Quick Guide 1: Urban Africa

Quick Guide 1: Urban Africa
Copyright © United Nations Human Settlements Programme

(UN HABITAT), 2011
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The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this
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The analysis, conclusions and recommendations of the report do not

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Programme, the Governing Council of the United Nations Human
Settlements Programme or its Member States.
HS Number: HS/180/10
ISBN Number: (Volume) 978-92-1-132316-0
ISBN Number (Series): 978-92-1-131926-2
Cover photo by A Grimard
The publication of the Housing the Poor in African Cities series was made
possible through the financial support of Cities Alliance.
Published by
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QUICK GUIDE S FOR P O L I C Y MAK E R S
Cities Alliance
C I T I E S W I T H O U T S L U M S
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This series of Quick Guides has been inspired by and prepared on the basis of a similar series on
Housing the Poor in Asian Cities, which was published jointly by UN-HABITAT and UNESCAP in
2009. The series is the adaptation of the Asian version to the realities and contexts of the sub-
Saharan African countries, and will be available in English, French and Portuguese. This has been
made possible through the financial contributions of Cities Alliance and UN-HABITAT.
The guides have been written by the team of experts from the African Centre for Cities (ACC)
led by Edgar Pieterse, with the substantive contributions of Karen Press, Kecia Rust and War-
ren Smit. The experts in the team who have contributed to invaluable background reports for
the guides are: Sarah Charlton, Firoz Khan, Caroline Kihato, Michael Kihato, Melinda Silver-
man and Tanya Zack. Project management support was provided by Bruce Frayne, and design
was ably handled by Tau Tavengwa. A number of colleagues from UN-HABITAT’s Training and
Capacity Building branch, Shelter branch, and the Regional Office for Africa and Arab States,
have contributed to the design, development, and review of the guides. They include Gulelat
Kebede, Cynthia Radert, Claudio Acioly, Jean D’Aragon, Rasmus Precht, Christophe Lalande,
Remy Sietchiping and Alain Grimard. The guides have benefited from the contributions made
by a range of experts who participated in the Expert Group Meeting held in November 2009 in
Nairobi, Kenya: Benjamin Bradlow, Malick Gaye, Serge Allou, Barbra Kohlo, Ardelline Masinde,
Esther Kodhek, Jack Makau, Allain Cain, Sylvia Noagbesenu, Kecia Rust, Babar Mumtaz, Alain
Durand Lasserve, Alan Gilbert and Tarek El-Sheik.
All these contributions have shaped the Quick Guides series, which we hope will contribute to
the daily work of policy makers in the sub-Saharan Africa region in their quest to improve hous-
ing and access to land for the urban poor.
2 QUICK GUIDES FOR POLICY MAKERS 1 URBAN AFRICA

CONTENTS
QUICK GUIDE TITLE
POSITIVE TRENDS ARE DRIVING AFRICAN URBANIZATION 5

URBANIZATION IS BOTH UNDERSTANDABLE AND MANAGEABLE 6
DRIVERS OF URBANIZATION 9
CONSEQUENCES OF BADLY MANAGED URBANIZATION 10
MINDSHIFTS ARE NEEDED: SEEING ‘URBAN’ AS ‘OPPORTUNITY’ 13
MINDSHIFT: FIVE GOOD REASONS TO MIGRATE 14
MINDSHIFT: WORKING TOGETHER TO FIND SOLUTIONS 17
GEARSHIFT: FROM PREVENTION TO FACILITATION 19
HOUSING 19
LAND 25
10 STRATEGIES TO MAKE LAND MORE ACCESSIBLE TO THE POOR 29
GOVERNANCE 34
BUILDING EFFECTIVE LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN AFRICA 37
ACT–LEARN–ACT–REFINE–ACT… 41
RESOURCES
REFERENCES 42
SUGGESTED FURTHER READING 44
WEBSITES 46
QUICK GUIDES FOR POLICY MAKERS 1 URBAN AFRICA 3

AN URBANIZING AFRICA IN AN URBAN WORLD
QUICK GUIDE FOR POLICY MAKERS NUMBER 1
Africa and Asia are at the epicentre of the second large-scale urban transition in the history of
the world. The first transition unfolded between 1750 and 1950 in North America and Europe,
which saw the urban share of their total population grow from 10% to 52%. The second urban
transition has been unfolding largely in the global South since 1950; by 2030 the urban share
of the population in this region will have grown from 18% to 56%.
Africa’s urban population rose from 15% of its total population in 1960 to 35% in 2006, and
is expected to be above 60% by 2030.1 Thus, even though Africa is not yet 50% urbanized,
it has the fastest rate of urbanization of all regions in the world at 3.3%.2 Currently Africa is
38% urbanized, but this hides the fact that certain African countries and regions have already
reached the 50% mark. Moreover, the largest economies on the continent are almost all above
the 50% urban mark.
These numerical values hide the deep-going demographic and cultural changes that these rapid
shifts imply. Urban life is profoundly different to rural life. People engage in fundamentally dif-
ferent livelihood activities; social networks extend well beyond familial, clan and ethnic ties;
spiritual and customary norms become contested and fused with multiple outside influenc-
es and inflections; generational dynamics shift; and most importantly, people’s expectations
and aspirations alter profoundly. For these reasons, urban settlements are marked by intensity,
change, uncertainty, surprise, risk, and paradoxically, a sense of possibility.
Because of their myopic mindsets, the leaders and policy managers of many of Africa’s states,
cities and towns have by and large failed to come to terms with the reality and implications of
rapid urbanization. As a result, we witness across sub-Saharan Africa, poorly managed cities and
towns and wasted potential. At its starkest, this failure is manifested in slum living conditions
and the high rate of slum growth. The latter is virtually identical to urban growth rates in gen-
eral, suggesting that the doubling of the urban population over the next 20 years will involve
the creation of more and more slums.
The reasons we have not been able to reverse this trend of slum growth as a consequence of
population growth are many and complex. In this Quick Guide we want to explore the most
important one: the failure of imagination on the part of all those involved in urban development
and management to see urbanization as a resource with great potential to solve the African
development crisis, instead of as a cause of the crisis.
MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT URBAN LIFE

This failure of imagination can be traced to a number of deeply held misconceptions. Firstly,
urbanization is often seen as something bad because it implies a depopulation of rural areas
and a weakening of rural economies and human capital. Secondly, it is thought that urban life
represents a loss of “good” moral values that are associated with “innocent” rural ways of life.
This is a simplification of a more complicated dynamic related to a rupture of traditional cultural
values and heritage. Thirdly, urbanization, it is argued, worsens poverty because the cities and
towns are already unable to cope with existing populations and this can only get worse with
unchecked urbanization. Lastly, urban areas are sometimes seen as a seedbed for political op-
portunists who seek to undermine the established political parties and orders. These, amongst
other subjective factors, lead politicians and public sector managers to view urbanization and its
consequences as inherently negative and as something to stem, and possibly even reverse.

POSITIVE TRENDS ARE DRIVING
AFRICAN URBANIZATION
Reflecting back on the last decade, it ciently executed infrastructure investments

seems evident that Africa’s time has finally over the next few decades? Secondly, can
dawned. Since 2000, Africa’s annual private African states sustain these moderate-to-
investment in infrastructure has tripled, av- high rates of economic growth but radically
eraging USD19 billion from 2006 to 2008. expand the beneficiaries of such growth –
Africa’s top 18 cities now have a combined i.e. achieve inclusive growth – and improve
spending power of USD1.3 trillion. In 2000, the carbon efficiency of the economy in an
roughly 59 million African households broke era of heightened climate variability? The
through the USD5 000-a-year income barri- policy visions being put forward by vari-
er above which they start spending roughly ous United Nations agencies on the poten-
half their earnings on non-food items. By tial of the green economy and sustainable
2014 that figure should reach 106 million. urban development offer promising ideas
In 1998 just two million Africans had mo- to achieve more inclusive and sustainable
bile phones; now the figure is 400 million. forms of growth. Addressing these fac-
A decade ago, only 58% of African children tors will require African states to develop a
went to primary school; today nearly 75% much more refined and clear understanding
do. Spending on health increased in real of the territorial dimensions of national and
terms in 20 of the 29 poorest countries in local development policies. Public invest-
2009. Where in 2002 only 50 000 Africans ments and growth measures must be based
at the epicentre of the AIDS pandemic could on an understanding of how both urban
get antiretrovirals, today 3.7 million people and rural development will be advanced
are taking them, without having to pay.3 through an integrated package of develop-
ment measures.
Building on these positive trends depends
on a few critical factors. Firstly, can African By definition, this implies a mindshift on
states consolidate these trends through the part of governments, to embrace the
properly funded, well targeted and effi- potential of urbanization as a profoundly

productive dynamic that demands sober ac- learning-acting-learning that drives
knowledgement, as well as evidence-based innovative governments. Examples of
understanding of what is going on in cities such practices can be seen in areas such
and thoughtful policy responses to these as land, housing and livelihoods.
developments. There are four key messages
that all those involved in urban planning 4. Urban settings and institutions are filled
and development need to take account of: with power dynamics that need to be
acknowledged and managed, to ensure
1. Urbanization is both understandable optimal democratic outcomes.
and manageable.
Quick Guide 1 explores each of these mes-
2. Sustainable urban development so- sages in greater detail, whilst explaining
lutions exist, but they require trust, the central ideas that are considered in the
dialogue and new institutions that are other seven Quick Guides in this series.
fit-for-purpose in the informal urban
context of Africa.
3. Success can only come from doggedly
pursuing the iterative cycle of acting-
URBANIZATION IS BOTH
UNDERSTANDABLE AND MANAGEABLE
PATTERNS OF URBANIZATION can urbanites reside, and will continue to
reside, in urban settlements with popula-
Between 2000 and 2030, Africa’s urban tions of fewer than 0.5 million people. For
population will increase from 294 million to example, in 2005, 51% of the urban Af-
742 million.4 This is a daunting prospect, rican population lived in settlements with
given that most African states are currently fewer than 0.5 million people, compared to
failing to deal with the needs of their exist- 10% in cities of between 0.5 and 1 million,
ing urban populations. Urban growth com- 23% in cities of 1–1.5 million, 8% in cities
prises natural population growth and mi- of 5–10 million, and only 9% in cities with
gration. It may come as a surprise to many more than 10 million people. (See Table 1.)
that rural-to-urban migration accounts for
only one-quarter of this growth.5 In other The size of a city fundamentally influences
words, the bulk of urban growth comes its character, challenges and potentials. It is
from natural population growth within cit- crucial that policies aiming to deal with ur-
ies, a reality which undermines the policy banization take cognizance of each settle-
obsession with stemming migration. ment’s type and size.
A common misconception is that urbaniza- Interestingly, in the most recent State of the
tion implies an explosion of megacities (cit- World’s Cities report by UN-HABITAT, strong
ies with more than seven million people). emphasis is placed on the emergence of
On the contrary, the vast majority of Afri- new urban settlement systems that intro-

