FW

A) Interpretation: The Affirmative must defend the instrumental

implementation of a United States federal government policy
which substantially increases the United States federal
governments economic engagement toward !uba" #e$ico or
%ene&uela'
(' )*esolved denotes a proposal to be enacted by law
Words and +hrases ,- .+ermanent /dition" (0,-)
Definition of the word resolve, given by Webster is to express an opinion or determination by
resolution or vote; as it was resolved by the legislature; It is of similar force to the word enact,
which is defined by ouvier as meaning to establish by law!
1' USfg is the three branches
US 2egal 0 .definitions'uslegal'com3u3united4states4federal4
government" September 15" 1660" 7A ,31(3((" 8ST)
"he #nited $tates %ederal &overnment is established by the #$ 'onstitution! "he
%ederal &overnment shares sovereignty over the #nited $ates with the individual governments of the $tates of
#$! "he %ederal government has three branches( i) the legislature, which is the #$ 'ongress, ii)
*xecutive, comprised of the +resident and ,ice president of the #$ and iii) -udiciary! "he #$ 'onstitution
prescribes a system of separation of powers and chec.s and balances/ for the smooth functioning of all the three
branches of the %ederal &overnment! "he #$ 'onstitution limits the powers of the %ederal &overnment to the powers
assigned to it; all powers not expressly assigned to the %ederal &overnment are reserved to the $tates or to the people!
5' The resolution indicates affs should advocate topical government
change
/ricson 5 0-on 1!, Dean *meritus of the 'ollege of 2iberal 3rts 4 'alifornia +olytechnic
#!, et al!, "he Debater/s &uide, "hird *dition, p! 5)
"he +roposition of +olicy( #rging %uture 3ction In policy propositions, each topic contains certain .ey elements,
although they have slightly different functions from comparable elements of value6oriented propositions. 1. 3n agent doing the
acting 666"he #nited $tates in "he #nited $tates should adopt a policy of free trade! 2i.e the ob7ect
of evaluation in a proposition of value, the agent is the sub7ect of the sentence ! 8! "he verb should 9the
first part of a verb phrase that urges action ! :! 3n action verb to follow should in the should6verb combination! %or
example, should adopt here means to put a program or policy into action though governmental
means! 5! 3 specification of directions or a limitation of the action desired! "he phrase free trade, for example, gives
direction and limits to the topic, which would, for example, eliminate consideration of increasing
tariffs, discussing diplomatic recognition, or discussing interstate commerce! +ropositions of
policy deal with future action! ;othing has yet occurred! "he entire debate is about whether
something ought to occur . What you agree to do, then, when you accept the affirmative side in such a debate is to
offer sufficient and compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you
propose!
) ,iolation( "hey don/t instrumentally affirm the resolution hypothetical resolution by the
#$%&!
') $tandards(
<) +olitical *fficacy
*ngagement in policy6ma.ing is .ey to racial 7ustice!
Themba Nixon 2000
In essence, policies are the codification of power relationships and resource allocation. Policies are the rules of the
world we live in. Changing the world means changing the rules . o, if organi!ing is about changing
the rules and building power, how can organi!ing be separated from policies" Can we reall# spea$ truth to power, fight the
right, stop corporate abuses, or win racial %ustice without contesting the rules and the rulers, the
policies and the polic#ma$ers " The answer is no&and double no for people of color . Toda#,
racism subtl# dominates nearl# ever# aspect of polic#ma$ing. 'rom ballot propositions to cit# funding priorities, polic# is increasingl#
about the control, de&funding, and disfranchisement of communities of color. (hat )o (e tand 'or" Ta$e the public conversation
about welfare reform, for example. *ost of us $now it isn+t reall# about putting people to wor$. The right+s message was framed
around racial stereot#pes of la!#, cheating ,welfare -ueens, whose povert# was ,cultural., .ut the new welfare polic# was about
moving billions of dollars in individual cash pa#ments and direct services from welfare recipients to other, more powerful, social
actors. *an# of us were too bus# to tune into the welfare polic# drama in (ashington, onl#
to find it washed up right on our doorsteps. /ur members are suffering from wor$fare policies, new regulations,
and cutoffs. 'amilies who were barel# getting b# under the old rules are being pushed over the edge b# the new policies. Polic#
doesn+t get more relevant than this. 0nd so we got involved in polic#&as defense. 1et we have to do more than bloc$
their punches. (e have to start the fight with initiatives of our own . Those who do are finding
offense a bit more fun than defense alone. 2iving wage ordinances, #outh development initiatives, even gun control and alcohol and
tobacco policies are finding their wa# onto the public agenda, than$s to focused communit# organi!ing that leverages power for
communit#&driven initiatives. & /ver 300 local policies have been passed to regulate the tobacco industr#. 2ocal coalitions have ta$en
the lead b# writing ordinances that address local problems and organi!ing broad support for them. & Nearl# 400 gun control and
violence prevention policies have been enacted since 4554. & *ilwau$ee, .oston, and /a$land are among the cities that have passed
living wage ordinances6 local laws that guarantee higher than minimum wages for wor$ers, usuall# set as the minimum needed to $eep
a famil# of four above povert#. These are %ust a few of the examples that demonstrate how organi!ing for local polic# advocac# has
made inroads in areas where positive national polic# had been stalled b# conservatives. Increasingl#, the local polic# arena is
where the action is and where activists are finding success. /f course, corporate interests&which are
usuall# the target of these policies&are gearing up in defense. Tactics include front groups, economic pressure, and the tried and true6
cold, hard cash. )espite these barriers, grassroots organi!ing can be ver# effective at the smaller scale of local politics. 0t the local
level, we have greater access to elected officials and officials have a greater reliance on their constituents for reelection. 'or example,
getting 700 people to show up at cit# hall in %ust about an# cit# in the 8.. is -uite impressive. /n the other hand, 700 people at the
state house or the Congress would have a less significant impact. 0dd to that the fact that all 700 people at cit# hall are usuall#
constituents, and the impact is even greater. 9ecent trends in government underscore the importance of local polic#. Congress has
enacted a series of measures devolving significant power to state and local government. (elfare, health care, and the regulation of
food and drin$ing water safet# are among the areas where states and localities now have greater rule. )evolution has some negative
conse-uences to be sure. :istor# has taught us that, for social services and civil rights in particular, the lac$ of clear federal standards
and mechanisms for accountabilit# lead to uneven enforcement and even discriminator# implementation of policies. till, there are
real opportunities for advancing progressive initiatives in this more locali!ed environment. ;reater local control can mean greater
communit# power to shape and implement important social policies that were heretofore out of reach. To do so will re-uire careful
attention to the mechanics of local polic#ma$ing and a clear blueprint of what we stand for. ;etting It in (riting *uch of the wor$ of
framing what we stand for ta$es place in the shaping of demands. .# getting into the polic# arena in a proactive
manner, we can ta$e our demands to the next level. /ur demands can become law, with real
conse-uences if the agreement is bro$en. 0fter all the organi!ing, press wor$, and effort, a group should leave a decisionma$er
with more than a handsha$e and his or her word. /f course, this wor$ re-uires a certain amount of interaction with ,the suits,, as well
as struggles with the bureaucrac#, the technical language, and the all&too&common resistance b# decisionma$ers. till, if it+s worth
demanding, it+s worth having in writing&whether as law, regulation, or internal polic#. 'rom ballot initiatives on rent control to laws
re-uiring wor$er protections, organi!ers are leveraging their power into written policies that are ma$ing a real difference in their
communities. /f course, polic# wor$ is %ust one tool in our organi!ing arsenal, but it is a tool we simpl# can+t afford to ignore.
