Enchanted Trees, Sacred Groves,

and Forest Fairies:

A Sampl i ng of Folk Beliefs
Associated wi t h Trees and Forests
Charles P. Castro
r ^ n ^ CMJ j l ^ l h e n was the last ti me you have seen
N * ^ ^ Gflfireflies? Don' t l ook now but I started w i t h
<~i ^Q%r r 2di i s rhet ori cal question to pl ug on the idea
- J that fi refl i es and the subject of this essay,
>A, A A^J f ol k bel i efs, have a number of things i n
common. Fi rst is that we don' t see much of these two
wonderf ul things anymore.
I n the case of f i ref l i es, many bad things have happened
to them: pol l ut i on i n the ai r, for instance, then destruction
of thei r habitat, di srupt i on of their l i f e cycles, dwi ndl i ng
food sources. As f or f ol k beliefs, same probl ems: pol l ut i on
by i ntrusi ve technology, destruction of the sites associated
w i t h thei r use, di srupti on of their f rui t f ul existence by
purveyors of miseducation, di mi ni shi ng number of
believers/practitioners.
I also thought of fi refl i es because, j ust l i ke much of
our f ol k beliefs, they bri ng nostalgia. They evoke images of
those sweet yesteryears when, yes, grass was green and
roses were red and you and I were young and alive and
there was beauty i n the t wi nkl i ng stars and paradise coul d
be f ound underneath the f ri endl y nei ghbor' s guava or
mango trees.
v
When. we get to see firefl ies f l i ckeri ng and cavorting
and swarmi ng the way fi refl i es normal l y do atop some
geri atri c or f l oweri ng t amari nd tree, we woul d believe
among other things that they were the playmates of some
supernormal friends. An d , indeed, i f you were alone and
brave and i n the mi ddl e of the ni ght stared closely and long
enough, the myri ad of f l i ckeri ng t i ny l ights w oul d morph
i nto an evanescent yet qui te distinct f i gure, the likes of the
outl i ne perhaps of a l ong-hai red maiden clad i n f l owi ng
whi te.
Th e a u th o r, a n a ti ve of
N u e va Vizca ya w h o n e w
live s in B aguio C i ty, is a
fo re ste r cu rre n tly ta k in g
gra d u a te co u rse s in
d e ve lo p m e n t co m m u n ica tio n
a n d e n vi ro n m e n ta l stu d ie s
a t U P Los B a n os. H e is
currently employed as
U n i ve rsi ty R e se a rch e r a t
th e Fo re stry D e ve lop m e n t
C e n te r.
1 0 7
APPLICATION OF IKSIN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT
Bel i ef systems are
wi ndows we coul d
use to revi ew our
hi story vi s-a-vi s the
envi ronment and
natural resources -
and mend our
currentl y destructi ve
ways. For i nstance,
they coul d i ndi cate
that thei r ori gi nators
or earl i er advocates,
the earl y Fi l i pi nos,
di d have very deep
respect and l ove for
Mother Farth or
Inang Kaiikasan.
WHY THE CONCERNFOR FOLK BELIEFS?
7 *5^3Q5vfcierearestill remnants of thenotionthat folk
beliefs and. relatedindigenous knowledge
M. Ksystems andpractices (IKSP) haveno
^ SjSscientific basis and arenothing but
K; AAASlguperstitionor stupidconcoctions fit for
gullibledwellers inareas that havenotbeensufficiently
reached by evangelizers, educators, andmodernization.
Increasingly, however, local as well as international
agencies andinstitutions working in theenvironment and
natural resources sector areshowingkeeninterest onIKSP
towhichfolk beliefs belong. Infact, theRioDeclaration
explicitly calls for their respect andrecognition. If this
phenomenonmeans anything, it couldonly bethefact that
we'renowrealizing theimmensevalueof this erstwhile
ignoredtreasuretroveof wisdominimproving all forms of
lifeonPlanet Earth and inincreasing thechances for Planet
Earth-itself tosurvive.
But thegrowingconcern for IKSP may havecomea
littlelate. For onething, thesenuggets of wisdomare
rapidly vanishing, quickly fritteringaway beyond our reach
and far beyond thereachandenjoyment of our children. In
other words, they aregoing... going... going... just like,
well, thefireflies that formedmagical moments in our
youth: Doff t ask mewhy this snapshot appears biased for
indigenous systems. I havebeenruminating or rather
foraging onbelief systems andtraditional practices for
over adecadenow, partly becauseof my inclinations as a
leaf-lover andpartly duetomy involvement insocial
forestry anduplanddevelopment. Among my distillations
arethefollowing:
Belief systems arewindows wecouldusetoreview
our history vis-a-vis theenvironment andnatural resources
andmend our currently destructiveways. For instance',
they couldindicatethat their originators or earlier
advocates, theearly Filipinos, didhavevery deeprespect
andlovefor Mother Earth orInang Kaiikasan.
According toapioneer of environmentalismin the
Philippines, earlier Filipinossuch as theIfugaos andthe
Kalingas of theCordillera, theMaranaos andtheTausogs
1 0 8
ENCHANTEDTREES, SACREDGROVES, ANDFOREST FAIRIES
of Mindanao, andtheswiddencultures of Mindoroand
Palawanhavedevelopedsystemsof ecological adaptation
totheir environment andthat someof thesesuccessful
systemsarestill extant inthePhilippines(Roque, 1988).
"Tliesesystemsof useandmanagement of natural
resources werelearnedthroughempirical testingover
centuries of trial anderror. Wfiilemost of thesehaveno
basis intheoretical science, their meritshavebeen
demonstrated by thestabilityof theecosystems that they
worked. However, themost important feature of these
indigenous systems istheir total integrationwith the
political economyof thesociety. Viesystemof useof
natural resources hasbecomean indistinguishable
component of aseamless cultural fabric."
v
Indigenousknowledgesystemsarepathways we
couldtry inour searchfor ways bywhichhumanbeings
couldliveinharmonywithGod'screationandnot subdue
or exploit naturefor thesakeof short-termmaterial
growth. Theymay beonegoldenkeytowards our finding
solutions or powerful allies tominimize, retard, forestall,
ward off, or evenannihilatehumanity'semerging
nightmares, rangingfromwidespreadfamineandstarvation
toloss of speciesandbiodiversity, todyinglakes and
dryingrivers, todestruction of theozonelayer, toacid
rain.... " Indigenous peopleineverytropical forest region
havedevelopedtraditions of forest restoration, and
management but suchtraditional practices'have not yet
beensystematically examinedas abasisfor sustainable
development bygrowingpopulations, let aloneapromising
tool for conservation. Thelossof suchcultural knowledge
couldproveascostly asthelossof plant or animal
species," (Wolf, 1987)
Indigenousknowledgesystems areremindersthat
indeedordinaryfolksarealsocapableof extraordinary
ideasand, alongwiththeir hinterlandhomes, cannolonger
beconsideredasunattractivebackseat passengers innation-
building. Andtheir continuedpresencemayjust bea
blessingfor uswhohavelearnedtoforget that
conscientiousscientists, academicians, researchers,
development workers, andpolicy-makershavemuch to
learnfromthem. AstheWorldConservationStrategy
(IUCN, 1980) puts it: "Rural communities oftenhave
profoundanddetailedknowledge of theecosystems and
Indigenous
knowledge systems
are pathways we
could try in our
search for ways by
which human beings
could live in harmony
with God' s creation
and not subdue or
exploit nature for the
sake of short-term
material growth.