TABLE 1: SIZE OF AFRICAN CITIES IN 2007 AND PROJECTION FOR 2025 6
More than 5–10 1–5 0.5–1 Less than
10 million million million million 0.5 million
Number of cities in 2007 2 2 48 69 Unknown
Population (1000s) 23,076 14,238 102,418 41,057 231,404
% of urban population 6.18 3.81 27.53 10.1 52.48
Trends for 2025 3 8 73 84 Unknown
duce new economic and mobility logics into growth in large cities. Their historical loca-
how urban settlements function within and tions, especially as port cities, and their use
across national territories: mega-regions, as ancient (pre-colonial) trading areas as
urban corridors and city-regions.7 well as colonial centres of administration,
has contributed to this. Some post-indepen-
s Mega-regions are natural economic dence governments have also strengthened
units that result from the growth, con- this trend. However, some people question
vergence and spatial spread of geo- the importance of primate cities in urban
graphically linked metropolitan areas Africa, as a large part of the urban popula-
that are relatively mature. tion on the continent lives in small urban
s Urban corridors reflect a system of ur- centres rather than primate cities (as shown
ban centres that are connected through in Table 1).
transport links. For example, the network
that connects the greater Ibadan-Lagos-
Accra system comprises a 600 km cor- THE NEED FOR A NATIONAL
ridor that serves as the economic engine URBANIZATION POLICY AS
room for the region. Another significant
WELL AS SPECIFIC URBAN
example is the corridor between Johan-
nesburg in the Gauteng city-region and POLICIES
Maputo in Mozambique. The rapid pace of urbanization, considered
s City-regions represent major cities ex- in relation to the diversity of urban settle-
tending beyond formal administrative ment types and colonial legacies, suggests
boundaries to engulf smaller ones, that all states need to first and foremost
including towns. Often this involves understand their national urban system and
absorbing semi-urban and rural hinter- how it fits with the overall territorial dynam-
lands or a merger with other interme- ic in the country. Such an understanding is
diate cities, creating large conurbations typically reflected in a national urbanization
that eventually form city-regions. policy. A policy of this kind should clearly
spell out the government’s definition and
The nodal points of the corridors, and es- understanding of the shape of the national
pecially of emerging city-regions, coincide spatial system, including the network of cit-
with a longstanding feature of African ur- ies, towns and rural settlements and their
ban systems: the centrality of the primate respective functions. Typically, this under-
city. Africa has had a history of centralized standing informs decisions about where in

the national territory investments should be housing, education, health and so on. Put
concentrated and focused. National spatial differently, urban policies provide a perspec-
frameworks also inform how migration dy- tive on critical issues that need to happen
namics are understood and managed. within cities, and will support the efforts of
sub-national levels of government to elabo-
A good example of a national spatial typol- rate more detailed policies and strategies
ogy is one recently developed for South Af- for those places. They complement and in-
rica but clearly with relevance for all African form more detailed local-level development
contexts. This typology is set out in Table 2. policy processes.9
In contrast, urban policy reflects how na- Once African states and other development
tional governments understand the role of actors have a clear and evidence-based un-
specific cities and towns in the successful derstanding of the national urban system,
execution of national development goals. and the function of diverse settlements
Typically, urban policies will define what within that system, it is important to de-
needs to happen with specific cities and velop a perspective on the key drivers of
towns with regard to various sectoral and urbanization.
meso objectives, pertaining to mobility,
TABLE 2: TYPOLOGY OF SOUTH AFRICAN SETTLEMENTS, POPULATION, ECONOMY

AND POVERTY 8
Population Economic People living
(% of activity below a
national) (% of minimum level
national of living (% of
GVA)* national)
Gauteng city region 22 39 14
Coastal city regions 16 25 10
Cities 6 5 6
Regional service centres 14 15 14
Service towns 4 3 5
Local and niche settlements 9 5 12
Sub-total: urban as a % of national 72 92 61
Clusters and dispersed rural 21 2 31
settlements
Farms/rest of South Africa 8 6 8
Sub-total: rural as a % of national 29 8 39

DRIVERS OF
URBANIZATION
The primary driver of urbanization is eco- s LARGER CONCENTRATIONS OF CONSUMERS

nomic development. It is reinforced by a THEhMARKETv
number of push factors that cause people
s GREATER OPPORTUNITIES FOR NETWORK-
to migrate from rural areas, such as climate
INGANDRAPIDKNOWLEDGE SHARING
variability (e.g. low rainfall), war and con-
flict, and a desire for access to basic services s PROXIMITY TO ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITU-
such as education and health that can im- TIONSWHICHREGULATECOMMERCIALAC-
prove quality of life. TIVITIES
In general, the more rapid a country’s eco- s ACCESS TO OTHER ECONOMIES OF SCALE
nomic growth, the faster it urbanizes. Ur- ANDSCOPE
ban areas account for a large percentage of
The activities of the urban poor, as consum-
the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in most
ers and producers of the goods and services
countries. The industrial and service sectors
that are concentrated in cities, are essential
of the economy are usually located in urban
to the growth of the national economy.
areas, due to the easy access these areas
Even in countries that remain lowly urban-
offer to a mixture of the following services
ized, such as Tanzania and Kenya, the urban
and resources:
areas contribute disproportionately to the
s LARGERCONCENTRATIONSOFINPUTSSUCH national economy.
AS MATERIALS LABOUR INFRASTRUCTURE
It is against this backdrop that migration
TRANSPORTANDSERVICES
needs to be seen as natural, and as a ratio-

nal part of the overall development process. Over time, cities become the nexus for eco-
In fact, rural-to-urban migration can be an nomic development, human capital and ex-
economic diversification strategy for house- citing social-cultural experiences that tran-
holds, as agricultural income can be highly scend the parochialism of rural life. In other
variable due to changes in climate, agricul- words, cities become the hubs of creativity,
tural markets, prices, access to land, illness innovation and opportunity in the country.
and war. Families may remain committed Economic opportunity, access to basic ser-
to their rural base, but still want to create vices and flight from harsh conditions in
another source of income by having one or rural areas may be the drivers of the urban-
more members in the city, earning a living ization, but the cumulative achievements
from different urban occupations. of urban areas become a self-reinforcing
driver in their own right; according to some
Other reasons why individuals move to the researchers, “urban centres contribute to
city include a desire to escape from family national economic growth by increasing
and cultural constraints, such as restricted individual, business, and industry productiv-
land access or a low level of female inde- ity through agglomeration economies; by
pendence, or a wish to increase their social increasing household welfare through so-
status, which they believe will happen in cial mobility and human development; and
the falsely perceived “exciting” world of by promoting positive institutional change.
the city. Young migrants may also look for Cities also drive rural development, serving
opportunities in the city to acquire cash in- as primary markets for rural production and
come to contribute to bride wealth. generating income that flows back to rural
areas.”10
CONSEQUENCES OF BADLY
MANAGED URBANIZATION
It may be true that economic prosperity is Between 2000 and 2005, average urban
associated with higher rates of urbaniza- growth reached 4.5% while the rate of
tion, but in Africa this correlation has never slum formation was also 4.5%. There are,
really been present. It is only during the past of course, vast differences in the nature
five years or so that the link between eco- and experience of slum life in different set-
nomic performance and urbanization has tings. It is for this reason that UN-HABITAT’s
started to manifest itself. Before, and for working definition of slums is useful and
most of the 1980s and 1990s, there was instructive to bear in mind (see Box 1).
little connection. This resulted in a situation
where cities and towns grew in tandem Building on the understanding that slums
with slums and mainly informal economic are identified in terms of five deficiencies,
activity. It is therefore not surprising that UN-HABITAT has developed a useful way
sub-Saharan Africa manifests the highest to nuance our understanding of slums by
level of slum living and the most extreme tabulating whether slums are moderately
depths of deprivation within slums. deficient (1–2 deficiencies of the five listed
in Box 1) or severely deficient (3–4 deficien-

cies). Based on this approach we can as- largely invisible economy is not in a position
sume that six out of every 10 African urban to propel the continent out of poverty.”15
residents are slum dwellers, and 27% of So, the 68% level of income poverty (see
them live in slum conditions of severe de- Table 4) is not likely to shift soon.
ficiency. This is an extraordinarily high rate
compared to the situation in other develop-
ing regions of the world, as shown in Table
3.11 BOX 1: WHAT IS A SLUM?
It is therefore not surprising that the basic A slum household is defined as a group
of individuals living under the same roof
service backlogs are as staggering as the
lacking one or more of the following con-
data suggest: only 20% of the population ditions: access to improved water; access
of sub-Saharan Africa has access to an elec- to improved sanitation facilities; sufficient
tricity network; 40% has access to potable living area (not more than three people
water; 27% has access to sanitation; 4% sharing the same room); structural quality
has access to fixed or mobile telephony.13 and durability of dwellings; and security
These are aggregate numbers that include of tenure. Four out of five of the slum
rural and urban deficiencies. However, it is definition indicators measure physical
expressions of slum conditions […] These
generally accepted that the proportions of
indicators focus attention on the circum-
the urban population in Africa without ad- stances that surround slum life, depicting
equate access to water and sanitation are deficiencies and casting poverty as an at-
35–50% and 50–60% respectively.14 tribute of the environments in which slum
dwellers live. The fifth indicator – security
These low levels of access to basic services of tenure – has to do with legality, which
reflect widespread poverty. If we further is not as easy to measure or monitor, as
accept the argument of UN-HABITAT that the tenure status of slum dwellers often
“informal activities account for 93% of all depends on de facto or de jure rights – or
new jobs and 61% of urban employment lack of them.
in Africa”, we also have to accept that “this
TABLE 3: PERCENTAGE OF SLUM DWELLERS IN THREE DEVELOPING REGIONS, 2005 12

% in slums % with 1–5 million
moderate (1–2)
deficiencies
Sub-Saharan Africa 62 63 27
Latin America & the Caribbean 27 82 18
Southern Asia 43 95 5

The State of the World’s Cities Report four times faster than rural poverty (see
2008/9 calculated intra-urban inequality in a Table 4).
number of cities for the first time. In Africa,
urban inequality, measured in terms of the The stubborn intensity of slum growth, lack
Gini-coefficient, is now the highest in the of services, rising urban poverty and in-
world – well above the international alert equality are not inevitable. They can largely
line of 0.4, at 0.58.17 In the larger African be attributed to poor urban management,
economies, such as South Africa, income which in turn stems from the lack of po-
inequality is far more severely skewed, with litical and policy imagination about how
Gini-coefficient rates of over 0.7 for all of best to harness urbanization processes. The
the largest cities.18 Based on these trends question that arises is: how can we turn a
we can conclude that urban poverty is likely crisis into an opportunity for sustainable ur-
to continue rising, given that it is growing ban development?
TABLE 4: RURAL AND URBAN POVERTY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA16

Urban Rural Total Urban Rural Total
1993 66.4 206.7 273.2 40.2 53.1 49.2
2002 98.8 228.8 327.6 40.4 50.9 47.2
Annual increase 4.54% 1.13% 2.04% 66.9 85.2 79.8
1993 110.5 332 442.4 68.5 82.5 77.5
2002 167.7 370.8 538.6
Annual increase 4.75% 1.24% 2.21%
Living on less than US2.15 per day

