Essay Review

Human Development 1998;41:288294

Completing the Construction of the Life Span
Essay Review of Multiple Paths of Midlife Development
1
by Margie E. Lachman and Jacquelyn Boone James (eds.)
Richard M. Lerner
Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Mass., USA
Richard M. Lerner
School of Education
Boston College
Chestnut Hill, MA 02467 (USA)
Fax +1 617 552 0766
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The life-span view of human development that emerged 30 years ago [Baltes, 1968;
Baltes and Schaie, 1973; Goulet and Baltes, 1970; Nesselroade and Reese, 1973; Schaie,
1965], or, perhaps better, reemerged [Baltes, 1979, 1983], has significantly changed the
nature of scholarship about the course of human life. The perspective has promoted
both quantitative and qualitative changes in the substance of the field and in the orien-
tations of the people involved in it.
Scores of scientists have been drawn to study the life span within a framework
emphasizing that the core process of human development involves integrative relations
between the developing individual and the multiple levels of the changing context,
including history, within which he or she is embedded [Baltes, 1987; Elder, 1998; Elder
et al., 1993]. Thus, the focus of empirical analysis within research influenced by a life-
span perspective is relational, systemic developmental change textured by normative,
age-graded ontogenetic change, by normative temporal (historical) change, and by non-
normative life events [Baltes, 1987; Baltes et al., 1980, 1998; Gottlieb, 1992, 1997;
Gottlieb et al., 1998].
Scholars conducting such research have tended to draw on particular sets of quanti-
tative methods [Balte et al., 1977; Nesselroade and Baltes, 1979; von Eye, 1990; von Eye
and Rovine, 1991] and, more recently, qualitative ones [Ostrom et al., 1994; Overton,
1998]. These methodological choices have been legitimated by their link to key concepts
promoted by the life-span perspective [Baltes, 1987; Lerner, 1984; Magnusson, 1988;
Magnusson and Stattin, 1998]. For example, multivariate longitudinal designs, includ-
ing sequential designs, have been coupled with change-sensitive measures, and with
statistical methods useful for appraising multivariate change, in order to study different
cohorts and thus to assess the historically embedded, holistic developmental systems
that frame individual-context relations across the course of life [Baltes and Nesselroade,
1973; Block, 1971; Featherman and Lerner, 1985; Magnusson, 1990, 1995; Magnusson
and Allen, 1983; Nesselroade, 1990; Nesselroade and Baltes, 1974; Schaie et al., 1973;
Stattin and Magnusson, 1990].
1
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1997, 490 pp.
Completing the Construction of the Life Span Human Development
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289
These concepts and methods have been used to expand the number of different
portions of the life span drawing the attention of theorists, researchers, and interven-
tionists. They have resulted in the articulation of important new concepts pertinent to
both age-period-specific and age-general developmental phenomena. And they have
engaged the collaboration of scholars from multiple disciplines scholars attracted to
understanding the dynamics of the person-context system involved in the development
of people and their key social and cultural institutions across the course of ontogeny and
phylogeny. For example, the use of the life-span perspective was associated with a bur-
geoning of the study of aging, both as an area of scholarship meriting greater scientific
attention per se and as an ontogenetic laboratory affording the testing of key concepts
brought to the fore by the life-span perspective, for instance, plasticity [Baltes and
Baltes, 1980; Lerner, 1984]. The life-span perspective drew attention to the dynamism
between growth and decline, between gains and losses, in development [Baltes, 1987;
Baltes et al., 1998]. Finally, and most basically, this perspective advanced the proposi-
tion that development, defined in the dynamic, systems terms of the life-span perspec-
tive, was not just the province of the prenatal, infancy, and childhood periods but was,
in fact, a phenomenon pertinent to all of ontogeny [Baltes, 1987; Baltes et al., 1998].
The contribution of the life-span perspective to the broadening of the ontogenetic
span within which development is studied helped foster the impressive increase in
scholarship pertinent to the adolescent developmental period that has characterized the
human development field for the last two decades [Hamburg, 1974; Lerner and Galam-
bos, 1998; Lerner et al., 1991; Lipsitz, 1977; Petersen 1988]. In addition, scholarship
about aging brought to the field of adolescence concepts that, while honed initially by
theory and research on the latter decades of life, were found relevant to the second,
adolescent decade [Lerner and Galambos, 1998; Lerner et al., 1991; Peterson, 1988].
These include concepts of plasticity, multidirectionality in development, bidirectional
person-concept relations, the dynamism between gains and losses as a generic develop-
mental phenomenon [akin to what Edelman, 1987, describes in regard to neurophysio-
logical development as neural Darwinism], and selective optimization with compensa-
tion [Baltes and Baltes, 1980; Baltes et al., 1998] as a general instance of the integra-
tion of gains and losses.