They maybe one
golden key towards
our finding solutions
humanity' s
nightmares, ranging
from widespread
famine and .
starvation to loss of
species and
biodiversity, to dying
lakes and drying
rivers, to destruction
of the ozone layer, to
acid rain....
109
AP P L I CAT I ON O F I K S fN S U S T A I N A B L E UP LAND DE V E L O P ME N T
Cultural beli efs and
practi ces are
answers of rural
people to lack of
government
attenti on, the dearth
of extensi on
workers, the
i naccessi bi li ty of
development
programs, the
scarci ty of fri endly
NGOs, and the
Mani la-centri c
nature of many
envi ronmental
advocates.
species with which they are in contact and effective ways of
ensuring they are used sustainably. Even when a community
is growing in numbers and is clearly destroying a part of its
environment, it should not be assumed that all this
knowledge has disappeared or become invalid or that the
traditional ways of regulating use have atrophied."
Cultural beliefs and practices are answers of rural
people, the barriotic or sitiotic folks, and even the Baroks
and the Bartolas in the boondocks, to lack of government
attention, the dearth of extension workers, the
inaccessibility of development programs, the scarcity of
friendly NGOs, the Manila-centric nature of many
environmentalists. These bodies Of knowledge, largely
related to the natural environment, are highly adaptive for
human-environment interactions and they often play critical
roles in determining behavioral patterns that, in turn,
affect, modify, and regulate many interactions within the
human ecosystem. In the words of an anthropologist
(Lovelace, 1988) who helped reorient people-focused
forestry programs at the FAO: "Belief systems help human
societies understand the world in which they dwell as well
as other worlds they may believe to exist, and help account
for each society's position and its members' roles with
respect to these worlds. Beliefs and the ideas, emotions,
and motivations that they generate often serve as important
stimuli for a wide range of human behavior that directly or
indirectly affects the environment. Beliefs affect how
humans position and organize themselves within, and with
respect to, the landscape. Tlicy also affect human decisions
to exploit, and how, when, and to what degrees these
should be occupied or exploited."
WHAT WE HAVE
t me take you down memory lane....to what
pes of tree-associated or forest-related folk
eliefs used to be with us or at least within
ur reach. A few words of caution though:
jFirst, depending on which side of the fence
you stand, some of themmay be outright
funny. Some ridiculous. Some naive, some even seemingly
stupid. And yet, some are also ingenious. Some are
products of common sense. Some are very useful. Some are
very wise and wonderful.
llO
ENCHANTEDTREES, SACREDGROVES, ANDFOREST FAIRIES
I listedfivecategoriestoclassify our listingof the
belief systems: 1) belief intheDivinepresence, 2) belief
insacredsites, 3) belief incritical hours, 4) belief in
hauntedplaces, and5) belief inunfit or disfavoredtrees.
1. Belief intheDivinePresence
Inmany forest communities, theDivineisoftenseenasa
pervasive, diffusespirit present throughout thecosmos, the
earth, andnatural phenomena. Thisbelief isvery common
throughout Southeast Asia, particularly amongtribal
societies. It hasledmany peopletoviewor perceivenature
not asarawmaterial for humanconsumptiontobe
manipulatedinwhatever way peoplechoosebut asanentity
filledwithspirit presenceand, assuch, must berespected.
AmongtheT'boli of Mindanao, McDonagh(1986)
reportsthat "eachriver, treeor mountainhasitsown
spirit." Andjust liketheAmericanIndiansof yesteryears,
muchof theT'boli religiousritual isthusgearedto
pleasingor appeasingsuchspirits. Thepeopleareintent on
attractingtheblessingsof thegoodspiritsandwardingoff
destructionfromtheevil ones. "Cosmic phenomenalike
eclipses, andnatural destructivephenomenalike
earthquakesandtyphoons, areseenaspunishment for
encroachingonthedomainof thespiritsby alteringthe
natural worldsignificantly." Insuchcases, eventhesimple
matter of cuttingdownatreedemandstheappropriate
ritualstorecognizetherightsof thespirit world.
Inasimilar vein, JunePrill-Brett (1986) tellsthat
Bontok villagersviewtheir Cordilleralandasagift from
theentutong-cho("theoneinthehighest"). Tothemlandis
thesourceof all life: "It belongstonooneor toeveryone."
Thusthey havereverencefor it. "Theluta(soil) isinvoked
duringoath-swearingrituals(sapata) whenever apersonis'
accusedof, acrimewheretherearenowitnessesandthe
spiritsof thedeadareinvokedtowitnessandpunishthe
wrongdoer."
Someyearsback, I happenedtojoinahikingtripto
thesecondhighest mountainof thePhilippines, Mount
RuloginKabayan, Benguet. Inonetiny villageontheway
APPLICATIONOF IKS mSUSTAINABLE UPLANDDEVELOPMENT
Among the T' boli of
Mindanao, " each
river, tree or
mountain has its
own spirit. " Andj ust
like the American
Indians of
yesteryears, much of
the T' boli religious
ritual is thus geared
to pleasing or
v appeasing such
spirits. The people
are intent on
attracting the
blessings of the good
spirits and warding
of f destruction f rom
the evil ones.
up, our group of Manila- andBaguio-basedmountain
enthusiasts (or ecotourists,.if youmay) wasadmonishedby
anelderlyKalanguyawhospokeinIlocano: "Mapankayu
ngempangngaasiyu ta dikayu aglalaaw" (Gobut please
don't makenoise). Themountain, thesenior uplander said,
ishometotheIgorot godKabuniananddesecratingit may
bringuntowardincidents totheclimbers aswell astothe
adjoininguplandcommunities.
Inher book, Peasants intheHills, VioletaLopez-
Gonzaga(1983) describedwhy, unlikemost migrant damu-
ong(lowlanders) whoseland-speculationandcattle
ranchinghavepushedtheindigenouspeopleof Mindoro to
takerefugeintheremoteuplands of theisland, Buhid
Mangyanswiddencultivatorshavenot beensokeenon
exploitingvast areas of Mindoro'sforest lands for their
subsistence. Accordingtoher, theBuhidconsider landas
"mostly afreeandunlimitedgoodtobeextractedfromthe
forest, but theyuseit withrestraint anddeferencetothe
complex of spiritual powersthat traditionallydominatethe
Buhid'suniverse."
Amongsuchspiritual forces isonethat hashuman
attributes, theafu-daga. Thisspirit isthought tohavedirect
control of theBuhidworldandhisactsaremanifest in
physicallyobservablephenomenasuchassoil erosion
(believedtobetheresult of thespirit'sownswiddening
activities) andearthquakes or floods(believedtobeafu-
daga'sexpressionof wrathover man'sfailuretoupholdthe
moral order). Thoughtheafu-dagamay beinfuriated, the
Buhidstill conceiveof himastheir turok (literally"support
post"), believedtobecapableof dispensinggoodtopeople
andwithholding duwat, that is, anythingthat isbad,
wicked, destructive, or upsettingthebalanceof theBuhid's
physical universesuchasstarvation, war, sickness, or
death.