MINDSHIFTS ARE NEEDED: SEEING
‘URBAN’ AS ‘OPPORTUNITY’
National development is fuelled by eco- make countries rich because they provide
nomic growth. Economic growth depends the economies of scale and proximity to
on the productivity and competitiveness make growth more efficient. High densities
of private firms, which in turn rely on the in cities reduce transaction costs, make pub-
availability of reliable infrastructure, capi- lic spending on infrastructure and services
tal, a suitable labour force, strategic infor- more economically viable, and facilitate the
mation and markets to perform well. As generation and diffusion of knowledge, all
countries develop, the centre point of the of which are important for growth. Regard-
economy shifts from agriculture to indus- less of whether cities fuel economic growth
trial activity and services.19 In our era of or are, instead, its by-product, it is indisput-
globally integrated economies and financial able that cities have become major hubs of
flows, services tend to become the domi- economic activity, both within individual
nant segment of economic activities. This is countries and as contributors to the global
not surprising, since the scope for generat- economy.”21
ing greater economic value is higher in the
services sectors than in industry or agricul-
ture (see Table 5). ECONOMIC POLICY NEEDS
Both industrial and service-based economic TO ACCEPT AND SUPPORT
activities are dependent on the concentra-
tions of infrastructure, people, services and URBANIZATION
markets that are found in cities and towns. Three areas of economic policy stand out
Moreover, highly productive and competi- as the constraints to more rapid growth of
tive agricultural activity relies heavily on the urban economies: macro-economic instabil-
availability of urban markets to consume its ity, poor investment climate and inadequate
produce, and to convey it to other, more infrastructure.22 Fortunately, over the last
distant markets through efficient transpor- decade or so many of the past policy fail-
tation hubs. In other words, all dimensions ures have been addressed. The majority of
of the economy rely heavily on well func- African governments are now competent
tioning cities and towns. This is why UN- in maintaining macro-economic policies
HABITAT recently arrived at this assertive that promote stability. However, much re-
conclusion: “Cities have the potential to mains to be done with regard to providing
TABLE 5: RURAL AND URBAN POVERTY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA20
Contribution to GDP (%) 17 31 52 17 30 53 19 31 50

more stable, cost-effective and transparent As long as these obsessions with stemming
investment frameworks. And even more migration remain the predominant preoc-
needs to be done to address the infrastruc- cupation of African governments, they will
ture deficit. continue to fail to turn their cities and towns
into the dynamic engine rooms of the na-
Studies and reviews of the policy failures tional development project. To change this,
in Africa to deal with its urbanization chal- a number of interlinked mindshifts must be
lenges return to one conclusion: African effected. The first mindshift is to better un-
leaders continue to see urbanization in a derstand the value and drivers of migration.
negative light, and tend to obsess about The second is to understand the dynamics
stemming migration instead of proactively of informality in urban economies and liv-
utilizing urbanizing tendencies. One illustra- ing areas, so as to abandon the negative at-
tion of this comes from a survey conducted titudes that leaders have about slums and
by the United Nations: in 2007, 74% of informal work. The third mindshift is to un-
African governments were concerned that derstand that African governments cannot
their countries were becoming too urban address these issues constructively without
too quickly; 78% had active policies to re- the involvement of all urban actors, espe-
duce migration to urban agglomerations.23 cially the urban poor.
MINDSHIFT: FIVE GOOD

REASONS TO MIGRATE
When people make the decision to migrate festations of climate change. In many
to the city, their decision is almost always a parts of Africa human security issues,
well informed one. post-disaster and post-conflict dynam-
ics also push people to urban settle-
1. 4HE PUSHING AND PULLING FORCES OF ments. At the same time, people are
MIGRATION People migrate either be- pulled to their migration destination by
cause they are being pushed out of their better job prospects, better education
place of origin, or because they are be- and health facilities, or more freedom
ing pulled to their new migration des- from restrictive social and cultural re-
tination. Or more often, people move alities, for themselves and for their chil-
because of a combination of overlap- dren.
ping pushing and pulling forces. Some
are pushed out of their native places 2. -OST HAVE LITTLE CHANCE OF MAKING
because they can’t earn sufficient in- A DECENT LIVING IN AGRICULTURE. Most
come to sustain themselves or their people in the rural areas work in the ag-
households. Others may be pushed out ricultural sector, but agriculture is highly
of their home base, either temporar- dependent on weather conditions, rural
ily or permanently, by natural disasters land is limited and its fertility is some-
such as floods or droughts, or because times low or declining, land holdings are
of sustained ecological changes such as small, farm debts are high, and many
desertification or soil erosion, all mani- households have always been or have

become landless. As a result, overall ru- portunities, urban areas offer them bet-
ral incomes tend to be low. In order to ter education and health care opportu-
increase income, small farmers need to nities – and sometimes greater social
increase their productivity, but they are freedom. Because urban cultures tend
often too poor to pay for the necessary to be less constrained by traditional cus-
technology, whether it is equipment, toms and hierarchical structures than
high-yield seeds or expensive chemi- village cultures, cities also offer young
cal fertilizers. Increasingly, farmers and migrants and their children greater
others in rural areas supplement their prospects of upward social mobility.
income from agriculture with non-farm
income, in the rural areas if possible, or 4. 0EOPLEKNOWWHATCITIESHAVETOOF-
in urban areas through temporary mi- FERTHEM. Although some rural house-
gration to work on construction sites, holds have no choice but to leave the
in domestic work, as self-employed rural areas in order to survive, most mi-
street vendors or in other kinds of ur- grants make a deliberate choice to stay
ban jobs. or to leave. Improvements in transport,
the availability of mobile phones, im-
3. -IGRATION TO CITIES IMPROVES THE proved communications and increasing
PROSPECTOFlNDINGBETTERJOBS. Even links with earlier generations of urban
when a rural household can live off its migrants in the city have all made the
land, the future for rural children is seen rural population much more aware of
to be in non-farm and more in non- both the advantages and the draw-
rural employment. For these children, backs urban areas offer, in particular
migration to urban areas improves their what kinds of employment opportu-
prospects of finding such employment. nities are available and what kinds of
Besides dramatically increased job op- housing conditions exist.
TABLE 6: EMPLOYMENT IN THE INFORMAL SECTOR IN SOME AFRICAN COUNTRIES 24
Country Coverage Number of people Informal economy

employed in the employment as a
informal economy percentage of total
(millions) employment
Benin (2002) National 2.4 94.50%
Cameroon (1993) Urban 0.1 57.30%
Ethiopia (2004) Urban 1.1 38.10%
Madagascar (1995) Urban 0.2 57.50%
Mali (2004) National 1 41.30%
South Africa (2004) National 1.7 13.80%
Tanzania (1995) Urban 0.4 67.00%
Uganda (2003) National 2.6 26.50%

5. 5RBANMIGRATIONISOFTENASURVIVAL diversified and are not so vulnerable
STRATEGY FOR RURAL HOUSEHOLDS. In to economic downturns in a particular
order to spread economic risks, house- place. This arrangement also allows
holds may split into several groups that children and the elderly to remain in
locate themselves in different places the villages, where living costs are low,
– rural areas, small towns and big cit- while income-earners and school-age
ies – while some household members children move to the most suitable
may even move abroad. In this way, (usually urban) places.
the household’s sources of income are
MINDSHIFT: INFORMALITY IS
THE NORM
Most of Africa’s urban poor work in the in- people live. Table 6 illustrates the reality
formal sector, one way or another. Good that informal work in largely informal eco-
jobs in government offices, factories and nomic activities is in fact the norm in Afri-
private sector businesses may be desirable, can countries.
but are usually in short supply. Such jobs
require education and skills that many poor The presence of a large and growing in-
people lack the resources to acquire, as formal sector in most African cities is often
well as networks of people who can advise used to explain the persistent migration into
and steer job-seekers towards job oppor- urban areas, despite the limited employ-
tunities, and these networks seldom reach ment opportunities in the formal economy.
the informal settlements where most poor The informal sector provides a safety net in
FIGURE 126: SEGMENTATION OF INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT BY AVERAGE EARNINGS AND SEX
NOTE: The informal economy may also be segmented by race, ethnicity, caste or religion

the face of high unemployment and pover- From this diagram it is clear that the catch-
ty. These businesses are also often the main all phrase “informal sector” is simply too
supply system for the city’s poor. However, broad and generalized to account for the
this informalization of urban livelihoods rich and contested diversity that resides in
has also led to falls in urbanization rates in the informal economy. As well as remain-
many African countries as the prospects of ing aware of the internal hierarchies and in-
well paid formal sector jobs have dimmed. equalities of power between, for example,
For poor women especially, who often have informal employers and informal employ-
households to look after and manage, self- ees, it is important to also recognize how
employment through small informal sector much the informal economy contributes to
enterprises provides a flexible option for national and urban economies.
bringing in income while staying at home
or nearby. For many women it is also the Given the pervasiveness of informal jobs
only option, because of discrimination and and incomes, and the substantial contribu-
lack of education. tion that informal businesses make to the
urban economy, it is clear that this latent
But the informal sector in its current form in resource can be harnessed to great effect
African cities should not be made to seem if policy managers simply stop prejudicing
too glamorous and successful. The major- the sector, and find ways of building on it
ity of participants in this sector live below with an eye on eventually growing both
the poverty line. And the worst effects of informal and formal economic activity. This
informality are also felt more by women, implies including both of these sectors in
who are “at the bottom of the hawking urban planning, especially when it comes
hierarchy”.25 Marty Chen, who works to the planning of economic infrastructure
closely with the organization Women in In- and facilities.
formal Employment: Globalizing and Orga-
nizing (WIEGO), illustrates the internal class
dynamics of the informal sector through a
powerful graphic (Figure 1).
MINDSHIFT: WORKING TOGETHER

TO FIND SOLUTIONS
The enormous changes happening in most research, discussion, planning and imple-
African cities today are no longer governed mentation. Such dialogues can be initiated
by any formal, agreed-upon development by national or local governments, as is often
plans, but rather by an ad hoc interplay of the case with city development strategies and
land politics, private sector investment and city consultations, or by civil society organiza-
foreign-funded mega-projects. In this con- tions concerned with urban development.
text, forums and approaches that promote
Partnerships are essential to ensure a good
dialogue and build consensus among the
supply of land, low-income housing and as-
various stakeholders have become crucial.
sociated infrastructures in the quantity and
Such approaches include city development
the variety that are needed. This task is way
strategies, urban forums and city consulta-
too big for any single group to handle alone
tions. The key common features of these
– neither the urban poor themselves, nor the
approaches are that they are based on an
government, nor the private sector can do it.
extensive and multi-stakeholder process of

