
is more than most working fathers spend in a week.
14

Tis unequal division of housekeeping responsibilities
provides a further impediment to womens labor force
participation.
Te numerous challenges Japanese women face
in balancing work and family have led many women
to postpone marriage and childbirth. In 2005 one in
four Japanese women in their early thirties was single,
up from fourteen percent a decade earlier.
15
Studies
reveal that the majority of Japanese women do want
to marry.
16
Yet, because they are expected to leave
their jobs once they marry and have children, many
women are choosing to remain single longer. Not
only are women delaying marriage, but when they
do marry, they also are having fewer children. In the
early post-war years, the average Japanese woman
had four children. By 2004, Japans fertility rate had
fallen to a record low of 1.29 children per woman
compared to 2.13 in the United States, giving Japan the
second-lowest birthrate among modern, industrialized
nations, behind only Italys birthrate of 1.24.
17
Japans
population is predicted to decline from around 127
million today to approximately 90 million by 2055.
18

Some Japanese politicians argue that womens increased
participation in the workforce is responsible for Japans
declining birth rate. However, empirical evidence
suggests the opposite; those countries that boast high
labor participation rates for women, such as the United
States, France, and Sweden, also tend to have higher
birth rates.
19

At the same time Japans birth rate is declining,
its elderly population is rising. In 2009, the life-span
for Japanese women reached a record high of 86.4
years.
20
Tis increased life-span, combined with Japans
declining birth rate, has transformed Japan into an
aging society. Japan has long succeeded in maintaining
a relatively high growth rate due to a ready supply
of highly-skilled workers. As the population ages
and the number of younger workers entering the job
market decreases due to the declining birthrate, the
socioeconomic impact on Japan will be signifcant.
As Kathy Matsui, chief Japan equity strategist at
Goldman Sachs, confrms: Conventional wisdom
suggests that a shrinking population is unambiguously
negative for economic growth, therefore making
Japan an unattractive destination for long-term equity
investment.
21
Yet, she goes on to note that, not all is
necessarily doom and gloom if Japan can make better
use of its most underutilized resource: its women.
22

For this reason, many analysts view achieving gender
W J
Vol. XIII | No. 2 9
equality in the workplace as one of the most critical
issues facing Japan today.
23

Experts believe that closing the gender gap and
better addressing the needs of working women provide a
viable response to Japans demographic problems. Tey
assert that Japans looming labor crisis can be averted
if women enter and remain in the workforce in similar
numbers to men. According to a 2010 Goldman Sachs
report, If Japan could close its gender employment
gap, we estimate that Japans workforce could expand by
8.2 million and the level of Japans GDP could increase
by as much as 15 percent.
24
However, before this can
happen, employers must provide women with wages
and promotional opportunities that are on par with
those given to men, as well as better childcare options
and more fexible work schedules.
Womens rights advocates contend that the
realities of Japans shrinking population are slowly
forcing change.
25
More companies are creating new
work shifs to make it easier for women to stay in their
jobs afer marriage and childbirth. Similarly, at several
large companies, such as Nikko Cordial Securities, all
new employees are hired as professional employees"
and are aforded opportunities based on performance
rather than gender.
26
Although Japanese women have made
signifcant advancements in the workplace since World
War II, present conditions remain far from equal.
While Japans post-war constitution guarantees women
the same rights as men, further change is needed to
make this constitutional promise a reality. Not only do
current laws aimed at eliminating discrimination need
greater enforcement, but there also must be a shif in
entrenched cultural attitudes regarding women and
work. Internal pressure to address the consequences
of Japans declining birthrate has provided the impetus
for social change. A new generation of Japanese men,
who appear more willing to depart from traditional
notions of a womans role in society, has further aided
this transition. Japan must persist in its eforts to catch
up to other modern industrialized nations in terms
of female labor participation and take further steps
to achieve gender equality in the workplace. With
concerted eforts by all the stakeholders in the process,
Japan can, and no doubt will, succeed.
E
1 United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report
2009 (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2009), 190.
2 Sayuri Daimon, Gender gap shows scant improvement, Japan
Times Online, 23 December 2011, http://www.japantimes.co.jp/text/
nn20111223f2.html (accessed 5 January 2012).
3 Kathy Matsui et al., Womenomics 3.0: Te Time is Now (Tokyo:
Goldman Sachs Group, 2010), 18-19.
4 Ibid., 18.
5 Mariko Sanchanta, An Uphill Climb: Japans Women Advance but
Slowly, Wall Street Journal, 14 July 2010, A15.
6 Suvendrini Kakuchi, Dwindling Workforce Forces a Rethink on Role
of Women Workers, Inter Press Service,16 May 2005, http://ipsnews.
net/news.asp?idnews=28692 (accessed 26 November 2011).
7 Sumiko Iwao, Te New Lifestyles of Japanese Women, Ministry of
Foreign Afairs of Japan, September 1996, http://www.mofa.go.jp/j_
info/japan/opinion/iwao.html (accessed 26 November 2011).
8 Anthony Faiola, Japanese Working Women Still Serve the Tea,
Washington Post, 2 March 2007, A9.
9 Jessica Marquez, Diversity Challenges in Japan, Workforce
Management Online, September 2008, www.workforce.com/archive/
feature/25/73/39/25734/php.ht= (accessed 26 April 2011).
10 Martin Fackler, Career Women in Japan Find a Blocked Path, New
York Times, 6 August 2007, A6.
11 Can Japan Change? 20-frst.com, http://www.20-frst.com/758-0-
why-women-mean-business-in-japan.html (accessed 26 November
2011).
12 Kathy Matsui et al., Womenomics: Japans Hidden Asset (Tokyo:
Goldman Sachs Group, 2005), 11.
13 Catherine Makino, Careers on Hold for Most Women, Inter Press
Service, 20 December 2009, http://www.ips.org/mdg3/japan-careers-
on-hold-for-most-women/ (accessed 26 November 2011).
14 Te Flight from Marriage, Economist, 20 August 2011, 2.
15 Hannah Beech, Te Wasted Asset, Time Asia, 22 August 2005,
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1096571,00.html
(accessed 26 November 2011).
16 Sumiko Iwao, Te New Lifestyles of Japanese Women, Ministry of
Foreign Afairs of Japan, September 1996, http://www.mofa.go.jp/j_
info/japan/opinion/iwao.html (accessed 26 November 2011).
17 Matsui et al., Womenomics, 3.
18 Kakuchi, Dwindling Workforce.
20 Ministry of Internal Afairs and Communications, Statistical
Handbook of Japan 2011 (Tokyo: Statistics Bureau, 2011), 17.
22 Ibid.
23 Faiola, Japanese Working Women.
25 Fackler, Career Women in Japan.
26 Kakuchi, Dwindling Workforce.
10 Winter 2012

by Elena Bridgers
Women's Control Over Loans and
Research Results from Maharashtra and
Andhra Pradesh
Tis study examined the level of control that women in Maharashtra, India,
retain over microloans given in their name and the factors that afect their level
of control. Te majority of women surveyed failed to retain adequate control over
their loans in order to direct investment, preferring instead to give the loans to
their husbands afer disbursal. Multiple regression analysis was used to examine
whether certain external factors such as self-help group (SHG) participation and
vocational training could predict which women managed to retain control and
which relinquished the loan to male relatives. Te study was carried out in the
afermath of the 2010 microfnance crisis in Andhra Pradesh. At this time of fux
for Indian microfnance institutions (MFIs), we make directed recommendations
based on our data and observations.
WomvN :N M:cnov:NnNcv
Vol. XIII | No. 2 11
Elena Bridgers, of the Class of 2011, graduated from
Stanford with a degree in Human Biology in 2011,
with a concentration in International Womens Health
and a minor in Swahili Language and Culture. She has
done public health related research in Kenya, Australia,
France and the United States. Most recently, she spent
the summer of 2011 researching womens involvement
in microenterprises in Maharashtra, India. She hopes to
continue working in microfnance and social venture in
the coming years. She currently lives in Paris, France.
IN1noocc1:oN
Since its inception in the 198us, miciofinance
has been haileu not only as the poveity panacea,
but also as a catalyst foi biinging genuei equality
to some of the woilu's most oppiesseu women.
It's geneially believeu that womenwho aie moie
likely to invest in family welfaie anu less likely to
waste money on vicesmake foi moie ieliable
miciofinance clients than theii husbanus. Thus,
lenuing uiiectly to women is financially secuie foi
the miciofinance institution anu empoweis female
clients. In 1996, howevei, ieseaich began to mai this
comfoitable image. Seveial stuuies in Banglauesh
showeu that fai fiom empoweiing women, NFIs
often take auvantage of women's suboiuinate
position in society to ease loan iecoveiy, anu in fact
the majoiity of female clients ielinquish contiol of
the loan to male ielatives shoitly aftei uisbuisal.
1,2

Te 2010 microfnance crisis in Andhra Pradesh shed
new light on this issue, as Indian MFIs have been forced
to reevaluate their model and approach. Te industry
is now at a crossroads: those MFIs that survive the
crisis will not do so without drastic changes, and it is
imperative that the question of microcredits efect on
women borrowers, always central to the microfnance
mission, is not ignored.
A Bn:vv No1v oN 1nv zo1o
M:cnov:NnNcv Cn:s:s :N INo:n
In October 2010, in response to public anger over
the suicides of several overly-indebted microfnance
clients, the government of Andhra Pradesh called for
a state-wide default on all outstanding microloans.
At the same time, they passed stringent regulations
curtailing the activity of MFIs to such an extent that
it is nearly impossible for them to operate in Andhra
Pradesh. Andhra Pradesh leads all Indian states in the
number of microloans at 35 percent so that hardly any
Indian MFI was lef unafected, and the majority of
them are still struggling to recover.
3
BASIX, the MFI
that sponsored this study, is based in Andhra Pradesh
and has been greatly impacted by the crisis. It will have
to revise many past practices in order to survive.
Mv1noos
Central Research Question
Tis study aims to answer two central research
questions: "How much control do women retain over
microloans in their name?" and "Which independent
factors infuence their level of control?" Te frst
question is essentially the same as that addressed
in the 1996 studies from Bangladesh, except that it
explores the question in an Indian context following
a major industry crisis. Given that the microfnance
industry in India is generally more commercialized
than in Bangladesh, we were interested to see how this
infuenced social impact vis--vis women as well as
how the crisis has changed the MFIs' stance towards
women. Te second question took this study one step
further than evaluating control by asking whether
certain measurable factors infuence womens degree of
control, and thus whether MFIs can help their female
clients retain loan control.
Control in this paper is defned as a womans
participation in key decisions about loan allocation and
her knowledge of business fnances and transactions for
the investment activity. We felt that this was the most
important variable to measure, since unless women
control the loan, the entire concept of targeting women
disintegrates.
BASIX Lending Models
BASIX mainly uses three lending models to
disburse loans to clients: Joint Liability Group (JLG)
loans, Self-Help Group loans, and individual loans. All
three lending models are widely used in India. Te last
is the most straightforward, in which the MFI gives a
loan directly to the individual client, who then repays
in installments. While this model is most similar
to traditional lending as practiced by large banks,
microfnance has historically relied more on group
lending models, the idea being that peer pressure