*a$ing polic# wor$ an integral part of organi!ing will re-uire a certain amount of retrofitting.
We will need to develop the capacity to translate our information, data, and
experience into stories that are designed to affect the public conversation . Perhaps most
important, we will need to move be#ond fighting problems and on to framing solutions that bring us closer to our vision of how things
should be. 0nd then we must be committed to ma$ing it so.
3nd even if the #!$! and its government are irredeemable, our %W is .ey to
infiltrating those institutions in order to put militant pressure on them from the
inside!
Williams 1970 [Robert F, civil rights leader, promoter of self defense, intervie!ed by "he
#lac$ %cholar, &'ntervie!s,( "he #lac$ %cholar )olume 1 *umber 7+ 0we don/t endorse
gendered language)
Williams, 't is erroneous to thin$ that one can isolate oneself completely from
institutions of a social and political system that exercises po!er over the
environment in !hich he resides %elf-imposed and premature isolation , initiated by
the oppressed against the organs of a tyrannical establishment, militates against
revolutionary movements dedicated to radical change 't is a grave error for
militant and .ust minded youth to re.ect struggle-serving opportunities to .oin the
man/s government and the services, police forces, peace corps and vital organs of
the po!er structure 0ilitants should become ac1uainted !ith the methods of the
oppressor 0eaningful change can be more thoroughly effectuated by militant
pressure from !ithin as !ell as !ithout We can obtain valuable $no!-ho! from the
oppressor %truggle is not all violence 2ffective struggle re1uires tactics, plans,
analysis and a highly sophisticated application of mental aptness "he forces of
oppression and tyranny have perfected highly articulate systems of infiltration for
undermining and frustrating the efforts of the oppressed in trying to upset the
un.ust status 1uo "o a great extent, the po!er structure $eeps itself informed as to
the revolutionary activity of freedom fighters With the looming threat of
extermination looming menacingly before blac$ 3mericans, it is pressingly
imperative that our people enter the vital organs of the establishment 'nfiltrate the
man/s institutions
!hallenging structures of domination through everyday practices
serves as a supplement as opposed to a challenge to
oppression by removing our focus from the sites of power that
actually leverage the most effect on our lives li9e institutions
of governance' 8nly our FW allows us to access the mediating
institutions of power by which we can effectively challenge
material suffering'
2awrence 4rossberg, Professor of Communications at the 8niversit# of Illinois, 1995,
(e ;otta ;et /ut of This Place, p. <50&<54
"he 2eft too often thin.s that it can end racism and sexism and classism by changing
people/s attitudes and everyday practices 0e!g! the <==> lac. boycott of ?orean stores
in ;ew @or.)! #nfortunately, while such struggles may be extremely visible they are
often less effective than attempts to move the institutions 0e!g! ban.s, taxing structures,
distributors) which have put the economic relations of blac. and immigrant populations in
place and which condition people/s everyday practices! "he 2eft needs institutions
which can operate within the system of governance , understanding that such
institutions are the mediating structures by which power is actively realiAed! It is often by
directing opposition against specific institutions that power can be challenged! "he 2eft
assumed for some time now that, since it has so little access to the apparatus of agency,
its only alternative is to see. a public voice in the media through tactical protests! "he
2eft does in fact need more visibility, but it also needs greater access to the entire range
of apparatus of decision ma.ing power! Btherwise, the 2eft has nothing but its own self6
righteousness!
8nly by learning the nitty gritty minutia of policyma9ing can we
effectively combat those policyma9ers they say are so awful"
throwing abstract critical theory in the face of the boring
grunge wor9 of policy only defers the creation of a strategy
that can actually cope with the in:ustices of the status ;uo'
Instead of the flashy bu&&words of the affirmative you should
endorse a vision of debate that gets down to the boring
business of how we are actually going to change the world'
#c!lean 6( 0David, "he 'ultural 2eft and the 2imits of $ocial Cope www!american6
philosophy!orgDarchivesD8>><E8>'onferenceDDiscussion
E8>papersDdavidFmcclean!htm)
2eftist 3merican culture critics might put their considerable talents to better use if they bury some of their cynicism about
3mericaGs social and political prospects and help forge public and political possibilities in a spirit of determination to,
indeed, achieve our country 6 the country of -efferson and ?ing; the country of -ohn Dewey and 1alcom H; the country of
%ran.lin Ioosevelt and ayard Iustin, and of the later &eorge Wallace and the later arry &oldwater! "o invo.e the
words of ?ing, and with reference to the American society, the time is always ripe to seiAe the opportunity to help create
the Jbeloved community,J one woven with the thread of agape into a conceptually single yet diverse tapestry that shoots
for nothing less than a true intra63merican cosmopolitan ethos, one wherein both same sex unions and faith6based
initiatives will be able to be part of the same social reality, one wherein business interests and the university are not seen
as belonging to two separate galaxies but as part of the same answer to the threat of social and ethical nihilism! We who
fancy ourselves philosophers would do well to create from within ourselves and from within our ran.s a new
.ind of public intellectual who has both a hungry theoretical mind and who is yet capable of seeing the
need to move past high theory to other important Kuestions that are less bedaAAling and
JinterestingJ but more important to the prospect of our flourishing 6 Kuestions such as JCow is it
possible to develop a citiAenry that cherishes a certain hexis, one which priAes the character of the $amaritan on the road
to -ericho almost more than any otherLJ or JCow can we sKuare the political dogma that undergirds the fantasy of a
missile defense system with the need to treat 3merica as but one member in a community of nations under a Jlaw of
peoplesLJ "he new public philosopher might see. to understand labor law and military and trade theory and doctrine as
much as theories of surplus value; the logic of international mar.ets and trade agreements as much as critiKues of
commodification, and the politics of complexity as much as the politics of power 0all of which can still be done from our
arm chairs!) "his means going down deep into the guts of our Kuotidian social institutions , into
the grimy pragmatic details where intellectuals are loathe to dwell but where the officers
and bureaucrats of those institutions ta.e difficult and often unpleasant, imperfect
decisions that affect other peoplesG lives , and it means ma.ing honest attempts to truly
understand how those institutions actually function in the actual world before howling for
their overthrow commences! "his might help .eep us from being slapped down in
debates by true policy pros who actually .now what they are tal.ing about but who lac.
awareness of the dogmatic assumptions from which they proceed, and who have not yet
found a good reason to listen to 7argon6riddled lectures from philosophers and culture
critics with their snobish disrespect for the so6called Jmanagerial class!J
And roleplaying as policyma9ers invigorates agency through the
micropolitical disruption of the monopoly on e$pertise that
policyma9ers have on the current field of research'
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When we loo. at the success of citiAen initiatives from a performative perspective, we
loo. precisely at those moments of defiance and disruption that bring the invisible and
unimaginable into view! 3lthough citiAens were minimally successful in influencing or
controlling the out come of the policy debate and experienced a considerable lac. of
autonomy in their coercion into the technical debate, the goal6oriented debate within the
energy commissions could be seen as a defiant moment of performative politics! "he
existence of a goal6oriented debate within a technically dominated arena defied the
normaliAing separation between expert policyma.ers and consuming citiAens! 'itiAens
momentarily recreated themselves as policyma.ers in a system that defined citiAens out
of the policy process, thereby refusing their construction as passive clients ! "he
disruptive potential of the energy commissions continues to defy technical bureaucracy
even while their decisions are non6binding!