2. Belief inSacredSites
Thiscategory issimilar tothebelief inDivinepresencebut
refersmoretoplacesconsideredastaboo. Inthiscase, the
areas mquestionareutilizedfor special purposes pr
occasionsonlyandunwarrantedintrusionsmayinvitethe
ireof lesser but still quitepowerful spirits or deities
dwellinginthem.
______
EN C H A N T ED T R E E S, SA C R E D G RO V ES, A N D FO REST FA I R I ES
Prill-Brett (1986) says that among the Bontok,
specific localitieswithin the village territory are considered
sacred. One is thepapatayan ("where sacrifices are
offered"), agroup of pine trees above the village where
rice cultivation rituals are performed on village rest days.
The guardian spirits of the village who reside here
communicate aprognosis on village welfare through the
butchering of sacrificial animals and the reading of their
bile sacsand gall bladders. Cutting trees or even branches
from diis site, Prill-Brett says, is punishable by fines and
supernatural sanction, the latter usually invoked.
Also located above the village, she says, is asacred
grove for weather ceremonies (peray). "Whenever storms
hit the village with winds strong enough to damage rice
crops, aceremony is performed at this site by the village
\ hereditary priest (pumapatay). This ceremony is believed to
stop the strong winds and calmthe storm." A third sacred
grove is located above the entrance of the village, and this
is for feast of merit and fertility (chuno), provided to the
village by upper-ranking families.
I n certain parts of Northeastern Thailand, there is a
similar belief in village guardian spirits. Rathakette et ai.
(1985) wrote of the belief in the existence of the phi pu ta
spirits in certain wooded areas. "// is considered taboo to
exploit, modify, or remove anything fromsuch sacred
groves. Not even a leaf litter could be taken away and
neither grazing nor hunting is permitted. Ignoring the taboo
invites supernatural punishment by ghosts and other
nefarious deities, and disaster is believed to ensue.
Unintentional breaking of the prohibition requires the guilty
to expiate the moral crime by requesting a diviner to
K
conduct special prayers and offerings to the spirit
ancestors." The authors say that prohibiting the
exploitation of such areasresulted in the preservation and
protection of many undisturbed patches of forest vegetation
in various parts of Northeast Thailand.
Among the Buhid Mangyan, certain forest groves,
unusual tree formations, and burial sites, frequently in tiie
densest part of the forest, are rigorously avoided both for
swiddening and settlement (Lopez-Gonzaga, 1983). I t is
believed that human encroachment on these areaswould
unleash the maleficient forces.
The bel i ef i n the
presen ce of the
Di vi n e i n wooded
areas i s very common
throughout
Southeast Asi a,
parti cul arl y amon g
tri bal soci eti es. It has
fed man y peopl e to
vi ew or percei ve
n ature n ot as a raw
materi al for human
con sumpti on to be
man i pul ated i n
whatever way peopl e
choose but as an
en ti ty fi l l ed wi th
spi ri t presen ce an d,
as such, must be
respected.
X X 3
APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT
In addi ti on to
wooded areas and
spri ngs, there are
other si tes
consi dered to have
sacred or ethni cally
vi tal associ ati ons
and are therefore left
relati vely unmolested
by i ndi genous people.
These i nclude
mountai n peaks,
tri bal hunti ng
grounds, places of
worshi p, tri bal
boundari es, and si tes
where sacri fi ci al
food and dri nk are
offered to ancestor
spi ri ts.
I recently had the privilege of conversing with
Yaom Sumbad (one of the key actors in Lopez-Gonzaga's
book cited earlier). He confirmed the existence of such
practice not only among the Buhid but also among the other
Mangyan groups in Mindoro.M/tg Ubingang Mangyan'ay
sari-sari. Merong ilalagay'sa puno na di abot ng hay op at
hinahayaang maagnas. Meron ding binabakuran. Sa mga
Hanunoo, ililibing at pagkatapos ng anim na buwan
huhukayin at dadalhin sa kuweba."
The Buhid leader also revealed that sacred sites are
not confined to forests. He warned that forest spirits also
dwell in springs: "Ang paniniwala namin sa taong-gubat,
yung di nakikita, ay nandoon din sila sa triga bukal. Ang
sabi ay huwag umihi o twnae sa bukal. At magpasintabi ka
sa kanila. Tabi-tabi! Makikiraan... Kung iihian o taehan
mo ang mga ito, ang mangyayari ay babalikan ka nila at
magkakasakit ang ari mo." (Yaom Sumbad, pers. comm.,
1995)
In addition to wooded areas and springs, there are
other sites considered to have sacred or ethnically vital
associations and are therefore left relatively unmolested by
indigenous people. These include mountain peaks, tribal
hunting grounds, places of worship, tribal boundaries, and
sites where'.sacrificial food and drink are offered to
ancestor spirits. In Abra, the Banao, Gubang, and Mabaka
tribal people maintain what they call lapat which are either
forests where no human activities are to be done or streams
where no fishing is allowed (Bernard Balansi and Jeremias
Tiggangay, pers. comm., 1995). The lapat is said to be an
age-old practice in Abra as well as in the adjoining
province of Apayao to limit.irresponsible use of natural
resources (see Box 1).
In Barlig, Mountain Province, terrace farmers
consider it taboo to convert kaka-iw (ancestral woodlots)
and hunting grounds into payyu (ricefields) no matter how
suitable these wilderness areas are for growing rice (Delia
Fiadchongan-Castro, pers. comm., 1995). This respect is
the same as that accorded to family burial sites which are
often located in steep slopes.
ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES
Box 1
ISNEGS DECLARE LAPAT TO CONSERVE NATURAL RESOURCES
by Candido J. Tuscano
THE FIRST strains of the Apayao hymn which was written and composed by Dr. Maryann A.
Soriano read:
Verdant are your mountains
How bountiful your fields and plains
Full of life your rivers clear
O Apayao, we hold you dear.
r
The hymn aptly describes the serenebeauty and pristine environment of the province of
Apayao as well as her bountiful natural resources.
The people of Apayao, particularly the Isnegs, have continued to nurture and conserve their
resources which for generations have provided themmost, i f not all, of their basic needs.
The Isnegs are the dominant or major ethno-ILnguistic group in the province who have,tilled
the land and nurtured its resources following the traditional rules and laws which ha^e kept such
resources as bountiful as ever. One of theserules was to declare any resource as aqapaty'
According to Ramon C. Basan, a former mayor of Kabugao, the capital of ApSyao, and the
Provincial Tribal Chieftain who, at the age of 84, is the oldest living Isneg in Kabugao, lapat
:) literally means a territory declared to conserve the resources within. It is a culture of the Isnegs
usually practiced when a member of thefamily dies.
Basan related that during theburial, the dead person's family declares a creek, river, forest,
or fruit tree and others as their lapat for one year or a maximumof two years.
=) When any of these places has been declared as lapat, nobody is allowed to catch fish, gather
forest products, and hunt wildlife or pick fruits until the period of thelapat lapses. Anybody caught
fishing, gathering forest products and hunting wildlife in the area is punished in accordancewith
the culture.
The venerable Basan said the violators of thelapat will be meted out adusa (penalty) or fine
which consists of not less than PI,000 or any material of value such as gusi Oar) or blanket the
value of which should not be less than PI ,000.