12 Winter 2012
within a group can replace fnancial collateral. A Join
Liability Group (JLG) is a small group of four to eight
women who receive and repay the loan collectively as
a unit. Only the leader of the JLG interacts directly
with the loan ofcer, but each woman within the group
runs her own microenterprise and pays installments
to the group leader as they are due. Self-Help Groups
(SHGs) are a more recent but increasingly popular
means of loan allocation. An SHG consists of a larger
group, typically between ten and thirty women, who
come together to form a savings cooperative. Once the
savings pool is sufciently large, the group may choose
to lend internally among members. Well-established
groups may then begin taking loans from outside
sources, including banks, MFIs, NGOs, or government
programs. While SHGs difer widely in structure
and approach, most rely on regular group meetings
among members and include some kind of basic
fnancial training. Tere are currently a great number
of government and NGO-sponsored SHG Federations
in India whose mission is to create and nurture SHGs,
using them as avenues to distribute resources and
services to underdeveloped communities. Some MFIs
create their own SHGs to disburse loans, but the
majority lend to independently formed SHGs.
At BASIX, the vast majority of clients receive
loans in joint liability groups (JLGs) and most of the rest
as individuals. Less than fve percent of BASIX loans are
currently disbursed through self-help groups (SHGs),
although ffy-seven percent of survey respondents in
our study participated in an SHG in addition to their
dealings with BASIX.
Research Site and Study Design
Data was collected through household surveys
in the Marathwada region of Maharashtra and in the
Kamareddy district of Andhra Pradesh in August and
September 2011. Survey respondents were female
clients of BSFL, one of the largest Indian MFIs, the
microfnance arm of the larger holding company
BASIX. All clients surveyed had an outstanding loan in
their name, which was given for an income-generating
activity. A standardized survey form was used for all
interviews and was designed to capture the clients
basic profle and her knowledge of loan cash fow and
investment activity. A Unit Head or Field Executive
from BASIX served to translate between English and
Marathi during interviews.
In order to evaluate our frst research
questionHow much control do women retain over
microloans in their name?we developed a fve-tier
index, roughly based on the one used in Goetz and Sen
Guptas 1996 study, and assigned each respondent to a
tier based on the standardized criteria found in Figure
1.
In order to evaluate our second question
Which independent factors infuence female clients
level of control?we set up a multiple regression
analysis using data from the survey. Womens Control
of Credit, operationalized as respondents scores on
the fve-tier index, served as our dependent variable.
Te independent variables are those factors that might
infuence a womans level of control, and can be found
in Figure 2. Statistical analysis determined the level of
correlation between the fve-tier score and quantitative
independent variables. Linear models were used
to determine whether any of the non-numerical
independent variables were predictive of the dependent
variable, womens level of involvement.
Qualitative data to supplement the quantitative
survey data was collected during interviews with each
of the Unit Heads, an interview with Anikh Financial
Services (a local SHG Federation), and an interview
with Indira Kranthi Patham (a district poverty-
eradication project in Kamareddy).
Figure 1: Five-tier index for womens control of credit
! "#$$ Full contiol ovei all uecisions
conceining loan use anu investment
activity. Contiols cash flow anu
manages funus. Knows maiket piice
of inputs anu outputs. Is capable of
accessing maikets heiself.
% &'()'*'+,)- Nostly contiols cash flow anu
manages funus, but leaves some key
uecisions to husbanu. Avoius maiket
activity.
. /,0-',$ Nen engage maikets anu laigely
contiol cash flow. Bei contiibution
is mostly laboi, though she may have
hei own bank account oi savings.
1 2'3'-45 Contiibutes only laboi foi the
business. veiy little knowleuge of
business anu householu finances.
6 78 Not at all involveu in business
activity. Busbanu ueciues to take the
loan anu how it is useu.
Figure 2: Independent and Dependent Variables
F
How much control did women have over
their loans and the productive process?
Our fndings confrm that the problem of
womens limited control over microloans persists in
India. Figure 3 shows a breakdown of the percent of
women at various levels of loan control. Tirty-four
percent of women had very limited or no control over
their loans or the productive process, whereas only
twenty-six percent had signifcant or full control. It
is therefore more likely for a woman to completely
relinquish control over loans than to have signifcant
control. Te largest portion of women, forty percent,
indicated that control and decision-making over loan-
use was joint, but it is hard to say how equally such
decisions were shared. Furthermore, twenty-four
percent of women claimed that they took loans only
because they were asked to do so by their husbands,
while only twenty-six percent decided for themselves
that they wanted the loan (Figure 4). Twenty-eight
percent of women said they did not like controlling the
loan and would prefer if it were given directly to their
husbands. However, a full forty-nine percent of women
said they preferred to take the loan themselves, despite
the fact that many of them ceded control afer disbursal
(Figure 5).
Figure 5
Figure 4
Figure 3
14 Winter 2012
Te Issue of Market Access
Womens market access is very limited, and
this remains one of the greatest impediments to their
ability to operate as independent entrepreneurs. Sixty-
fve percent do not participate in market activity, and
only two percent are able to both buy inputs and sell
outputs at market on their own. Tirty-three percent
have some intermittent market participation, or access
markets in the company of male relatives (Figure 6).
What Factors Afect Womens Control over Credit?
Te study confrmed that womens control of
microloans remains a problem in the modern Indian
context, but this had already been established as a
problem in Bangladesh since the debut of microfnance.
What has been less researched is whether there are
certain predictive factors that can explain the variance
in womens control over loans.
Somewhat surprisingly, there were no strong
correlations between a womans basic demographic
profle and her control of credit. Her level of control
neither was predicted by, nor correlated with, religion,
caste, or number of children. Neither was control level
at all correlated with age or the womans number of
years as an MFI client. Moreover, a womans education
level was only marginally correlated with her control
over credit (r = 0.2 and p = 0.07).
Tere was also no correlation between control
level and whether women accessed fnancial or
vocational training. Tis analysis was likely skewed by
the small sample size as only 10 out of 81 respondents
accessed fnancial training and only 16 out of 81
Figure 6
Figure 7
Figure 10
accessed vocational training. Tis is in and of itself a
relevant fnding, since many women were in fact paying
for training services but failing to access them.
Te most notable positive correlation was
between Control level and SHG membership (r = 0.27
and p = 0.01). Tus, SHG participation mattered more
more than education level, experience in microfnance,
or fnancial or vocational training. Most women did
not receive their loan through an SHG, but merely
belonged to one in addition to the MFI. Respondents
who held a leadership position in an SHG had even
more control over their loans than those who were
simply members, who in turn had more control than
non-members (p=.001, r=.36) as shown in Figure 7.
Te correlation between SHG leadership and control
level may well be measuring some latent variable
which predicts both a woman's level of control and
her likelihood to hold a leadership position in the
SHG. However, the qualitative data did contain several
examples of women who felt that holding a position in
Figure 9: Education Level and SHG Participation Interact to Predict Control Level
16 Winter 2012
an SHG had helped her develop the necessary fnancial
skills and confdence to grow her business and keep
accounts, which would indicate a causal relationship.
Womens Control of Credit by Livelihood
Livelihood was highly predictive of womens
control over credit. Using agriculture as a baseline for
comparison, women with cloth shops, kiranas (small
grocery stands), and tailoring/beauty shops all had
signifcantly higher levels of control (p values of .001,
.006, and .003 respectively), while those involved in
goatery, dairy, chicken shop, papad, and other Non-
Farm Sector industries did not (Figure 10). Tus,
women in non-farm sector industries, and especially
those involved in traditionally feminine industries,
have the greatest success in retaining control over their
loans.
Why lend to women?
To supplement the quantitative data on womens
poor control over loans, we interviewed BASIX Unit
Heads and Field Executives (FXs) on why they preferred
to target women. All feld staf interviewed replied that
men have an attitude, and will stand up to Livelihood
Service Agents (LSAs) during repayment times. As one
Unit Head put it, Women dont say no. Tey obey.
Men are arrogant and wont repay.
MFIs also lend to women because they are ofen
at home and are therefore easy to fnd at collection
times. One Unit Head explained that if you give a loan
to a man, he can make sure to be away from home at the
time of repayment and then tell the LSA, Dont talk to
my wife. Tis business is between you and me. If you
tell a woman she must repay, then even if she doesnt
control the money, she can confront her husband when
he comes home.
It was clear from these interviews that there
are extremely practical reasons for lending to women,
regardless of whether they are actually in control of the
cash or enterprise. Moreover, these practical reasons
rely on patriarchal gender dynamics remaining as they
are. If women were as assertive as their husbands, or
free to travel and leave the home, the convenience of
lending to them would evaporate. Tus, while MFIs
may claim they seek to change gender dynamics
through giving loans to women, the reality is that
they rely on the existing patriarchal system to ensure
efcient recovery of funds.
D
Tis study confrms that there is indeed a
lot of progress to be made before microfnance truly
empowers women. Comparison with the original
studies on this question from Bangladesh, referenced
at the outset of the paper, shows that the issue of
womens control of loans is equally pertinent in the
modern Indian context as it was in Bangladesh in the
1990s. For instance, our study corroborated earlier
fndings by Anne Marie Goetz and Rajdeep Sen Gupta
that MFIs ofen take advantage of the gendered power
diferential to efciently recover outstanding loans.
4

Our breakdown of womens level of control over loans
is also comparable to theirs, in which seventeen percent
had full control and twenty-one percent had none.
5

Nevertheless, fndings from our study show a much
more optimistic outcome than the most pessimistic
assessments in the current literature. Rahman, for
example, found that less than ten percent of women
retained control of loans in their name while our study
found that twenty percent had full control, and only
sixteen percent had no control at all.
6

With regard to factors that predict womens
level of control, it was surprising how few correlations
were signifcant. It was particularly interesting that the
efect of education was only marginally signifcant,
since there is an extensive body of literature that would
seem to indicate otherwise. In a 2005 review on gender
development and womens empowerment, Naila Kabeer
references a wide range of studies from India and
elsewhere showing that educated women participate
in a wider range of decisions than uneducated ones.
7

For instance, a 1999 study by P. Sen in Calcutta showed
that access to secondary stages of education may have
an important contributory role in enhancing womens
capacity to exercise control in their livesthrough
a combination of literacy and numeracy skills, and
enhanced self-esteem.
8
Another study from Tamil
Nadu found that better-educated women scored
higher than less-educated women on a composite index
measuring their access to, and control over, resources,
as well as their role in economic decision-making.
9

It is thus all the more surprising that our study found
only marginal signifcance, despite the greatly varied
education levels of women in our sample.
One possible explanation is simply that
education, like microcredit, is powerless to afect
gender relations as long as the delivery of such a service
remains entrenched in the current social system. As
Kabeer says, Social inequalities are ofen reproduced
through interactions within the school system.
10
In
that regard, education may serve to further entrench
the patriarchal status quo rather than fueling change.
In rural India, women are ofen educated for the sole
purpose of making a better marriage. Tus, women who
are valued enough by their families to be educated may
also be more likely to fnd themselves in a conventional
marriage, in which the women concern themselves
only with household matters. On the other hand, less
eligible girls may be encouraged to make themselves
useful in the family business and, in doing so, may gain
a better understanding of entrepreneurship while also
avoiding constraining marriages. Many of the more
entrepreneurial women in our study had very limited
education but extensive exposure to a certain trade.
It was also surprising that vocational and
fnancial training made no diference in womens control
over loans. However, the more informative fnding was
how few women actually accessed training since BASIX
strongly promotes such supportive services. Te crisis
has forced many MFIs to shif the focus away from
lending and towards the sale of livelihood services and
insurance. Unfortunately, this has also exacerbated an
issue the government was hoping to solve in enacting
the regulations: the aggressive sale of unneeded
services to MFI clients in order to meet company
targets. It was evident from our feldwork that MFIs are
abusing the practice of bundling training services with
loan packages. Many women were paying for training
that was useless to them because they thought it was
necessary to buy it in order to receive the loan. In some
cases, the women did not even realize they had paid for
training services. It is imperative that MFIs who ofer
training in addition to credit separate these services.
Tey should carry out a thorough needs-assessment
before launching training programs to ensure that they
are industry-specifc and easily availed of by female
clients.
Yet while vocational and fnancial training
did not make a diference in womens level of control,
SHG participation did. Tere must therefore be other
benefts to SHG membership that allow women to
better manage loans. Previous research, most notably
by Hashemi and Schuler, has indicated that perhaps the
most empowering aspect of microfnance as practiced
by Grameen Bank and many Bangladeshi MFIs is that
it forces women out of the home and into the public
sphere: Through the rituals oI participation, and the
contact with other members oI their credit group, the
women develop an identity outside oI their Iamilies.
They interact with men outside oI the Iamily and
with authority fgures, and this increases their selI-
confdence.
11
In the case of most Indian MFIs, there
is no such obligation to participate in regular group
meetings. Rather, the collection agent comes directly
to the house of the group leader during collection
rounds, and it is lef to the group to meet on their own
when necessary. Such women may miss out on the
opportunity to participate in group decision-making
outside the home, a void which is flled by SHG
participation, which may well give women a certain
confdence that allows them to better control loans.
RvcommvNon1:oNs
nNo CoNctcs:oNs
By making targeted changes in a few key
arenas, Indian MFIs could increase their social impact
and security of their loans. Somewhat ironically, one
step towards improving microfnances impact on
women may well be to give more loans to men. As our
study indicated, many income-generating activities for
which loans are given, especially agricultural activities,
are traditionally male-owned. Credit in and of itself,
whether given to husband or wife, is unlikely to change
the gendered nature of the work. It is unfair to lend to
women in situations where both the loan ofcer and the
recipient know she will not be involved in loan-related
decisions. Such women fnd themselves in the position
of being solely responsible for the timely repayment of
installments without having any control of the money.
It is not hard to imagine that for these women, caught
between the loan ofcer and their husband, there could
be an increase in domestic violence, as Rahman found.
12

