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Bengali: oh no
(4)
A (any]thing) yeah (.) that's because (we're so) after that
? (/hm)]
(5)
A yeah they took the tree off cause no one could go away
(6)
A then [and then we] were on report for two
H oh: {laughs} [no wonder]
(7)
A weeks (-) but still it was a laugh man
H (.) oh my God
This boasting episode captures a mini-narrative in which Ardiana positions herself as a daring truant in front of
Hennah, who provides Ardiana with encouragingly shocked and equally delighted audience feedback in staves 2, 3, 6
and 7. Adopting a linguistic marker in the form of the common non-standard past-tense form done Ardiana, who
usually uses standard past tense forms, signals her toughness both in language content and form, just like in her teasing
211 P. Pichler / Women's Studies International Forum 30 (2007) 201216
(see Pichler, 2006). In addition to describing her truanting adventure as a laugh in this extract, Ardiana frequently
positions her friends' talk about schoolwork as boring in other instances of their spontaneous talk.
Extract 4 school's boring
(1)
A {whistling}
H if I (did-) if I've got erm (.) in the
D she's got a U
(2)
A {keeps on whistling}
H Foundation Paper (-)forty-eight (-) (then I would've
(3)
A {keeps on whistling} OH yous lot are
H got an) (1.5) %E% (-) I guess
? (xxxxxx-)
(4)
A boring man [talking about school] {tut} school'[s bori]ng
?H [(no she's got a U)] [(well)]
(5)
H this is not boring= [sing]ing boring songs{laughing}
D = [I know]
I include this extract as it captures Ardiana's frequent display of disinterest in the academic side of school life.
6
The start of the extract shows the ongoing talk of the girls about their results in a recent exam. After having
previously (wrongly) boasted about having the lowest marks in her form group, stave 1 of this short extract captures
Ardiana's growing impatience with the topic, signalled by her whistling. In stave 3 she finally challenges the rest of
the group directly, making her anti-school stance explicit. In Pichler (2006, in press-b) I argue that this anti-school
stance in combination with the verbal duelling that the girls frequently rehearse in their playful teasing and boasting
constitutes a resource for the girls' performance of tough femininities, inflected with stereotypical norms and
practices of British working class youth culture. Whereas another, predominantly white, working class group in my
comparative study worked hard in their talk to distance themselves from language and discourse practices which
would have associated them with a stereotypical working class femininity (for similar findings see Walkerdine,
Lucey, & Melody, 2001), I argue that for Ardiana and her friends a display of tough and anti-school stances in fact
offers alternative subject positions, locating them in stark opposition to the stereotype of the timid, quiet and
studious Asian girl (Shain, 2003).
However, in extract 2.2 Ardiana adapts her anti-school stance to accommodate her friends' alignment with a
discourse that highlights the value of education and career for young women. This discourse counters the anti-school
stance that Ardiana and several other girls in the group frequently adopt in their boasting about truanting or having
received low marks. The vocabulary that is used by Rahima and Ardiana contains several nominalizations, such as
qualifications, good GCSE grade, career, which suggest the institutional nature of this discourse. Thus, it is likely
that the girls have encountered this discourse in their school, which promotes itself with the slogan educating
tomorrow's women and, rather successfully, aims to continue the girls' education beyond their GCSE exams.
Although none of the girls speak about education beyond GCSE level in this extract, other extracts and the information
I collected from the girls on questionnaires indicate that several girls at times positioned themselves in a discourse of
self-advancement through education (Shain, 2003: 77), which aligns them with the school's declared effort to keep
girls in 6th form education. Thus, the two girls who tend to take the most pro-education stance in the group in their
spontaneous talk, Rahima and Hennah, are also the only ones who consider taking their A-levels, with one further girl,
Dilshana, aiming to go to college.
These pro-education and career discourses allow the girls in the group to position themselves as independent
young women, who see their status not restricted to their future marriages. It is not clear from this extract whether
the girls expect to continue with their careers once they are married, like the Survivors and the Rebels in
Shain's (2003) study. In fact, Rahima's utterance in staves 810 seems to suggest that she expects there to be some
difficulty in this regard (but, unfortunately, the end of the utterance in stave 10 was not fully audible). This
212 P. Pichler / Women's Studies International Forum 30 (2007) 201216
difficulty, one could speculate, could be due to the girls' expectations about their demanding future roles as
housewives and mothers, which, as Brah (1996: 76) argues, reveal a patriarchal and clearly gendered ideology of
domesticity for a range of ethnic cultures. Nevertheless, it is evident that most of the girls in the group expect to
continue with their post-16 education before marriage (see also Ahmad et al., 2003; Archer, 2002a; Dale, Shaheen,
Kalra, & Fieldhouse, 2002). Even Ardiana, who is known by the group to be most enthusiastic and impatient about
getting married, manages a consensus with Rahima by indicating that she wants a career before getting married.
Despite the suggestion of an ideology of domesticity, the extract demonstrates that the girls clearly do not
position marriage only in terms of obligations and duties as mothers or (house)wives, but instead emphasise their
desire to have your fun first (stave 14) and to enjoy life with their husband (stave 17) before having children.
The girls thus manage to make room for their own needs and desires within this modified discourse of arranged
marriage.