8) $ustainable Deliberation(
Specific" limited resolutions ensure mutual ground which is 9ey to
sustainable controversy without sacrificing creativity or
openness
Steinberg < Freeley = M3ustin -! %reeley is a oston based attorney who focuses on
criminal, personal in7ury and civil rights law, 3;D MMDavid 2! $teinberg , 2ecturer of
'ommunication $tudies N # 1iami, 3rgumentation and Debate( 'ritical "hin.ing for
Ieasoned Decision 1a.ing pp5O6
Debate is a means of settling differences , so there must be a difference of opinion or a
conflict of interest before there can be a debate! If everyone is in agreement on a tact or value or
policy, there is no need for debate ( the matter can be settled by unanimous consent!
"hus, for example, it would be pointless to attempt to debate JIesolved( "hat two plus two
eKuals four ,J because there is simply no controversy about this statement! 0'ontroversy is an essential
prereKuisite of debate! Where there is no clash of ideas, proposals, interests, or expressed positions on
issues, there is no debate! In addition, debate cannot produce effective decisions without
clear identification of a Kuestion or Kuestions to be answered ! %or example, general
argument may occur about the broad topic of illegal immigration! Cow many illegal
immigrants are in the #nited $tatesL What is the impact of illegal immigration and immigrants on our economyL
What is their impact on our communitiesL Do they commit crimesL Do they ta.e 7obs from 3merican wor.ersL Do
they pay taxesL Do they reKuire social servicesL Is it a problem that some do not spea. *nglishL Is it the
responsibility of employers to discourage illegal immigration by not hiring undocumented wor.ersL
$hould they have the opportunity6 to gain citiAenshipL Docs illegal immigration pose a security threat to our countryL Do
illegal immigrants do wor. that 3merican wor.ers are unwilling to doL 3re their rights as
wor.ers and as human beings at ris. due to their statusL 3re they abused by employers, law enforcement, housing, and
businessesL I low are their families impacted by their statusL What is the moral and philosophical obligation of a nation
state to maintain its bordersL $hould we build a wall on the 1exican border, establish a national
identification canP, or enforce existing laws against employersL $hould we invite immigrants to become #!$! citiAensL
$urely you can thin. of many more concerns to be addressed by a conversation about
the topic area of illegal immigration! +articipation in this JdebateJ is li.ely to be emotional
and intense! Cowever, it is not li9ely to be productive or useful without focus on a
particular question and identification of a line demarcating sides in the
controversy! "o be discussed and resolved effectively, controversies must be stated clearly!
,ague understanding results in unfocused deliberation and poor decisions , frustration, and
emotional distress, as evidenced by the failure of the United States !ongress to ma9e
progress on the immigration debate during the summer of 166> !
$omeone disturbed by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated,
socially disenfranchised youths might observe, J+ublic schools are doing a terrible 7obP
"hey are overcrowded, and many teachers are poorly Kualified in their sub7ect areas! *ven the best teachers can do little
more than struggle to maintain order in their classrooms!J "hat same concerned citiAen, facing a complex range of issues,
might arrive at an unhelpful decision, such as JWe ought to do something about thisJ or! worse! JItGs too complicated a
problem to deal with!J &roups of concerned citiAens worried about the state of public education
could 7oin together to express their frustrations, anger, disillusionment, and emotions regarding the
schools, but without a focus for their discussions , they could easily agree about the sorry
state of education without finding points of clarity or potential solutions! 3 gripe session
would follow! ut if a precise Kuestion is posed 9such as JWhat can be done to improve public
educationLJ9then a more profitable area of discussion is opened up simply by placing a
focus on the search for a concrete solution step ! Bne or more 7udgments can be phrased
in the form of debate propositions, motions for parliamentary debate, or bills for
legislative assemblies! "he statements JIesolved( "hat the federal government should implement a program of
charter schools in at6ris. communitiesJ and JIesolved( "hat the state of %lorida should adopt a school voucher programJ
more clearly identify specific ways of dealing with educational problems in a manageable form, suitable for debate! "hey
provide specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of
difference!
"o have a productive debate" which facilitates effective decision making by directing and
placing limits on the decision to be made, the basis for argument should be clearly
defined! If we merely tal. about JhomelessnessJ or JabortionJ or JcrimeGM or Jglobal
warmingJ we are li.ely to have an interesting discussion but not to establish profitable
basis for argument! %or example, the statement ?*esolved: That the pen is mightier than
the sword? is debatable, yet fails to provide much basis for clear argumentation ! If we ta.e
this statement to mean that the written word is more effective than physical force for some purposes, we can identify a
problem area( the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose!
3lthough we now have a general sub:ect , we have not yet stated a problem! It is still too broad , too
loosely worded to promote well6organiAed argument! What sort of writing are we concerned with9poems,
novels, government documents, website development, advertising, or whatL What does JeffectivenessJ mean
in this contextL What .ind of physical force is being compared9fists, dueling swords, baAoo.as, nuclear weapons, or
whatL 3 more specific Kuestion might be! JWould a mutual defense treaty or a visit by our fleet be more effective in
assuring 2iurania of our support in a certain crisisLJ "he basis for argument could be phrased in a
debate proposition such as JIesolved ( "hat the #nited $tates should enter into a mutual
defense treatv with 2aurania!J ;eg ative advocates might oppose this proposition by
arguing that fleet maneuvers would be a better solution! "his is not to say that debates should
completely avoid creative interpretation of the controversy by advocates, or that good debates
cannot occur over competing interpretations of the controversy ; in fact, these sorts of
debates may be very engaging ! "he point is that debate is best facilitated by the
guidance provided by focus on a particular point of difference , which will be outlined in
the following discussion!
7eliberation re;uires a predetermined sub:ect@they over4determine
the re& more than us by assuming debates are the ultimate
arbiter of its value as opposed to a means to facilitate clash
3dolf &! Aundersen" 3ssociate +rofessor of +olitical $cience, "exas 3Q1, 1666
+B2I"I'32 "C*BI@ 3;D +3I"I$3; +B2I"I'$, 8>>>, p! <>56O! 0DI&;$D*R8O)
Indirect political engagement is perhaps the single most important element of the strategy I am recommending here! It is
also the most emblematic, as it results from a fusion of confrontation and separation! ut what .ind of political
engagement might conceivably Kualify as being both confrontational and separated from actual political decision6ma.ingL
"here is only one type, so far as I can see, and that is deliberation! +olitical deliberation is by definition a form of
engagement with the collectivity of which one is a member! "his is all the more true when two or more citiAens deliberate
together! @et deliberation is also a form of political action that precedes the actual ta.ing and
implementation of decisions! It is thus simultaneously connected and disconnected ,
confrontational and separate! It is, in other words, a form of indirect political
engagement! "his conclusion, namely, that we ought to call upon deliberation to counter
partisanship and thus clear the way for deliberation, loo.s rather circular at first glance!
3nd, semantically at least, it certainly is! @et this ought not to concern us very much!