Loaning to the husband in such cases will facilitate
more accurate monitoring and relieve the woman of a
responsibly over which she has no control.
Interestingly, this may happen on its own as
the Indian microfnance sector evolves to deal with the
current crisis. One side-efect of the crisis is that MFIs in
India are increasingly favoring direct, individual loans
instead of group loans. Te reason for this is simple:
news of the governments support of defaulters and
peer pressure to withhold repayments spreads more
quickly among group members and between groups
than between individuals who only deal directly with
the MFI. Since, as this study confrmed, a major tenet
upholding the rationale for lending to women is the
relative ease with which they form groups, shifing the
18 Winter 2012
portfolio towards individual loans in part obviates the
need to target women.
However, MFIs that are serious about womens
fnancial empowerment via microcredit should not
abandon and consider even strengthening group
lending. One option is to encourage SHG participation
or to lend through SHGs, since our research showed
that this increases control over credit. Follow-up
research is needed to better understand what aspects
of SHG participation are responsible for this efect. If
these factors can be isolated, they should be integrated
into the lending model. If, for instance, it is indeed
participation in group decision-making outside the
home that makes the diference, Indian MFIs ought to
consider following in the footsteps of their Bangladeshi
peers and incorporating group meetings into their
lending model.
In conclusion, women stand to beneft from
microloans, but we cannot expect loans on their own
to change patriarchal gender dynamics. While some
women have managed to efectively harness microcredit
to start their own enterprise, more women are simply
giving control of the loan over to their husbands.
Furthermore, this study confrms previous research
that microfnance relies on the gender hierarchy for
efcient loan recovery. Tis fact in itself does not
negate the potential of microfnance to change gender
dynamics, but it does highlight that womens fnancial
empowerment is certainly not an inevitable outcome.
Our study showed that credit has highly
diverse efects on women depending on factors such
as place, time, investment activity, and a myriad of
other intangible infuences. Such factors, if understood
correctly, can be harnessed to give women more control
over their loans. Te investment activity that a woman
chooses and her access to womens networks like SHGs
have an impact on her level of control. By giving more
holistic consideration to the needs of female clients,
MFIs have the potential to give women a greater chance
at fnancial control and entrepreneurship.
ENoNo1vs
1 Aminui Rahman, !"#$% '%( )*+,"+,$(*- *% ./,'0 1'%20'($345
6%-4,"7"0"2*+'0 8-/(9 ": -4$ .4$-",*+ '%( .$'0*-*$3 ": ;,'#$$%
1'%< =$%(*%2> ?Bouluei, C0: Westview, 1999).
2 A. M. Goetz & R. Sen Gupta. 'Who takes the credit? Gender, power
and control over loan use in rural credit programs in Bangladesh.
!"#$% '()($"*+(,-, 24.1 (1996).
3 Niciofinance Ciisis: NFIs with Sizeable Piesence in Anuhia
Piauesh on the Biink of Closuie - Economic Times." @$'-/,$(
6,-*+0$3 @,"# A4$ B+"%"#*+ A*#$3. Web. 14 }an. 2u12.
4 uoetz anu Sen uupta, SS
5 uoetz anu Sen uupta, 49
6 Rahman, 76
7 Naila Kabeei. "uenuei Equality anu Women's Empoweiment: A
Ciitical Analysis of the Thiiu Nillennium Bevelopment uoal 1."
;$%($, C D$E$0"7#$%- 1S.1 (2uuS): 16.
8 Kabeei, 16
9 Kabeei, 16
10 Kabeei, 17
11 Bashemi anu Schulei, 648
12 Rahman.
Wons CoNsct1vo
EDA Rural Systems Pvt. Ltd. Women Workers or Entrepreneurs: A
Market and Partnership Opportunity Review in Wardha District,
Maharashtra. ALIWE. Rep. 2008.
Goetz, A. M., & Sen Gupta, R. 'Who takes the credit? Gender, power
and control over loan use in rural credit programs in Bangladesh.
!"#$% '()($"*+(,-, 24.1 (1996): 4564.
Holvoet, Nathalie. 'Impact oI Microfnance Programs on Children`s
Education: Do the Gender oI the Borrower and the Delivery Model
Matter? Journal of Microhnance. 5.2 (2004): 27-49.
Hashemi, Syed M., Sidney R. Schuler, and Ann P. Riley. 'Rural Credit
Programs and Women`s Empowerment in Bangladesh. !"#$%
'()($"*+(,- 24.4 (1996): 635-53.
Kabeer, Nailla. 'Conficts over credit: Re-evaluating the empowerment
potential oI
loans to women in rural Bangladesh. !"#$% '()($"*+(,-. 29.1 (2001):
63-84.
Kabeer, Naila. Gender Equality and Womens Empowerment: A Critical
Analysis of the Tird Millennium Development Goal 1. Gender &
Development 13.1 (2005): 13-24. Print.
Microfnance Crisis: MFIs with Sizeable Presence in Andhra Pradesh on
the Brink of Closure - Economic Times. Featured Articles From Te
Economic Times. Web. 14 Jan. 2012. <http://articles.economictimes.
indiatimes.com/2011-01-13/news/28425980_1_mfs-trident-
microfn-kishore-kumar-puli>.
Rahman, Aminur. Women and Microcredit in Rural Bangladesh:
Anthropological Study of the Rhetoric and Realities of Grameen Bank
Lending. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1999. Print.
Rahman, Aminur. Micro-credit Initiatives for Equitable and Sustainable
Development: Who Pays? World Development 27.1 (1999): 67-82.
Sen P. 'Enhancing women`s choices in responding to domestic violence
in Calcutta: a comparison oI employment and education. /0(
12#"*(3, 4"2#,3$ "5 '()($"*+(,- 6(7(3#80 11.2 (1999).
20 Winter 2012
Americas response to the 9/11 attacks has erred on the side of hard power

by Noura Elfarra
Realist Responses to the 9/11
Terrorist Attacks
Te recent rise to prominence of non-state actors on the world stage, as
seen through the 9/11 terrorist attacks, has generated the question of
whether the classical theories of international relations are too limited
in their ontology of state-to-state dealings. Rather than forcing the
creation of new theories, however, the realist theory continues to serve
best in explaining the eforts that the United States and other countries
made in response to 9/11. With the US' legitimacy tested by Al-Qaeda's
violence, the state's security and political authority were also threatened,
compelling the American hegemon to take decisive action in response
against states hosting or promoting the terrorist group. Te theory of
realism successfully conveys why the US acted to restore its legitimacy and
to ensure dire economic or even military consequences for those that did
not support it. While other nations may have rallied behind the American
cause due to adverse norms of supporting terrorism, realism illustrates
that they mostly acted out of compliance with the hegemon.
/
Noura Elfarra, of the Class of 2012, is studying Political
Science and Arabic. Her research interests include the
role of religion in Middle Eastern politics and United
Nations peace operations. She spent the past two summers
working in Washington, D.C. at the White House and State
Department, respectively.
F
rom the seventeenth century, when the nation
state was formulated at the Peace of Westphalia,
to the clash of great state actors in World Wars
I and II, the early international relations theories
based their premises on the state as the primary actor
in international relations. Now, in an increasingly
globalized era, non-state actors have gained
prominence on the world stage. Te terrorist attacks
of September 11, 2001 demonstrated that a non-state
actor, specifcally the terrorist group Al Qaeda, had the
capacity to undermine the security of the United States,
a global hegemon. Todays realist and liberal theories
continue to examine dealings among states rather than
broadening their scope to include non-state actors, and
ofen the actions that countries have taken in response
to international terrorism still ft within these existing
theories. Constructivism and liberalism provide
adequate lenses to show how afected states have
responded to international terrorism, but the theory of
realism provides the most persuasive explanation for
their conduct. Tis may be seen through state actions
in the afermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, where
military might and the desire to maintain power in
the international system were most vital to the afected
states.
Pot:1:cnt Tnvon:vs Exvtn:Nvo
Te realist theory indicates that states are
internally unifed, rational and independent actors
within an anarchical international system. States make
decisions based solely on self-interest and in relation
to their place within the international power hierarchy.
Additionally, the theory contends that the basic goal of
a state is to protect its territorial and political integrity.
1

Each state is constrained by the power of other states,
and is perpetually on the lookout for the potential rise
of a hegemon or global threat. During the Cold War,
states acted within a bipolar system, conducting their
foreign policy by supporting one of the two adversarial
hegemons, the US and Soviet Union. In the state-
centric world of realist theory, power and security are
relative.
Liberalism, like realism, views states as the key
actors but explains that states take action in the interest
of economic gain. Rather than pursuing a military
path to expand its power, the state derives more power
from cooperation in the international arena, including
developing institutions and increasing trade among
other states. Global collaboration through institutions
such as the International Monetary Fund and the
United Nations are examples of liberalist mechanisms
for global integration.
Finally, Constructivism places value on norms
and ideas, purporting that individuals construct
international political relationships from their
own beliefs. Ideas bear more weight than material
considerations, and in this sense, Constructivism
conveys power of the terrorists beliefs in spurring
them to carry out the 9/11 attacks.
Because terrorism plays out in the international
arena, it must be analyzed within the system of
interstate relations. Tough terrorists, as transnational
actors, do not ft neatly into realist or neorealist theory,
their behavior tests the legitimacy of the state and thus
threatens the states security and political authority.
While terrorism seeks to attack a states legitimacy, it
does not strip the state of its role as a primary actor
in international relations, because the state still holds a
monopoly on the legitimate use of violence.
2
However,
faced with this attempted de-legitimization, the state
is compelled to strengthen its legitimacy through
reassertions of its sovereignty.
3
Tese assertions
typically manifest as a military response to terrorism.
Tough Constructivism, with its emphasis on
non-state actors, may seem like a natural explanation
for the spread of terrorism, this paper seeks to
answer how states responded to the terrorist attacks;
Two US tanks pose under the Hands of Victory in Baghdad in 2003

22 Winter 2012
states actions were based on ideology but related to
securing their national interests, in spite of whether
or not they supported Al Qaedas beliefs. Liberalism
portrays a world in which actors take measures to gain
economically, but Al Qaedas strike on the US did not
bring the terrorist organization greater wealth rather,
it helped them challenge the authority of a world power.
Tus, it is realist logic that best conveys how the war on
terrorism has been carried out.
S1n1vs RvsvoNsvs 1o 1nv
/11 A11ncs Acqc:vsc:Nc
1nv HvcvmoN
Reactions to September 11 among the global
community show a greater convergence among
government positions than between them and their
peoples,
4
with states behaving more as states than
civilizations. When asked to choose between the US
and the terrorists, states overwhelmingly sided with
the US, despite reservations about the US support
for Israel, concerns about civilian casualties in the
Afghanistan war, and misgivings about US military and
economic dominance of the world.
5
Te behavior of
these governments refects the pragmatism of realism,
as by siding with the US they were more likely to secure
their own national interest and regime security. For
Pakistan, the war provided an opportunity to have
the US quash the Islamic extremists that were causing
disorder on the Pakistani-Afghani border. Shiite-
majority Iran, was eager to be rid of the unruly and
radical Sunni Taliban neighbors in Afghanistan, and
also to be unthreatened, however momentarily, by the
looming shadow of the American hegemon.
6
Germany
wished to continue its active counterterrorist policy as
well as to be included in the safety of strong multilateral
institutions, hence its robust support for the United
States in the 9/11 afermath.
7
Te various states pro-
American responses to the attacks, despite a multitude
of cultural and ideological diferences among them,
illustrate the power of politics and the strength of the
realist argument.
Amvn:cnN RvsvoNsvs 1o 1nv /11
A11ncs nNo 1nv INvns:oN ov Innq
American policymakers have proposed
several diferent ideas on how to respond to or stop
a terrorist attack. Tese included diplomacy with
other state actors, military action against terrorists,
and an information campaign aimed at the civilian
population. A military component has featured most
signifcantly in American policy toward international
terrorism; this may be seen through operations in
Afghanistan, deployment of forces elsewhere in the
world, and the Iraq War, a confict that the Bush
administration claimed was justifed by Iraqs alleged
terrorist afliations. Te strong emphasis on a military
policy highlights the realist nature of the US response,
one in which demonstrated force helps preserve state
power in the international sphere.
As a global hegemon, the United States faces
a major challenge in determining how to generate
international cooperation and support, while at the
same time ensuring fulfllment of the United States
national security interests. Additionally, refecting a
George W. Bush, US President at the time of 9/11
Osama Bin Laden, former leader of Al-Qaeda
/
more liberal view, the US is concerned with minimizing
the economic costs of increased security in response
to international terrorism. Finally, establishing a
healthy balance among the American norms of liberty,
equality, and security has been of constant interest in
the afermath of 9/11.
8
Even though the liberal and
constructivist provide plausible analyses for the USs
responses to the terrorist attacks, realist theory is
most accurate in defning the American governments
behavior. Trough military action as well as covert
action, ofen claimed to be preemptive self-defense, we
may see American action as trying to maintain the USs
position as a global hegemon.
Te American response of waging a war against
Al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups is, according to
political scientist Peter J. Katzenstein, something that
follows quite naturally from a national security policy
that had been institutionalized over half a century.
9
As
a global hegemon, major wars involving the US are not
likely to be decided through conventional battle of the
overwhelming military might of the US, which is truly
second to none.
10
Terefore, parts of the international
security agenda that are to address the problems of
terrorism can be seen as an efort to preserve Americas
decisive edge by containing the means and resources
of belligerent non-state actors. Containing others
power and means is part of a hegemons goal in realist
theory, thus refecting the manner in which the US is
dealing with terrorists.
Despite this power and the signifcant resources
that the US possesses to combat terrorists, it is still not
likely to gain success through simple military might. In
the past, due to superior military capabilities, decisive
military activity where forces were able to return home
afer a quick burst of victorious fghting was possible,
while today it is likely to remain the exception rather
than the rule.
11
Since the 9/11 attacks, Al Qaeda has
demonstrated that it is a nimble, fexible, and adaptive
entity with remarkable durability.
12
Te US and its
forces seem to have achieved great progress during the
frst part of the global war on terror, when the training
camps and operational bases of Al Qaeda in Afghanistan
as well as the organizations infrastructure were
destroyed. Following the initial American retaliation,
Al Qaeda rose again, and their true destruction has
thus far proved elusive during subsequent phases.
13
Similarly, the American response to Iraq was
based upon an argument that attack is the best form
of defense,
14
which illustrates a realist form of action,
though in this case, one that came back to bite the US
through insurgency and threats to both civilians and
soldiers alike. Te Bush administrations argument
claimed that lack of democracy is a principal cause
of terrorism, and that a forcible intervention could
24 Winter 2012
lead to the growth of a stable democratic system.
15