But if such partnerships are to be effective, can implement those plans, maintaining
the organizations of the urban poor must be control over the construction and up-
central partners. And as in all partnerships, grading process. They can also develop
it is important to work out who does what, strong community organizations ca-
according to what each group does best: pable of managing the future needs of
their members, in a longer-term poverty
s 'OVERNMENTS at all levels can help poor alleviation process. (See Quick Guide 6:
communities (who remain the weakest Community-based Organizations.)
players in the urban land market) to ac-
cess much needed land in several ways. s .'/S can assist poor communities to
They can set aside land for low-income organize themselves into strong collec-
housing within their urban plans, and tive organizations, and to develop the
they can help mediate between land- kind of leadership and collective deci-
owning agencies and individuals and sion-making and financial management
poor squatters, to develop compromise skills they will need to undertake signifi-
solutions such as land sharing, land cant housing and settlement improve-
pooling and land readjustment. (See ments as a group – work that cannot be
Quick Guide 3: Land.) Governments done by individual households.
should regulate the poor’s own hous- s 4HEPRIVATESECTORcan negotiate on-
ing process with as little intervention as site land-sharing agreements or subsi-
possible, without hindering community dize people’s relocation as compromise
initiatives. In order to prevent the urban solutions, instead of evicting squatters
middle class from gaining control of such occupying their land. It is possible for
land, the government can also develop landowners to make a good profit on
innovative forms of urban land tenure, redevelopment projects while helping
such as collective land title or collective those already living in informal settle-
land leases. ments on the land to attain decent,
s 0OORCOMMUNITIES can save collectively, secure housing. (See Quick Guide 4:
can develop their own plans for hous- Eviction.)
ing and settlement improvement, and

GEARSHIFT: FROM PREVENTION
TO FACILITATION
HOUSING As a fundamental prerequisite for under-

standing how to deal with the prevalence
In the earlier sections of this guide we have of slum living conditions, policy makers have
seen that the urban poor are the most im- to appreciate the rich diversity within and
portant actors involved in providing shelter between settlements. Informal settlements
in African cities and towns. Despite the ab- contain within themselves entire vibrant local
sence of government support and invest- economies, with their own informal housing
ment, they proceed to provide for them- and land markets and their own diverse so-
selves. Of course, because their houses are cial and cultural groupings. While conditions
constructed without the supporting infra- in some settlements may indeed be squalid,
structures to gain access to water, sanitation unhealthy, impoverished and socially exclud-
and energy, they are insufficient and inad- ing, these conditions only come about be-
equate to represent anything resembling the cause of the absence of alternatives and op-
kind of housing that is implied by the univer- portunities for their residents. Crucially, the
sal right to adequate housing, as set out in residents of each settlement have the best
Article 25(1) of the Universal Declaration of knowledge of how their settlement works,
Human Rights.27 the characteristics of their community and
the nature of their needs and priorities. Gov-
The central challenge facing African govern-
ernments, and in particular national statisti-
ments and urban managers is to learn how
cal services, need to draw on this knowledge
best to recognize and appreciate the efforts
to establish the numbers of people living in
of the urban poor, and build on their in-
the settlement, their living conditions, their
vestments to progressively solve the shelter
needs and aspirations – all vital information
crisis in African cities. There is now enough
which must shape any policies and plans
precedent and evidence from across the
that will affect the settlement.
continent and other comparable contexts to
draw some conclusions about how best the Once this understanding has been reached,
urban housing challenge can be met. it must be related to four key aspects of in-
formal settlement development:

1. (OUSING VARIETY Informal settlements even if such sites are on environmen-
are filled with a wide variety of housing tally precarious terrain or vulnerable to
and building qualities, ranging from ex- all manner of risk. It is vital that urban
tremely solid concrete-frame construc- managers establish a proper understand-
tions with all services, to precarious ing of why and how people have settled
shacks made of mud, timber scrap or on a particular site that may seem un-
corrugated iron sheets. suitable or unviable.
2. )NFRASTRUCTURE PROlLE In many cities, 4. Land tenure: The most serious problem
governments have taken steps to pro- being faced by the millions who live in Af-
vide at least some basic infrastructure rica’s informal urban settlements is insecure
in informal settlements, but these pro- tenure. It puts a brake on investment by
grammes are often piecemeal, poorly both residents and utility companies, and
planned and implemented, and many induces a constant state of fear of eviction.
settlements end up being left out. On Given the range of different tenure systems
the ground, infrastructure provision is in most countries, it is vital to establish a
typically fragmented, uneven and errat- clear picture of the land tenure situation for
ic. It is important that as accurate a pic- each slum settlement that will be upgraded
ture as possible is constructed of what and developed, to understand the potential
infrastructures are in place and what and parameters of the intervention.
level and quality of service is enabled.
Once governments have come to grips with
3. ,OCATION DYNAMICS Poor people al- this baseline information, they can move to
most always try to locate themselves in the phase of addressing low-cost housing
areas of the city that are as close as pos- in a sustainable fashion. In Quick Guide 2:
sible to income-earning opportunities, Low-income Housing we discuss five op-
BOX 2: EVICTIONS IN AFRICA

Across Africa hundreds of thousands of people are forcibly evicted each year, in many cases being
left homeless, losing their possessions without compensation and/or being forcibly displaced far
from sources of employment, livelihood or education, all in violation of international law, includ-
ing the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The vast majority of these evictions are
unnecessary. It is important to understand the various causes of evictions, and their effects on
the lives, livelihoods and housing choices of the urban poor. Quick Guide 4: Evictions discusses
distinctions between different types of evictions and examines the legal context of eviction within
the key international human and housing rights covenants.
Another critical dimension is how communities facing eviction have organized themselves, and
drawn on the support of community-based networks and institutions in Africa and globally to
find alternatives to the destruction of their settlements. Through case studies in Quick Guide 4, it
is shown how poor communities are central, creative partners in the search for lasting solutions
to their city’s problems of affordable land and housing – solutions which do not require that they
be pushed out. Building on these experiences and on legal precedent, concrete guidelines are
offered to help governments and policy makers develop better formal procedures to minimize
evictions. It is indeed possible to address the land scarcity challenge in African cities without
resorting to unlawful evictions.

tions for low-cost housing. These options and relevant NGOs where these exist.
are potentially complementary, and the local
s Being inclusive of tenure security.
conditions should determine how an over-
all policy approach will be balanced among s Involving a measure of contribution to
them. The five options are discussed below. the cost from the beneficiary commu-
nity.
s Being affordable so that the ongoing
Option 1: On-site upgrading maintenance costs are within the means
On-site upgrading means improving the of the beneficiary community.
physical, social and economic environment s Having a sustainable financing model.
of an existing informal settlement, without
displacing the people who live there. When s Forming part of a larger urban develop-
cities and governments support the process ment strategy for the city or town as a
of upgrading informal communities, it is whole.
the least expensive, most humane way of In Quick Guide 2 we also provide a clear
enhancing a city’s much-needed stock of operational framework for the stages in-
affordable housing, instead of destroying it. volved in embarking on a successful on-site
On-site upgrading is not simply about tech- upgrading programme, which translates
nical programmes to install some physical in- these principles into operational guidelines.
frastructure. It is more expansive. It includes The international evidence is clear that this
the consideration of houses, land, incomes, is do-able, if the political and fiscal commit-
common public facilities, access to public ment exists to undertake on-site upgrading
services more broadly and local welfare sys- seriously. It demonstrates that the frequency
tems (see Quick Guide 2). with which governments resort to evictions
There are a host of compelling reasons why is completely unnecessary (see Box 2).
on-site upgrading is often the best option,
but most salient is the fact that it fosters
more resilient livelihoods because people in- Option 2: Resettlement on
vest in the improvement of their dwellings suitable land
and so enhance their asset base, which is
good for local economic development and Resettlement should never be the first policy
the larger urban economy. choice for removing people from their homes
in informal settlements, as re-housing them
However, it is easy to do on-site upgrading on alternative sites always destroys social
badly, which brings the approach into disre- networks, breaks up communities, dramati-
pute and further undermines the livelihoods cally reduces people’s earning capacities, in-
of the urban poor. Successful experiences creases their transport costs, interrupts their
suggest that eight principles underpin effec- children’s schooling and generally increases
tive upgrading: their poverty. Because low-income housing
is so scarce, demolishing slums and informal
s Being participatory.
settlements and relocating their inhabitants
s Being sustainable and green as well as causes a net loss of housing units which no-
being culturally appropriate. body can afford to replace, and compounds
the problems of housing shortages.
s Being done in partnership with the local
government, community organizations However, there are certain circumstances

that require resettlement. If these come into In other words, the site should be close to
play, then it is vital to conduct resettlement job opportunities, with easy access to public
in a sensitive and responsible manner. This services such as schools, clinics, banks and
involves first and foremost putting people transport links. These considerations may
at the centre of the resettlement process. In seem onerous, but they are actually cost-
other words, residents should be involved in effective because taking account of them
all aspects of planning for their resettlement, minimizes the risk that people will abandon
including setting dates for moving, organiz- resettlement sites and simply move back to
ing transport, choosing the relocation site, where they came from, forcing authorities
designing the community layout, housing to restart the whole process.
units and infrastructure systems, and man-
aging the allotment process.
They should also be supported to organize Option 3: Government-led
their own small area-based groups which new public housing
can manage the move, help dismantle the
Based on the broadly held view that govern-
old houses and carry with them any building
ments are responsible for the provision of
materials which might be usable in the new universal access to urban infrastructures and
houses. housing, there remains a widespread belief
A second important aspect in the resettle- that governments should take responsibil-
ment process is choosing the land for the ity for constructing housing for urban poor
new location. Ideally, the land should be households. This is particularly so in countries
where GDP per capita is around USD2 100 per
serviced and ensure access to basic infra-
annum 28 (as opposed to USD26 000 in an
structure. The land should also be located
OECD country), and the costs of constructing
in a place that allows people to maintain or
and managing public housing must be heav-
rebuild their livelihoods, social networks and
ily subsidized by central or local government.
survival strategies with minimal disruption.

When governments design, build and de- Option 4: Sites-and-services
liver low-income housing (for sale or rent),
it is also seen as a way of ensuring that the
schemes and incremental
housing is of good quality and developed in land development
an “orderly” manner. In light of the affordability problems associ-
However, in countries where average in- ated with the provision of subsidized public
comes are as low as they are in much of housing, there has been a shift in thinking
sub-Saharan Africa, very few city or national around the world, from seeing the state as
governments have the political will or the fi- a provider of housing to seeing it as a facili-
nancial resources to pay for this subsidy, or to tator of the self-help housing efforts of the
build enough housing to meet even a frac- poor themselves. One form this facilitation
tion of the housing needs of the city’s poor. takes is when governments provide plots
As a result, it is clear that where public hous- and basic services in a planned manner, but
ing programmes have been attempted in Af- let people build their own houses on that
rica, the impact of these conventional pro- land. These are called sites-and-services
grammes has been minimal, their ambitious schemes.
targets have not been met and their costs The strategy in sites-and-services schemes is
have been too high. Since subsidies are un- to share the responsibility for providing de-
affordable, often the new housing becomes cent, affordable housing in the city between
too expensive and can only be afforded by the state and the people. The government
relatively well-off households. The Catch-22 agencies take responsibility only for prepar-
is that if a larger per-unit subsidy were given, ing the plots and bringing in certain basic
which would allow poorer groups to afford infrastructure. The individual plots are then
them, this would mean that relatively few sold, leased or allotted to the beneficiary
housing units could be built. households, whose responsibility it is to
In light of this realistic assessment of eco- build their own houses – sometimes with
nomic conditions that are necessary for soft loans, basic building materials and tech-
government-led housing to be supplied, nical support provided by the project, and
we conclude that large-scale programmes sometimes using only their own resources.
to construct subsidized, standardized, fully The value of this approach is that it creates
complete housing units for existing and fu- an intervention model in contexts with lim-
ture poor households are too costly for the ited resources, limited capacity in the state
governments in most developing countries. and vast need. If these schemes are planned
For now, public resources are better spent well, they can make the provision of infra-
on improving the existing stock of afford- structure and services cheaper to build and
able housing (no matter how sub-standard) maintain. This approach also works with the
and implementing a range of innovative and grain of poor people’s resources and capa-
flexible approaches to creating new stock. bilities, because it unfolds on the basis of
In middle-income African countries such their pace of investment. Most importantly,
as South Africa, there is certainly scope to it allows the government to reach many
explore appropriate subsidy-based interven- more people more quickly than through the
tions alongside the other options considered provision of subsidized public housing.
in this section (see Quick Guide 2).
Yet the approach comes with numerous
health warnings, because of the inherent
problems that have emerged in practice.