+olitics, after all, is not a matter of avoiding semantic inconveniences, but of doing the
right thing and getting desirable results! In political theory, therefore, the real concern is
always whether a circular argument translates into a self6defeating prescription! 3nd
here that is plainly not the case , for what I am suggesting is that deliberation can diminish
partisanship, which will in turn contribute to conditions amenable to continued or extended deliberation! "hat
Jdeliberation promotes deliberationJ is surely a circular claim, but it is 7ust as surely an accurate description of the real
world of lived politics, as observers as far bac. as "hucydides have documented! It may well be that deliberation rests on
certain preconditions! I am not arguing that there is no such thing as a deliberative Jfirst cause!J Indeed, it seems obvious
to me both that deliberators re;uire something to deliberate about and that deliberation
presumes certain institutional structures and shared values! 'learly something must
get the deliberative ball rolling and, to .eep it rolling, the cultural terrain must be free of
deep chasms and sin.holes! ;evertheless, however extensive and demanding
deliberationGs preconditions might be, we ought not to lose sight of the fact that, once
begun, deliberation tends to be self6sustaining ! -ust as partisanship begets partisanship,
deliberation begets deliberation! If that is so, the Kuestion of limiting partisanship and
stimulating deliberation are to an important extent the same Kuestion!
Topical fairness re;uirements are 9ey to effective dialogue@
monopoli&ing strategy and prep ma9es the discussion one4
sided and subverts any meaningful neg role
Aalloway > 4 professor of communications at $amford #niversity 0Iyan, Dinner 3nd
'onversation 3t "he 3rgumentative "able( IeconceptualiAing Debate 3s 3n
3rgumentative Dialogue, 'ontemporary 3rgumentation and Debate, ,ol! 8S 08>>T),
ebsco)
Debate as a dialogue sets an argumentative table, where all parties receive a relatively fair opportunity to voice
their position! 3nything that fails to allow participants to have their position articulated denies one side of the
argumentative table a fair hearing! "he affirmative side is set by the topic and fairness
reKuirements! While affirmative teams have recently resisted affirming the topic, in fact, the topic selection process is
rigorous, ta.ing the relative ground of each topic as its central point of departure!U $etting the affirmative
reciprocally sets the negative! "he negative crafts approaches to the topic consistent with affirmative demands!
"he negative crafts disadvantages, counter6plans, and critical arguments premised on the arguments that the topic allows
for the affirmative team! 3ccording to fairness norms, each side sits at a relatively balanced argumentative table!U When
one side ta.es more than its share, competitive eKuity suffers ! Cowever, it also undermines the
respect due to the other involved in the dialogue! When one side excludes the other, it
fundamentally denies the personhood of the other participant 0*hninger, <=T>, p! <<>)! 3
pedagogy of debate as dialogue ta.es this respect as a fundamental component! 3
desire to be fair is a fundamental condition of a dialogue that ta.es the form of a demand for eKuality
of voice! Far from being a banal re;uest for lin9s to a disadvantage, fairness is a demand
for respect , a demand to be heard, a demand that a voice bac.ed by literally months
upon months of preparation , research, and critical thin.ing not be silenced !U 3ffirmative
cases that suspend basic fairness norms operate to e$clude particular negative
strategies ! #nprepared, one side comes to the argumentative table unable to
meaningfully participate in a dialogue! "hey are unable to understand what went onV/
and are left to the whims of time and power 0%arrell, <=SO, p! <<5)! Cugh Duncan furthers this line of
reasoning(U Bpponents not only tolerate but honor and respect each other because in doing
so they enhance their own chances of thin.ing better and reaching sound decisions!
Bpposition is necessary because it sharpens thought in action! We assume that argument, discussion, and tal., among
free an informed people who subordinate decisions of any .ind, because it is only through such discussion
that we reach agreement which binds us to a common causeVIf we are to be eKualV
relationships among eKuals must find expression in many formal and informal institutions
0Duncan, <==:, p! <=R6<=T)!U 7ebate compensates for the e$igencies of the world by
offering a framewor9 that maintains e;uality for the sa9e of the conversation 0%arrell,
<=SO, p! <<5)!U %or example, an affirmative case on the 8>>T68>>S college topic might defend neither state
nor international action in the 1iddle *ast, and yet claim to be germane to the topic in some way!
"he case essentially denies the arguments that state action is oppressive or that actions
in the international arena are philosophically or pragmatically suspect! Instead of allowing for
the dialogue to be modified by the interchange of the affirmative case and the negative
response, the aff irmative subverts any meaningful role to the neg ative team , preventing
them from offering effective counter6word and undermining the value of a meaningful
exchange of speech acts! Aermaneness and other substitutes for topical action do
not accrue the dialogical benefits of topical advocacy !
Aame spaces li9e debate are distinct from other forms of education
and public spea9ing' There has to be a balance of ground or
else one side claims the moral high ground and creates a de
facto monologue
Bangho: 166= 4 +hD, assistant professor, $chool of *ducation, #niversity of 3arhus,
also affiliated with the Danish Iesearch 'entre on *ducation and 3dvanced 1edia
1aterials, located at the Institute of 2iterature, 1edia and 'ultural $tudies at the
#niversity of $outhern Denmar. 0"hor.ild,
http(DDstatic!sdu!d.DmediafilesD%ilesDInformationFtilD$tuderendeFvedF$D#DDinFuddannels
eDphdFhumDafhandlingerD8>>=D"hor.ilCanghoe7!pdf)
Debate games are often based on pre6designed scenarios that include descriptions of issues to be
debated, educational goals, game goals, roles, rules, time frames etc! In this way, debate games differ from textboo.s
and everyday classroom instruction as debate scenarios allow teachers and students to
actively imagine, interact and communicate with in a domain6 specific game space ! Cowever,
instead of mystifying debate games as a magic circle 0CuiAinga, <=O>), I will try to overcome the epistemological dichotomy between
gaming and teaching that tends to dominate discussions of educational games! In short, educational gaming is a form
of teaching! 3s mentioned, education and games represent two different semiotic domains that both embody the three faces of
.nowledge( assertions, modes of representation and social forms of organisation 0&ee, 8>>:; arth, 8>>8; cf! chapter 8)! In order to
understand the interplay between these different domains and their interrelated .nowledge forms, I will draw attention to a central
assumption in a.htin/s dialogical philosophy! 3ccording to a.htin, all forms of communication and culture are
sub7ect to centripetal and centrifugal forces 0a.htin, <=S<)! 3 centripetal force is the drive to
impose one version of the truth , while a centrifugal force involves a range of possible
truths and interpretations ! "his means that any form of expression involves a duality of centripetal and centrifugal forces(
*very concrete utterance of a spea.ing sub7ect serves as a point where centrifugal as well as centripetal forces are brought to bear
0a.htin, <=S<( 8T8)! If we ta.e teaching as an example, it is always affected by centripetal and centrifugal forces in the on6going
negotiation of truths between teachers and students! In the words of a.htin( "ruth is not born nor is it to be found inside the head of an
individual person, it is born between people collectively searching for truth, in the process of their dialogic interaction 0a.htin, <=S5a(
<<>)! $imilarly, the dialogical space of debate games also embodies centrifugal and
centripetal forces ! "hus, the election scenario of "he +ower &ame involves centripetal
elements that are mainly determined by the rules and outcomes of the game , i!e! the election is
based on a limited time frame and a fixed voting procedure! $imilarly, the open 6ended goals , roles and resources
represent centrifugal elements and create virtually endless possibilities for researching ,
preparing, presenting, debating and evaluating a variety of .ey political issues! 'onseKuently, the actual process of
enacting a game scenario involves a complex negotiation between these centrifugalDcentripetal
forces that are inextricably lin.ed with the teachers and students/ game activities! In this way, the enactment of "he +ower &ame is a
form of teaching that combines different pedagogical practices 0i!e! group wor., web Kuests, student presentations) and learning resources
0i!e! websites, handouts, spo.en language) within the interpretive frame of the election scenario! Bbviously, tensions may arise if there is
too much divergence between educational goals and game goals! "his means that game facilitation reKuires a balance
between focusing too narrowly on the rules or facts of a game 0centripetal orientation) and a focusing
too broadly on the contingent possibilities and interpretations of the game scenario
(centrifugal orientation)! %or a.htin, the duality of centripetalDcentrifugal forces often manifests itself as
a dynamic between monological and dialogical forms of discourse! a.htin illustrates this point
with the monological discourse of the Socrates/Plato dialogues in which the teacher never
learns anything new from the students , despite $ocrates/ ideological claims to the
contrary 0a.htin, <=S5a)! "hus, discourse becomes monologised when someone who .nows and
possesses the truth instructs someone who is ignorant of it and in error , where a thought is
either affirmed or repudiated by the authority of the teacher 0a.htin, <=S5a( S<)! In contrast to this, dialogical pedagogy fosters inclusive
learning environments that are able to expand upon students/ existing .nowledge and collaborative construction of truths 0Dysthe, <==R)!