Instead, American military behavior was interpreted
as an abuse of their hegemonic position, but hardly a
surprise when analyzed through a realist lens.
Te US behaved as a typical hegemon in a realist
framework with its invasion of Iraq in 2003, seeking to
maintain its political integrity through a display of its
military might. Te lack of planning for the afermath
of the invasion refects hubris on the part of the US,
who believed that its position of power could quash
any rogue state or actor in its path. Te nature of US
action in Iraq - where it sought but failed to gain the
approval of the international community, and invaded
the country anyway refects the neorealist views of
the unilateral character of the current global system:
the power of the US means that Washington has far
less need of allies than in the past and that it can aford
to engage and dispense with allies as it sees ft.
16
For
example, the US tried to win over the moderate Arab
states, but then went on to voice new support of Israel,
suggesting that the government cared little for the
consequences this would have on relations with the just-
rallied Arab states. American hegemony, as Andrew
Hurrell maintains, has pushed the US towards a policy
of conservative and nationalist hegemonic leadership
which stresses the natural right of the US to dictate
the terms of the response to terrorism and to expect
unqualifed support.
17
C
Unfortunately, the historical arrogance driving
American foreign policy has served to perpetuate anti-
American sentiment and terrorism in the Middle East.
President Obama and his administration, however,
have realized the power of working within established
norms and values by reaching out to the Middle East
with rhetoric of togetherness. His behavior, supporting
a constructivist argument, has yet to yield concrete
results of positive change, but the future may yet deliver
them. In fact, more constructivist rhetoric aimed at
the civilian population and military force aimed at the
terrorists could leave the US in an even more dominant
position than before 9/11.
18
Te international communitys broad support
for the US in the afermath of the 9/11 attacks highlights
the precedence that state and politics took over culture
or ideology. Looking to the US as a hegemonic leader,
other states understood that 9/11 did not compromise
American power but in fact rankled the countrys
military might such that whoever would get in the US
way would face dire consequences. Supporting the US
against the terrorist attacks provided the side beneft
of possibly eradicating or suppressing undesirable
neighbors or building coalition networks with other
states, ftting with the balance of power model in
realist theory. Te seizing of these opportunities
demonstrates the relevance of realism in todays world
system.
As for the American behavior, the realist
argument contends that when world ethics requires
muscular enforcement, there is no acceptable substitute
for military commitment by the hegemon.
19
Hence,
the US acted appropriately in Afghanistan. However,
entering Iraq, where the American governments claim
American soldier stands guard outside an Iraqi police station
/
that the country was complicit in terrorism received
a doubtful response and little approval from the
international community; the hegemons legitimacy
was weakened. Ultimately, the Global War on Terror
proves less of an actual threat to terrorists worldwide
and more of the US reafrming its hegemonic dignity,
which Colin Gray claims as fts the realist theory.
20

International order today, including dealing
with terrorists, refects the order of the realist system.
Most of the action taken against terrorists, except for
the initial assault against Afghanistan, is covert in
nature, yet the regular military power of the US plays an
essential role in discouraging states from playing host
to terrorists. Countries may comply due to the adverse
norms of supporting terrorism, but it is more likely that
they fear the economic or even military consequences
of failing to support the hegemon.
Te US Invasion of Iraq
E
1 Krasner, Stephen. Analyses of Realism. Introduction to
International Relations. Stanford University. 1 Apr. 2009. Lecture.
2 Weber, Max, and Guenther Roth. Economy and Society: an Outline
of Interpretive Sociology. Berkeley: University of California, 2002, 54.
3 Ibid.
4 Acharya, Amitav. State-Society Relations. Worlds in Collision. Ken
Booth and Timothy Dunne. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002,
194.
5 Ibid, 195.
6 Acharya, Amitav. State-Society Relations. Worlds in Collision. Ken
Booth and Timothy Dunne. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
7 Ibid, 197.
8 Reich, Rob, and Pam Karlan. Te Ideal of Security. Justice at Home
and Abroad Class. Stanford University. 6 Jan. 2011. Lecture.
9 Katzenstein. P. Same WarDiferent Views: Germany, Japan, and
Counterterrorism. International Organization 57 (2003), pp.731-760,
755.
10 Freedman, Lawrence. International Security: Changing Targets.
Foreign Policy (Spring 1998), 60.
11 Freedman, Lawrence. International Security: Changing Targets.
Foreign Policy (Spring 1998), 61.
12 Hofman, Bruce. Inside Terrorism. New York: Columbia University
Press, 2006, 282.
13 Ibid
14 Roberts, Adam. Te War on Terror in Historical Perspective.
Survival 47/2 (2005), pp. 101-130, 119.
15 Ibid
16 Hurrell, Andrew. Tere Are No Rules: International Order Afer
September 11. International Relations 16/2 (2002), pp.185-204, 190.
17 Ibid, 191.
18 Cox, Michael. Meanings of Victory: American Power afer the
Towers. Worlds in Collision. Ken Booth and Timothy Dunne.
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, 157.
19 Gray, Colin. World Politics as Usual afer 9/11: Realism Vindicated.
Worlds in Collision. Ken Booth and Timothy Dunne. Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, 229.
20 Ibid, 231.
26 Winter 2012

by Elise Racine
Spatiality and Solidarity: Exploring the
Revolutionary Tactics of the Madres de
Plaza de Mayo
Troughout the years of 1976 to 1983 in a period known as
the Guerra Sucia, or Dirty War, Argentina experienced a state of
government-sponsored violence. As a large part of the terror instigated
by the dictatorship, forced disappearances were in line with the oppressive
nature of both the government and the Argentina it had created. Hence,
few predicted the outlet for political and social discussion that these
disappearances ultimately provided as mothers of the disappeared
began to share their stories with one another, breaking through this
sphere of silence. But if few predicted the emergence of the Madres de
Plazo de Mayo, even less would expected its continued existence and
success. Since 1977, the Mothers have marched on the Plazo de Mayo,
shaping not only Argentinas political and social atmospheres, but also the
quest for human and womens rights worldwide. Using the boomerang,
spatial network, collective behavior, and resource mobilization theories,
this paper examines why this specifc instance of collective action has
fourished when most movement, eventually loose steam and decline.
Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo
Mnunvs uv P:nzn uv Mnvo
A sophomore on the Womens Crew team, Elise Racine
plans to major in Sociology and Anthropology. She wrote
the paper (which received one of Stanfords Introductory
Seminars Excellence Awards) for Professor Susan Olzaks
introductory seminar entitled Te Roots of Social Protest.
It is the perfect crime, as the crime itself is invisible,
except to those who are victims or relatives. Both are
meant to sufer silently, individually and alone. Te
victim is denied martyrdom; those lef behind are
prohibited the fnal ritual of bereavement.
~ Schirmer on los desaparecidos, or the disappeared
(1989:5)
H:s1on:cnt CoN1vx1
Troughout the years of 1976 to 1983 in a period
known as the Guerra Sucia, or Dirty War, Argentina
experienced a state of government-sponsored violence.
Tis violence was accompanied by a number of
disappearances targeting unarmed guerilla fghters
and anyone else associated with activists groups or
considered threats to the military. Other victims of the
terrorism include trade unionists, students, journalists,
Marxists, and Peronists. Te estimated total of these
desaparecidos ranges from 9,000 to 30,000, including
500 children who were adopted by military families
(Anderson). Tese acts of state brutality were primarily
performed by Lieutenant General Jorge Rafael Videlas
military dictatorship as a part of Operation Condor
(Anderson). Defned by the expression natural
reorganization process, this dictatorship became
known for its incessant acts of repression, torture,
and numerous assassinations. Tus, while meant to
convey a sense of orderliness, the expression also came
to represent the extent of control the government held
over Argentinas political and social realms as violence
infltrated everyday life.
But violence was nothing new to Argentina.
Prior to Videlas dictatorship, the country had been
run by President Isabel Peron, the third-wife, previous
vice-president, and widow of deceased president
Juan Peron. While the transition of power had been
smooth following Perons death on July 1, 1974, Isabel
Perons presidency became characterized by increasing
brutality. And while the rightist politics and favoritism
of Lopez Rega (Argentinas Minister of Social Welfare
at the time) was partly to blame for the unrest, the
hostility ultimately led to a military coup on March 24,
1976 that deposed Peron as president. Five days later,
a three-man military junta flled the presidency with
Videla, initiating the natural reorganization process
and the horror that become infamously known as the
Dirty War (Anderson).
As a large part of the terror instigated by the
dictatorship, forced disappearances were in line
with the oppressive and silent nature of both the
government and the Argentina it had created. Tey
not only allowed the government to maintain a level of
control through fear, but also acted as an isolating force
as the unrecognized victims the family members of
the disappeared turned inward. Hence, few predicted
the outlet for political and social discussion that these
disappearances would ultimately provide. As mothers
of the disappeared began to share their stories with one
another, they began to break through this sphere of
silence that had dominated Argentinas sociopolitical
scene. Tese stories not only fueled the growth of the
movement by binding the women together, but also
acted as sources of inspiration for others to join in the
spirit of social protest. Furthermore, the collaborative
and public nature of the Mothers actions directly
contrasted with the oppression and isolation that
typifed the period.
IN1noocc1:oN 1o 1nv Mnonvs
As these mothers searched for their disappeared
children, a unique human rights organization began to
take shape. Known as the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, or
Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, this group has protested
for the right to re-unite with their abducted sons and
daughters for the last three decades. But it all began
with the action of fourteen women. Bound by their
shared grief, these women gathered in the Plaza de
Mayo on April 30, 1977. Tere they marched, wearing
white headscarves embroidered with the names of their
children. While these white headscarves originally
symbolized their childrens blankets, they have evolved
into an international symbol for both the group and a
mothers enduring love (Agosin).
Over the decades, the group has likewise
developed. Having received numerous backings from
other activists groups, the Mothers have transformed
into a broader fght for human rights. Furthermore,
the group has been seen as a sort of feminist movement
focused on embracing the values of motherhood. Using
the means available to them their role as mothers
the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo have used traditional

