“The process of empowerment, by enabling people to articulate and assert by words

and by deeds their urges and thinking, is a core dimension of social development.”
Discuss this statement, and explain the key challenges that may arise from adopting
“empowerment” as a development objective.

Introduction
In discussing empowerment and the challenges that arise from adopting empowerment as
a development objective, it is necessary to understand the context in which the concept of
empowerment has gained currency. We examine briefly how the term empowerment has
come to populate development discourses. In doing so, we also analyse the many facets
inherent in such a loaded term and reflect on the question of what constitutes
empowerment. We identify that empowerment is a process that enhances agency;
however, the ability to exercise agency must be viewed within the multiple contexts
including the political, social, cultural and economic institutions which affect people’s
lives. We conclude that even if people are free to articulate and assert by words and deeds
their thoughts and urges, there are interactions arising from the complexities of social
relations that may inhibit or constrain the exercise of agency.

Social development and people-centred approaches

In essence social development is the nexus of all development efforts. Regardless of the
development intervention employed, ultimately the end-goal is to achieve some form of
improvement in people’s lives and by extension, society at large. However, the idea of
social development as a discipline in itself was absent in the early development theories
and practices from the 1950s and 1960s. Instead, development discourses were focused
primarily on the objectives of economic growth and modernisation as a means to
eradicate poverty (Corbridge, 1995; Willis, 2001). Esteva (1992) has argued that during
this period, social development and economic growth were perceived as interchangeable.
Progressive economic growth on a measurable, predictable scale was thought to equate to
social development. Free markets, if you will, was seen to be synonymous with liberation
and greater democratisation, and ultimately the way out of poverty. Newly independent

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post-colonial countries ascribed to this prescription of economic growth, where
industrialisation and modernisation copied along Western or Eurocentric models, were
perceived as the “common pathway to development” (Corbridge, 1995, p. 3). However,
despite the ambitious interventions of the time, uneven growth and disparities continued
to persist along a North-South divide, between the richer developed countries (the North)
and what was seen as the poorer and underdeveloped parts of the world (the South). It
became apparent that development theories and practices, formulated primarily from
North American and European historical experience with its focus on economic growth,
were too myopic and ignored the historical and social contexts of individual nation states
and their peoples (Escobar, 1992; Frank, 1995).
In the 1970s, the idea that social development as opposed to only economic
development should be the focus of development efforts gained traction. During this
time, social development achieved significance on par with that of economic
development as a development objective in itself (Midgley, 2003). This unified socio-
economic approach was enshrined within the Cocoyov Declaration of 1974 at a
symposium held by the United Nations Economic Planning (UNEP) and United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), where it was recognised that
development as a desired outcome was futile if it did not prioritise improving the quality
of people’s life. This led to the promulgation of social policies to ensure minimum
standards of living. This came to be seen as the basic needs approach, where the crux of
development efforts rested on the provision to meet such needs as healthcare, education
and sanitation (Esteva, 1992).
From the 1980s onwards, reaction to what was perceived as formulaic, top-down
development practices resulted in backlash. This period was characterised by anti-statist
and post-modernist ideologies of the day, where government intervention was seen to be
less effective than the free hand of the market (Arce, 2003; Midgley, 2003) and top-down
development approaches were seen as a continuation of oppressive colonialism under
new guise (Escobar, 1992; Frank, 1995). Further, there was increasing acknowledgement
of the role individuals and the community played as social actors; it became clear that
how they perceived poverty and development (and therefore the necessary remedy) were