3t this point, I should clarify that a.htin/s term dialogic is both a descriptive term 0all utterances are per
definition dialogic as they address other utterances as parts of a chain of communication) and a normative term as
dialogue is an ideal to be worked for against the forces of monologism 02illis, 8>>:( <=T6S)! In this
pro7ect, I am mainly interested in describing the dialogical space of debate games! 3t the same time, I agree with Wegerif that one of
the goals of education, perhaps the most important goal, should be dialogue as an end in
itself 0Wegerif, 8>>R( R<)!
The impact outweighs@deliberative debate models impart s9ills vital
to respond to e$istential threats
'hristian B! 2undberg (6 +rofessor of 'ommunications N #niversity of ;orth 'arolina,
'hapel Cill, "radition of Debate in ;orth 'arolina in ;avigating Bpportunity( +olicy
Debate in the 8<st 'entury y 3llan D! 2ouden, p! :<<
"he second ma7or problem with the critiKue that identifies a naivety in articulating debate and democracy is that it
presumes that the primary pedagogical outcome of debate is speech capacities! ut the democratic capacities
built by debate are not limited to speech 9as indicated earlier, debate builds capacity for
critical thin.ing, analysis of public claims, informed decision ma.ing, and better public 7udgment !
If the picture of modem political life that underwrites this critiKue of debate is a
pessimistic view of increasingly labyrinthine and bureaucratic administrative politics,
rapid scientific and technological change outpacing the capacities of the citiAenry to comprehend them, and ever6
expanding insular special6interest6 and money6driven politics, it is a puAAling solution , at
best, to argue that these conditions warrant giving up on debate ! If democracy is open to
rearticulation, it is open to rearticulation precisely because as the challenges of modern political life
proliferate, the citiAenryGs capacities can change, which is one of the primary reasons
that theorists of democracy such as Bcwey in "he +ublic awl Its +roblems place such a high premium
on education 0Dewey <=SS,R:, <O5)! Debate provides an indispensible form of education in the modem articulation
of democracy because it builds precisely the s.ills that allow the citiAenry to research and be
informed about policy decisions that impact them , to son rhroueh and evaluate the evidence for and
relative merits of arguments for and against a policy in an increasingly infonnation6rich environment, and to prioritiAe their
time and political energies toward policies that matter the most to them!
"he merits of debate as a tool for build ing democratic capacity6building ta.e on a special
significance in the context of information literacy ! -ohn 2ar.in 08>>O, CB) argues that one of the primary
failings of modern colleges and universities is that they have not changed curriculum to match with the challenges of a
new information environment! "his is a problem for the course of academic study in our current context, but perhaps more
important, argues 2ar.in, for the future of a citiAenry that will need to ma.e evaluative choices against an increasingly
complex and multimediatcd information environment 0ibid6)! 2ar.inGs study tested the benefits of debate participation on
information6literacy s.ills and concluded that in6class debate participants reported significantly higher self6efficacy ratings
of their ability to navigate academic search databases and to effectively search and use other Web resources(
"o analyAe the self6report ratings of the instructional and control group students, we first conducted a multivariate
analysis of variance on all of the ratings, loo.ing 7ointly at the effect of instmctionDno instruction and debate topic ! ! ! that it
did not matter which topic students had been assigned ! ! ! students in the Instnictional Wdebate) group were significantly
more confident in their ability to access information and less li.ely to feel that they needed help to do so6666"hese findings
clearly indicate greater self6efficacy for online searching among students who participated in 0debate)!!!! "hese results
constitute strong support for the effectiveness of the pro7ect on studentsG self6efficacy for online searching in the academic
databases! "here was an unintended effect, however( 3fter doing !!! the pro7ect, instructional group students also felt
more confident than the other students in their ability to get good information from @ahoo and &oogle! It may be that the
library research experience increased self6efficacy for any searching, not 7ust in academic databases! 02ar.in 8>>O, <55)
2ar.inGs study substantiates "homas Worthcn and &aylcn +ac.Gs 0<==8, :) claim that debate in the
college classroom plays a critical role in fostering the .ind of problem6solving s.ills
demanded by the increasingly rich media and information environment of modernity!
"hough their essay was written in <==8 on the cusp of the eventual explosion of the Internet as a medium, Worthcn and
+ac.Gs framing of the issue was prescient( the primary Kuestion facing todayGs student has changed from how to best
research a topic to the crucial Kuestion of learning how to best evaluate which arguments to cite and rely upon from an
easily accessible and veritable cornucopia of materials!
"here are, without a doubt, a number of important criticisms of employing debate as a model for democratic deliberation!
ut cumulatively, the evidence presented here warrants strong support for expanding debate
practice in the classroom as a technology for enhancing democratic deliberative capacities! "he
uniKue combination of critical thin.ing s.ills, research and information processing s.ills,
oral communication s.ills, and capacities for listening and thoughtful, open engagement
with hotly contested issues argues for debate as a crucial component of a rich and vital
democratic life! In6class debate practice both aids students in achieving the best goals of college and university
education, and serves as an unmatched practice for creating thoughtful, engaged, open6
minded and self6critical students who are open to the possibilities of meaningful political
engagement and new articulations of democratic life!
*xpanding this practice is crucial, if only because the more we produce citiAens that can
actively and effectively engage the political process, the more li.ely we are to produce
revisions of democratic life that are necessary if democracy is not only to survive, but to
thrive! Democracy faces a myriad of challenges, including ( domestic and international issues of
class, gender, and racial 7ustice; wholesale environmental destruction and the potential
for rapid climate change ; emerging threats to international stability in the form of terrorism,
intervention and new possibilities for great power conflict ; and increasing challenges of rapid
globaliAation including an increasingly volatile global economic structure! 1ore than any specific policy or
proposal , an informed and active citiAenry that deliberates with greater s.ill and sensitivity
provides one of the best hopes for responsive and effective democratic governance , and
by extension , one of the last best hopes for dealing with the existential challenges to
democracy Win anX increasingly complex world!