28 Winter 2012
views of women in Argentina not only to advance their
claims, but also to move their grief into the public arena
(Bouvard). As a result of this morphing of mothers
to public protesters, the organization redefned the
interrelationships between the concepts of motherhood,
feminism, activism, resistance, and social action. Te
Mothers, however, in their lack of interest in challenging
the gender system of Argentina, contrast some of the
traditional understandings of a feminist movement.
Such contradictions lead to the question are the
Mothers reclaiming feminism, or moderating it to ft
customary roles?
Te Mothers moved toward more persistent and
direct tactics as time progressed. By the time authority
returned to a civilian government in 1983, the Mothers
were demanding answers as to the locations of their
missing children. As approaches to receiving these
answers began to diverge, the group started to fracture
until 1986, when the organization split into two factions
Mother of the Plaza de Mayo Founding Line and the
Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Association (Agosin).
Te Founding Line concentrates more on legislation and
using current political channels to help recover remains
and bring ex-ofcials to justice. Te Association, on
the other hand, strives to fnish their childrens work.
As a result, the Association has become increasingly
radicalized. Led by Hebe de Bonafni and packed by
younger militants, the Association has shifed its focus
to transforming Argentine political culture (Eckstein).
Despite these difering tactics and leadership strategies,
however, the Mothers have collectively held on to the
same goal to fght for their children and against human
rights violations.
Utilizing nonviolent direct action, the Mothers
of the Plaza de Mayo represent a wonderful example
of peaceful activism. Furthermore, through its place-
based collective rituals and symbolism, the organization
has built and maintained a high level of network
cohesion despite physical distance, while also garnering
the resources and support necessary for sustained
mobilization. Such success divulges how the movement
has impacted not only Argentinas political and social
atmospheres, but also the quest for human and womens
rights worldwide. By traversing boundaries previously
negotiated by men within Argentine society, the Mothers
redefned male dominance and reclaimed the rights
that accompanied their roles as mothers. In addition,
the organization exposed how open social spaces could
have deep emotional and psychological meanings and
associations. Te Mothers actions further revealed
the importance of space in network mobilization by
using these ties to increase participation and awareness.
Trough these actions the association has bridged the
gaps between the public and private, domestic and public,
and rural and urban.
Rvsvnncn Qcvs1:oN
Taking into account the diverse and transformative
nature of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo movement,
I would like to focus my analysis on the growth of this
social movement. As the single most important question
in my research, this inquiry has several elements to it
that will also need to be examined in order to gain a full
picture of how the Mothers movement has developed.
For example, what factors can be traced to the Mothers
rise and support? What coalitions did the movement
build? And what factors explain the continuity of the
movement?
I hope that through my exploration of the
boomerang theory, spatial network theory, collective
behavior theory (specifcally the Chicago School approach
to collective behavior), and resource mobilization theory,
I can come to answer these questions. Beginning with the
boomerang theory, we can see how the tense sociopolitical
backdrop framing the Mothers origins accounts for
the contention that then arises when international
recognition plays an important role in NGO success but
government-institutionalized repression runs rampant.
Te spatial network theory adds to this breakdown by
examining not only how identity, values, culture, and
organization form within and shape a movement, but also
how networks can sustain collective action. Tis collective
action, as analyzed through the collective behavior
theory, further addresses the emergence, formation,
and meaning behind an organization. Without resource
mobilization, however, one cannot begin to understand
the connections between a movement and political and
cultural processes, or the mobilizing structure behind
the movements forms of action.
Due to its continuous nature, the Mothers of the
Plaza de Mayo movement raises interesting implications
as to why this collective action emerges and continues.
Most movements eventually loose steam and decline.
Te Mothers, however, have found a way to maintain
interest, despite its relative lack of innovation. Known
for its marches on the Plaza de Mayo, the Mothers
found a tactic that worked and have largely stuck to this
strategy. Unlike other over-used methods, however,
the marches on the Plaza have a heightened symbolism
to them. Examined by the spatial network theory,
this symbolism unites individuals across groups and
sustains interest in and commitment to the movement.
Te continuous state of the Mothers movement leads
me to theorize that it will continue to adapt and exist
in decades to come. Tus, by delving into the factors
and theories behind the emergence, continuation, and
organization of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, I
hope to gain a better understanding of not only how
and why this movement has grown, but also how these
structures could explain future growth.
ANntvs:s
Like my research question has hinted at, there
are multiple factors responsible for the development
of a social movement. Tus, through the assessment
of social theories I aim to accurately detail the rise
and source of the support necessary for success. A
grassroots movement led by ordinary women with
no previous political experience (except in the case
of two of the Mothers), the Mothers of the Plaza de
Mayo experienced numerous challenges from the
government. Despite these tests, however, the Mothers
formed an internationally recognized coalition against
human rights violations. And although this coalition
has since separated into two factions, the Mothers
movement is still in existence over three decades
afer its formation. In the following paragraphs, I
have analyzed four theories (the boomerang, spatial
network, collective action, and resource mobilization)
to explain what accounts for this development, as well
as the Mothers continued success amid setbacks.
Tnv BoomvnnNc Tnvonv
In his essay "Figures of Solidarity: Reconciling
Cultural Relativism and Universalism," Ryan Wilson
addressed the question of why more domestic human
rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have
developed within Latin America in comparison to any
other part of the third world using Margaret E. Keck and
Kathryn Sikkinks boomerang model. According to the
model, fgures of solidarity emerge when a repressive
government violates the basic tenets of human rights
and as a discursive space within both the international
and domestic realm creates an opportunity for
previously silenced voices to be heard (Wilson 1).
Tis space allows for hermeneutical redefnition,
which in turn not only enables domestic fgures to
confront opposition, but also pushes international
organizations to see beyond a universalist approach
and embrace a cause despite cultural conficts (Wilson
1). Such acceptance and success could not occur,
however, without visible solidarity fgures that act as a
face for the organization and assist these international
communities in identifying with the groups plight.
Wilson explores how this theory directly
applies to the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in his
deeper analysis - including that of a series of essays
on transnational advocacy groups published by Keck
and Sikkink in 2002 - of the methodology and process
behind fgures of solidarity. In their discussion on
transnational advocacy groups, Keck and Sikkink
highlighted two important aspects behind their
methodology. First, they defne transnational advocacy
networks as networks of activists, distinguishable
largely by the centrality of principled ideas or values in
motivating their formation (Wilson 1). And second,
they emphasize how most transnational advocacy
networks emerge when governments deny domestic
groups the necessary space for identifcation (Wilson
1). Argentinas practice of repression and violence
during its Dirty War years provides a perfect example of
the conditions surrounding the emergence of domestic
NGOs, such as the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo.
Furthermore, the role the Mothers movement played
in publicizing the atrocities of military dictatorship
illustrates the international power such organizations
have.
Keck and Sikkink's employment of the
boomerang pattern expands in a deeper explanation of
how the Mothers movement gained such international
support. According to this theory, domestic NGOs
residing within a structurally repressive government
must reach out and form links with international
organizations, which must then use their infuence to
pressure these governments from the outside (Wilson
6). Keck and Sikkinks belief that international
contacts can amplify the demands of domestic groups,
pry open space for new issues, and then echo back
these demands into the domestic arena stresses the
importance they place on international organizations
(Wilson 6). Such a pattern of emergence assumes,
however, that the domestic group has the ability to
contact and connect with international organizations.
Tus, a point of contention arises. To be efective, the
30 Winter 2012
domestic NGOs must reach the outside world, but to
accomplish that they must also circumnavigate their
repressive government structure.
Te starting stages of the Mothers of the Plaza de
Mayo show the difculties in overcoming government
repression in order to form links with international
NGOs. Emerging at a time riddled with violence and
human rights violations, the Mothers ofen fell prey to the
precise actions they were protesting against. Twelve of
the fourteen founding mothers disappeared themselves
(Agosin). Others experienced horrible torture at the
hands of the military (Anderson). By refusing to
break apart and silence their voices, however, the
Mothers exposed their countrys human rights abuses
and achieved international recognition. Teir eforts
even led the United Nations (UN) to recognize forced
disappearances as a crime against humanity and to draf
the UN Declaration on the Protection of All Persons
from Enforced Disappearance. Te organizations
expansion to include all human rights violations and
women issues shows how international attention and
involvement contributes to the growth of a domestic
NGO (Abreu). Furthermore, by revealing the threats
to transnational advocacy networks, the Mothers
attest to the relevance of global interconnectedness to
the boomerang pattern. Development and success of
domestic NGOs partially rely on the attention from
international organizations that they garner and these
organizations' abilities to both relate despite cultural
diferences and pressure oppressive government
structures.
Tnv Svn1:nt Nv1won Tnvonv
Fernando J. Bosco explores the importance
of spaces and places in network cohesion and the
sustainability of mobilization within his article "Place,
Space, Networks, and the Sustainability of Collective
Action: Te Madres de Plaza de Mayo." Focusing on
how the practice of place-based collective rituals and
symbolic associations tie into geographical fexibility
and infuence access to resources, Bosco examines
the spatial dimensions of collective action, as well
as the development and duration of the Mothers
movements. He begins his analysis with a testament
to the importance of networks in the mobilization of
social movement organizations, like the Mothers. By
linking local activism across diferent contexts and
creating trans-national webs that facilitate the efcacy
of collection action, social networks contribute to
the success of social movements (Bosco 309). Te
sustainability of these networks and the actions they
produce rely upon, however, the fexibility of the
geographical networks they encompass.
Part of this fexibility derives from the variety
of spatial scales the movement covers, including its use
of place-based collective rituals. Such rituals reveal,
how cohesion in a network that expands across
space can be sustained by symbolically (re)creating
a sense of place (Bosco 309). Tus, an emphasis on
place can bridge barriers and sustain mobilization
by unifying members. Symbolic depictions of these
places further build and sustain network connections
among groups by attaching meaning to a universally
recognized part of the movement. Tese places are
not, however, just physical. Social locations, such as
ethnicity and sexuality, also aid in providing meaning
and establishing connections. Collective action, thus,
relies upon both physical and social locations as such
identities construct webs of meaning and ultimately,
form relationships.
Furthermore, through analysis of spatial aspect
of social networks, one can explore how geography
informs and impacts activism, including that of the
Mothers. While a part of spatiality, the concepts of
place-based collective rituals, sustainable mobilization
strategies, and symbolism also serve as a platform
to garner both meaning and support. By exploiting
these aspects, the Mothers have successfully developed
geographically fexible networks to not only meet
their needs, but also to contribute to the duration and
continuity of their actions.
In addition to his discussion on the importance
of a variety of spatial scales in the mobilization and
continuation of social movements, Bosco also examines
the three types of networks crucial for collective
action. Tese networks consist of inter-personal
networks of activists that facilitate recruitment and
individual participation, links between individuals
and organizations that are based on individuals
multiple personal and group allegiances, and inter-
organization networks used to coordinate actions and
share resources that are crucial to achieve large scale
mobilization (Bosco 310). While these diferent
networks sometimes overlap, they are not necessarily
comprised of the same members. Nor do they consist
of the same relationships. Interconnectedness derives
from the members multiple allegiances and the
interactions between individual members and formal
organizations.
Tis complex web of networks can be discerned
in both factions of the Mothers movements, the
Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Founding Line and
the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Association. In the
Founding Line faction, interpersonal links are built
around the knowledge that each member is a mother
struggling to discover the truth surrounding their
childs disappearance. Tese women are further united
by their desire for those responsible to experience
legal punishment (Bosco 310). In the Association, the
interpersonal bonds are sustained by the concept of
socialized motherhood, or the idea that each member
is not an individual mother searching for a specifc
child, but rather a representation of the entirety of
mothers whose children have disappeared, even those
who never became activists (Bosco 310). Both groups
also share bonds with other social movements based
on strategic interests and occasionally emotional links
or shared identities (Bosco 311). Tus, the Mothers
contain two types of networking interpersonal
networks based on emotional bonds and shared
collective identity and inter-organizational networks
based on strategic alliances. Examining the diferent
types of ties produced by intertwining networks
provides valuable insight into the strength of these
bonds, as well as the sustainability of the collective
action produced by the movement. Dissimilar forms of
action rely on particular networks and the organization
and associations that accompany them.
Tese bonds are further strengthened by the
recreation of a sense of place. Tis place acts not only
as a physical manifestation of the organization, but also
as an emotionally charged symbol of the group. Te
Plaza de Mayo embodies this duality as it serves both
as a meeting place where the Mothers can vocalize
their criticism, and a verbal (through repetition of
place name) and visual cue that incites movement
recognition. A sense of location, and the concrete
imagery that accompanies it, can also inspire greater
support and give the organization a face to be identifed
with. Tus, by providing the public with a poignant
visual they can then associate with the movement, a
place can help substantialize the movements goals,
providing it with context and tying it to tangible people,
situations, and facts. Te loyal and continual use of
the Plaza de Mayo as a home to the Mothers despite
opposition and change stresses the importance of place
in movement development.
Over three decades afer the frst meeting in
the Plaza de Mayo, much has changed, as well as stayed
the same. Two of the Mothers goals the prosecution
of military ofcials involved in the disappearances
and the uncovering and indentifying of the bodies
of the disappeared have had considerable success.
Concerns of social movements in Argentina have
also evolved as rising poverty, unemployment, and
income inequality have become major issues in the
country. As a result of these shifing issues, Argentine
human rights movements have experienced an overall
decrease in the number of activists and popular
support (Eckstein). Tese factors, combined with the
negative implications of an organizational division and
Site of the protests
32 Winter 2012
the loss of members to old age, have led to a decrease
in development following a period of rapid growth
and high mobilization in the late 1980s. Despite
these challenges, however, the Mothers continue their
activities today. Teir resilience is marked by weekly
(every Tursday) marches on the Plaza de Mayo, as
well as a yearly 24-hour demonstration in the square
(Abreu).
Te Plaza de Mayo was not chosen by accident
as the site of the Mothers protest. As the square where
Argentina frst declared its independence from Spain,
the Plaza carries deep signifcance in Argentine history,
cultural-identity, and subconscious. It has emerged
as a site where many groups have gone to claim their
rights. Furthermore, it is the seat of the countrys
power fanked by the presidential palace, cathedral,
and the most infuential banks (Bosco 311). Tus, the
choice of the Plaza is symbolic and again contrasts the
oppressive, isolating, and silent nature of the regime.
As a very public and important place, the Plaza de
Mayo could not be ignored.
Overall, Boscos spatial network theory reveals
how spaces, through their establishment of networks, act
as contexts for both symbolic and cultural productions.
By traversing a variety of spatial scales, the Mothers have
expanded nationally and trans-nationally and forged
alliances with other social movements and groups.
Tis growth would not have been possible, however,
without the symbolism the movement attached to the
Plaza and the collective action it organized around it.
Tus, place and ritualization became two important
factors leading to the rise of the Mothers of the Plaza
de Mayo movement.
Cottvc1:vv Bvnnv:on
According to the collective behavior theory,
collective behavior is not a standard part of the political
process but rather occurs during a period of social
disruption, or in other words, when grievances are
deeply felt. As such, collective behavior exists outside
institutionalized structures or established norms. It is
triggered by some structural or cultural breakdown
or strain. Te mobilization of participants following
this strain relies heavily on shared beliefs (Staggenborg
13). Such recounting of social movement development
refects the rise of the Mothers organization. Propelled
by numerous human rights violations performed
by Videlas dictatorship, the Mothers experienced a
strain in the form of the forced disappearances of their
children. Te emergence of the Dirty War Years acted
as a social disruption that in turn required collective
behavior outside the normal realms. United by their
grievances, specifcally their grief and their duties
as mothers, the Mothers de Plaza de Mayo gathered
together to protest the breakdown of their world order.
Te Chicago School approach to collective behavior
focuses its analysis on the concept of symbolic
interactionism. Te theory that social movement
actors use social interaction to build meanings,
symbolic interactionism aims to identify the role
society-driven behavior plays in creating meaning and
how this meaning is then applied to the movement
itself. According to the school of thought, actors are
forced to engage in collective behavior. Tis collective
action acts as one of the few ways they can construct
new meanings to guide their behavior following
the breakdown of established sources of meaning
and information. Trough their collective action,
participants in social movements end up creating new
organizational structures and culture (Staggenborg 13).
In the case of the Mothers, Videlas violently
oppressive dictatorship destroyed prior sources of
meaning as its instigation of terror disestablished
societal norms and relations. And although the
regime emphasized traditional gender roles, including
the womans place as a housewife and mother, with
the disappearance of their children such roles were
challenged (Bouvard). Mothers could not fulfll their
duties as protector and educator of the children. By
taking away their children, the government had also
taken away the Mothers sense of meaning. Tus, in
order to fully satisfy their responsibilities as mothers
and regain structure, the women mobilized. Tey used
Hebe de Bonafni
their rights as matriarchs to justify their evolution
into public protesters and activists. As a result, the
Mothers a group of women consisting mostly of
homemakers, few of whom had received an education
beyond high school emerged on a previously male
dominated public forum.
One could argue that by reclaiming their rights as
mothers despite opposition to female collective action,
the movement (unintentionally) adopted a feminist air.
By recreating mothers into protestors, public fgures,
and instigators of change, the organization challenged
traditional notions of gender hierarchy and relations
in Argentina. Te Mothers lack of desire to formally
defy and/or change this gender system does, however,
contrast some traditional understandings of feminism.
Such contradictions previously lead me to ask are the
Mothers reclaiming feminism, or moderating it to ft
customary roles?
Te role of collective behavior in creating
meaning provides one way of approaching this
question. As noted earlier, the Mothers mobilized in
an attempt to regain their children and, by extension,
the ability to satisfy their responsibility as mothers.
One could, therefore, argue that their actions stem
from a desire to reclaim an identity constructed by
society in concurrence with Argentinas traditional
gender system. In such analysis, the fact that their
tactics then publically criticized this society is more
importance in how it challenged the sphere of silence
permeating Argentinas sociopolitical atmosphere than
in how it redefned the concept of male dominance.
Tus, one could conclude that the power their roles
as mothers provided served more as a justifcation for
their outspokenness than as an attack on gender roles.
But on the other hand, does not the very fact
that these women felt the right to claim some sort of
meaning with male guidance, especially a meaning of
their choosing (even if it did originate from traditional
gender relations), hint at a sort of feminist sense of
empowerment? Tus, the Mothers actions were not
completely devoid of feminist components. But while
this empowerment allowed the Mothers to emerge on
platforms previously dominated by males, it ultimately
stems from a moderating of feminism to ft customary
roles. In this way, the Mothers almost resemble proto-
feminist. For their movement is feministic, it just
comprises of a more moderate, less radical notion of
feminism. Instead they concentrated their eforts on
a diferent form of radicalism vocalized dissent. But
while one cannot ignore the feminist aspects in favor of
a simpler analysis, one cannot similarly over-emphasize
the feminist components, thus limiting its identity and
sacrifcing a more comprehensive examination of the
movements meaning.
But the method through which a movement
establishes meaning is only an aspect of collective
behavior theory. One must also examine how this sense
of meaning in turn shapes an actors agency, identity,
and actions. Meaning is not fnite. If it were the very
notion of collective behavior theory would be null and
void. Tus, while ideology plays an important role in
guiding collective behavior, the beliefs that govern this
behavior are not fxed, rather systems of belief emerge
and develop as social movement actors interact with
one another, the public, opponents, and authorities,
or so the Chicago Approach argues (Staggenborg, 13).
As these actors try out new tactics and are infuenced
by the events and opportunities around them, they
revise their ideas. Meaning and, consequently, goals
change. Tus, while the roots of the organization are
important, especially in determining how meaning
was originally created following the collapse of prior
sociopolitical conventions, so to is how the association
then morphs as meaning is re-appropriated, redefned,
and re-applied in the face of new challenges.
Tis malleability accounts for the shif in
beliefs of the Mothers, including the radicalization
of the Association. While initially an organization
consumed with the hunt to fnd their lost children, the
Mothers begin to evolve into a general human rights
organization following their interactions with other
social movements. As the mothers gained support and
became more concerned with changing the political
scene of Argentina, they not only broke into two groups
but also begin to adopt their childrens radical ideals.
In an attempt to promote these revolutionary ideas and
keep the spirit of their children alive, the Mothers have
created an independent university, bookstore, library,
and cultural center (Bouvard). Ofering subsidized
and free education and health, these facilities, while
not part of their original goal to fnd their children,
show how support, opportunity, interactions with
other movements, and even opposition lead to the
development of collective action.
To some extent, one could argue that such
change in collective action is a natural development
of collective behavior. For the theory does states that
collective behavior exists outside institutionalized
structures. Tus, once one set of tactics becomes
normalized, radicalization is, to an extent, the next
34 Winter 2012
logical step to insure continued movement action,
existence, and relevancy. As a result, an alteration in a
movements collective behavior can lead to new group
identities. In some instances, such shifs lead to success.
While in others, these changes generate disintegration
and/or radicalization. Te difculty many movements
face in maintaining a more radical agenda points to
the importance of support (as noted previously in the
boomerang theory), the unifying power of symbols (as
touched upon in the spatial network theory), and the
continuation of innovative but reasonable tactics (as
the resource mobilization theory will discuss). In each
step of a movements lifespan, however, the groups
ability to use collective action to efectively develop,
maintain, and communicate a sense of meaning
remains paramount.
Rvsocncv Mon:t:zn1:oN Tnvonv
Central to successful collective action,
resources included both tangible and intangible assets.
Edward and McCarthy breakdown these types of
resources even further by referring to moral, cultural,
social-organizational, human, and material resources.
McCarthy and Zald note that these resources may not
always come from the aggrieved groups, or benefciaries
of a movement, but rather from conscience constituents
(Staggenborg, 18). As the Mothers of the Plaza de
Mayo and their plights garnered more international
acknowledgement and support, the resources
available to the group increased as other human rights
organizations supported the Mothers cause. Tese
resources contributed to the success and development
of the movement as they gave the organization greater
potential for infuence.
In addition, the resource mobilization theory
explores how varying structures of social movements
infuence their longevity and strategic choices.
According to theorists, organizations with more
formalized or bureaucratic structures are better able
to sustain a movement over time, whereas informal
organization are better at innovating tactics and taking
quick action in response to events (Staggenborg,
18). At its beginnings when it still largely consisted of
loosely structured groups, the Mothers of the Plaza de
Mayo was more creative, or revolutionary, in its tactics.
Constant revolutionary tactics are not,
however, generally sustainable in the long-term. As
briefy mentioned at the end of the analysis of collective
behavior theory, the success of a group while tied to
the innovative nature of its actions, also relies upon
the stamina of its methods. If a movement cannot
reasonably sustain its tactics, it will become more
disorganized, leading to a breakdown of its support,
identity, collective behavior, and available resources
until the point where it collapses (Staggenborg, 18).
Staggenborgs analysis of formalized versus informal
organizations and their difering approaches to protest
-- specifcally the more institutionalized and durable
tactics of formalized institutions versus the innovative
and quick actions of informal groups -- highlight not
only the degree of variability surrounding a tactics
efectiveness, but also the importance, advantages,
and disadvantages of each approach depending on the
situation and stage in the movements development.
During the reign of terror that characterized the
Dirty War Years, the Plaza de Mayo was marked by
the omnipresence of the security police. Tus, it was
dangerous for a group to gather there. As a young
group, however, the initial Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo
had nothing to lose. Taking a risk, they innovated and
appropriated the Plazas space. Overtime, their marches
on the square became ritualized. Every Tursday, the
Mothers would gather in the Plaza (Bosco, 309). As the
organization gained more support and became more
institutionalized, their level of innovation dropped.
Tey became concerned with continuous political
action and their marches became a long-standing
symbol of the movement. While still powerful, these
marches lost their novelty. Tis development, combined
with the shif in goals to broader human rights issues
caused the Association faction to engage in their
fnal annual March of Resistance around the Plaza on
January 26, 2006. Tey claimed that such marches were
indiferent to the fate of the missing. Tey decided to
continue their weekly Tursday marches in support of
other social causes (Abreu). As the Mothers movement
became more formalized, it became concrete in its
tactics, re-using strategies that had succeed in the past.
Tese strategies, while initially innovative, became
signs of the continuous sustainability of the movement.
CoNctcs:oN
At frst glance, the Mothers of the Plaza de
Mayo may seem like a simple protest organization
the collective collaboration of mothers who had lost
their children to a repressive military regime. Deeper
analysis reveals, however, the many intricacies and
implications of the movement. Not only has the group
utilized numerous social movement theories, but it has
also evolved over time in reaction to changing political
and social atmospheres. Te Mothers original claims
were still therethey were still missing their children.
But as time passed and the organization matured, this
claim was expanded to include other human rights
violations. Tis shif highlights the resilience of the
movement; a rather unique aspect considering how few
social movements have lasted as many decades as the
Mothers.
And while such resilience stems partly from
continuous action, a balance of innovation and stability,
and cross-cultural support, the Mothers would not
have persisted for so long or with such a high level
of success if it were not for their use of space. Such
spatial symbolism provided the perfect platform for
the necessary discourse and action to span continual
challenges and cross-cultural diferences. Te marches
on the Plaza and the symbolism tied to such tactics
not only managed to sustain interest and commitment
despite the movements apparent lack of innovation,
but also challenged Argentinas violent atmosphere
while managing to unite the members to both each
other and the international community as a whole.
While the group could have then failed to
adapt and draw support as it grew, it instead matured,
formalized, and adopted sustainable, if not ritualized,
tactics. And I predict that it will continue to do so. Te
Mothers integration of numerous theories, including
the boomerang, spatial network, collective action, and
resource mobilization theories, causes me to expect its
continued success. Tat being said, how long, to what
extent, and through what actions can the movement
maintain the sense of spatiality and the notion of
solidarity it perpetuates are both critical components
to its success. Deeper analysis of the two factions would
assist in analyzing not only the roots of the movements
accomplishments thus far, but the realistic extent of its
future achievement. As a whole, however, the Mothers
of the Plaza de Mayo provide invaluable insight into
how spatialitys emotional bonds can produce solidarity,
thus sustaining collective action and, ultimately, social
protest.
W C
Abreu Hernandez, V. M. (2002), Te Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo:
A Peace Movement. Peace
& Change, 27:385411.
Agosin, Marjorie. Te Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. Trans. Janice
Molloy. Trenton: Te Red Sea , 1990. Print.
Surviving Beyond Fear: Women, Children, and Human Rights in
Latin America. N.p.: White Pine, 1993. Print.
Anderson, Leslie F. Of Wild and Cultivated Politics: Confict and
Democracy in Argentina.
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. Vol. 16, No.
1 (Fall, 2002), pp. 99-132. Springer. JSTOR
Bosco, F. J. (2001), Place, space, networks, and the sustainability of
collective action: the
Madres de Plaza de Mayo. Global Networks, 1:307329.
Bouvard, Marguerite Guzman. Revolutionizing Motherhood: Te
Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources
, 1994. Print.
Eckstein, Suan, ed. Power and Popular Protest: Latin American
Social Movements. Berkeley: U of California P, 2001. Print.
Safa, Helen Icken. Womens Social Movements in Latin America.
Gender and Society. Vol. 4,
No. 3, Special Issue: Women and Development in the Tird World
(Sep., 1990), pp. 354-369. Sage Publications. JSTOR
Shayne, Julie D. Te Revolution Question. New Brunswick:
Rutgers UP, 2004. Print.
Staggenborg, Suzanne. Social Movements. New York: Oxford UP,
2011. Print.
Wilson, Ryan. Figures of Solidarity: Reconciling Cultural
Relativism and Universalism. N.p., n.d. Web. 14 Mar. 2011.
Winship, Christopher, and Stephen L. Morgan. Womens
Movements in the Tird World:
Identity, Mobilization, and Autonomy. Annual Review of
Sociology 25.1 (1999): 47. Academic Search Alumni Edition.
EBSCO. Web. 14 Mar. 2011.
36 Winter 2012