Even though it is meant to target the poorest Option 5: City-wide housing
segments of the city, it often ends up serving
relatively well-off groups, because the sites-
strategies
and-services it offers remain unaffordable to Current needs for affordable housing alone
those most in need. The cost recovery track- are so overwhelming for most cities that the
record of these schemes is also weak. challenge of meeting future housing needs
can seem an impossible task. But in fact,
These pitfalls can be avoided if the following solving all the housing problems in a city is
five guidelines are adhered to: something that is possible. However, if you
0ROVIDELANDINAGOODLOCATION i.e. want to do this – in a systematic and city-
close to employment centres and exist- wide way – several ingredients are needed.
ing infrastructure trunk grids, to reduce s &IRSTLY ESTABLISH MORE HORIZONTAL
the costs of extending these grids to LINKSBETWEENPOORCOMMUNITIES In-
the project. ternational evidence suggests that some
2ECOGNIZE THAT SITES DONT HAVE TO of the most innovative housing initiatives
BE HUGE OR AT THE CITY EDGE wher- now in cities worldwide are not coming
ever possible, prioritize smaller available from engineers, architects, politicians or
sites right inside the city, with easier ac- bureaucrats – but from poor communi-
cess to existing infrastructure and ser- ties. When they develop organizing and
vices. delivery models that work, it is vital to
support links and mechanisms that al-
+EEPPLOTSIZESSMALLINORDERTOAC- low for mutual learning and organiza-
COMMODATEMOREPEOPLE at the low- tion.
est possible cost. Existing standards and
by-laws are often inappropriate and s 3ECONDLY ESTABLISH MORE ROOM FOR
have to be challenged in order to make INNOVATION IN THE POLICY ENVIRON-
projects affordable to the poor and pre- MENT Local and national policies on
vent them from being gentrified in the land and housing need to be loosened
future. and adjusted, to make room for inno-
vation in how the poor can access land
2EDUCESERVICESCOSTSTHROUGHGOOD and housing, and how the low-income
PLANNING As in all low-income hous- settlements which already exist can be
ing, the key to making this happen is improved in practical and sustainable
the full participation of beneficiaries in ways. This Quick Guide series offers a
planning, implementation and mainte- wealth of ideas and techniques for do-
nance. ing this.
$EVELOP INCREMENTALLY TO REDUCE s 4HIRDLYPUTMOREPUBLICINVESTMENT

PEOPLESCOSTS One way to make sites- INTO INFRASTRUCTURE It is important to
and-services projects more affordable remember that such investments can
and more flexible is to develop them in also be stimulated by adjustments to
phases, starting with basic infrastruc- urban and national policies and regula-
ture that can be improved over time. tions.
(See Quick Guide 2) for more detail.) s &OURTHLYMAKESURETHATEXPLICITEF-
FORT GOES INTO THE ENHANCEMENT OF
THE CAPACITIES of communities, archi-
tects, NGOs, governments and all the

other stakeholders to implement large- LAND
scale housing initiatives. This requires
explicit investment because most orga- Without land, there can be no housing. And
nizations are only used to working at without looking at the issue of land, there
the micro or project level. can be no meaningful discussion about
how to solve the problems of housing for
Option 5 is clearly a complement to the the poor in our cities. The inaccessibility of
other four options discussed above. It is im- decent, secure, affordable land is the major
portant to appreciate that city-wide strate- reason why there are so many informal set-
gies will not germinate or grow if there is tlements in African cities, and is a contribut-
not the political will to make this happen. ing factor to urban poverty.
Such strategies also depend on an enabling
national policy framework that sets the tone It is important to come to grips with the dif-
and minimum requirements for urban stake- ferent forms of land tenure which operate in
holders to work in a more coordinated and African cities in order to better understand
integrated fashion. We will return to these the problems and benefits of these differ-
considerations in the later discussion on ent land tenure systems. This contextual
governance. grounding makes it possible to understand,
in relation to the specific conditions in each
country and city, how land is supplied, val-
ued, financed and sold in the formal mar-
ket; how this formal market is failing to
make secure, appropriate land available to
the cities’ low-income populations; and why

the majority of Africa’s urban poor are be- benefits through encouraging investment in
ing forced to obtain land for their housing housing and neighbourhoods.29
through informal land markets. These issues
are explored in much greater depth in Quick
Guide 3: Land. Land administration systems
In this introductory exploration we will brief- in Africa
ly discuss why urban land is so scarce, and
It is important to note that land administra-
the scope for action required to secure suit-
tion systems differ considerably across Af-
able land to underpin the low-cost housing
rica. In most countries, there is co-existence
interventions discussed above. We begin by
of formal/legal, customary and extra-legal/
considering what tenure security means in
informal systems. The relative importance of
general, before identifying its salient aspects
these systems can vary across countries – for
in the African context.
example, in some countries there is a large
formal/legal land system with a flourishing
formal land market, whereas in other coun-
Tenure security? tries the customary land system dominates
For all forms of tenure, the two major com- and there is little or no formal land market
ponents of security of tenure are: activity.
s REASONABLEDURATIONOFRIGHTS appro- The proportion of state ownership versus

priate to the use to which the land is individual or communal ownership can also
put and to the social needs of the land vary. For example, in countries with a legacy
user; of Marxism, such as Mozambique, all land is
owned by the state. Most land administra-
s EFFECTIVE LEGAL PROTECTION AGAINST tion systems are based either on customary
EVICTION OR ARBITRARY CURTAILMENT OF practices or on inherited colonial practices,
LAND RIGHTS, with enforceable guaran- but in some countries an Islamic approach
tees and legal or social remedies against to land administration is applied.
the loss of these rights, and accessible
and effective dispute resolution mecha-
nisms.
Land tenure typology
Other important aspects of security of tenure
Land tenure is complicated. For instance,
can include plot users’ freedom to bequeath
sometimes within the same poor settlement,
land to heirs, and to lease, lend or grant land
neighbouring households may live under dif-
to others on a temporary or long-term basis
ferent tenure terms and degrees of security.
with reasonable guarantees of being able to
Some may have rental contracts, some may
recover the land.
own their parcels of land, others may have
Security of tenure can be achieved in many user rights, still others may be squatters – or
different ways, for example through clear, tenants of squatters – with no legal tenure
long-term rental contracts, or formal rec- rights at all to the land. To fully appreciate
ognition of customary land rights, with ac- the diversity that marks most African cities,30
cessible and effective dispute resolution it is useful to lay out the spectrum of tenure
mechanisms. Experiences from around the systems as a typology (see Table 7).
world show that enhanced tenure security
generates many household and community

TABLE 7: TENURE SYSTEMS AND THEIR CHARACTERISTICS
Tenure system
Freehold (private ownership) s Ownership in perpetuity
Registered leasehold s Ownership of a leasehold estate for a specified
period (sometimes up to 99 years)
s The landowner has to create the leasehold estate
and transfer it to the leaseholder.
Rental (public or private) Two options:
s public: occupation of state-owned land or housing
s private: rental by a landowner to tenants
Cooperatives and s Ownership vested in a cooperative or corporate
condominiums body of which residents are co-owners
s Ownership vested in family, community, group or
Customary tenure tribe
s Land is managed by leaders on behalf of the
community
s A variation is religious tenure
s A variation is religious tenure
Intermediate forms of tenure s Pragmatic arrangements, often of a short-term
nature (e.g. certificates, occupation permits, etc.)
Informal tenure s Squatting, unauthorized sub-divisions, unofficial
rental, etc.
There are advantages and disadvantages to value and can be bought or sold, whether it
each of these tenure systems, as we discuss is publicly or privately owned, and whether
in more detail in Quick Guide 3: Land and it exists within the formal or informal market
Quick Guide 4: Evictions. For now, we turn systems. Market forces ultimately determine
to the market context within which these who uses any parcel of land and how much
tenure systems function. that land costs, except when governments
deliver public land directly to people, in the
form of subsidized housing projects. Yet
Land market dynamics even public land, after it has been allocated
and built up with low-income housing, en-
Land is increasingly being seen as a com- ters the market, and units are bought or sold
modity, and not as a common good whose either formally or informally. Prices are de-
use must be carefully regulated for the ben- termined by the demand for housing in that
efit of all citizens. This shift has huge impli- particular location, with certain qualities and
cations for how public and private land is amenities.
used, and how its use is being regulated by
governments. Market forces, demographic pressures and
urban growth keep driving up the demand
Any land that is suitable for housing has a for land, but the supply in most cities con-

tinues to fall very far short of this demand. options. And when poor people can’t afford
Some governments have made efforts to land on the formal markets, they go to in-
increase the supply of serviced land by formal markets. As demonstrated in Quick
regulating urban land markets, while at the Guide 3: Land, Quick Guide 4: Evictions and
same time a variety of informal land supply Quick Guide 7: Rental Housing, most Afri-
systems have appeared to meet the needs can cities have vibrant informal land markets
the formal land market can’t meet. Any at- which are meeting the land and housing
tempts by poor people or by governments needs of poorer citizens, including squatters
to get land for affordable housing have and migrants. These informal markets are so
to acknowledge these forces. So it makes effective that a majority of land transactions
sense to understand the basic principles of taking place in many African cities are now
markets which affect access to urban land informal.
for housing.
This is an important variable in the political
Unlike other things that you can buy or sell, economy of housing supply for the urban
each piece of land is unique. Each piece is poor. Government leaders and managers
fixed in a specific location and it comes with with a commitment to addressing the hous-
certain advantages and disadvantages of ac- ing crisis in African cities will have to be
cess, terrain and proximity to transport and savvy about these dynamics, and calibrate
amenities. Its location and other attributes their interventions accordingly. To aid in this
are what determine its value, its use and its process, we describe here ten strategies to
selling price. All these attributes are affected make land more accessible for the urban
by changing demands in a city. When the poor, always bearing in mind the dominance
land supply diminishes and demand esca- of informal land markets alongside exclu-
lates, land prices go up – and they go up sionary formal ones.
fast. Consequently, those with the most
money to spend will get access to the best
land in cities, not those who most need it.
A growing population automatically increas-
es demand for land – pieces of land of all siz-
es and locations, for all income groups and
under the whole spectrum of tenure forms
(both formal and informal), and for all kinds
of uses: commercial, industrial, recreational
and public. When a city’s population grows
rapidly, and governments and land markets
can’t provide land fast enough to meet these
growing demands, land prices skyrocket.
Most African cities have seen a simultaneous
demand for land and a diminishing of land
supply, which has put a huge premium on
land. When a city’s formal land market can’t
make enough land available to meet the
city’s needs, land prices will rise and grow-
ing numbers of people will find themselves
priced out of any affordable land or housing