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not the same as that of multilateral organisations such as the World Bank, governments or
development practitioners. This disparity has been credited with some of the failures of
development interventions. For example, Landel-Mills (1992) has proposed that the poor
implementation of structural adjustment programmes in some African states were a result
of lack of consultation; as such, it lacked popular consensus. It became evident that
beneficiaries had to be included in the planning process to capture their experience and
perspectives. Against this backdrop, “actor-oriented studies ‘demythologized’ planning as
a technical rational process” (Arce, 2003, p. 849). Consequently, ideas around people-
centric, decentralised and bottom-up approaches gained ground. Grassroots approaches,
which popularised the importance of local contexts and indigenous knowledge, lent
growing prominence to ideas about individuals as social actors (Willis, 2001), while
community participation approaches highlighted the collective power manifested through
civic society groups to address social injustice (Midgley, 2003). Individuals as social
actors were perceived to be imbued with agency or asset endowments consisting of
psychological, informational, material, social, financial and human capital (Alsop and
Heinsohn, 2005). In exercising these endowments, individuals were seen to be able to
exert some form of control and choice. Personal agency, then, came to the fore as being
crucial to development. The World Bank, in its World Development Report 2000/2001,
even termed empowerment as one of the “pillars of poverty reduction” (Alsop et. al.,
2005, p. 5). Rather than being passive recipients, the poor have been recast as “agents of
change” that needed to be empowered (Wolfensohn, 2000). Rather cynically, Henkel and
Stirrat (2001) have suggested that in doing so, it lays the responsibility for development
outcomes on beneficiaries and absolves practitioners. Fundamentally, they propose that
the issue is not what people are empowered to do but how much. This leads us in turn ask
what constitutes empowerment? How can empowerment be engendered? What does
being empowered mean? In the following sections, we will attempt to address these
questions.

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The process of empowerment
Despite the proliferation of the term empowerment within the lexicon of development-
speak, there are critics that question whether this is merely another buzzword or
fashionable window-dressing for business-as-usual practices (Moore, 2001; Cornwall and
Brock, 2005). What empowerment actually entails remains vague and contested (Moore,
2001; Mayoux, 2003). Perhaps a reason for this is because empowerment falls within the
category of intangible, non-material and “ideational elements” which involve, among
other things, concepts such as self-actualization, capacity-building and social integration
(Midgley, 2003, p. 840). Not only do such elements carry multiple and often subjective
meanings to different people, they are also difficult to measure.
Cornwall et. al. (2005) proposed that the original emphasis of empowerment is
“building personal and collective power in the struggle for more a more just and equitable
world” (p. 1046). Others have suggested that empowerment is about changing power
relations so that those who were previously powerless are able to exercise self-
determination with regards to their lives (Sen, 1997; Mosedale, 2003; Oxaal and Baden,
1997). In referring to Batiwala (1993), Sen summarised empowerment as control over
resources such as physical and financial capitals and control over ideology such as
values, attitudes and beliefs. Sen (1997) further proposed that the empowerment process
“must alter both people’s self-perception and their control over their lives and their
material environments” (p. 2). As such, one can say that the battleground for
empowerment is not only in the tangible world but one which also involves the mind and
heart. Such views are reminiscent of Brazilian educator Paolo Freire’s ideas about
conscientisation or critical consciousness. He surmised that to be critically conscious was
to engage in a continuous struggle for freedom. This was because, in Freire’s view, the
poor adopted a subordinate reality of themselves as powerless and ineffectual to affect
changes for their own betterment, a reality that their oppressors reinforced. Instead, Freire
proposed that individuals are active agents able to create their own reality. In recognising
this, they become critically conscious which fosters “a self-transformation providing a
stance of intervention in one’s context” (p. 48). At the crux of Freirean philosophy is
intervention, for “critical thinking leads to critical action” (p. 44).