by Sabrina Layne
Te Importance of Considering the Role
of Death Rituals in the HIV/AIDS-Poverty
Syndemic
In Africa, a continent beset with multiple
chronic diseases, hindered agricultural development,
environmental challenges, and unstable governmental
regimes, the syndemic approach is vital to inducing any
meaningful improvement. Tis paper frst elucidates the
HIV/AIDS-poverty syndemic as currently understood by
researchers and international organizations determined
to combat Africas poverty. It then introduces a case in
which local cultural practices have been acknowledged as
contributing factors. Following this case, a comparison and
contrast of HIV prevalence in Swaziland and Tanzania is
made to establish the signifcance of cultural customs in
afecting the cycle. By relating the countries divergence
in HIV prevalence with diferent cultural practices, this
paper illustrates that the current syndemic approach is not
sufcient and rituals performed in response to death
such as burial and mourning, important parts of the HIV/
AIDS poverty syndemicmust be addressed in fnding
multidimensional solutions to this problem.
uvn1n n:1cn:s
Sabrina Layne is a sophomore studying Human Biology,
but maintains a passion for history. She is drawn to global
health with a particular interest in the roles of culture and
community in health care. She volunteers at Pacifc Free
Clinic, is a member ofStudents for a Sustainable Stanford,
and plans to conduct qualitative research on community
perceptions of preventive medicine this summer. In her
free time, Sabrina enjoys sunny California afernoons with
the Club Tennis team.
IN1noocc1:oN: Tnv
Avn:cnN SvNovm:c
You think that if you understand one, you
understand twobecause one and one are two. But
you must also understand and. Tis Suf teaching
encompasses the essence of the important concept of
syndemics, which has guided recent innovations in
public health research. Prior to the conception of the
term, most research focused on understanding and
generating policy for one disease or risk factor at a
time, leaving other health problems to be addressed
by parallel enterprises.
1
Although the information
gained was invaluable, the limited approach neglected
to address the connection between problems
perpetuating one another which ofen stemmed from
the same challenging socioeconomic conditions. As
a result, this approach was met with limited success.
Dr. Merrill Singers creation of the term syndemic
in 1994 signifed a new understanding that the
combined efect of multiple problems is greater
than the sum of its parts. As defned by the CDC,
a syndemic is two or more afictions, interacting
synergistically, contributing to excess burden of disease
in a population. Contemporary researchers, therefore,
seek to address the root causes of interrelated issues
with the creation of multidimensional solutions. Te
greatest diference between the old and new methods
lies in the frst steps taken by researchers to understand
the crisis in question; the old public health approach
began by defning the disease in question, while
the syndemic approach frst defnes the people in
question.
2
In Africa, a continent plagued by multiple
1 Syndemics Overview - What Principles Characterize a Syndemic
Orientation? Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 30 Jan.
2008. Web. 22 May 2011. <http://www.cdc.gov/syndemics/overview-
principles.htm>.
2 Syndemics Overview - What Principles Characterize a Syndemic
principles.htm>.
chronic diseases, hindered agricultural development,
environmental and climatic challenges, and unstable
governmental regimes, the syndemic approach is vital
to inducing meaningful improvement. Tere will be
nearly nine billion people worldwide to feed by 2050. By
then, there will be a 40-55 percent decline in the ratio of
arable land to population.
3
Currently, 239 million Sub-
Saharan Africans live in chronic hunger, and 26 percent
of child malnutrition occurs in Africa.
4
Te average
life expectancy is 46 years
5
rather than the 62 years it
would have been without AIDS.
6
Globally, 22.5 of the
33.3 million people living with HIV worldwide reside
in Sub-Saharan Africa.
7
Since 1985, AIDS has taken the
lives of about seven million agricultural workers in the
25 hardest-hit African countries.
8
During 2009 alone, an
estimated 1.3 million Africans died from AIDS.
9
Tese
statistics illustrate the consequences of interconnected
problems such as malnutrition and HIV/AIDS.
Solutions remain elusive, however. Approaches have
evolved since the 1980s, with the greatest progression
in the last decade. Further research has made greater
information available to humanitarian organizations
and policymakers. Te frst attempts to fght African
poverty were narrow in their focus, failing to address
the and between issues; solutions were created to
address very specifc problems in a relatively limited
geographic area. Some researchers today consider
past solutions to be overly medicalised as they
targeted diseases such as HIV/AIDS solely through the
health sector without addressing the developmental
3 CropLife International. Facts and Figures Te Status of Global
Agriculture. Brussels: CropLife International, 2010. CropLife. 23 Nov.
2010. Web. 1 May 2011.
4 World Hunger Education Service. 2011 World Hunger and Poverty
Facts and Statistics. Worldhunger.org - Hunger Notes 6 Mar 2011. 7
May 2011.
5 Hear Africa 05: Statistics. Latest News, Comment and Reviews from
the Guardian | Guardian.co.uk. 2005. Web. 1 May 2011. <http://www.
guardian.co.uk/hearafrica05/statistics/0,15844,1435604,00.html>.
6 HIV/AIDS and Food Security: Impacts of HIV/AIDS. Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 2006. 6 June 2011.
<http://www.fao.org/hivaids/impacts/index_en.htm>.
7 UNAIDS Search - Africa Data. UNAIDS - Joint United Nations
Programme on HIV/AIDS. 3 June 2011. < http://search2.unaids.org/
custom/search.asp#5>.
9 AIDS and HIV Statistics for Sub-Saharan Africa. AVERT. 2010.
Web. 12 May 2011. <http://www.avert.org/africa-hiv-aids-statistics.
htm>.