10 STRATEGIES TO MAKE LAND MORE
ACCESSIBLE TO THE POOR
The best way to solve problems of land One way to bring land costs down in low-
and housing is to support a broad range of income housing projects is to minimize the
groups of people and approaches to hous- amount of land used for each unit through
ing provision on many fronts. Governments more efficient planning. When laying out a
and development agencies often fall into new housing or community redevelopment
the trap of believing that there is a single so- project, good planning can help reduce per-
lution to the problems of land, for example unit land costs, allow for more efficient and
extending land title to everyone. The “single more affordable basic services, and create
solution” is a myth. Land and all its poten- better living environments which allow the
tials need to be seen as part of a broader residents to enjoy a better quality of life.
approach to ensuring housing for the urban
poor. Issues around land need to be looked There are a number of progressive planning
at in the context of urban governance, ur- approaches to achieve this (discussed more
ban planning and infrastructure provision, fully in Quick Guide 3: Land): planning with
as well as economic and social empower- people; planning for pedestrians as opposed
ment of the poor. to cars; planning for higher density; plan-
ning efficiently; and using land-use regula-
The 10 strategies described next (and in tions more astutely. It is particularly the last
much greater detail in Quick Guide 3: Land) of these approaches that can prove a pow-
should be considered together with those erful tool to help the poor access land for
described in the other Quick Guides in this housing. Land use and building regulations
series, included sites-and-services schemes can be adjusted to make them more in tune
and other alternatives to eviction (Quick with the real needs of the poor. They can
Guides 2 and 4), housing finance (Quick significantly increase the amount of afford-
Guide 5), rental housing (Quick Guide 7) able housing available in the formal market.
and the central role of community-based Also, the existence of land use regulations
organizations (CBOs) (Quick Guide 6). Policy which set aside land for low-income hous-
makers should note that providing land for ing can also be a powerful tool for organized
low-income housing is ultimately a political communities to use in their search for land,
issue. Each of the 10 strategies discussed be- and in their negotiations to use that land for
low can either increase or reduce the access genuine low-income housing initiatives.
of the poor to land, depending on political
will and intentions.
Strategy 2: Better land
information
Strategy 1: Planning more
Having a well functioning land information
efficiently system is one of the most important pre-
As development, growth and competition condition to providing land for housing the
and speculation drive land prices in Afri- poor. If land records in a city are unclear, this
can cities higher and higher, land for ev- leaves room for land use to be manipulated
erybody’s housing – but especially for the in different ways by powerful interests, and
poor – becomes less and less affordable. in these manipulations the poor are almost

always the losers. Also, you can’t legally give Strategy 3: Better land
or lease land to the poor (either individually
or collectively) if the rights are uncertain, so
taxation systems
the threat of eviction remains. Taxing land is one of the main ways in which
cities around the world generate public rev-
The lack of reliable, updated public records enue for various public purposes. But charg-
of land rights and land transactions can also ing taxes on land – especially on land left
be a barrier to developing an effective, trans- vacant – is also an important fiscal tool that
parent land market. Poor land records stim- city governments can use to discourage land
ulate the growth of informal land markets, speculation and ensure a steady supply of
with large numbers of land transactions and land for various purposes. A steady supply of
allocations going unrecorded, so cities lose land in a city has the effect of keeping over-
out on revenues from property taxes. Land all land prices down, which in turn makes it
information systems are essential for natural easier for the poor to access land for hous-
resource management, service delivery, valu- ing.
ations, the rating of properties, cost recovery
on services, land tax, raising financial capi- Taxes on land are charged in different ways,
tal, dispute resolution and conflict manage- according to a variety of tax systems. Three
ment. main categories of tax are:
Land information can strengthen the hand #APITALGAINSTAXES, which are charged
of the urban poor in the contestation over on land only when it is sold, according
scarce resources. When poor communi- to the principle that the profit a person
ties have access to good information about earns by selling a piece of land should
what land in their city is available, who owns be taxed, like any other income.
it, how much it has sold for and how much
similar land is worth, it can help them to find 6ACANTLANDTAXES, charged to owners
possible land for housing and strengthen of vacant land that is left unused. The
their negotiations for a lower price. object of these taxes is to make owning
vacant land unprofitable, discourage
The ideal land information system is a ca- land speculation and encourage capital
dastre, which provides information about investment on land to utilize it to its full
rights, use or values of all land parcels. Full potential.
cadastral systems are complex and expen-
sive, however, and only a small proportion ,AND USE TAXES, which are separate
of Africa is covered by a cadastre. There is taxes charged in some countries on
thus often a need to develop more appropri- land and on whatever building stands
ate land information systems. In order to be on that land. In terms of these taxes,
effective for all types of households, it is im- a person may pay two different rates,
portant for land information systems to be or different people may pay tax on the
able to capture the whole range of tenure same place: the one who owns the land
options reflected in Table 7 above. and the one who owns the building.
There are many pitfalls to avoid in establish-
ing a suitable and effective land taxation
system. We identify these in greater detail in
Quick Guide 3 : Land.

Strategy 4: Land sharing Strategy 5: Land pooling
Land sharing is an approach developed in Land pooling (or land readjustment, as
Asian countries to resolve urban land con- it is also called) is a way of joining several
flicts between poor communities (who need adjacent pieces of land (held by different
the land they occupy for their housing) and landowners) and eliminating the property
private or government landowners (who boundaries to create a large site on which
want the land back to develop it). It is a to make a new, planned redevelopment
strategy that can also be applied in African project. If the project is large enough, there
cities, which face many similar land pres- may also be parks, playgrounds, schools and
sures and housing needs. shops in the master plan.
Practically, after a period of planning and In exchange for agreeing to join the scheme
negotiation, an agreement is reached to and giving up their land, landowners usually
“share” the land. The community is given, get one or two plots in the new subdivision,
sold or leased one part of the land for re- to sell or build a house on, usually with the
constructing their housing (usually the least expectation that the smaller plots in the new
commercially viable part of the land), and project will fetch a high market price.
the rest of the land is returned to the land-
owner to develop. How much land the peo-
ple get and how much land goes back to the Strategy 6: Cross-subsidy
owner is decided during the negotiations.
And finally, everybody benefits. However, schemes
it is usually a long and complicated process Some governments have policies which re-
and doesn’t work in all situations. quire that private sector developers reserve
a portion of their formal, market-rate hous-
Land sharing divides the benefits of urban
ing projects for low-income housing (this
prosperity a little more equitably:
is also known as “ínclusionary zoning” or
s Landowners can clear some land for “inclusionary housing”). The idea is simple:
immediate development and save time if a developer is going to make huge prof-
and the costs of long eviction litigation. its constructing high-income housing for
wealthy clients, why shouldn’t a small por-
s Informal settlement residents stay where tion of those profits (or the sale price of the
they have been living and working, get units) be devoted to subsidizing the housing
secure land tenure and keep their com- of the less fortunate households who can’t
munities intact. afford market-rate housing? It’s a kind of
s Governments get much needed land progressive tax on high-end development.
and housing delivered to the city’s poor These policies can work in different ways,
communities, without having to pay for but most of them stipulate that a certain
it. percentage of the total number of units a
developer builds, or a certain percentage of
There is considerable potential and scope to the total land the new development is being
experiment with this strategy in the African built on, must be low-income housing.
context.
A related mechanism is the “transfer of de-
velopment rights” (TDR). It is a land man-
agement tool that enables governments
to generate financial resources by allowing

landowners or developers to build more through a variety of partnerships. In theory,
than they are allowed to by the land use public land is an asset which belongs to a
plan (for example, more levels, making the city’s population and which is to be used for
building taller). With the land use taxes gen- the common good of that population. There
erated by this development, governments is an unfortunate trend these days, however,
can finance upgrading or other housing for to see publicly owned land as a marketable
the urban poor. The TDR strategy only works commodity rather than as a public good,
in situations where land is particularly valu- and to sell it or rent it out to the highest
able, and the taxes paid by the developer are bidder. But in some African cities pockets of
therefore high enough to fund significant public land are being made available here
low-cost housing by government. and there to use for providing low-income
housing, and in most cases it is easier for the
communities living on that land to negoti-
Strategy 7: Regularizing ate affordable lease rates and secure tenure
terms than it would be on private land.
existing slums
Recognizing and granting legal tenure to in-
formal settlement residents is the best way Strategy 9: Learning from
of ensuring poor urban-dwellers’ sustained
access to land and housing. (See Quick
informal land developers
Guide 2: Low-income Housing.) It is possible and essential to adapt informal
strategies for making land available to ur-
Regularizing informal settlements on pri- ban residents to the formal land market, if
vate land usually involves negotiating with governments are willing to depart from the
landowners to sell or lease the land (or part conventional administrative and regulatory
of it) to community members, community frameworks they use for land distribution.
cooperatives or some intermediary govern- An approach to this could involve the fol-
ment organization, which then manages lowing steps:
the repayment by individual households for
their land plots. Informal settlements on s Officials go to the people and set up
government land are usually regularized by reception camps on available land. All
granting long-term lease contracts or user allotment is done on the spot, with the
rights to individual households or commu- help of community members. Providing
nity cooperatives – for free, for a nominal adequate security of tenure (e.g. an oc-
fee or sometimes for full cost recovery. This cupation permit) is important.
is clearly one of the most important and
s Application, leasing and allotment steps
relevant strategies available to African city
are reduced to a minimum, to keep pro-
managers.
cedures simple.
s Those who are allotted land must start
Strategy 8: Using public land building houses as soon as they take
possession, to keep out speculators.
for housing Ideally, occupation rights should lapse
One of the best ways to reduce land costs if an allottee does not occupy the plot
for low-income housing is to use public they have been allotted.
land. Houses can be planned and built on s Only the layout of plots is fixed. All the
this land using a variety of strategies and house building is left to the people re-

ceiving the plots (although appropriate alities of the poor urban-dwellers’ lives and
support such as advice and access to conditions, and the even harsher economic
materials should ideally be provided). realities and land markets of the cities they
live in.
s Initially only basic services (e.g. water
and sanitation) are provided. The up- Poor communities can be much more re-
grading of services and facilities will sourceful than governments or developers
then occur over time. when it comes to finding land for housing.
This unconventional approach is clearly pre- When well organized communities have ac-
mised on the existence of partnerships and cess to cheap, flexible loans, they can search
a willingness to take risks and reform overly for and negotiate to buy suitable land on
bureaucratic administrative procedures. In their own.
the end it can greatly enhance the availabil- There are many ways in which governments,
ity of land for low-income housing in most NGOs and support institutions can support
African cities. what poor communities and their networks
and federations are already doing from the
bottom up. In places where more progres-
Strategy 10: Support sive government agencies and support in-
community initiatives stitutions have been able to look at, listen
to and learn from the poor, they have been
One of the best ways to enhance the sup- able to find creative ways to support and add
ply of affordable land and housing in Afri- value to what poor people are already doing
can cities is to find ways to support the poor to house themselves, instead of undermin-
themselves. While the housing they produce ing those efforts. Some strategies developed
may not be ideal, the informal systems they in partnership with poor communities have
have developed to produce and deliver it are produced some of Africa’s most exciting
still the most effective, large-scale and far- breakthroughs in land and housing for the
reaching housing delivery systems we have poor. (See Quick Guide 6: Community-Based
in African cities. These systems – often in- Organizations for more ways of partnering
cremental – are tailor-made to the harsh re- with and supporting communities.)