According to Basan, during the lapat period, the species in the area declared as lapat
increased in population, hence these species are conserved. Thus, the population of the species
remained at sustainable levels.
This traditional practice of the Isnegs helped conserve the environment and natural resources /
in the area.
After the lapat period, Basan said, a ritual followed wherein the lapat sign will be taken
down. But not anybody not even the members of thefamily can just remove thelapat sign.
Basan said the concerned family will hire somebody to do that usually a brave warrior who is
known to havekilled a person before.
During the ceremony, the warrior will have to informthe people how many persons he had
killed and where, so that they will know i f he was fit to remove thelapat sign and to declare that
the resources therein may again be used by the family.
The warrior and the family will share in the expenses for the .celebration which normally
consisted of the butchering of animals, playing of gongs, and dancing.
The w.hole community is invited to join the celebration. For the traditional dance, only those
to be selected by the warrior can join in. After all the rituals, the warrior and a member of the
family shall embrace in front of the people to signal the end of the lapat.
Once thelapat has ended, thefamily can now use the resources for their needs.
Old man Basan said that the lapat is a very important cultural practice which should be
practised by more people becauseit is very effective in conserving and preserving the resources
and environment in Apayao.
[Source: Baguio Midland Courier, Vol. X LI X , No. 39, Sept. 29, 1996]
115
APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT
" Ang paniniwala
namin sa taorig-
gubat, yung di
nakikita, aynandoon
din si/ a sa mga
bukal. Ang sabi ay
huwag umihi o tumae
sa bukal. At
magpasintabi ka sa
kanila. Tabi-tabi!
Makikiraan... Kung
iihian o taehan mo
ang mga ito, ang
mangy ay an ay
babalikan ka nila at
magkakasakit ang ari
mo."
Yaom Sumbad,
Mangyan leader
3. Belief in Critical Hours
Many rural communities in the Philippines consider certain
times of the day usually high noon and twilight as
sacred and/or critical. During such hours, it is taboo to go
outdoors, build a fire in the fields, or engagein noisy and
vigorous activities. Thebelief is that spirits are active and
prone to doing harm to human beings during such times.
I recall how in my boyhood days in Dupax del Sur,
Nueva Vizcaya, old women restrained us hyper-kinetic
boys from doing raucous outdoor activity and using our
slingshots during agmatuon (literally "time when the sun is
directly overhead"). The fear is that we kids would harm or
be harmed by themarmarna (roving spirits) or thedi- .
makitkita (unseen beings) who are believed to roam aplenty
at high noon. I 'm not surei f such a belief was intentionally
nurtured to ensurepeaceful and worry-free siesta for the
hispanized farmfolk. What I now do know is that, at least
in my case, many abayyek (tadpole) in the carabao pond,
many atuwwato (dragonfly) along the mountain trail, many
apirruka (Philippine bulbul) in the bignay tree, and many a
Y-shaped guava twig in thebangkag (vegetable farm) have
been spared from somenaughty kids' itchy hands due to
their mothers' enforcement.of "curfew" precisely during
such hours when the invitations of thekite-friendly wind in
the meadow and thedalag and bukto in the crystal-clear
river and the softness of the carpet of grass in thehills and
the cicadas atop the fruit-laden trees would be at their most
irresistiblepitch!
Such prohibitions would be observed most during
Lenten season or thereabouts. Thus, no matter how terribly
taunting nay, seducing were the love calls'of the
alimuken (wild dove) or thekilyawan (oriole) or even the
despisedtsakuk (cuckoo), the good boys among us had to
make do wi th our shareof husking the corn, shelling the
peanuts, drying the tobacco leaves, baby-sitting kid sisters,
or shooing away the neighbor's hen and her dozen chicks
from ruining the newly sown tomato seeds. I f we happened
to be in theuma (upland farm) or in the ricefieids, we
would be expected to havetaken the carabaos to their
favorite mudhole or bamboo-shaded "parking lot" by then.
Then wewould j oin the old folks in thekalapaw (farm hut)
to while away thewitching hour often by nursing one's
1 1 6
ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES
leech bites or squeezing out kwantung spines lodged in
somebody else's unlucky foot. All the while, we would be
forced to listen to a litany of parently reminders (almost
always with reference to our Olympian slingshot skills) the
likes of: Why don't you go after the uwak (crow) that .
raided the ripe papaya and the banana instead of the
meatless, harmless and sweet-singing sitsitik (sunbird)?
Why not'go pull the barsanga (a weed) or bain-bain
(makahiya) off the upland rice in the uma instead of
combing the cogon hills all day for pugo (quail) nests? And
why not learn how to make ratna (fish trap) or weave
pasiking (rattan backpack) instead of challenging the kids in
the ballasiw (other side of the river)?
The same curfew would be imposed at dusk when
the night cicadas start to sing and it is time to inventory the
chickens up in the tamarind or caimito trees and to kindle
the earthen stoves for supper. In case we needed to go out
to urinate or to dump rubbish in the abandoned tupig pit,
we would caution the spirits by saying "bari-bari...,"
"kayu-kayo..." or "tabi-tabi...." And when we would eat
outdoors at noon or at night, we would remember to invite
the unseen beings by saying "Mangantayo, apo..." -
od'.erwise we would contract stomach ache or some such
trouble.
Prill-Brett (1986) relates a similar belief in critical
hours among the Bontok Igorot: "Tixere are designated
times of the day, from 11 AM to noon and from 5:30 PM to
6:30 PM, that are believed to be dangerous for walking
mountain trails. These designated times are dusk and the
hottest part of the day, times when malevolent spirits that
push people over the mountainsides are believed to be
roaming around." Beliefs like these, Prill-Brett says, ait
based on "the assumption that for activities there is a
proper time and place to be observed and respected in order
to be in harmony with the supernatural beings in the area.
The said belief is the Bontok's way of structuring their
relationships with the environment, since.they perceive
themselves to be sharing the land with these supernatural
beirigs who hold them responsible for the stewardship of
the land.
retrospect, it would appear now that many forest
areas have been spared from despoliation as a positive
The bel i ef i n cri ti cal
hours i s the Bontok' s
way of structuri ng
thei r rel ati onshi ps
wi th the
envi ronment, si nce
they percei ve
themsel ves to be
shari ng the l and wi th
these supernatural
bei ngs who hol d
them responsi bl e for
the stewardshi p of
the l and.
117
A P P L I C A T I ON OF I K S IN S U S T A I N A B L E UP L A N D DE V E L O P ME N T
Rural communities
stil l harbor tal es of
groves and fiel ds
and other spots that
are best avoided
because of the ugl y
and sinister deities
bel ieved to dwel l in
them. Many
geriatric trees and
patches of
wil derness areas
have thus been
spared until recentl y
from the l ogger' s ax
or from l and
specul ators because
of such bel ief
systems.
result of the reprieve brought about by such belief in sacred
or critical hours. I f summed over the years, those
seemingly insignificant idle times would have otherwise
been used for frenetic activity of chopping trees, making
kaingin, hunting, poaching, and grassland burning, among
other forms of forestland use. In the pine forests of the
Cordillera in particular, the forbidden noonday walks on
mountain trails would have otherwise caused a lot of forest
fires.