38 Winter 2012
conditions which perpetuate their continued spread.
10

Te failure of these eforts has inspired a new holistic
approach to combatting poverty. New participants
realize that short-term remedies such as food donation,
and solutions that fail to consider the interrelated
nature of the issues at hand are a waste of both time
and capital. Instead, they are dedicated to formulating
approaches that address the connection between all
factors in addition to the problems themselvesin
efect, implementing the syndemic approach (see
Figure 1). As these methods are still in the process
of being researched and implemented, their results
have yet to be realized, much less analyzed. Tey will,
therefore, continue to be altered and improved.
While this new syndemic approach is an important
development towards implementing sustainable
change, we have yet to fully understand all aspects and
interactions of the syndemic. It has become increasingly
evident that a virulent cycle between food (in)security
and HIV/AIDS exists in Africa but this alone cannot
explain the entire problem. Te understanding of this
connection is incomplete in its failure to account for
cultural factors. Researchers are just now beginning
10 Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations. Toward
Multi-sectoral Responses to HIV/AIDS: Implications for Education
for Rural People (ERP). Ministerial Seminar. Addis Ababa, 2005.
Print.
to question the role of cultureparticularly rituals
surrounding death, such as burial and mourningin
the cycle. Tis paper elucidates the syndemic as it is
currently understood by researchers and international
organizations determined to combat Africas poverty. It
then introduces a case in which local cultural practices
have been acknowledged as contributing factors.
Following this, the paper compares HIV prevalence in
Swaziland and Tanzania to highlight the signifcance of
cultural customs in afecting the cycle. By relating the
countries divergence in HIV prevalence with diferent
cultural practices, this paper demonstrates that the
current syndemic approach may be insufcient, and
customs performed in response to death, such as burial
and mourning, contribute to the poverty-HIV/AIDS
syndemic.
Tnv V:c:ocs Cvctv
In order to appreciate the role of culture in
perpetuating the destitute condition of HIV/AIDS in
Africa, it is frst necessary to examine the syndemic
as it is currently understood by researchers. Te
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United
Nations provides a comprehensive explanation of the
connection between HIV/AIDS and food security on
its website. In a devastating cycle, poverty results in
Figure 1 - Conceptual framework of multi-sectoral responses to HIV/AIDS: an example of a new syndemic
solution to HIV/AIDS in Africa, emphasizing the need to expand beyond a purely medical approach.
Courtesy of Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations
uvn1n n:1cn:s
a population that is more susceptible to HIV/AIDS,
which, once contracted, exacerbates the conditions that
entrench that population in poverty (see Figure 2). In
Africa, contraction of HIV is disproportionately high
among poor, rural populations. Tis is exacerbated by
limited access to medical care. In order to understand
this cycle in greater depth, I have compiled evidence
and explanations from a multitude of sources.
Poverty has several consequences that make these
populations more vulnerable. First, it creates food
insecurity by sharply limiting access to food. Food
insecurity severely hampers nutritional intake and
health, making rural populations more susceptible
to HIV infection. Te individuals already weakened
immune system increases the virulence of the infection
by decreasing the incubation period of the virus,
leading to earlier onset of opportunistic infections and
symptoms. Research studying the connection between
nutrition and HIV confrms that micronutrient
status and intake may afect HIV transmission,
progression, and morbidity.
11
Second, poverty reduces
the populations ability to access information, educate
itself, or access mass media sources. As a result, the
rural poor have less knowledge with which to combat
HIV transmission or learn reduced-risk behaviors.
Tird, poverty and the resulting paucity of livelihood
opportunities in rural Africa stimulate migration
11 Friis, Henrik. Micronutrients and HIV Infection: Micronutrients
and HIV Infection: a Review of Current Evidence. Technical Review.
World Health Organization, 2005. 10-13 Apr. 2005. Web. 30 May
2011.
to urban areas in search of employment. Far from
home for protracted periods of time, migrant workers
are more likely to partake in unprotected, casual, or
commercial sex, thereby augmenting their potential
exposure to HIV. Teir return home fosters spread of
the disease and further stretches their communities
already limited resources, contributing to the vicious
cycle of food insecurity, decreased productivity, and
increased poverty.
Women are also disproportionately vulnerable
to HIV infection due to their inferior position in the
social hierarchy in Africa. Infection rates are three to
fve times higher among young women than young
men in various regions. Tis can be attributed to the
dominance of men in African culture, who prefer to
take younger women as their partners. Because of their
inferior social status, women are denied the right to
determine their sexual partners, to consent to the acts
to which they are subjected, and to demand protected
intercourse. Of less import, women, especially in youth
and adolescence, are biologically more vulnerable
to HIV due to the physiological properties of an
immature genital tract.
12
Te combination of these
biological factors with the inherent social hierarchy
increases womens chances of contracting HIV and
results in a signifcantly higher prevalence of HIV in this
12 Quinn, Tomas C., and Julie Overbaugh. HIV/AIDS in Women: An
Expanding Epidemic. Science 308.5728 (2005) : 1582 -1583. 3 June
2011.
Figure 2 Te Poverty-HIV/AIDS Syndemic: this diagram illustrates the cyclical
workings of the syndemic as poverty and HIV/AIDS perpetuate one another.
40 Winter 2012
population.
13
Te efects of HIV/AIDS reach far
beyond the plight of the infected individual. Since HIV
is principally a sexually transmitted disease, infection
occurs most frequently in those of reproductive age,
undermining the most robust sector of the population.
Te virus causes fatigue and decreases the hosts work
productivity. Additionally, HIV not only compromises
the labor of what would otherwise be the most dynamic
segment of the population, but also adversely afects
other family members who must sacrifce their work
to provide care for their aficted loved one. In rural
African communities dependent upon labor-intensive
agriculture, this diminished productivity negatively
impacts crop yields and translates into both food
insecurity and economic malaise. As the Food and
Agriculture Organization (FAO) notes, In some agro-
ecological zones, labor demands are concentrated in
specifc and critical periods of the year. In those areas,
sickness or funeral attendance may mean that the
planting season is missed, and with it a full crop.
In a ripple efect, HIV/AIDS and the subsequent
loss of agricultural productivity strains families. Based
on research conducted in several diferent Sub-Saharan
countries, the World Food Programme of the United
Nations points out that, When farming households
are afected by the disease, they tend to plant fewer
hectares and less labor-intensive crops which are not
always as nutritious. Less visible than the loss of labor,
but equally detrimental to agricultural production
and food security, is the loss of indigenous knowledge
which accompanies the death of family members. Such
knowledge is traditionally passed from adult to child
by working together in the felds; full mastery requires
time, practice and exposure to tricks of the trade.
However, with the death of the reproductive
population, this link is severed. Small rural farming
systems are particularly reliant upon a seasoned
understanding of local agriculture and biodiversity,
making this loss especially devastating and leaving
a young population ill-equipped to manage the
impacts of the epidemic and to maintain successful
agricultural production.
14
As families abilities to
subsist agriculturally plummet, medical and health care
costs soar, draining their assets, and rendering them
unable to purchase the food that they can no longer
produce. In addition, many families are increasingly
burdened with the care of children of dead relatives,
further straining an already impossible predicament.
Tis combination proves detrimental to the food
security of an already malnourished population and
food-insecure households are more likely to turn to
livelihoods that put them at greater risk of infection
such as migration and prostitution, notes the FAO.
Just as women are disproportionately
vulnerable to HIV contraction, they also shoulder
a disproportionate portion of its efects on the
household because of gender inequality and womens
dual responsibilities as domestic and agricultural
workers. When members of the family fall ill, the
domestic workload of women increases as they assume
the burden of primary caregivers. Tis job does not
replace other household or agricultural chores, causing
women to bear the burden to a much greater degree
than their male counterparts. Difering gender roles
also limit womens indigenous knowledge to domestic
NGOs such as Gone Rural work to empower women
Courtesy of Flickr Creative Commons user Brian Negin
uvn1n n:1cn:s
practices and farm work, such as planting, weeding, and
harvesting, that do not require the use of technology.
15

Tis poses a major problem when male members
of the family die, leaving women as the heads of
households. Without prior experience or knowledge,
they must assume traditional male roles for which they
are ill-prepared. Tis further exacerbates the already
decreased agricultural productivity and thus results in
greater food insecurity for the entire household. Tis
is aggravated by womens limited access to resources
when they need them most. According to the FAO,
Following the death of a spouse, a widow may
lose access to household and productive resources
such as land, resulting in further impoverishment.
Consequently, women ofen sacrifce their own meals
and partake in transactional sex in desperate attempts
to provide food for their families.
In contending with the devastating efects of
HIV/AIDS, rural communities turn to coping strategies
that are unsustainable and aggravate the syndemic.
An FAO study identifed the following practices:
15 Hlanze, Zakhe, Tanky Gama, and Sibusiso Mondlane. Tech. no. 50.
Te Impact of HIV/AIDS and Drought on Local Knowledge Systems
for Agrobiodiversity and Food Security. FAO-LinKS Swaziland, July
2005. Web. 5 May 2011.
withdrawing children from school, reducing acreage
and switching to non-labour intensive crops in order
to cope with labour shortagessell[ing] livestock
and other assets to cope with fnancial challenges
migrationand even begging by the elderly. Rather
than improving the communitys condition, these
practices contribute to its demise. In summary, HIV/
AIDS results in a resource-strained, malnourished
population, which is exceedingly vulnerable to diseases
such as HIV/AIDS, thus perpetuating a seemingly
endless cycle.
Although there is substantial understanding
of the synergism between poverty and HIV/AIDS in
inducing misery among the indigenous population, this
understanding (as illustrated in Figure 2) is incomplete
as it fails to encompass the role of cultural practices
regarding death in perpetuating this cycle.
Cnsv S1cov ov Swnz:tnNo
A study conducted by the FAO as part of its
LinKS project confrms the dynamics of the syndemic
connection explained above. While discussing
Swazilands inability to recover from the deadly
Poor living conditions compound the HIV endemic in Africa.
Courtesy of Flickr Creative Commons user MightyBoyBrian
42 Winter 2012
combination of drought and HIV/AIDS, the paper
explores the interplay between them as contributors to
food insecurity. By impeding the transmission of local
knowledge from one generation to the next, the disease
contributes to the destruction of agrobiodiversity,
which inhibits productivity. Te researchers examine
the division of indigenous knowledge between genders
and this inequalitys negative impact on food security.
However, also embedded within the study is a small
paragraph discussing Swazi cultural practices following
death. In Swazi culture, burial and mourning practices
cause decreased productivity. Burying the dead is
given greater import than any other constructive
activity. Upon the death of a family member, all
agricultural work ceases a practice called kuyatilwa
as both relatives and neighbors must mourn their
loss. In addition, during observation of the tradition
called fukama, women remain idly indoors for multiple
days while awaiting the burial.
16
Tese customs have a
signifcant adverse impact on agricultural production
given the frequent deaths caused by the HIV/
AIDS pandemic. Te extensive mourning network
compounds this efect, as entire rural communities
must constantly refrain from their livelihood. Tis
intensive mourning tradition can result in the loss of
16 Hlanze, Zakhe, Tanky Gama, and Sibusiso Mondlane. Tech. no. 50.
Te Impact of HIV/AIDS and Drought on Local Knowledge Systems
for Agrobiodiversity and Food Security. FAO-LinKS Swaziland, July
2005. Web. 5 May 2011.
an entire crop when it coincides with critical periods
such as planting season.
17
Tis ritualistic inactivity is
devastating to food security in Swaziland where the
population depends on the land for its subsistence.
As with mourning, funerals play a signifcant
role in Swazi culture, taking precedence over all
other activities. Preparation is costly and extensive,
sometimes taking a week or longer in urban areas
where refrigeration is available. Depending on the
location of the death, transportation must be arranged.
Local radio stations announce the death and funeral
details and wealthier families may place a death notice
in the local newspaper. Te head of the homestead
(small African settlement), the senior wife or mother of
the house, and other (typically female) relatives share
additional preparation duties, including cofn purchase
and catering arrangements. Excluding the cost of
the undertaker, researchers estimate that the price of
a typical funeral is US$280 to US$560. Additional
costs, including catering, transportation, and death
announcements, as well as mourning clothing, and a
cow or goat for slaughter, can total US$350 to US$420.
Tese added expenditures represent a monumental
burden to Swazi families whose assets have already been
severely depleted by expenditures on health care. Many
have already been forced to sell parts of their property
Figure 3 Comparison of HIV Prevalence Between Swaziland and
Tanzania: this graph depicts the increase of HIV prevalence in Swaziland
while that of Tanzania increases slightly and then decreases.
Data courtesy of World Health Organization
uvn1n n:1cn:s
or other valuable items in order to feed themselves
and their families. Such exorbitant practices further
strain the resources of an already sufering populace,
two-thirds of whom live on less than US$1 per day.
18