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 Therefore, power relations are central to empowerment issues, for power is
derived not in isolation but through interaction. In this way, empowerment relates to
intrinsic capability and capacity, as well as extrinsic control. It is manifested through
power from within in terms of awareness, self-belief and confidence. It also stems from
power in relation to others; that is, power over others in terms of influence or dominance,
power with others as a collective group and the power to create change (Rowlands,
1998). Narayan (2002) and Luttrell, Quiroz, Strutton and Bird (2007) suggest that
empowerment is multidimensional and encompasses the economic, human and social,
political and cultural. To be economically empowered is to have access to assets that will
secure and sustain one’s livelihood, such as access to education, employment and
financial resources. Human and social empowerment relates to ideas surrounding
identity, belonging and self-determination. Political empowerment is closely linked to
rights issues; for example, the ability to access one’s entitlements, to be represented, to
organise, to engage with and participate in civil society. It also extends to the ability to
hold accountable institutions which affect one’s life. Cultural empowerment relates to the
rules and norms which are inherent in one’s culture and is often linked to ideas about
ethnic minorities and diversity.
So while empowerment has proven to mean different things to many people, it is
undoubtedly multidimensional in scope. From the above descriptions, I would suggest
that the issues surrounding empowerment can be grouped into two broad overarching
themes – one relates to agency, while the other relates to the structural. Agency refers to
the personal capability and capacity to influence, while the structural relates to an
enabling environment. By an enabling environment, I mean the availability of space in
which to exert that power. These take the forms of political, social, cultural and economic
institutions which constrain or enable the exercise of agency.

Empowerment in practise and challenges

In an effort to empower beneficiaries, many development agencies have adopted
participatory approaches in their programs (Cooke and Kothari, 2001). However, whether
such approaches in themselves empower is a matter of debate. Oxaal et. al. (2007)

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contend that participants must be engaged at all stages of the project for it to promote
empowerment. Sen (1997) cautioned that “cursory consultation” (p. 3) may result from
narrow interpretations of what it means to empower.
Multilateral organisations have come under much fire for adopting participatory
approaches. For example, Francis (2001) has critiqued the World Bank’s use of
participatory processes. In his view, social and structural contexts have been neglected in
favour of “the ‘social’ (being) primarily interpreted in terms of process, consultation and
partnership” (p. 85). Moore (2001) suggested that multilateral organisations may use the
word empowerment, but by confining programmes to materialist concerns, such as
improving economic conditions, reducing dependency and promoting greater freedom,
such programmes are fundamentally no different from pro-poor programmes that had
gone before.
The World Bank however appears to equate participation with empowerment. For
example, a World Bank 2000 report reads that policies “have a much greater chance of
success if a broader range of actors is consciously and concertedly included” (World
Bank, 2000, p. 73). Under the section heading “bolder action by broader coalitions,”
Uganda is held up as an exemplary case of how participatory practices have been
successful in the country’s implementation of the High-Indebtness Poor Countries
(HIPC) Initiative. It touts Uganda as “one of the first countries to qualify for help” (p. 75)
and goes on to detail how Uganda ‘qualified’ by meeting several World Bank-determined
requirements. It then details how reviews were undertaken with a broad network of
organisations, including the Jubilee 2000 international coalition, resulting in “an
exchange of views involving a convergence of interests and agreement on functional
goals,” and how these became the basis for the shape and nature of debt relief under
HIPC (World Bank, 2000, p. 73-74). The irony of Uganda’s plight vis-à-vis World Bank
influence appears to have been lost in the face of such a tour de force of participation.
Another less obvious irony is the picture of a Grameen fisheries project on the report
cover. The founder of Grameen Bank has steadfastly refused funds from the World Bank
as doing so, in his view, would allow the World Bank to “dictate to us and make us
conform to their views” (Yunus and Jolis, 2003, p.14).