C
Identity politics fracture movements D the affs insistence on specific
application of policy as a precondition for inclusion in the
)struggle against oppression ignores the commonality of
oppression ma9es /mpires divide and con;uer tactics more
effective
Smith 0E 0$haron, columnist for $ocialist Wor.er and author of Women/s 2iberation and
$ocialism, 1ista.en Identity( or 'an Identity +olitics 2iberate the Bppressed"
http(DDpubs!socialistreviewindex!org!u.Dis7R8Dsmith!htm)
3mong many people on the left today the 1arxist emphasis on the centrality of class and class struggle 4 as .ey both to
understanding and to transforming society 4 is widely disparaged! 1any who once loo.ed to the wor.ing
class movement as .ey to social change have shifted their focus toward the Gnew social
movementsG! "his term covers a broad range of movements which originated in the <=R>s and <=T>s, including
those against the oppression of women, blac.s and lesbians and gays, as well as those organiAed around ecology,
disarmament and a variety of other issues! ?ey to this strategy for social change, which has been
carried to its logical extreme more recently through the development of Gidentity politics,G is the
idea that only those experiencing a particular form of oppression can either define it or
fight against it! %or people newly active on the left, this way of organiAing may seem li.e common sense( it should
go without saying that those who are oppressed should fight against their own oppression! 1oreover, the
prevalence of sexist, racist and anti6gay ideas in society at large ma.es it sometimes appear as if the
bigotry which divides people can never be fully overcome! "his pessimistic notion forms the theoretical
basis for identity politics! It is assumed that a particular movement must include only
those who face a specific form of oppression! "o one degree or another, all the other people in
society are part of the problem 4 in some way they benefit from oppression and have an
interest in maintaining it! %or this same reason it follows that each oppressed group
should have its own distinct and separate movement! $uch movements therefore tend to be
organiAed on the basis of GautonomyG or independence 4 from each other and from the socialist movement! "hey tend
also to be organiAed independent of any class basis! ut this logic is flawed! It would be
disastrous, for example, if the fight against fascism in *urope today were limited to only
members of those racial groups who are immediately targeted by fascists ! "he advance
of the fascist movement is not only a threat to Gforeign bornG wor.ers, but to all wor.ers!
"o most effectively counter the recent rise of fascists in *urope, all those who oppose the far right, whatever race they
happen to be, should be encouraged to 7oin the anti6fascist movement! 3ny fight against oppression , if it is
to succeed , must be based upon building the strongest possible movement! 3nd that
can only happen when a movement unites different groups of activists into a common
struggle! It is not, as is widely assumed within these political milieu, necessary to face a particular
oppression in order to fight against that oppression, any more than it is necessary to be destitute in
order to fight against poverty! 1any people who do not experience a particular form of oppression can learn to identify
with those who do, and can be enlisted as allies in a common struggle! "he politics of identity cannot point
the way towards building the .ind of movement which can actually end oppression ! In fact,
among existing organiAations founded on the basis of identity politics, the tendency has
been towards fragmentation and disintegration, rather than growth! 1ore often than not
among movements organiAed on the basis of identity politics the enemy includes
Geveryone elseG 4 perceived as an amorphous, bac.ward blob which ma.es up the rest of society! Instead of seeing
the class struggle as a way to overcome oppression, the wor.ing class is seen as a barrier to this
process! 3t its heart, identity politics is a re7ection of the notion that the wor.ing class
can be the agent for social change, and a pessimism about the possibility for significant, never mind
revolutionary, social transformation! 3s $tanley 3ronowitA argued in his boo., "he +olitics of Identity( Class, Culture,
Social Movements( !!!the historically exclusive focus of class6based movements on a narrow definition of the issues of
economic 7ustice has freKuently excluded gender, race, and Kualitative issues, Kuestions of wor.ersG control over
production, and similar problems! "he almost exclusive emphasis on narrow Kuantitative issues
has narrowed the political base of labor and socialist movements and made all but
inevitable the emergence of social movements which, as often as not, perceived class politics
as inimical to their aims!<
Focusing on racial sub:ectivity ma9es class invisible@failing to ta9e
into account the material conditions of racist relations and
creating further alienation and the entrenchment of capitalism
Foung" Asst +rof of /nglish at Univ of Alabama" Winter 166,
WIobert, Putting Materialism Back into Race Theory,
http(DDwww!redcritiKue!orgDWinter$pring8>>RDputtingmaterialismbac.intoracetheory!htmX
Indeed, the discourse of the sub7ect operates as an ideological strategy for fetishiAing the
blac. experience and, conseKuently, it positions blac. sub7ectivity beyond the reach of
1arxism! %or example, in the Afrocentric Idea , 3sante dismisses 1arxism because it is
*urocentric 0S), but are the core concepts of 1arxism, such as class and mode of
production, only relevant for *uropean social formationsL 3re 3frican and 3frican6
3merican social historiesDrelations unshaped by class structuresL 3sante assumes that class
hierarchies do not structure 3frican or the 3frican63merican social experiences, and this reveals the class
politics of 3frocentricity( it ma.es class invisible! 3santeGs assumption, which erases materialism,
enables him to offer the idealist formulation that the Jword creates realityJ 0T>)! "he political translation of such idealism is
not surprisingly very conservative! 3sante directs us away from critiKuing capitalist institutions, in a manner similar to the
ideological protocol of the 1illion 1an 1arch, and calls for vigilance against symbolic oppression! 3s 3sante tellingly puts
it, Jsymbol imperialism, rather than institutional racism, is the ma7or social problem facing multicultural societiesJ 0OR)! In
the realm of 3frican63merican philosophy, Coward 1c&ary -r! also deploys the discourse of
the 0blac.) sub7ect to mar. the limits of 1arxism! %or instance, in a recent interview, 1c&ary offers this
humanist re7ection of 1arxism( JI donGt thin. that the levels of alienation experienced by lac. people are rooted primarily
in economic relationsJ 0Interview =>)! %or 1c&ary, blac. alienation exceeds the logic of 1arxist theory and thus 1c&aryGs
idealist assertion that Jthe sense of alienation experienced by lac. people in the #$ is also rooted in the whole idea of
what it means to be a human being and how that has been understoodJ 0Interview =>)! 1c&ary confuses causes
and effects and then misreads 1arxism as a descriptive modality! 1arxism is not
concerned as much with descriptive accounts, the effects, as much as it is with
explanatory accounts! "hat is, it is concerned with the cause of social alienation because
such an explanatory account acts as a guide for praxis! $ocial alienation is an historical
effect and its explanation does not reside in the experience itself; therefore, it needs
explanation and such an explanation emerges from the transpersonal space of
concepts! In theoriAing the specificity of blac. alienation, 1c&ary reveals his contradictory ideological
coordinates! %irst, he argues that blac. alienation results from cultural JbeliefsJ! "hen, he
suggests that these cultural JnormsJ and JpracticesJ develop from slavery and -im 'row,
which are fundamentally economic relations for the historically specific exploitation of blac. people! If
these cultural norms endogenously emerge from the economic systems of slavery and
-im 'row, as 1c&ary correctly suggests, then and contrary to 1c&aryGs expressed position, blac. alienation
is very much rooted in economic relations ! 1c&aryGs desire to place blac. sub7ectivity beyond 1arxism
creates contradictions in his text! 1c&ary asserts that the economic structures of slavery and -im 'row shape cultural
norms! "hus in a post6slavery, post6-im 'row era, there would still be an economic structure maintaining contemporary
oppressive norms9from 1c&aryGs logic this must be the case! Cowever, 1c&ary remains silent on the
contemporary economic system structuring blac. alienation( capitalism ! 3pparently, it is
legitimate to foreground and critiKue the historical connection between economics and
alienation but any inKuiry into the present day connection between economics and
alienation is off limits! "his other economic structure9capitalism9remains the unsaid in
1c&aryGs discourse, and conseKuently he provides ideological support for capitalism 9the
exploitative infrastructure which produces and maintains alienation for blac.s as well as for all wor.ing people! In a very
revealing moment, a moment that confirms my reading of 1c&aryGs pro6capitalist position, he asserts that Jit is possible
for 3frican63mericans to combat or overcome this form of alienation described by recent writers without overthrowing
capitalismJ 08>)! Cere, in a most lucid way, we see the ideological connection between the
superstructure 0philosophy) and the base 0capitalism)! +hilosophy provides ideological
support for capitalism, and, in this instance, we can also see how philosophy carries out class