4. Belief in Haunted Places
One can easily dismiss the age-old belief in ghosts, spirits
and supernatural beings as figments Of imagination made
tenable by generation after generation of telling and
retelling as bedtime stories for children. But as it is, rural
communities still harbor tales of groves and fields and other
spots that are best avoided because of the ugly and sinister
deities believed to dwell in them. Many geriatric trees and
patches of wilderness areas have thus been spareduntil
recently from the logger's ax or from land speculators
because of such belief systems.
In his book Boyhood in Monsoon Country, the .
essayist Maximo D. Ramos (1975) gave a list of the more
popular creatures said to dwell in trees in the rural areas of
Zambales. One is thekai-baan who is said to look like a
three-year-oid child, has a fair skin and a treasure of long
hair "flowing like corn silk," and chooses the bagbagutot
shrub {Phyllanthus reticulatus) as its favorite abode. This
fellow is said to be a generous friend but quite vindictive
when harmed by careless folk. It is believed to be capable
of causing sore eyes, a wry mouth, and black and blue
spots on the skin.
Also mentioned by Ramos are the agbarbarangay
who sail the air in fleets at night, and anchor their boats to
the top of large trees. They are said to invite whoever is
brave enough to go for a ride and the mediumwould then
be told specific wild roots or herbs to cure the village's
common diseases, after which he would be left up in the
tree where his folks would find himpeacefully asleep the
next day.
JUL&
ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES
Other creatures Ramos described are the pugot (also
calledlanib or kapre), thesantilmo, theagkarkarison, and
a headless black creature that could assume a variety of
sizes, fromthat of an infant to a giant the size of a big tree.
" These beings are said to do nothing but evil. TJie moment
a man trespassed their haunts they would try to frighten
him out of his wits, or sometimes they would carry him up
to the crotch of the tree they lived in and kill or leave him
there."
For precautions against these tree-dwelling evil
beings, Ramos Says the best thing to do is never to get near,
much less touch, big trees with oblong leaves such as the
balete(Ficus balete) or the bangar {Sterculia foetida) or the
bulala, for these are the domicile of the kapre and pugot.
"The sameprohibition holds for any termite mound where
a blade of grass never grows and a fallen leaf never lingers.
Such a mound is certain to be the footstool of thepugot or
lanib. It is also the favorite entrance and egress of the
dwarfs into and out of their underground world."
Ramos also pictured thesinanlakay andsinanbaket,
semblances of an old man and an old woman, respectively.
He said they are demons garbed in black clothes and
haunted trees near cemeteries or deserted lots grown over
with shrubs and trees. The old man is said to sometimes
wear a soutane and is thus calledsinampade, or semblance
of a priest.
Don't get the impression though that tree-dwelling
spirits are the monopoly of Ilocano-speaking provinces. A
more recent book by the same author, The Creatures of
Midnight (Ramos, 1990), lists about 85 such creatures.
The said creatures are scattered throughout the Philippine
archipelago and a number have Ilocano as well as Tagalog,
Zambal, Pangasinan, Ibanag, Dikol, Tausug, Visayan, and
Zamboangan names. Interestingly, except for those
believed to dwell in aquatic ecosystems, majority of the
creatures inventoried by Ramos have somediing to do with
trees or forests.
The belief in benevolent and maleficient spirits
dwelling in nature -- in trees, rocks, streams, forests, and
mountains is also said to be strong among the Manuvu
(Manobo) people of Central Mindanao. In an essay, the
The bel i ef i n
benevol ent and
mal efi ci ent spi ri ts
dwel l i ng i n nature -
i n trees, rocks,
streams, forests, and
mountai ns i s al so
sai d to be strong
among the Manuvu
(Manobo) peopl e of
Central Mi ndanao.
119
APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT
In the remote upl and
vi l l ages of
Mankayan-, Benguet,
peopl e take
precauti ons when
they get near certai n
bi g rocks and deep
porti ons of mountai n
streams. Such pl aces
are bel i eved to be
guarded by a
tumungaw (unseen
dwel l er) or a pinten,
respecti vel y. In the
case of bi g rocks,
you must refrai n
from touchi ng them.
For the deep ban-aw,
you must fi rst gentl y
warn the resi dent
pinten by throwi ng
pebbl es on the water
before you di p or
swi m.
anthropologist E. Arsenio Manuel (1977) wrote that the
Manuvu have this belief due to their pervasive faith in the
"duality of existence", that is, of the physical body and the
spiritual double. The Manuvu also believe in superior gods
and lesser deities who dwell in the skyworld and the
earthworld and whose favors are sought for success in
agricultural work, fishing, hunting, recovery from illness,
or protection and victory in war.
I n the remote upland villages of Mankayan,
Benguet, people take precautions when they get near certain
big rocks and deep portions of mountain streams (Michael
Dapdapig, pers. com., 1995). Such places are believed to
be guarded by atumungaw (unseen dweller) or apinten,
respectively. I n the case of big rocks, you must refrain
from touching them. For the deepban-aw, you must first
gently warn the resident pinten by throwing pebbles on the
water before you dip or swim.
Curiously, among today's relatively urbanized
Filipinos, the belief in haunted areas still exists -- yes, even
in what Sylvia Mayuga (1995) has termed the "stunted,
monoxide-coated trees of Manila." A case in point is Balete
Drive in Quezon City which, in addition to its actual line of
balete trees, is said to be occasionally avoided by motorists
especially on moonlit nights because of a "white lady" who
becomes one's surprise passenger but later disappears when
confronted.'In" Jalajala, Rizal, the barangay folks of
Pagkalinawan talk of their avoiding a mountain spring in
the upper reaches of the village. This is because the place is
believed to be haunted by spirits who have the power to
increase or decrease the volume of water flowing out of the
spring when provoked (Daylinda Cabanilla, pers. com.,
1988).
Somewhere in the northern edge of Narvacan,
Ilocos Sur, is ahill called Bantay Tirad. Franklin Cabaluna
(1977) writes that onthe hill's slopes are luxuriant
grasslands where deer and other game abound and where
deep and perpetually gushing springs attract animals
seeking watering holes. Townsfolk, especially hunters, are
reportedly wary of the place - thus for a time resulting in
its pristine state because it is believed to be inhabited by
nymphs and other enchanted creatures.
E NCHANT E D T R E E S , S ACR E D G R O V E S , AND F OR ES T F AI R I E S
More recently, there have been accounts of
"mysterious coincidences" in the Dolores, Quezon part of
Mount Banahaw related to the electrification plans for
Kinabuhayaft, a famous pilgrimage site largely kept serene
tree-covered and tourist-attractive by members of the
Samahan Tres PersonaSolo Dios (Mayuga, 1995). These
mysteries include the effective intercession of the DENR in
the environmentalist people's protest against the cutting of
trees by Meralco to pave the way for posts and power
cables after going to court and other such legal means of
seeking redress proved futile:
This is not the first time, however, that such
phenomena occurred. Mayuga cited an account recorded in
Fr. Vicente Marasigan's Banahaw Guru: Symbolic Deeds
of Agapito I llustrisimo: "In 1940... an increasing number
of pilgrims and excursionists to Kinabuhayan spring had
begun to show commercial possibilities that tempted a
business syndicate well connected with the municipal and
provincial governments to plan a swimming pool resort
around the spring of resurrection. Tres Persona,
technically squatters on national park land, would have to
go. Suddenly the spring dried up and returned after the
plan was abandoned, flowing until 28 years later when the
old plan was resurrected. Again, the same thing happened.