Conclusion
The spontaneous friendship talk of Dilshana, Hen-
nah, Ardiana, Varda and Rahima shows that the girls
position themselves largely within a modified discourse
of arranged marriage, which, I argue, itself draws on a
wide range of discourses and cultural practices negoti-
ated locally by the girls in their group. The girls tend to
position marriage arrangements as a joint family
undertaking, but they also engage briefly with notions
of romantic love and all insist on knowing their partners
without aligning themselves with a discourse of premar-
ital dating. The girls' negotiations also draw on anti-
immigration discourses as well as on discourses of
cultural incompatibility and imperial Darwinism to
support their opposition to men from Bangladesh. Their
conversation about marriage and education/career con-
tains evidence of anti-school stances at the same time as
institutional pro-education and personal self-advance-
ment discourses, and a discourse of domesticity at the
same time as a discourse of personal self-fulfillment with
regard to their expectations about married life.
These varied and frequently opposing discourses
allow the girls to draw on, challenge and negotiate a
great wealth of cultural practices, views and norms
about marriage arrangements, dating, marital relation-
ships and schooling/career. At times the significance of
and link to (an essentialised and stereotypical) notion of
ethnic culture is acknowledged explicitly by the girls, as
when they position themselves as British and Londoni in
opposition to Bangladeshi suitors. More frequently,
ethnic boundaries and cultural differences, which, as
Brah (1996) argues, are constructed interactively and
locally, remain implicit in the girls' talk about marriage
as, for example, when Ardiana objects to her marriage
proposal on the grounds of loving her boyfriend. These
boundaries are constantly de-constructed, re-negotiated
and/or synthesised by the girls, allowing them to engage
in identity formations which cut across and intersect
[] frontiers (Hall, 1992: 310), that is, engage in the
construction of hybrid identities. The British Asian
identities which are negotiated by the girls locally in
their group cut across and intersect with gender and
social class as well as with institutional discourses of
their school.
The girls' negotiations of these discourses and
identities provide further evidence that they are not
passive and shy victims of cultural practices which
oppress them (Shain, 2003: 41; but see also Ahmad,
2003; Basit, 1997). Significantly, the spontaneous
conversational data clearly show that this group of
British Bangladeshi girls is far from being homogenous,
as individual girls frequently introduce discourses or
stances which can reflect the diversity found by Shain
(2003) across four different groups of girls. My
discourse analytic approach to the girls' positioning in
their spontaneous talk captures both the complexity and
the success of the negotiations in their group, emphasis-
ing the active role the girls play in (re)shaping cultural
norms around marriage. The consensus that is estab-
lished in the group is an alignment with a modified
discourse of arranged marriage, which, rather than being
a suppressive tradition from one clearly defined culture,
emerges itself as a hybrid in the group's spontaneous
talk and thereby makes a significant contribution to the
girls' discursive construction of British Bangladeshi
femininities.
Acknowledgement
I am very grateful to all the five girls for their time
and enthusiasm and would like to thank especially
Hennah for her overwhelming dedication and interest as
well as for her continuing friendship. I would also like to
thank the referees and the editor of my paper for their
useful suggestions of how to present my linguistic work
to the crossdisciplinary audience of Women's Studies
International Forum.
213 P. Pichler / Women's Studies International Forum 30 (2007) 201216
Appendix A
I have transcribed the girls' conversations on a stave system, which, like a musical score, is read from left to right
with simultaneous speech represented as aligned within one stave. On the tape the girls speak mostly in English, with
some switches into Sylheti, a language spoken in a northern district of Bangladesh and related to, but considerably
different from standard Bengali. Sylheti/Bengali utterances are represented in Roman script with a translation at the end
of each stave and transcription conventions are provided in the Appendix.
Transcription conventions are as follows:
A Ardiana
D Dilshana
H Hennah
R Rahima
V Varda
? Identity of speaker not clear
{laughter} Nonverbal information
xxxxxxxxxx{laughing} Paralinguistic information qualifying underlined utterance
[..] Beginning/end of simultaneous speech
(xxxxxxxx) Inaudible material
() Doubt about accuracy of transcription
Speaker uses words/utterances of others
CAPITALS or %% Increased or decreased volume
bold print Speaker emphasis
Nb Faster speed of utterance deliver
- Incomplete word or utterance
/ Rising intonation
yeah: Lengthened sound
= Latching on
(.) Micro-pause
(-) Pause shorter than one second
(1); (2) Timed pauses (longer than one second)
.hhh; hhh In-breath; out-breath
Endnotes
1
Other topics, such as heterosexual relationships and sexual experience
are raised in all three groups, albeit in very different ways, and therefore
lend themselves to comparative analysis (see Pichler, 2007, in press-b).
2
In alignment with linguistic literature on bi-lingualism and code-
switching I theorised the girls' switching in between cultural discourses and
conversational frames as an attempt to construct bi-cultural' identities in
Pichler (2001).
3
This does not mean that the girls positioned their relationship with their
parents as completely free of conflict in every respect. Hennah expressed
considerable criticism of her father in matters other than marriage
arrangements in the group talk with her friends, and she also reported
several sources of conflict between the other girls and their parents in her
interviews with me, occasionally aligning herself with dominant culture
clash discourses and challenging my post-structuralist celebration of
hybridity (see Pichler, in press-a).
4
Contrary to these studies Gavron (1997: 124) finds that a large number
of marriages are still being arranged between British Bangladeshi women
and men fromSylhet. Her anthropological study in Tower Hamlets comes
to the conclusion that many British Bangladeshi girls give preference to
grooms fromBangladesh for a variety of reasons, including the prospect of
a distant mother-in law and the belief that young men from Bangladesh
might actually be better educated and therefore less chauvinistic than boys
having grown up in Britain.
5
This does not meanthat the girls object todating per se. Infact, Ardiana,
Dilshana and Rahima have boyfriends, but these relationships are not
displayed publicly by them (Pichler, 2001).
6
I would like to thank one of the anonymous referees and the regional
editor for encouraging me to develop this argument by including a further
extract of data from the girls' spontaneous talk.
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