politics at the level of theory 03lthusser Lenin <S)! 1c&ary points out Jthat lac. people have
been used in ways that white people have notJ 0=<)! Cis observation may be true, but it
does not mean that whites have not also been JusedJ; yes, whites may be JusedJ
differently, but they are still JusedJ because that is the logic of exploitative regime s 9people
are JusedJ, that is to say, their labor is commodified and exchanged for profit! 1c&aryGs interview signals what I call an
JisolationistJ view! "his view disconnects blac. alienation from other social relations ; hence , it
ultimately reifies race, and , in doing so, suppresses materialist inKuiries into the class
logic of race! "hat is to say, the meaning of race is not to be found within its own internal dynamics but rather in
dialectical relation to and as an ideological 7ustification of the exploitative wage6labor economy! "his isolationist position
finds a fuller and, no less problematic, articulation in 'harles W! 1illsG The Racial Contract, a text which undermines the
possibility for a transracial transformative political pro7ect! 1ills evinces the ideological assumptions and conseKuent
politics of the isolationist view in a long endnote to chapter <! 1ills privileges race oppression, but, in doing so, he must
suppress other forms of oppression, such as gender and class! 1ills ac.nowledges that there are gender and class
relations within the white population, but he still privileges race, as if the blac. community is not similarly divided along
gender and class lines! Cence, the ideological necessity for 1ills to execute a double move( he must marginaliAe class
difference within the white community and suppress it within the blac. community! 'onseKuently, 1ills removes the
possibility of connecting white supremacy, a political6cultural structure, to its underlying economic base! 1ills empiricist
framewor. mystifies our understanding of race! If Jwhite racial solidarity has overridden class and gender solidarityJ 0<:S),
as he proposes, then what is needed is an explanation of this racial formation! If race is the Jidentity around
which whites have usually closed ran.sJ 0<:S), then why is the caseL Without an
explanation, it seems as if white solidarity reflects some .ind of metaphysical alliance!
White racial solidarity is an historical articulation that operates to defuse class
antagonism within white society , and it is maintained and reproduced through discourses
of ideology! "he race contract provides whites with an imaginary resolution of actual
social contradictions, which are not caused by blac.s, but by an exploitative economic
structure! "he race contract enables whites to scapegoat blac.s and such an ideological operation displaces any
understanding of the exploitative machinery! Cence, the race contract provides a political cover which
ensures the ideological reproduction of the conditions of exploitation, and this reproduction
further deepens the social contradictions9the economic position of whites becomes more and more depressed by the
very same economic system that they help to ideologically reproduce!
Thus" we demand re:ection of the plan in favor of communal relations
of solidarity outside the state to shelter the oppressed from
global capitalism
8nly by re:ecting capitalismGs drive to commodify can we lead to an alternative to
capitalism'
1arcuse, &erman +hilosopher and +rofessor at 'olumbia and Carvard, in /R= WCerbert,
member of the %ran.furt $chool, 3n *ssay on 2iberation, p! SO6=<X
1ore recently, the brea. in the unity of the communist orbit, the triumph of the 'uban revolution, ,ietnam, and the
Jcultural revolutionJ in 'hina have changed this picture! "he possibility of constructing socialism on a
truly popular base , without the $talinist bureaucratiAation and the danger of a nuclear
war as the imperialist answer to the emergence of this .ind of socialist power, has led to
some sort of common interes t between the $oviet #nion on the one side and the #nited
$tates on the other! In a sense, this is indeed the community of interests of the JhavesJ
against the Jhave nots,J of the Bld against the ;ew! "he JcollaborationistJ policy of the $oviet #nion
necessitates the pursuance of power politics which increasingly reduces the prospect that $oviet society, by virtue of its
basic institutions alone 0abolition of private ownership and control of the means of production( planned economy) is still
capable of ma.ing the transition to a free society! 3nd yet, the very dynamic of imperialist expansion places the $oviet
#nion in the other camp( would the effective resistance in ,ietnam, and the protection of 'uba be possible without $oviet
aidL Cowever, while we re7ect the unKualified convergence thesis, according to which 6at least at present 6the assimilation
of interests prevails #+BIl the conflict between capitalism and $oviet $ocialism, we cannot minimiAe the
essential difference between the latter and the new historical efforts to construct
socialism by developing and creating a genuine solidarity between the leadership and
the liberated victims of exploitation! "he actual may considerably deviate from the ideal,
the fact remains that, for a whole generation, Jfreedom,J Jsocialism,J and JliberationJ are
inseparable from %idel and 'he and the guerrillas 6not because their revolutionary
struggle could furnish the model for the struggle in the metropoles, but because they
have recaptured the truth of these ideas, in the dayto6 day fight of men and women for a
life as human beings( for a new life! What .ind of lifeL We are still confronted with the
demand to state the Jconcrete alternative!J "he demand is meaningless if it as.s for a
blueprint of the specific institutions and relationships which would be those of the new
society( they cannot be determined a priori; they will develop, in trial and error, as the
new society develops ! If we could form a concrete concept of the alternative today, it
would not be that of an alternative; the possibilities of the new society are sufficiently
Jabstract,J i!e!, removed from and incongruous with the established universe to defy any
attempt to identify them in terms of this universe! Cowever, the Kuestion cannot be
brushed aside by saying that what matters today is the destruction of the old, of the
powers that be, ma.ing way for the emergence of the new! $uch an answer neglects the
essential fact that the old is not simply bad, that it delivers the goods, and that people
have a real sta.e in it! "here can be societies which are much worse 4 there are such
societies today! "he system of corporate capitalism has the right to insist that those who
wor. for its replacement 7ustify their action! ut the demand to state the concrete
alternatives is 7ustified for yet another reason! ;egative thin.ing draws whatever force it
may have from its empirical basis( the actual human condition in the given society, and
the JgivenJ possibilities to transcend this condition, to enlarge the realm of freedom! In this
sense, negative thin.ing is by virtue of its own internal concepts JpositiveJ( oriented
toward, and comprehending a future which is JcontainedJ in the present! 3nd in this
containment 0which is an important aspect of the general containment policy pursued by the established societies),
the future appears as possible liberation! It is not the only alternative( the advent of a
long period of JciviliAedJ barbarism, with or without the nuclear destruction, is eKually
contained in the present! ;egative thin.ing, and the praxis guided by it, is the positive
and positing effort to prevent this utter negativity! "he concept of the primary, initial institutions of
liberation is familiar enough and concrete enough( collective ownership, collective control and
planning of the means of production and distribution! "his is the foundation , a necessary
but not sufficient condition for the alternative( it would ma.e possible the usage of all
available resources for the abolition of poverty , which is the prereKuisite for the turn from
Kuantity into Kuality( the creation of a reality in accordance with the new sensitivity and
the new consciousness! "his goal implies re7ection of those policies of reconstruction, no
matter how revolutionary, which are bound to perpetuate 0or to introduce) the pattern of the
unfree societies and their needs ! $uch false policy is perhaps best summed up in the
formula Jto catch up with, and to overta.e the productivity level of the advanced capitalist
countries!J What is wrong with this formula is not the emphasis on the rapid improvement of the material conditions but
on the model guiding their improvement! "he model denies the alternative, the Kualitative difference! "he latter is not, and
cannot be, the result of the fastest possible attainment of capitalist productivity, but rather the development of new modes
and ends of production JnewJ not only 0and perhaps not at all) with respect to technical innovations and production
relations, but with respect to the different human needs and the different human relationships in wor.ing for the
satisfaction of these needs! "hese new relationships would be the result of a JbiologicalJ solidarity in wor. and purpose,
expressive of a true harmony between social and individual needs and goals, between recogniAed necessity and free
development 6the exact opposite of the administered and enforced harmony organiAed in the advanced capitalist 0and
socialistL) countries! It is the image of this solidarity as elemental, instinctual, creative force which the young radicals see
in 'uba, in the guerrillas, in the 'hinese cultural revolution! $olidarity and cooperation( not all their forms are liberating!