TJtat last time was 1968.... Since then, government and big
business have left Kinabuhayan pretty much alone, even
when 7,283 hectares of Banahaw watershed were handed
. over to NAPOCOR management by Marcos' P.D. 1111,
creating the Makiling-Banahaw Geothermal Reservation in
the energy crisis of the mid-70s."
5. Belief in Unfit or Disfavored Trees
In addition to balete trees and their haunted relatives, there
are certain species that are left unmolested where they are
for one reason or another. The unwitting in situ
preservation of these plants has certainly helped keep the
micro-environment of other trees, including the birds,
insects, and other wildlife that they harbor, in top form. In
many senses then, the belief is a boon for advocates of
biodiversity conservation, the protection of rare or
Uireatened flora and fauna, and the maintenance of
wilderness areas to serve as refuge and feeding sites for
wildlife as well as source of planting materials for forest
regeneration or rehabilitation efforts.
There have been
accounts of
" mysteri ous
coi nci dences" i n
Mount Banahaw
rei ated to the
el ectri fi cati on pl ans
for Ki nabuhayan, a
famous pi l gri mage
si te l argel y kept
serene, tree-covered
and touri st-attracti ve
by members of the
Samahan Tres
Persona Sol o Di os.
These mysteri es
i ncl ude the effecti ve
i ntercessi on of the
DENR i n the
envi ronmental i st
peopl e' s protest
agai nst the cutti ng of
trees by Meral co --
after l egal means of
seeki ng redress
proved futi l e.
X25X
APPL I CATI ON OP I KS I N SU STAI NAB L E U P L AND DE V E L OP M E NT
For obvious reasons, themost avoided trees in the
Philippines arethecentury-old trees. They may beacacia
trees(Albizia saman), mangoes(Mangifera indica),
tamarinds (Tamarindus indicus), or kalumpang (Sterculia
foetida). They areavoided not as trees per sebut because
of their big, gnarled shapes, believed to bean indicator that
somespirits dwell in them. I f thesetrees happen to be
found in cemeteries or in thepatio of Spanish-period
churches, themorepeoplebecomewary of them.. No one
would normally lay theax or thechainsaw on their trunks,
and neither would onevolunteer to beleft aloneunder their
boughs at night (seeBox 2).
In thecoastal towns of Western Pangasinan, for
instance, unmarried women arecautioned not to get near
big mango trees especially if they areunescorted and i f the
trees areladenwith fruit. The trees aresaid to bethe
hideouts of thepugot, amalesupernatural being that has a
strong penchant for courting women and waylaying them
for several days (Dante Pecson, pers. comm., 1990).
Similarly avoided in the areaarethemabolo trees
{Diospyros philippinensis), believed to harbor hideous
beings called lampong.
Box 2
PHI LI PPI NE TREES BELI EVED TO BE HAUNTED
L O C A L NA ME S C I ENT I F I C NAME
Acacia, Akasya, Raintree Albizia saman (formerly Samanea saman)
Achuete, Appatot, Anatto Dixa orellana
Balete, Strangler Fig Ficus baleie
Bangar (Ilocano), Kalumpang (Tagalog) Sterculia foetida
Binuang Octomeles sumatrana
Bitaog, Palo Maria Callophyllum innophyllum
Bulala Nephelium philippinensis
Mabolo, Kamagong Diospyros phitipphiensis
Manggn, Mango Mangifera indica
Narra Pterocarpus indicus
Sampaiok, Salamagi, Tamarind Tamarindus indicus
Tuai, Tiwwi Biscofia javanica
X2S25
ENCHANTED T R E E S , S ACR E D G R O V E S , AND F O R E S T F AI R I ES
I n the more remote upland villages of Mankayan,
Benguet, residents are wary of thetiwwi trees {Biscofia
javanica). People are cautioned not to cut the species or
even urinate, under themlest thetumungaw will be offended
andwill bring harmto the guilty. There have been
persistent accounts of trespassers gettingi l l and freed from
thetumungaw's punishment only after their kin offered
chicken and blankets (Michael Dapdapig, pers. comm.,
, 1995). This probably explains why in many parts of the
/Cordilleras you get to see a number of large broad-leaved
/ trees standing tall over the needle-leafed pine trees - many
Lof themaretiwwi saved by people's belief in tree-residing
spirits.
The presence of fireflies in trees, be they young or
old, has also proved useful in protecting precious patches
of trees. I n many towns I 've been to, fireflies have become
indicators not only of the presence of unpolluted air but
also of the existence of powerful spirits. Any tree that
flickers with fireflies at night almost always becomes a
candidate for exemption from the ax of cautious loggers.
This is because of the popular belief that fireflies are
associated with fairies(diwata), enchantresses (enkantada),
and other supernatural beings. Trees harboring these
luminescent beetles are thus consciously avoided. Even
their adjoining vegetation or the smaller trees and shrubs
under themare also often included as part of the taboo for
tree harmers. At times too, birds, lizards and other animals
dwelling in themare secured from undue harm.
There are, of course, certain trees that are spared by
loggers not because of the belief in the supernatural but
more because of the allegedly "bad" characteristics that
such trees have. For example, in some parts of Mindanao,
particularly Agusan, visitors would still be treated to sights
of giant trees (over 100 centimeters in diameter and taller
than the tallest coconut palms) standing as lone sentinels
along the highway or in the middle of flat fields. These
trees are cajled toog(Combretodendron quadrialatum).
They were unwittingly left as evidence of Mindanao's
glorious past as timber country not so much for the logger's
adherence to somebelief systems but because such trees
belong to die "unfit" or "unwanted" category. The toog
trees are said to contain certain substances that would easily
dull and/or bring rust to the ax or saw, not to mention die
wood's toughness against ordinary carpentry tools.
The presence of
fi refl i es i n trees, be
they young or ol d,
has proved useful i n
protecti ng preci ous
patches of trees.
Fi refl i es have become
i ndi cators not onl y of
the presence of
unpol l uted ai r but
al so of the exi stence
of powerful spi ri ts.
Any tree that fl i ckers
wi th fi refl i es at ni ght
al most al ways
becomes a candi date
for exempti on from
the axe of l oggers,
because of the bel i ef
that fi refl i es are
associ ated wi th
fai ri es and other
supernatural bei ngs.
2U253?
AP P L I CAT I ON OF I K S IN S U S T A I N A B L E UP LAND DE V E L O P ME N T
Another local example exists among firewood
gatherers in Dupax del Sur, Nueva Vizcaya. In this case,
trees belonging to the plant family Leeaceae and called ang-
ang in Ilocano and mali-mali in Tagalog are classified as
"reject" species. People who cut and bring themhome for
firewood are ridiculed because the wood brings nothing but
ash and smoke. Worse, they are said to cause kettles and
clay pots to break. In certain parts of Kalinga and Apayao,
firewood gatherers are also cautioned from getting certain
trees whose wood would cause rice to be spoiled easily and
sometimes bring out poisonous smoke (Henry Aliten, pers.
comm., 1995).
In Thailand, a group of Khon Kaen University
researchers led by Dr. Pagarat Rathakette (1985) did an
inventory of trees considered as "unfit" or "disfavored"
among local wood users. The trees thus listed were:
Po (Ficus religiosa) This species is the most sacred
tree in the eyes of Buddhists; it is thus considered
sacrilegious to cut it.