Despite frequent deaths and worsening poverty, the
Swazi community continues to embrace these elaborate
rituals, which have become both more expansive and
expensive in recent years. Tis escalation cannot
be attributed to ignorance. In a national survey, a
signifcant portion of the population identifed costs
associated with illness, death, and funeral expenses as
its greatest fnancial burdens.
Comvnn:soN ov HIV PnvvntvNcv
nv1wvvN Swnz:tnNo nNo TnNznN:n
While it is clear that mourning traditions
and funeral rituals have a signifcant efect on the
syndemic in Swaziland, the relation between cultural
practices regarding death and the HIV/AIDS-poverty
syndemic has not been attempted in other Sub-Saharan
countries. Are such customs an important additional
consideration for the syndemic in other countries?
18 Desmond, Christopher et al. Using an undertakers data to assess
changing patterns of mortality and their consequences in Swaziland.
African Journal of AIDS - Research 3.1 (2004) : 43.
HIV prevalence among adults aged 15-49 in
Swaziland and Tanzania has diverged since 1990 (see
Figure 3). In 1990, 2.3 percent of Swazilands population
was infected by HIV, while a slightly higher amount, 4.8
percent, was infected in Tanzania. Since then, however,
the prevalence of HIV in Swaziland has continued
to increase, exceeding the prevalence in Tanzania
in 1994. Only since 2004 has the prevalence of HIV
leveled of in Swaziland at approximately 26 percent.
Te trend shows no sign of decreasing. In contrast,
the incidence of HIV in Tanzania slowly increased
through 1997 and has been on the decline ever since,
leaving only 5.6 percent of the population infected by
2009.
19
As HIV/AIDS is part of the cycle with poverty,
these trends are good markers of the countries overall
condition. A rising prevalence of HIV translates into
decreased productivity, increased food insecurity, and
greater malnutrition. Tese claims are supported by
additional data indicating retrogression in Swaziland.
Te countrys Human Development Index (HDI) value
(based on life expectancy at birth, knowledge measured
by adult literacy rate and the combined primary,
secondary, and tertiary gross enrollment ratio, and per
capita GDP in PPP) was 0.611 in 1990; fve years later,
it dropped to 0.606 as the prevalence of HIV increased
by 8.3 percent. In 2001, accompanying an increase in
HIV prevalence by 13 percent, Swazilands HDI value
was demoted to 0.547, similar to its development level
in 1980 (0.541).
20
During this period, malnutrition
and child mortality have also increased. Roughly 10
percent of the population was undernourished in
1990-1992; 12 percent was undernourished by 1998-
2000. Mortality rates for children under fve rose from
110 per 1000 live births in 1990 to 149 in 2001.
21
Why
has Swazilands condition worsened while Tanzania
has seen improvements in HIV prevalence? What is
the diference between these two countries?
ExvtnNn1:oN ov D:vvvn:Nc TnvNos:
Cct1cnnt CnnNcv :N TnNznN:n
Diferences in climate do not explain the
diverging HIV infection rates since Tanzania also
19 World Health Organization. Data on the size of the epidemic,
Prevalence of HIV among adults aged 15 to 49 (%). Raw data. Global
Health Observatory Data Repository.
Tanzanians have focused on stopping the spread of HIV.
Courtesy of Flickr Creative Commons user Kevin H
44 Winter 2012
experiences severe droughts that hamper agricultural
production.
22
Te countrys declining HIV prevalence,
however, may be the result of changes in cultural
practices following death. Te Kagera Region of
Tanzania, in particular, has experienced signifcant
declines in HIV prevalence and incidence. A study
conducted in this region correlates this decline in HIV
incidence with signifcant changes in sexual behaviors,
norms, values, and customs that are considered high-
risk for HIV transmission.
23
Te researchers discovered
that the most considerable changes occurred with
marriage customs and practices related to death and
mourning. Prior to the HIV/AIDS epidemic, widow
inheritance was common practice. Tis tradition
required either that a brother inherit his dead brothers
wife or that a brother in law have sex with his brothers
wife or all wives if in a polygamous relationship.
Widow inheritance has been largely discontinued due
to the populations understanding of the way in which
HIV is transmitted and the devastating consequences
of contracting the virus. Since they cannot be certain
of the deceased mans HIV status, the Tanzanians of the
Kagera region err on the side of caution.
In the past, mourning rituals, Kuteka Orufu-
Matanga, were extensive and lasted many days. Some
widows remained indoors for three months or more
following the deaths of their husbands. According to the
study, these mourning practices have been terminated
in the Kagera region, unlike in Swaziland. Now, most
family members and friends return home immediately
afer the burial ceremony, leaving the deceaseds closest
relatives to continue mourning for one or two days
only. Previously, overnight burial ceremonies had
provided occasion for excessive drinking and partying,
encouraging high-risk sexual behavior.
24
In addition,
less money is allocated to catering, decreasing the
deaths fnancial burden on the living family. Te
mourning custom of cutting or shaving hair for the
deaths of close relatives has also been nearly terminated.
Te small number of people who continue to adhere to
22 IRIN Africa | TANZANIA: Drought afects 85 percent of crops in
Shinyanga District. IRIN: humanitarian news and analysis. 3 June
2011. <http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=46508>.
23 Lugalla, Joe et al. Social, cultural and sexual behavioral determinants
of observed decline in HIV infection trends: lessons from the Kagera
Region, Tanzania. Social Science & Medicine 59.1 (2004) : 185-198.
28 May 2011. Italics added.
Region, Tanzania. Social Science & Medicine 59.1 (2004) : 185-198.
28 May 2011.
this practice are acutely aware of the role blades play in
transmitting HIV and no longer share razor blades.
25

At least in part because of these cultural changes, the
Kagera region has experienced signifcant declines in
the prevalence of HIV. Studies conducted in Bukoba, an
urban area within Kagera, measured the percentage of
the afected population. Prevalence declined from 24.2
percent in 1987 to 18.2 percent in 1993 and, further,
to 13.3 percent a mere fve years later. Te steepest
decline occurred in females aged 15-24, which is the
age group most frequently infected by HIV.
26
It seems,
therefore, that curtailment of mourning practices is
a signifcant step towards mitigating the syndemic
as it not only decreases the opportunity for further
HIV transmission, but also diminishes the period of
inactivity and decreased productivity.
C
Although well researched and quite nuanced,
the current understanding of the HIV/AIDS-poverty
syndemic in Africa remains incomplete, as it fails to
recognize the importance of cultural practices related to
death in perpetuating the cycle. Te contrast between
Swaziland and Tanzania illustrates the impact that
changing such practices has on HIV prevalence and the
syndemic as a whole. Because traditional burial and
mourning practices dictate the cessation of productive
work, food security sufers immensely. In addition, the
increasing magnitude of funerals creates an onerous
fnancial burden for families and provides occasion
for high-risk sexual behavior. Tese practices yield a
progressively malnourished population increasingly
susceptible to infections related to HIV/AIDS and,
unfortunately, further entrenched in poverty. In
the Kagera region of Tanzania, largely ending these
practices has decreased HIV prevalence and improved
the populations overall condition.
Te adverse efects of death-related customs
may be subtle, indirect, and difcult to measure, but
they are important in the syndemic cycle of HIV/
AIDS and poverty. Although such practices are
among many cultural factors involved in the syndemic,
Region, Tanzania. Social Science & Medicine 59.1 (2004) : 185-198. 28
May 2011.
May 2011.
uvn1n n:1cn:s
they are rarely acknowledged in current literature
and deserve greater consideration. Condom use has
received greater attention from researchers as there is
an easily observable relationship between condom use
and viral transmission. Heightened burial practices in
Swaziland are also associated with a lack of condom
utilization, as Swazis refuse to acknowledge the
existence of HIV/AIDS in their population or their role
in enabling its spread, which merits further analysis
in a separate paper. Opportunistic infections, rather
than AIDS itself, are cited as the cause of death in the
majority of cases in which the person died from AIDS.
Changing mourning practices in Tanzania have been
accompanied by heightened condom use and increased
awareness of HIV transmission by the population.
Te persistence of cultural stigmas against
HIV/AIDS greatly hampers the eforts of external
organizations to prevent further transmission and,
thereby, is a signifcant component of the syndemic.
It is currently unclear how to change the dominant
perception in Swaziland into one of understanding
and proactive awareness.
27
Perhaps an aggressive,
widespread education campaign, using diferent
methods to target diferent age groups, would be an
important component of the solution. Primary school
health education would probably be most efective.
Contrast of Swaziland and Tanzania highlights
the importance of evaluating the efects of cultural
practices and beliefs regarding HIV/AIDS in creating
lasting, sustainable improvements.
W C
AIDS and HIV Statistics for Sub-Saharan Africa. AVERT. 2010. Web.
12 May 2011. <http://www.avert.org/africa-hiv-aids-statistics.htm>.
CropLife International. Facts and Figures Te Status of Global
Agriculture. Brussels: CropLife International, 2010. CropLife. 23 Nov.
2010. Web. 1 May 2011.
Desmond, Christopher et al. Using an undertakers data to assess
Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations. Toward
Multi-sectoral Responses to HIV/AIDS: Implications for Education for
Rural People (ERP). Ministerial Seminar. Addis Ababa, 2005. Print.
Friis, Henrik. Micronutrients and HIV Infection: Micronutrients and
HIV Infection: a Review of Current Evidence. Technical Review. World
Health Organization, 2005. 10-13 Apr. 2005. Web. 30 May 2011.
Hear Africa 05: Statistics. Latest News, Comment and Reviews from
the Guardian | Guardian.co.uk. 2005. Web. 1 May 2011. <http://www.
guardian.co.uk/hearafrica05/statistics/0,15844,1435604,00.html>.
Himmelgreen, David, and Nancy Romero-Daza. Bytes of Note
- Te Global Food Crisis, HIV/AIDS, and Home Gardens.
environmentmagazine.org Aug 2010. 4 May 2011.
HIV/AIDS and Food Security: Impacts of HIV/AIDS. Food and
Hlanze, Zakhe, Tanky Gama, and Sibusiso Mondlane. Tech. no. 50.
Te Impact of HIV/AIDS and Drought on Local Knowledge Systems for
Agrobiodiversity and Food Security. FAO-LinKS Swaziland, July 2005.
Web. 5 May 2011.
IRIN Africa | TANZANIA: Drought afects 85 percent of crops in
Shinyanga District. IRIN: humanitarian news and analysis. 3 June
2011. <http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=46508>.
Lugalla, Joe et al. Social, cultural and sexual behavioral determinants
May 2011.
Quinn, Tomas C., and Julie Overbaugh. HIV/AIDS in Women: An
Expanding Epidemic. Science 308.5728 (2005) : 1582 -1583. 3 June
2011.
Syndemics Overview - What Principles Characterize a Syndemic
principles.htm>.
UNAIDS Search - Africa Data. UNAIDS - Joint United Nations
Programme on HIV/AIDS. 3 June 2011. < http://search2.unaids.org/
custom/search.asp#5>.
World Food Programme. HIV/AIDS, Livelihoods & Food Security.
United Nations. June 2008. Web. 26 May 2011.
World Food Programme. Integration of Food and Nutrition Support
in Treatment Programmes. United Nations. July 2010. Web. 26 May
2011.
World Health Organization. Data on the size of the epidemic, Prevalence
of HIV among adults aged 15 to 49 (%). Raw data. Global Health
Observatory Data Repository.
World Hunger Education Service. 2011 World Hunger and Poverty
Facts and Statistics. Worldhunger.org - Hunger Notes 6 Mar 2011. 7
May 2011.
Exploring the latest in global afairs, the
Stanford Journal of International Relations
continues a tradition of excellence
with its upcoming Spring issue.
Visit sjir.stanford.edu for updates.

The Stanford Journal of International Relations Winter 2012

Enviado por

Dados do documento

Direitos autorais

Formatos disponíveis

Compartilhar este documento

Compartilhar ou incorporar documento

Opções de compartilhamento

Você considera este documento útil?

Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

The Stanford Journal of International Relations Winter 2012

Enviado por

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

STANFORD JOURNAL !

Você também pode gostar