%ascism and militarism have developed a deadly efficient solidarity! $ocialist solidarity is autonomy( selfdetermination
begins at home 6and that is with every I, and the We whom the I chooses! 3nd this end must indeed appear in the means
to attain it, that is to say, in the strategy of those who, within the existing society, wor. for the new one! If the socialist
relationships of production are to be a new way of lif e, a new %orm of life, then their
existential Kuality must show forth, anticipated and demonstrated, in the fight for their
realiAation! *xploitation in all its forms must have disappeared from this fight( from the wor.
relationships among the fighters as well as from their individual relationships! #nderstanding, tenderness
toward each other, the instinctual consciousness of that which is evil, false, the heritage
of oppression, would then testify to the authenticity of the rebellion! In short, the economic,
political, and cultural features of a classless society must have become the basic needs of those who fight for it! "his
ingression of the future into the present, this depth dimension of the rebellion accounts ,
in the last analysis, for the incompatibility with the traditional forms of the political struggle! "he new radicalism
militates against the centraliAed bureaucratic communist as well as against the semi6
democratic liberal organiAation! "here is a strong element of spontaneity, even
anarchism, in this rebellion, expression of the new sensibility, sensitivity against
domination( the feeling, the awareness, that the 7oy of freedom and the need to be free
must precede liberation!"herefore the aversion against preestablished 2eaders, apparatchi.s of all sorts,
politicians no matter how leftist! "he initiative shifts to small groups, widely diffused, with a high
degree of autonomy , mobility, flexibility ! "o be sure, within the repressive society, and against its ubiKuitous
apparatus, spontaneity by itself cannot possibly be a radical and revolutionary force! It can become such a force only as
the result of enlightenment, education, political practice 6in this sense indeed, as a result of organiAation! "he anarchic
element is an essential factor in the struggle against domination( preserved but disciplined in the preparatory political
action, it will be freed and aufgehoben in the goals of the struggle! Ieleased for the construction of the initial revolutionary
institutions, the antirepressive sensibility, allergic to domination, would militate against the prolongation of the J%irst
+hase,J that is, the authoritarian bureaucratic development of the productive forces! "he new society could then
reach relatively fast the level at which poverty could be abolished 0this level could be considerably
lower than that of advanced capitalist productivity, which is geared to obscene aflluence and waste)! "hen the
development could tend toward a sensuous culture, tangibly contrasting with the gray6on6gray culture of the socialist
societies of *astern *urope! +roduction would be redirected in defiance of all the rationality of the +erformance +rinciple;
socially necessary labor would be diverted to the construction of an aesthetic rather than
repressive environment, to par.s and gardens rather than highways and par.ing lots , to
the creation of areas of withdrawal rather than massive fun and relaxation! $uch
redistribution of socially necessary labor 0 time), incompatible with any society governed
by the +rofit and +erformance +rinciple, would gradually alter society in all its dimensions
6it would mean the ascent of the 3esthetic +rinciple as %orm of the Ieality +rinciple( a culture of receptivity based on the
achievements of industrial civiliAation and initiating the end of its selfpropelling productivity! ;ot regression to a
previous stage of civiliAation, but return to an imaginary tems erdu in the real life of
man.ind( progress to a stage of civiliAation where man has learned to as. for the sa.e of
whom or of what he organiAes his society; the stage where he chec.s and perhaps even halts his
incessant struggle for existence on an enlarged scale, surveys what has been achieved through centuries of misery and
hecatombs of victims, and decides that it is enough, and that it is time to en7oy what he has and what can be reproduced
and refined with a minimum of alienated labor( not the arrest or reduction of technical progress, but
the elimination of those of its features which perpetuate manGs sub7ection to the
apparatus and the intensification of the struggle for existence 6to wor. harder in order to get more
of the merchandise that has to be sold! In other words , electrification indeed, and all technical devices
which alleviate and protect life, all the mechaniAation which frees human energy and
time, all the standardiAation which does away with spurious and parasitarian
JpersonaliAedJ services rather than multiplying them and the gadgets and to.ens of
exploitative affiuence! In terms of the latter 0and only in terms of the latter), this would certainly be a regression
6but freedom from the rule of merchandise over man is a precondition of freedom! "he construction of a free
society would create new incentives for wor.! In the exploitative societies, the socalled wor. instinct
is mainly the 0more or less effectively) intro7ected necessity to perform productively in order to
earn a living! ut the life instincts themselves strive for the unification and enhancement
of life; in nonrepressive sublimation they would provide the libidinal energy for wor. on
the development of a reality which no longer demands the exploitative repression of the
+leasure +rinciple! "he J incentivesJ would then be built into the instinctual structure of
men! "heir sensibility would register, as biological reactions, the difference between the
ugly and the beautiful, between calm and noise, tenderness and brutality, intelligence
and stupidity, 7oy and fun, and it would correlate this distinction with that between
freedom and servitude! %reudGs last theoretical conception recogniAes the erotic instincts
as wor. instincts wor. for the creation of a sensuous environment! "he social expression of the
liberated wor. instinct is cooperation, which, grounded in solidarity, directs the
organiAation of the realm of necessity and the development of the realm of freedom! 3nd
there is an answer to the Kuestion which troubles the minds of so many men of good will(
what are the people in a free society going to doL "he answer which, I believe, stri.es at
the heart of the matter was given by a young blac. girl! $he said( for the first time in our
life, we shall be free to thin. about what we are going to do!