As an example of the general applicability across life of gain-loss phenomena, con-
sider that the adolescents growth of identity and role-taking skills are integral in career
exploration and choice [Grotevant, 1994; Grotevant and Cooper, 1986, 1988]; adoles-
cents show considerable malleability in their career development [Vondracek et al.,
1986], plasticity that involves the dynamics of their familial relationships [Grotevant
and Cooper, 1988]. To optimally explore multiple pathways of identity development,
this family interaction process must involve an integration of gains in individuation
(separation from parents) with losses of connectedness to parents [Grotevant, 1994;
Grotevant and Cooper, 1986].
Together, these life-span developmental concepts, whether applied to aging or ado-
lescence, illustrate also the key developmental idea of equifinality, that is, that devel-
oping individuals that have different early or initial conditions can reach the same
endpoint and that individuals that share the same initial condition can reach the same
endpoint by different routes or pathways [Gottlieb, 1997, p. 128]. This plasticity in
intraindividual change processes occurs because of the systemic character of develop-
mental change; that is, from a life-span perspective, human development is character-
ized by an increase of complexity or organization that is, the emergence of new struc-
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tural and functional properties and competencies at all levels of analysis (molecular,
subcellular, cellular, organismic) as a consequence of horizontal and vertical coactions
among its parts, including organism-environment coactions [Gottlieb, 1997, p. 90]. As
a consequence, The cause of development what makes development happen is the
relationship of the ... components, not the components themselves [Gottlieb, 1997,
p. 91].
As such, the activity of the person, the relations among the levels of the context
within which the person is embedded, is a key component of the construction of a path
through any period of the life span [Lachman and James, 1997]. Self, others, work (and
other institutions) are involved, as is biology, which is both a product and a producer of
health and stress; both health and stress are, in turn, (a) moderators of interindividual
variation and of intraindividual change in these trajectories, and (b) outcomes of the
person-context relations involved in the construction of these paths.
Accordingly, to fully understand this system of person-context relations that is
involved in human development, scholarship pertinent to the multiple levels of the
person and of his or her ecology must be integrated. Said another way, scholars of the
multiple disciplines pertinent to this system must collaborate in order for the dynamics
of human development to be adequately described, explained, and used to enhance the
course of human life. Across the last 30 years this requirement has been met. Schol-
arship pertinent to the life-span perspective has been marked by collaborations across
disciplines [Brim and Kagan, 1980; Elder et al., 1993; Hetherington et al., 1988; Riley,
1979; Srensen et al., 1986; and see the 12 volumes of the series, Life-Span Development
and Behavior, for instance, Baltes, 1979; Baltes and Brim, 1980; Baltes et al., 1986;
Featherman et al., 1994].
It is the continuation of this integrative, multidisciplinary collaboration that
resulted in the present volume. Based on Brims [1992, p. 171] observation that midlife
is the last uncharted territory of the life course, the book edited by Lachman and James
represents an attempt by scholars working within the context of the life-span perspective
to do for the field of midlife what was done for the field of adolescence: To foster it as a
richly studied period within the life course, one wherein concepts and methods brought
to the fore by a life-span perspective are used to identify the main biomedical, social,
and psychological factors that contribute to good health, personal well-being, and social
responsibility [Colby, 1997, p. ix]. Lachman and James [1997] application of a life-
span developmental perspective to the study of the middle years stands as an exemplar
of the use of this perspective in extending the theoretical and methodological scope of
the field of human development.
Numerous scientific strategies exist to pursue this objective which, in effect, is one
of field building. In the field of adolescence the approach that occurred involved the
launching of several relatively short-term longitudinal studies of the period [Brooks-
Gunn, 1987; Cairns and Cairns, 1994; Lerner and Lerner, 1989; Magnusson, 1995;
Petersen, 1987; Simmons and Blyth, 1987; Stattin and Magnusson, 1990], coupled with
the organization of a new scholarly society (the Society for Research on Adolescence),
and the Societys founding of a journal (the Journal of Research on Adolescence). This
process of field development spanned almost two decades.
The present volume represents an ingenious, collaborative attempt to further the
field of midlife development within a more rapid time frame. As explained by Colby
[1997]:
Completing the Construction of the Life Span Human Development
1998;41:288294
291
This book is the product of a collaborative program of research on middle adulthood cosponsored by
the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Successful Midlife Development (MIDMAC) and
the Henry A. Murray Research Center of Radcliffe College. The purpose of the program was to support
the use of data from the Murray Centers social science data archive for the study of a broad range of
issues relating to midlife development and adaptation [p. ix].
In addition to pursuing these substantive goals, the book constitutes also an experi-
ment in scientific organization based on sustained collaboration across disciplines and
institutions [Colby, 1997, p. ix].
The ingenuity of, and the experiment in, collaboration represented in this volume
was to attract major developmental scholars from different disciplines to explore mid-
life through reanalysis of longitudinal data archived by the Murray Center. If these
longitudinal data sets could be used in fact to generate sound and rich information
about midlife, then the field would be launched in a powerful way (through the scientific
visibility and prestige associated with scholarship conducted under the aegis of the
MacArthur Foundation). This way of launching would also have at least two significant
values for science: (1) Important information would be provided about a neglected area
of the life span in which most people spend the largest number of years of their lives, and
such information could attract other scholars to begin to study this period of develop-
ment. (2) A substantively significant, cost-effective, and efficient means to study midlife
as well as potentially any period of the life span the reanalysis of existing longitudinal
data would be demonstrated.