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 Empowerment is not a thing that can be bestowed, neither can it be given or done
to someone (Sen, 1997; Mosedale, 2003). Therefore, a development agency or national
government, by implementing a programme or instituting a policy cannot be said to have
empowered its beneficiaries or citizens. Rather interventions can help promote greater
degrees of empowerment by engendering an enabling environment which increases both
personal agency or choice and opportunities (Alsop et. al, 2005). That is, to be
empowered requires one to have rights, as well as the ability to exercise those rights, to
have choices, to make a decision and actually achieve the desired outcome when doing so
(Mosedale, 2003; Luttrell et. al., 2007).
Therefore, because empowerment cannot be reduced to a specific activity, it
cannot be a development objective in itself. This is because “it involves a process
whereby (people) can freely analyse, develop and voice their needs and interests, without
them being pre-defined, or imposed…” (Oxaal et. al.,1997, p.6). Because it is a
transformative process, the outcome is unpredictable and therefore cannot be planned.
Arce (2003) echoed a similar view when he proposed that the divergence between
planned development outputs and unintended development outcomes is a result of
variable social or human dimensions. He suggested that people engaged in counter-
tendencies and negotiations when interacting with development interactions; that is, they
adapt planned interventions into existing strategies or create new paths for change rather
than follow prescription. He therefore proposed that when considering how people and
institutions react, one should take into account the many dimensions involved, including
people’s sense of agency, how they negotiate or resist reform, their life-experiences and
the social context in which such contestations take place.
This raises the issue of the complexities of power relations embedded in social
relations. Often, in development practice, these have been largely ignored or downplayed
(Moore, 2001). In such cases, Chaves and Stoller (2002) argue that the individual has
been reduced to “an abstract entity isolated from any social context” (p. 7). In their view,
in neglecting to examine social relations is to be blind to how these relations order
society and the motivations that cause someone to act in certain ways. Such relations
exert influence in many ways and may not always be apparent.

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 For example, Kothari (2001) has suggested that what people say and do may
“mask the power structure of the community” (p. 146). She contends that behaviours are
influenced by social and cultural norms, therefore what is promoted may be the
sanctioned collective view rather than the individuals. Lawler (1992) has also proposed
that an individual may adjust his preferences accordingly in favour of the collective’s.
Lawler referred to this relation as “affective attachment” (p. 327). The premise of
Lawler’s theory rests on two central points. Firstly, social actors “interpret a social
structure in terms of either the constraints it imposes or what it enables them to do” and
secondly that it is from this social structure that actors derive their “sense of control”
(p.330). The latter we can equate to agency. Lawler proposed that the process of enabling
or empowerment was determined by the actors’ perceptions of freedom or control, or lack
thereof. If the actor perceived his agency was a result of the collective which informed
the social structure, he would form an attachment to the collective. Apart from the
emotional benefits the actor derived from having agency, he would also feel a sense of
responsibility towards this collective. The more freedom of choice the actor credited to
the collective, the greater the attachment. In this way, Lawler argued that the actor would
then adopt the “collective welfare and redefine their individual interests” (p. 337).
Social relations also manifest themselves in other ways. For example, Booth
(2003) cited examples of disparities that arose from the Poverty Reduction Strategy
Planning (PRSP) exercises between the World Bank and some African nations, where
“there were inconsistencies between statements and actions, and examples of
contradictory behaviour” (p. 873). He pointed to cases where the PRSP drafting process
was “driven by concerns to deliver the kind of product expected in Washington” (p.873).
Chaves et. al. (2002) attributed such behaviour to the existence of clientelism, where the
patron-client relationship is characterised by a “system of reward and punishments” (p.
8). In this way, as illustrated by Booth’s example of the PRSP exercises and the earlier
example of the World Bank-Uganda HIPC programme, the client or the beneficiary
subjugate themselves to fulfilling the requirements laid down by the patron. In doing so,
they either avail of the reward offered (aid) or face the consequences (disqualification for
aid).

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 In recognising that the process of empowerment can change power relations, and
is in itself constrained by existing social relations and power structures, we can therefore
conclude that development intervention focused on creating an enabling environment
may enable the voiceless to be heard and the powerless to act for their own interests.
However, whether such intervention can result in true empowerment is a contentious
issue. As long as the politics of power relations is embedded within the empowerment
process, there will be perceptions of trade-offs and zero-sum games, and a relunctance to
cede autonomy to the people. As social actors, whether or not individuals will exercise
whatever agency they possess to their fullest potential is also open to debate.

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