Kabok (Irvingia malayana) This tree's local name
means "not fulfilled"; its use is believed to cause
poverty in the family.
Poey {Irvingia species) A bitter-tasting tree, this is
believed to bring bitterness in life to the family that
uses it. The local name means "naked" and it may thus
bring nothingness or emptiness to its users.
ai {Ficus- species) Considered parasitic, this tree is
said to lead its users to become dependent upon others
for their living.
Ma Moung Paa {Mangifera indica) This is the mango
tree; the use of its wood for housing is believed to bring
bad luck and illness to tire house-owner.
Loem{Canarium subulatum) This tree is said to
bring bad luck and illness to its,users.
Just like the belief of many rural people in the
Philippines, the Thai also consider any standing tree that
has been hit by lightning as a symbol of very bad luck.
Thus, such a tree is not used, regardless of its species or
wood quality. In some cases too, the place where such a
lightning victim stands is avoided for fear that lightning
may strike again.
In like manner, and also similar to the Philippines,
the Thai regard trees growing in burial grounds as
belonging to the dead and are thus left unmolested.
ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES
WHAT WE CAN G E T
FROM FOL K B E L I E F S
(heir existence and inspiring presence amidst
Jthe onslaught of civilization, so-called, may
Uready be enough reason for just letting folk
)eliefs and their practitioners be at peace
Iwhere they are. But since we live in a
troubled world whose inhabitants constantly need reminders
to behave properly, folk beliefs and practices may have
practical uses outside their original spheres. Here are a few
possible areas where they may find utilitarian niches:
Maintenance of small-scale forest ecosystems.
Establishment and/or maintenance of nature sites,
wilderness areas, mini parks.
Conservation of wildlife, indigenous trees and other
plants, biological diversity.'
Promotion of ecological tourism, nature appreciation,
nature-focused fieldtrips.
Improvement of community-based natural resource
management programs.
Building support for forest conservation.
Establishment of buffer zones, social fences for
protected areas.
Teaching youth about Nature, wildlife, flora,
ecosystems, people-land relations. \ *
. Serving as islands of hope in the search for ways to
save the biosphere and reform man's destructive
attitude towards Mother Nature and the environment.
R&D activities related to forestry, agriculture, health,
nutrition, medicine.
WHAT WE COUL D DO
The question we may ask now is what to do next. Put
simply,,what shall we do when we all go out? Some off-
the-sleeve recommendations:
1. Let's have aroll call of the folk beliefs and other IKSP
diat we have. Definitely there are a lot more exciting
ones to discover or re-discover out there. The idea is to
know where they are, what areas or concerns do they
cover, and how may we use and protect them. It would
The i dea of
catal ogui ng
i ndi genous knowl edge
systems and
practi ces i s not to
expose them to GATT
and to schemi ng b i o-
prospectors, patent-
seekers or pl agi ari sts
b oth l ocal and forei gn
b ut rather to
determi ne how many
of them are exi sti ng,
what or who i s
b otheri ng them, and
what we can do to
protect them. We
cannot conserve or
even l ove what we
don' t know.
APPLICATION OF I KS I N SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT
I f we i ntend to do
somethi ng good f or
the f ol k bel i ef s and
other i ndi genous
knowl edge systems
and practi ces, l et' s
do i t qui ck. Even as
we make bl ah-bl ah-
bl ah here about the
meri ts and demeri ts
of such systems, f or
al l we know they
may be gone bef ore
you and I can even
get to know they
ever exi sted.
be fine to do a catalogue, completewith illustrations of
how they look like or how they operate. The idea here
is not to expose diem, to GATT and to scheming bio-
prospectors, patent-seekers or plagiarists both local and
foreign but rather to determine how many of themare
existing, what or who is bothering them, and what we
can do to protect thermWe cannot conserve or even
love what we don't know.
2. Let's form a network of IKSP advocates. I f possible let
tins linkage be a real wide net of relevant individuals
and organizations... people who value trees and forests
and other nature sites not for the material things they
offer but more for the aesthetic, spiritual and other such
higher levels of satisfaction that One could get from
them. But more important, let such a network work.
There's a real big job to do in convincing people and
agencies to respect IKSP and to integrate some in their
policies, programs and decision-making activities.
3. I f we intend to do something good for thefolk beliefs
and other IKSP, let's do it quick. Even as we make
blah-blah-blah here about the merits and demerits of
such systems, for all we know they may be gone before
you and I can even get to know they ever existed. For
instance, a Cordilleran writer tells that "modernization
in the guise of a cash economy alien to tribal
sensibilities has contributed to the decay and
disappearance of ethnic rituals and practices among the
Igorots"(Daiwey, 1994).
4. One possibly good thing we can do to IKSP is to see
how they may be preserved, innovated upon, and
passed on to those who could use them. I read sometime
back that the sloping agricultural land technology
(SALT), popularized in the Philippines by the
Mindanao Baptist Rural Life Center and now a major
soil and water conservation technology advocated in
DENR social forestry projects, had its origins in the
indigenous communities of Guatemala.
5. Let's agree on certain pathways en route to doing
something concrete and wide-ranging about, folk beliefs
and other indigenous knowledge systems and practices.
A Magna Carta to guide agencies and NGOs in dieir
often intrusive activities may be helpful. But let's not
126
ENCHANTEDTREES, SACREDGROVES, ANDFOREST FAIRIES
9.
pinsomuchhopeonCongress; thoseguysdownthere
arebusydoingother thingsandCannot seemtoget their
actstogether.
i. For astart, interagencyworkinggroupsmay befine.
That is, if youcanfindfinepeoplewhoarewillingto
work despiteor becauseof their agencyaffiliations. It
appearsthere'snot muchpecuniarysatisfactioninfolk
beliefs andother knowledgesystems, otherwisethese
fieldscouldhavereceivedtheir shareof consultants the
likes of thoseinthemega-fundedenvironment and
natural resourceprojects inthePhilippinesand
elsewhere.
. For R&Dguys, well, admit thefact that IKSP isway
belowtheladder, if at all, of thenational research
sector'sR&Dagenda. That'snot surprising. Sowhat to
do? Tip: Let your IKSP R&Dpiggy-rideonother
researchprojects. Whiledoingoneout thereinthe
boondocks, widenyour horizon. Listentotheunlettered
guysyoumeet uptherealongthemountaintrail.
Talasananginyongpang-amuy-amoy, lakasanang
inyongpagmamasid-masid, dalasananginyong
paglingun-lingon, lalimananginyongpagkutub-kutob.
InadditiontoR&D, why not dosomethingrelatedto
information, educationandcommunication(IEC)? We
needanIEC programtonurtureappreciationand
respect for what rural folks, especially theindigenous
people, haveinterms of beliefs, traditions, practices,
andlocal knowledge. ThisIEC programmaynot bea
separateone; it couldbeincorporatedinrelated
conservationoutreachefforts, for onething. But it
shouldbeonethat shouldinstill IKS-consciousness and
theproper conduct that goeswithit, particularlyamong
fieldofficers of DENR, other government agencies,
NGOs, communityorganizers, extensionworkers,
researchers, andeco-tourists.