The Murray Center was an ideal partner for the MIDMAC group in the conduct of
this experiment in field building and collaboration. The Murray Centers approach to
the study of human development is predicated on life-span thinking and thus involves
the belief that longitudinal designs are a necessary tool if we are to understand patterns
of developmental change and the relation of early experiences and conditions to later
outcomes [Colby, 1997, p. x]. In addition, a central purpose of the Murray Center is to
turn data that might otherwise be wasted into a rich and accessible resource for new
research [Colby, 1997, p. xi].
In all senses, the experiment was a clear and highly significant success. An impres-
sive multidisciplinary group of scholars was recruited to use the Murray Center longitu-
dinal archives to appraise midlife development. The result of their work was to bring
new information to bear on key facets of midlife: changes in the self, relations with other
people, health and stress, and the world of work. Together, the chapters of the book
provide a more detailed and nuanced depiction of midlife than heretofore available.
The chapters illustrate the similarities and differences in the midlife experience that
develop as a function of gender, social class, ethnicity, culture, and birth cohort. This is
a new and needed contribution to the literature on midlife development. In other words,
in that all the data sets are longitudinal and, as a set, involve different birth cohorts of
diverse individuals, the scholars contributing to the volume were able to take a develop-
mental perspective sensitive to historical trends and to diversity [Colby, 1997]. Indeed,
the book illustrates the important theoretical and empirical use to which the multidisci-
plinary life-span perspective can be put. The book provides an exemplar of the integra-
tive theoretical vision, methodological acumen, and ground-breaking empirical findings
pertinent to life-span study of adult development and aging, work that has been for-
warded by the key scholarly leaders of this field of scholarship Paul B. Baltes, Gilbert
Brim, Glen H. Elder, David Featherman, John R. Nesselroade, and K. Warner Schaie.
292 Human Development
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As was the case in regard to the field of adolescence, the concepts promoted by the
life-span perspective were found by the researchers contributing to the present volume
to enrich the study of the midlife portion of the life course. For example, the research
reported in the book demonstrates the ideas of plasticity and multidirectionality in
development, in that ... the authors take a view that moves use beyond the hackneyed
debate about whether there is stability or change in different areas of development ... It
is clear that a more fruitful approach is to ask for whom, under what conditions, and for
what aspects of the individual and society there is change and for which stability [Lach-
man and James, 1997, p. 11]. In turn, the equifinality of life-span development is evi-
denced by findings that:
... life history variables do not necessarily play a large role in predicting such midlife outcomes as
well-being and career success. Surely one is not guaranteed a successful midlife because of success at
earlier periods. ... This also suggests that there are multiple roads one can take. There is more than one
route to reach a particular outcome [Lachman and James, 1997, p. 13].
As another example of the use of life-span concepts, Lachman and James suggest
exploration of the question of whether the processes described by Baltes and Baltes
[1980] in their notion of selective optimization with compensation may provide a useful
frame for the study of the multiple relations and resulting paths of the midlife period.
The studies by Lachman et al. [1994] on conceptions of the nature of midlife develop-
ment among young, middle-aged, and elderly adults, and by Brandtstdter and Renner
[1990] on goal pursuit and flexible goal adjustment as a means of coping, may be inter-
preted as illustrating just such selective optimization with compensation processes.
In addition to illustrating the power and scope of the life-span perspective, the
book illustrates why the Murray Center is an invaluable national resource. This book is
a testament to the treasure of empirically rich, theoretically integrative, and method-
ologically innovative scholarship that may be pursued through exploration of its
archives. As Colby [1997] observes:
The volume can be used as a sourcebook for researchers seeking to learn more about the secondary
analysis of longitudinal data, including qualitative data, as well as a sourcebook of current research on
midlife development [p. xii].
This is indeed the case. Across the chapters of the book extensive information is
provided about how to prepare and employ existing data for reuse. This feature of the
book is a key methodological contribution to the literature of human development; it is
pertinent to life-span research focused on any age level.
Lachman and James edited book is a unique and creative addition to the literature
of midlife development and to the methodology of longitudinal research in human
development. The volume provides carefully developed, theoretically important de-
scriptions of how multiple levels of the context contribute to individual and group vari-
ation in midlife trajectories. Indeed, the book constitutes the single most comprehensive
presentation to date of longitudinal data pertinent to the key dimensions of midlife. As
well, the book gives researchers a unique guide to the use of longitudinal archives to
address issues of current scholarly concern. The presence of these two contributions
combine to make this book an invaluable contribution to the field of human develop-
ment.
Completing the Construction of the Life Span Human Development
1998;41:288294
293
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