GOVERNANCE nizations and Quick Guide 8: Local Govern-
ment we explore in considerable detail how
Up to this point we have explored the to empower these institutions to formulate
unique features and drivers of urbanization and implement the urban development
in Africa. Through that exploration we dem- agenda. In this introductory guide we will
onstrated that most African cities face a cri- briefly present the core arguments of both
sis of formal work, shelter and secure access Guides 6 and 8, in the context of a position
to land tenure. This multidimensional crisis on the national system of policy reform that
manifests in pervasive informal urbanism in is a precondition for local success.
the domains of the economy, neighbour-
hoods and often politics. Despite the scale
and complexity of these challenges, it is pos-
sible to understand what is going on and
Partnerships are indispensible
how best to intervene. In fact, by looking at Partnerships between local government and
African urbanization through the dual lenses other stakeholders are important, because
of housing and land, we have identified an the problems of land, housing and services
expansive agenda for proactive intervention in African cities are too big and too com-
to make these cities more inclusive and live- plex for either local governments, central
able for all their citizens. governments, communities or development
agencies to solve alone. Good solutions to
However, given the peculiar colonial history these problems that reach the scale of need
of African urban institutions, especially local in the city require partnership, but partner-
government and various national agencies ship isn’t easy – especially between the poor
that operate at the urban scale, it would and the state, who have a long history of
be a grave error to assume that urbaniza- mutual distrust to get over.
tion challenges can be solved without a
fundamental transformation of governance The nature of engagement between CBOs
norms, institutions, practices and expecta- and the state can vary from resistance/
tions. contestation to collaboration/partnership,
depending on the prevailing conditions. In
At the heart of this transformation agenda is many instances these relationships evolve
the empowerment of the majority of urban from initial conflict, as CBOs struggle to
residents, who find themselves in informal draw the attention of the local state to their
settlements and with very few prospects of plight, to eventual collaboration, partner-
a formal job or access to other urban op- ship, and in some cases, complete coop-
portunities. At a very pragmatic level it is tion.
clear that given the scale of the urban de-
velopment challenges, the limited financial It should be noted, however, that collabora-
resources available to the government and tion and contestation are not mutually exclu-
the limitations of capacity, the urban poor sive. Development processes can simultane-
must be enrolled as central actors in all of ously involve collaboration and contestation
the interventions discussed above. This, in between a community-based organization
turn, will force a rethink and a remaking of and the state, as development processes in-
local government systems and organizations evitably create conflict. It is therefore essen-
to foster a partnership-based approach to tial that some broad principles and agree-
urban development. ments are established about the respective
roles of CBOs, local governments and other
In Quick Guide 6: Community-based Orga- urban actors in the larger urban develop-

ment process. Ideally, such agreements There are a number of examples of success-
would be codified in legislation and policies ful partnerships between local governments
that institutionalize the co-production of and CBOs to address urban development is-
plans, interventions and assessments to give sues in Africa (for example access to housing
substantive content to the norms of partici- and infrastructure, urban regeneration and
patory governance. There are a number of waste management), and some of these
concrete policy steps that can be taken to examples are discussed at greater length in
achieve this institutional condition. Quick Guide 6: Community-based Organi-
zations. However, a precondition for sound
One of the principles of any good partner- partnerships is, of course, the existence of
ship is finding a way for each partner to do capable and purpose-driven CBOs on the
what it does best, and letting the others do one hand, and effective democratic local
what they do best, so the parts all add up government on the other.
to a workable whole. This kind of problem-
solving is many-sided, and makes for some
of the best solutions. But partnership takes
time, and can only be developed through Ways for local government
practice and patience. to support community-based
Partnership between governments and poor organizations
communities is relatively new. For govern- There are a number of ways in which local
ment bodies to enter into partnership with governments can support CBOs. In some
communities requires adjustments in atti- cases the support merely involves creating
tudes and mindsets on both sides. But this the space for CBOs to act, while in other
kind of partnership, and the devolution of cases it may require working together ac-
control that it involves, represents a strategy tively with CBOs. We touch on six actions
for governments to achieve genuine decen- that local government can take.
tralization and the full participation of poor
people in the programmes which affect their 2ECOGNIZE AND WORK WITH #"/S,
lives. since they offer a practical way for the
intended beneficiaries of urban devel-

opment programmes to play a central 3UPPORTTHECREATIONANDPARTICIPA-
role in initiatives that will impact on TIONOF#"/NETWORKS at higher levels,
them. because such networks provide hori-
zontal support to individual communi-
3UPPORT COMMUNITY MAPPING AND ties, and opportunities for exchange
ENUMERATIONINITIATIVES as a way for of experience and learning from each
local governments to help build the other. They also create possibilities for
capacity of community organizations, pooling resources. This kind of collabo-
while simultaneously gaining valuable ration provides groups with access to
information that is essential for urban greater financial resources, a greater
planning and urban management pur- sense of solidarity, and enhanced in-
poses. fluence when it comes to negotiating
3UPPORT COMMUNITY BASED SAVINGS with the state and with other actors on
ANDCREDITINITIATIVESin order to assist the urban scene for entitlements and
residents to access more finance from resources. Most importantly, these net-
other sources to improve their living works make it easier for governments to
conditions. (See Quick Guide 5: Hous- engage with community organizations,
ing Finance for more details on com- as they are potentially able to deal with
munity savings and credit, and how lo- a few organizations (or sometimes even
cal governments can support this.) one organization) rather than an array
of fragmented groups.
&ACILITATE LOCAL DEVELOPMENT PART-
NERSHIPS WITH #"/S that go beyond
local government, for example collab-
orative initiatives between community
organizations and other key urban ac-
tors like NGOs, universities, techni-
cal institutions, architects, civil society
groups and private sector operators
which respond to the needs of poor
communities.
0ARTICIPATE IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF
#OMMUNITY $EVELOPMENT &UNDS
that are light, flexible and jointly man-
aged by communities, local authorities
and other stakeholders, and that pro-
vide much needed loans to community
organizations for housing, infrastruc-
ture and income generation. Through
facilitating access to finance, commu-
nity development projects can be initi-
ated, grown and replicated.

BUILDING EFFECTIVE LOCAL
GOVERNMENT IN AFRICA
It is important to bear in mind that the entire land and access to livelihood opportunities
urban development agenda rests on African for the urban poor. This implies a capacity
governments taking the political decision to to drive an integrated approach to develop-
get serious about democratic decentraliza- ment.
tion. Local governments in Africa gener-
ally have severe capacity and resources con-
straints, for example in terms of staff and Integration
finances. Many local government bodies in
Africa have, however, managed to tackle Success with regard to housing and land
their urban challenges through being inno- depends on integrated urban development
vative and willing to engage with other key policy frameworks at national and city level.
stakeholders such as civil society. It is these Ideally, national governments will put for-
trends that give us hope that the under-inward a suite of interrelated policy frame-
vestment by central governments in strong works that seek to link economic growth
sub-national government will soon come to ambitions with inclusive social development
an end. strategies (education, health and housing),
infrastructure investment plans and long-
The most urgent challenge is to sharpen term sustainability targets. Figure 2 illus-
and strengthen national decentralization trates the elements of a national suite of
policy frameworks. Such frameworks must urban development policies.
indicate how the following policy dimen-
sions, identified in the 2008 State of African An URBANIZATION POLICY refers to explicit
Cities Report, will be addressed: “(a) local government policies that seek to define, un-
autonomy from central government; (b) in- derstand and shape the national spatial sys-
stitutionalization of real citizen participation;
(c) capacity building among councillors and
chief officers; and (d) direct election of May- FIGURE 2: ELEMENTS OF AN ENABLING
POLICY FRAMEWORK FOR SUSTAINABLE
ors by residents to make the function less
URBAN DEVELOPMENT AT NATIONAL LEVEL
vulnerable to political manipulation.” 31 In
addition, local governments need to have
sufficient financial resources from a range
of sources; local property taxation can be
particularly important, as in addition to po-
tentially providing access to a reliable source
of revenue, it can help ensure greater au-
tonomy from central government and can
be a development tool in terms of guiding
urban development.
At the heart of this decentralization agenda
is the capacity of local government to func-
tion in a partnership mode, underpinned
by sufficient fiscal resources, and focused
on the developmental priorities of housing,

tem, including the network of cities, towns de facto situation will favour skewed invest-
and rural settlements. Typically, this under- ments to service the middle classes that can
standing informs decisions about where in afford to pay for services, thereby reinforcing
the national territory investments should be urban inequalities and exclusions. Since this
concentrated and focused. National spatial was a tendency promoted during the struc-
frameworks, which are subsets of an urban tural adjustment decades (1980s–2000s),
policy, also inform how migration dynamics it is particularly important to define how a
are understood and managed. more balanced and inclusive approach will
be implemented.
In contrast, an URBAN POLICY reflects how
national governments understand the role of .ATIONAL DECENTRALIZATION policies set
specific cities and towns in the successful ex- out how sub-national governments will be
ecution of national development goals. Typi- structured, financed and empowered to
cally, urban policies will define what needs be the lead agents in driving local develop-
to happen in specific cities and towns with ment processes. The international evidence
regard to various sectoral and meso objec- is emphatic that unless key development
tives pertaining to mobility, housing, educa- functions are devolved to sub-national tiers
tion, health and so on. Put differently, urban of government under the principle of sub-
policies provide perspective on critical issues sidiarity (performing a function at the low-
that need to be addressed within cities, and est level of government that circumstances
will support the efforts of sub-national levels allow), it is impossible to foster effective
of government to elaborate more detailed urban management capacity to address the
policies and strategies for those places. This complex problems of land, housing, ser-
type of policy is informative and comple- vices, inward investment, sustainability and
mentary to more detailed local-level devel- chronic poverty. Decentralization policies
opment policy processes.32 also serve to diffuse competitive dynamics
between sectoral departments and tiers of
It is virtually impossible to populate an urban government, through a sensible division of
policy with strategic content in the absence powers – informed by the various territorial
of a NATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE POLICY. This policies and the infrastructure agenda – and
type of policy framework defines distinctions a sustainable fiscal system that does not
between infrastructure for meeting basic starve sub-national governments but makes
services of households, and connectivity in- them viable and accountable. (The elements
frastructure to enhance the productivity and of effective local government are explored in
competitiveness of economic activity. Good much greater detail in Quick Guide 8: Local
policies also define infrastructure to secure a Government.)
more resilient and renewable environment.
National infrastructure policies spell out a Finally, it is essential that national govern-
satisfactory balance between these catego- ment and other actors at the local level
ries of infrastructure development. This bal- collect and analyze a range of critical sets
ancing act is, of course, particularly difficult of information. Nationally, the government
in low-income countries across Africa, which needs to analyze, as accurately as possible,
are faced with the real dilemma that most demographic dynamics, correlated with eco-
potential beneficiaries of basic services can- nomic dynamics in space, linked in turn to
not afford to pay for these services because data about land-use patterns and infrastruc-
they simply do not have the requisite income tural systems. Similar information must be
or securities. If there is no policy on how collected, but at a finer grain, at the local
these tensions will be addressed, then the level. The model that has emerged in vari-