Youdon't reallyhavetobe,ananthropologist, a
researcher, anenvironmentalist, ableedingheart to
haveaneyeandnosefor IKSP. Gotowheretheangels
fear totreadandlearn. "Rumbleout yonder, explore
theforests, climbthemountains, bagthepeaks, runthe
rivers, andbreathedeepof that yet sweet andlucidair"
(words for frazzledguysfromEdwardAbbey).
You don' t really have
to be an
anthropologist, a
researcher, an
environmentalist, a
bleeding heart to
have an eye and nose
f or IKSP. Go to where
the angels f ear to
tread and learn.
" Rumble out yonder,
explore the f orests,
climb the mountains,
bag the peaks, run
the rivers, and
breathe deep of that
yet sweet and lucid
air.
127
APPL I CATI ON OF I KS I N SUSTAI NABL E UPL AND DEVEL OPMENT
"A rigorous st udy of
l ocal t radit ions,
cust oms, rit es,
indigenous t echnol ogy
and inst it ut ions may
yiel d val uabl e
cont ribut ions t o
science and t oward
appropriat e and
pert inent t echnol ogy.
Tradit ions t hat may
int erest us incl ude
superst it ion,
myt hol ogy, fol k
medicine, nut rit ional
habit s, rel igious rit es,
t radit ional agricul t ure
and aquacul t ure,
t radit ional craft s,
t radit ional design and
const ruct ion,
t radit ional processes in
food t echnol ogy, and so
fort h."
G.B. Calleja,
"Science in the
Boondocks"
10. I f you know of certain places where thesefolk beliefs
are still happily existing, go visit them now. Most
probably such places are still unpolluted, serene, and
green. But they may not be there for long. The trip
should therefore help nourish your heart, your spirit
and your memories, especially i f you have lived too
long in the city or have buried your soul so deepin
. mundane things. Bring along your kids, even the wife
or husband as the case may be, also the other
"significant other" and the mother in law.
Folk beliefs and practices are of course not confined
to trees and forests. They can also be found in the other
current concerns of science and government', such as
nutrition, medicine, and agriculture. t)n this note, one
eminent Filipino scientist (Calleja, 1987) once wrote:
"A rigorous study of local traditions, customs, rites,
indigenous technology and institutions may yield valuable
contributions to science and toward appropriate and
pertinent technology. Traditions that may interest us
include superstition, mythology, folk medicine, nutritional
habits, religious rites, traditional agriculture and
aquaculture, traditional crafts, traditional design and
construction, traditional processes in food technology, and
so forth."
BACK TO FIREFLIES
L^yvyVTJ -TIhen I was a boy, fireflies were a common
KJT" ~^jfa
s
ight
a t n i
8
l l t
*
n m e
foothills of the Sierra
W mA f w^Madre where I lived. We called them
ulalanti then and, of course, we didn't
[have TV sets at the time nor even electric
bulbs to disturb the precious hours of wonder and
imagination that the said nocturnal insects brought. Now I
can hardly find one bit of firefly to show my kids, nephews
and nieces. Neither can* I excite them anymore with stories
about the enkantada or thekapre or theansisit. There are
no longer big balete trees where they used to abound. The
mountains upstream have become artless and uninspiring
due to logging and squatting. You're lucky nowadays if
you ever get to hear accounts of a kainginero who got some
mysterious ailment for chopping down an old tree or a
drunkard for kicking a termite mound or a land-speculator
for dynamiting a humongous rock.
ENCHANTEDTREES, SACREDGROVES, ANDFOREST FAIRIES
Thelast timeI'veseenlotsof fireflies wasinthe
late'80s, onatreealongthetrail toImu'gan, analmost
Shangri-La-likevillagenestledintheCaraballomountains
borderingParigasinanandNuevaVizcaya. There'sahappy
coincidenceof sortshere: Imuganiswherethenowfamous
Kalahanexperienceinholistic community-basedupland
development islocated. Andoneof thesecretsof the
successof Kalahaninterms.of keepingits. wilderness areas
verdant anditspeoplehappyisitscapitalizingonandyet
respectingthearea'stime-reveredbeliefsandtraditions.
Okaythen, let'sjust hopeit won't-raintonight so
wecanpossiblygoout andlook for fireflies!
REFERENCES
Cabaluna, Franklin. 1977. Narvacan. InAlfredoR. Roces(ed.)
FilipinoHeritage: TheMakingof aNation. Manila: Lahing
PilipinoPublishing.
Calleja, G.B. 1987. ScienceintheBoondocksandOther Essays
onScienceandSociety. Manila: KalikasanPress.
Daiwey, EdwinP. 1990. CordilleraTribal PracticesAreDying.
Malaya, April 20, 1990.
IUCN(International Unionfor theConservationof Natureand
Natural Resources). 1980. WorldConservationStrategy.
Gland, Switzerland: IUCN.
Lopez-Gonzaga, Violeta. 1983. PeasantsintheHills. Quezon
City: Universityof thePhilippinesPress.
Lovelace, GeorgeW. 1984. Cultural Beliefsandthe
Management of Agroecosystems. InTerryRambo&Percy
E. Sajise(eds.) AnIntroductiontoHumanEcologyResearch
onAgricultural SystemsinSoutheast Asia. College, Laguna,
Philippines: UP LosBanos.
Manuel, E. Arsenio. 1977. TheManuvuPeople. InAlfredoR.
Roces(ed.) FilipinoHeritage: TheMakingof aNation.
Manila: LahingPilipinoPublishing.
Mayuga, SylviaL. 1995. A ThousandFairiesWeeping. Sunday
Inquirer Magazine (Vol. 11, No. 32) October 8, 1995.
McDonagh, Sean. 1986. ToCarefor theEarth: A Call toaNew
Theology. QuezonCity: ClaretianPublications.
APPL I CATI ON OF I KS I N SUSTAI NABL E UPL AND DEVEL OPMENT
Prill-Brett, June. 1986. The Bontok: Traditional Wet-Rice and
Swidden Cultivators of the Philippines. I n Gerald G. Marten
(ed.) Traditional Agriculture in Southeast Asia: A Human
Ecology Perspective. Washington, D.C.: University Press of
America.
Ramos, Maximo D. 1975. Boyhood in Monsoon Country.
Manila: Regal Publishing.
Ramos, Maximo D. 1990. The Creatures of Midnight. Quezon
City: Phoenix Publishing House.
^Rathakette, Pagarat, P. Somnasang, S. Ratanapanya & S.
Homchoen, 1985. Taboos and Traditions: Their Influence
on the Conservation and Exploitation of Trees in Social
Forestry Projects in Northeastern Thailand. I n Y.S. Rao et
al. (eds.) Community Forestry: Social Aspects. Bangkok:
Food and Agriculture Organization.
Roque, Celso R. 1988. Filipino Environmentalism: An
Approach to Natural Resources Management. Paper
presented in the First Seminar on Philippine
Environmentalism jointly sponsored by FDC, DENR and
PCARRD. UPLB College of Forestry, College, Laguna.
Tuscano, Candido J. 1996. Isnegs Declare Lapat to Conserve
Natural Resources. Baguio Midland Courier, Vol . X LI X ,
No. 39,Sept. 29, 1996.
Wolf, Edward C. 1987. On the Brink of Extinction: Conserving
the Diversity of Life. Washington, D.C.: WorldWatch
Institute.
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