ous cities around the world is that of Urban tion about what the “state of the city” is, in
Observatories. Good data are important for terms of a range of development indicators,
accurate planning, continuous monitoring and indicates in what ways it falls short of
and, most importantly, informed democratic the normative ideal of a sustainable city that
debate and decision-making. Good data re- can address the housing and land needs of
inforce accountability, which in turn is the all its citizens. It then proposes specific ways
bedrock of legitimacy – a vital asset for dem- and targets for addressing the gap between
ocratically elected politicians. the actual state of the city and the ideal. This
will provide the starting point for sectoral
At the city scale, it is vital that local gov- and multi-sectoral plans (for example human
ernments build up an integrated system of settlement plans, integrated infrastructure
policies and mutually reinforcing decision- investment frameworks, Local Agenda 21,
making systems, to link the vision for the local economic development strategies, or
city with the operational practices of local safety and security plans) that guide the de-
government and other actors who partici- tailed medium-term plans and expenditure
pate in urban politics. Figure 3 provides a projections of the large infrastructure sec-
summary of the elements of a coherent and tors. In other words, an infrastructure plan
comprehensive urban governance and man- cannot simply define its function in terms of
agement system that can pursue sustainable its own sectoral logic, but needs to demon-
urban development with a bias towards the strate how it contributes to closing the gap
urban poor. between the ideal and the current unequal
wIt is beyond the scope of this Quick Guide and exclusionary city. Ideally, the budgetary
to explore all these elements in any detail. and human resource management systems
As is clear, they mimic to some extent the will reinforce this process, and it will all be
aspects of the national urban policy system captured in the strategic planning frame-
that is required, but they are centred on the work.
growth management strategy (GMS) for the Solving the housing and land imperatives in
city. The GMS provides the baseline informa- African cities requires both focus and consis-
tency, as we demonstrate throughout these
FIGURE 3: POLICY AND INSTITUTIONAL DIMEN-
Quick Guides, but it must also be embedded
SIONS OF THE SUSTAINABLE CITY
in a broader institutional system at national
and local level that allows for more effective
SUSTAINABLE URBAN
DEVELOPMENT VISION urban management over the long haul.
It is beyond the scope of this Quick Guide
Governance Strategic spacial to explore all these elements in any detail.
framework planning
As is clear, they mimic to some extent the
aspects of the national urban policy system
Growth management
strategy that is required, but they are centred on the
growth management strategy (GMS) for the
city. The GMS provides the baseline informa-
Participation Growth management
Integrated infrastructure
tion about what the “state of the city” is, in
system strategy
terms of a range of development indicators,
and indicates in what ways it falls short of
the normative ideal of a sustainable city that
Data knowledge platform for
the city-region can address the housing and land needs of

all its citizens. It then proposes specific ways and exclusionary city. Ideally, the budgetary
and targets for addressing the gap between and human resource management systems
the actual state of the city and the ideal. This will reinforce this process, and it will all be
will provide the starting point for sectoral captured in the strategic planning frame-
and multi-sectoral plans (for example human work.
settlement plans, integrated infrastructure
investment frameworks, Local Agenda 21, Solving the housing and land imperatives in
local economic development strategies, or African cities requires both focus and consis-
safety and security plans) that guide the de- tency, as we demonstrate throughout these
tailed medium-term plans and expenditure Quick Guides, but it must also be embedded
projections of the large infrastructure sec- in a broader institutional system at national
tors. In other words, an infrastructure plan and local level that allows for more effective
cannot simply define its function in terms of urban management over the long haul.
its own sectoral logic, but needs to demon-
strate how it contributes to closing the gap
between the ideal and the current unequal

ACT–LEARN–ACT–REFINE–ACT…
This Guide began by suggesting that poorly and engage poor communities, find com-
managed urbanization in Africa has pro- monality and work together respectfully.
duced a housing crisis which is exacerbated This may happen, but it is an improbable
by skewed land markets and the existence scenario. Instead, it is important to under-
of very few formal economic opportunities. stand the necessity and importance of put-
As a consequence, we are left with a situ- ting in place specific mechanisms to force
ation dominated by informal dynamics that all the stakeholders involved in the urban
are difficult to disentangle and regularize. If development process to continuously assess
urban management structures and political whether policies and decisions are being im-
leaders want to eliminate the chronic urban plemented and achieving the desired results.
poverty that bedevils African cities, they The Quick Guide series provides numerous
must put in place a series of measures to ideas for how this can be done, from the
work with the urban poor to solve their cit- moment of engaging communities to estab-
ies’ problems. lishing partnerships and undertaking plan-
ning, and then proceeding to the implemen-
Most fundamentally, this requires a radical tation phase of specific slum upgrading and
mindset change. Instead of seeing slums public housing programmes.
as sources of dysfunction, corruption, vice
and other negative stereotypes, these set- The point is not so much which tools and
tlements, and especially the people who instruments are chosen, but that there is a
inhabit them, should be seen as resilient formal commitment and set of processes to
innovators. Residents are forced to provide collaboratively set targets, monitor perfor-
their own shelter with very little income, and mance, and remedy the situation when de-
without access to a number of public good livery does not match intent. This democrat-
resources coming from the state. And some- ic underpinning, executed by effective CBOs
how it works, even if imperfectly. Thus, for in collaboration with local government and
governments serious about tackling urban various state agencies, is an essential foun-
poverty and slum conditions, their first port dation for success in delivering both housing
of call must be the people who live in these and land that can address the basic and live-
areas, and the organizations that they have lihood needs of the urban majority in Africa
formed to advance their collective interests. cities.
However, it would be naïve to assume that
somehow urban managers will see the light

RESOURCES
REFERENCES
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Earthscan, p. XIII; based on a sample of 37 cities.
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22. Some other factors influencing urban and rural development are political instability, conflicts and
wars as well as HIV/AIDS.
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Social Affairs
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worldbank.org/
29. UN-HABITAT & GLTN (Global Land Tool Network) (2008) Secure Land Rights for All. Nairobi: UN-
HABITAT
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Challenges in Africa. Nairobi: UN-HABITAT, p. 15
32. These distinctions are elaborated in Parnell S & Simon D (2010) National urbanization and
urban policies: necessary but absent policy instruments in Africa. In Pieterse E (ed.) Urbanization
Imperatives for Africa: Transgressing Impasses. Cape Town: African Centre for Cities. Available at
www.africancentreforcities.net

SUGGESTED FURTHER READING
Anzorena E & Fernandez F (2004) Housing the Poor in the New Millennium. Cebu, Philippines:
Pagtambayayong Foundation
Beauchemin C & Bocquier P (2004) Migration and urbanization in francophone West Africa: an overview
of the recent empirical evidence. Urban Studies 41(11): 2245–2272
Bolnik JK, Mabala H et al. (2006) A Pro-Poor Urban Agenda for Africa: Clarifying Ecological and
Development Issues for Poor and Vulnerable Populations. London: International Institute for Environment
and Development
Duranton G (2009) Are cities engines of growth and prosperity for developing countries? In M Spence,
PC Annez & R Buckley (eds) Urbanization and Growth. Washington DC: World Bank
Dyson T (2003) HIV/AIDS and urbanization. Population and Development Review 29(3): 427–442
Fay M & Opal C (1999) Urbanization without Growth: A Not-so-uncommon Phenomenon. World Bank
Policy Research Working Paper No. 2412. Accessed 13 July 2009, http://ssrn.com/abstract=632483
Grant R & Yankson P (2003) City profile, Accra. Cities 20(1): 65–74
Gugler J (1991) Life in a dual system revisited: urban-rural ties in Enugu, Nigeria, 1961–87. World
Development 19(5): 399–409
Hardoy JE, Mitlin D & Satterthwaite D (2001) Environmental Problems in an Urbanizing World. London:
Earthscan
ILO (International Labour Organization) (2007) Key Indicators in the Labour Market. 5th Edition. Geneva:
International Labour Organization
International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) (2003) Rural-Urban Transformations,
Environment and Urbanization 15(1)
Intsiful G (2004) Housing and Urban Development Initiatives as Means Towards the Alleviation of Poverty.
RICS Foundation Our Common Estate Research Paper Series. Accessed 27 March 2009, http://www.rics.
org/NR/rdonlyres/94C6E82F-3F00-4C0D-8A4D-DAD6675190DD/0/Housing_and_urban_development.
pdf
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Review 127(3): 271–292
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perspective. Habitat International 25: 191–208
Kihato CW & Kihato M (2009) Background paper on urbanization in Africa. Prepared for UN-HABITAT,
Nairobi
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Annez & R Buckley (eds) Urbanization and Growth. Washington DC: World Bank
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WEBSITES
Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), www.cohre.org
Environment and Urbanization, the Journal of the International Institute for Environment and
Development (IIED), London, UK. All issues of this journal can be downloaded from the Sage Publications
website, http://sagepub.com
Shack/Slum Dwellers International (SDI), www.sdinet.org
United Nations Human Settlements Programme, www.unhabitat.org
For an annotated list of websites that offer more information about the key issues discussed in this Quick
Guides series, please visit the Housing the Urban Poor website www.housing-the-urban-poor.net and
follow the links to ”Organizations database”.

Quick Guide 1: Urban Africa - Building With Untapped Potential

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The analysis, conclusions and recommendations of the report do not

Cover photo by A Grimard

2 QUICK GUIDES FOR POLICY MAKERS 1 URBAN AFRICA

QUICK GUIDE TITLE

POSITIVE TRENDS ARE DRIVING AFRICAN URBANIZATION 5

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MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT URBAN LIFE

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Reﬂecting back on the last decade, it ciently executed infrastructure investments

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TABLE 2: TYPOLOGY OF SOUTH AFRICAN SETTLEMENTS, POPULATION, ECONOMY

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The primary driver of urbanization is eco- s LARGER CONCENTRATIONS OF CONSUMERS

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TABLE 3: PERCENTAGE OF SLUM DWELLERS IN THREE DEVELOPING REGIONS, 2005 12

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TABLE 4: RURAL AND URBAN POVERTY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA16

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TABLE 5: RURAL AND URBAN POVERTY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA20

Contribution to GDP (%) 17 31 52 17 30 53 19 31 50

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MINDSHIFT: FIVE GOOD

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TABLE 6: EMPLOYMENT IN THE INFORMAL SECTOR IN SOME AFRICAN COUNTRIES 24

Country Coverage Number of people Informal economy

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FIGURE 126: SEGMENTATION OF INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT BY AVERAGE EARNINGS AND SEX

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MINDSHIFT: WORKING TOGETHER

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HOUSING As a fundamental prerequisite for under-

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BOX 2: EVICTIONS IN AFRICA

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 $EVELOP INCREMENTALLY TO REDUCE s 4HIRDLY PUTMOREPUBLICINVESTMENT

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s REASONABLEDURATIONOFRIGHTS appro- The proportion of state ownership versus

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$EVELOP INCREMENTALLY TO REDUCE s 4HIRDLYPUTMOREPUBLICINVESTMENT